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Hendrick. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + .linenum {position: absolute; top: auto; left: 4%;} /* poetry number */ + .blockquot{margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + span.pagenum {position: absolute; left: 92%; font-size: smaller; text-align: right;} /* page numbers */ + .sidenote {width: 20%; padding-bottom: .5em; padding-top: .5em; + padding-left: .5em; padding-right: .5em; margin-left: 1em; + float: right; clear: right; margin-top: 1em; + font-size: smaller; background-color: #eeeeee; border: dashed 1px;} + + .bb {border-bottom: solid 2px;} + .bl {border-left: solid 2px;} + .bt {border-top: solid 2px;} + .br {border-right: solid 2px;} + .bbox {border: solid 2px;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .redletter {color: #FF9966;} + + .figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + + .figleft {float: left; clear: left; margin-left: 0; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-top: + 1em; margin-right: 1em; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .figright {float: right; clear: right; margin-left: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-top: 1em; margin-right: 0; padding: 0; text-align: center;} + + .footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .8em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + .poem span {display: block; margin: 0; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em;} + .poem span.i4 {display: block; margin-left: 4em;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Letters of Walter H. Page, +Volume II, by Burton J. Hendrick + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Life and Letters of Walter H. Page, Volume II + +Author: Burton J. Hendrick + +Release Date: November 6, 2005 [EBook #17018] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF *** + + + + +Produced by Rick Niles, Charlie Kirschner and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="Frontispiece2" id="Frontispiece2" /> +<a href="images/2001.jpg"><img src= +"images/2001.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>Sir Edward Grey (now Viscount Grey of Fallodon),<br /> +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1905-1916</b> +</div> + + + +<div class="redletter"> +<h1>THE<br /> +LIFE AND LETTERS OF<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE</h1> +</div> + +<h3>BY</h3> +<h2>BURTON J. HENDRICK</h2> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/2002.png" width="10%" alt="" title="" /><br /> +</div> + +<h3>VOLUME II</h3> + +<div class='center'> +GARDEN CITY NEW YORK<br /> +DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY<br /> +1924<br /> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div class='center'> +PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES<br /> +AT<br /> +THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS, GARDEN CITY, N.Y.<br /> +</div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-v" id="page2-v"></a>[pg II-v]</span> +</div> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<h2>VOLUME II</h2> + + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr> +<td align='right'>CHAPTER</td> +<td> </td> +<td align='right'>PAGE</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">XIV.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">THE "LUSITANIA" AND AFTER</a></td> +<td align='right'>1</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">XV.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">THE AMBASSADOR AND THE LAWYERS</a></td> +<td align='right'>53</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">XVI.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">DARK DAYS FOR THE ALLIES</a></td> +<td align='right'>81</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">XVII.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">CHRISTMAS IN ENGLAND, 1915</a></td> +<td align='right'>103</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">XVIII.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">A PERPLEXED AMBASSADOR</a></td> +<td align='right'>128</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">XIX.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">WASHINGTON IN THE SUMMER OF 1916</a></td> +<td align='right'>148</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">XX.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">"PEACE WITHOUT VICTORY"</a></td> +<td align='right'>189</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">XXI.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">THE UNITED STATES AT WAR</a></td> +<td align='right'>215</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">XXII.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">THE BALFOUR MISSION TO THE UNITED STATES</a></td> +<td align='right'>248</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">XXIII.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">PAGE—THE MAN</a></td> +<td align='right'>295</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIV">XXIV.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIV">A RESPITE AT ST. IVES</a></td> +<td align='right'>321</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XXV">XXV.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XXV">GETTING THE AMERICAN TROOPS TO FRANCE</a></td> +<td align='right'>349</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVI">XXVI.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVI">LAST DAYS IN ENGLAND</a></td> +<td align='right'>374</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td align='right'><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVII">XXVII.</a></td> +<td><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVII">THE END</a></td> +<td align='right'>404</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td><a href="#APPENDIX">APPENDIX</a></td> +<td align='right'>407</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td><a href="#INDEX">INDEX</a></td> +<td align='right'>425</td> +</tr> +</table> +</div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-vii" id="page2-vii"></a>[pg II-vii]</span> +</div> +<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr> +<td><a href="#Frontispiece2">Sir Edward Grey</a></td> +<td align='right'><i><a href="#Frontispiece2">Frontispiece</a></i></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td align='right'>FACING PAGE</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2098">Col. Edward M. House.</a> From a painting by P.A. Laszlo</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2098">88</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2099">The Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Asquith</a>, Prime Minister<br /> +of Great Britain, 1908-1916</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2099">89</a></td> +</tr> +<tr><td><a href="#i2116">Herbert C. Hoover</a>, in 1914</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2116">104</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2117">A facsimile page from the Ambassador's letter</a> of<br /> +November 24, 1916, resigning his Ambassadorship</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2117">105</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2230">Walter H. Page</a>, at the time of America's entry into<br /> +the war, April, 1917</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2230">216</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2231">Resolution passed by the two Houses of Parliament</a>,<br /> +April 18, 1917, on America's entry into the war</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2231">217</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2248">The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George</a>, Prime Minister<br /> +of Great Britain, 1916—</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2248">232</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2249">The Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour</a> (now the Earl of<br /> +Balfour), Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,<br /> +1916-1919</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2249">233</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2362">Lord Robert Cecil</a>, Minister of Blockade, 1916-1918,<br /> +Assistant Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,<br /> +1918</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2362">344</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2363">General John J. Pershing</a>, Commander-in-Chief of<br /> +the American Expeditionary Force in the Great War</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2363">345</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2380">Admiral William Sowden Sims</a>, Commander of<br /> +American Naval Forces operating in European<br /> +waters during the Great War</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2380">360</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><a href="#i2381">A silver model of the <i>Mayflower</i></a>, the farewell gift<br /> +of the Plymouth Council to Mr. Page</td> +<td align='right'><a href="#i2381">361</a></td> +</tr> +</table> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div> +<h1>THE</h1> +<br /> +<h1>LIFE AND LETTERS</h1> +<br /> +<h1>OF</h1> +<br /> +<h1>WALTER H. PAGE</h1> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-1" id="page2-1"></a>[pg II-1]</span> +</div> +<h2>THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF WALTER H. PAGE</h2> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV" />CHAPTER XIV</h2> + +<h3>THE "LUSITANIA"—AND AFTER</h3> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>The news of the <i>Lusitania</i> was received at the American +Embassy at four o'clock on the afternoon of +May 7, 1915. At that time preparations were under way +for a dinner in honour of Colonel and Mrs. House; the +first <i>Lusitania</i> announcement declared that only the ship +itself had been destroyed and that all the passengers and +members of the crew had been saved; there was, therefore, +no good reason for abandoning this dinner.</p> + +<p>At about seven o'clock, the Ambassador came home; +his manner showed that something extraordinary had +taken place; there were no outward signs of emotion, but +he was very serious. The first news, he now informed +Mrs. Page, had been a mistake; more than one thousand +men, women, and children had lost their lives, and more +than one hundred of these were American citizens. It was +too late to postpone the dinner but that affair was one of +the most tragic in the social history of London. The +Ambassador was constantly receiving bulletins from his +Chancery, and these, as quickly as they were received, he +read to his guests. His voice was quiet and subdued; +there were no indications of excitement in his manner or +in that of his friends, and hardly of suppressed emotion. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-2" id="page2-2"></a>[pg II-2]</span> +The atmosphere was rather that of dumb stupefaction. +The news seemed to have dulled everyone's capacity for +thought and even for feeling. If any one spoke, it was in +whispers. Afterward, in the drawing room, this same mental +state was the prevailing one; there was little denunciation +of Germany and practically no discussion as to the +consequences of the crime; everyone's thought was engrossed +by the harrowing and unbelievable facts which +the Ambassador was reading from the little yellow slips +that were periodically brought in. An irresistible fascination +evidently kept everybody in the room; the guests +stayed late, eager for every new item. When they +finally left, one after another, their manner was still abstracted +and they said their good-nights in low voices. +There were two reasons for this behaviour. The first was +that the Ambassador and his guests had received the details +of the greatest infamy which any supposedly civilized +state had perpetrated since the massacre of Saint Bartholomew. +The second was the conviction that the United +States would at once declare war on Germany.</p> + +<p>On this latter point several of the guests expressed their +ideas and one of the most shocked and outspoken was +Colonel House. For a month the President's personal +representative had been discussing with British statesmen +possible openings for mediation, but all his hopes in this +direction now vanished. That President Wilson would +act with the utmost energy Colonel House took for +granted. This act, he evidently believed, left the United +States no option. "We shall be at war with Germany +within a month," he declared.</p> + +<p>The feeling that prevailed in the Embassy this evening +was the one that existed everywhere in London for several +days. Emotionally the event acted like an anæsthetic. +This was certainly the condition of all Americans associated +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-3" id="page2-3"></a>[pg II-3]</span> +with the American Embassy, especially Page himself. +A day or two after the sinking the Ambassador +went to Euston Station, at an early hour in the morning, +to receive the American survivors. The hundred or more +men and women who shambled from the train made a listless +and bedraggled gathering. Their grotesque clothes, +torn and unkempt—for practically none had had the opportunity +of obtaining a change of dress—their expressionless +faces, their lustreless eyes, their uncertain and +bewildered walk, faintly reflected an experience such as +comes to few people in this world. The most noticeable +thing about these unfortunates was their lack of interest +in their surroundings; everything had apparently been +reduced to a blank; the fact that practically none made +any reference to their ordeal, or could be induced to discuss +it, was a matter of common talk in London. And +something of this disposition now became noticeable in +Page himself. He wrote his dispatches to Washington +in an abstracted mood; he went through his duties almost +with the detachment of a sleep-walker; like the <i>Lusitania</i> +survivors, he could not talk much at that time about the +scenes that had taken place off the coast of Ireland. Yet +there were many indications that he was thinking about +them, and his thoughts, as his letters reveal, were concerned +with more things than the tragedy itself. He +believed that his country was now face to face with its +destiny. What would Washington do?</p> + +<p>Page had a characteristic way of thinking out his problems. +He performed his routine work at the Chancery +in the daytime, but his really serious thinking he did in +his own room at night. The picture is still a vivid one +in the recollection of his family and his other intimates. +Even at this time Page's health was not good, yet he frequently +spent the evening at his office in Grosvenor +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-4" id="page2-4"></a>[pg II-4]</span> +Gardens, and when the long day's labours were finished, +he would walk rather wearily to his home at No. 6 Grosvenor +Square. He would enter the house slowly—and his +walk became slower and more tired as the months went +by—go up to his room and cross to the fireplace, so apparently +wrapped up in his own thoughts that he hardly +greeted members of his own family. A wood fire was kept +burning for him, winter and summer alike; Page would +put on his dressing gown, drop into a friendly chair, and +sit there, doing nothing, reading nothing, saying nothing—only +thinking. Sometimes he would stay for an hour; +not infrequently he would remain till two, three, or four +o'clock in the morning; occasions were not unknown when +his almost motionless figure would be in this same place +at daybreak. He never slept through these nights, and +he never even dozed; he was wide awake, and his mind was +silently working upon the particular problem that was +uppermost in his thoughts. He never rose until he had +solved it or at least until he had decided upon a course of +action. He would then get up abruptly, go to bed, and +sleep like a child. The one thing that made it possible +for a man of his delicate frame, racked as it was by anxiety +and over work, to keep steadily at his task, was the +wonderful gift which he possessed of sleeping.</p> + +<p>Page had thought out many problems in this way. The +tension caused by the sailing of the <i>Dacia</i>, in January, +1915, and the deftness with which the issue had been +avoided by substituting a French for a British cruiser, +has already been described. Page discovered this solution +on one of these all-night self-communings. It was +almost two o'clock in the morning that he rose, said to +himself, "I've got it!" and then went contentedly to bed. +And during the anxious months that followed the <i>Lusitania</i>, +the <i>Arabic</i>, and those other outrages which have now +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-5" id="page2-5"></a>[pg II-5]</span> +taken their place in history, he spent night after night +turning the matter over in his mind. But he found no +way out of the humiliations presented by the policy of +Washington.</p> + +<p>"Here we are swung loose in time," he wrote to his son +Arthur, a few days after the first <i>Lusitania</i> note had been +sent to Germany, "nobody knows the day or the week or +the month or the year—and we are caught on this island, +with no chance of escape, while the vast slaughter goes on +and seems just beginning, and the degradation of war +goes on week by week; and we live in hope that the United +States will come in, as the only chance to give us standing +and influence when the reorganization of the world must +begin. (Beware of betraying the word 'hope'!) It has +all passed far beyond anybody's power to describe. I +simply go on day by day into unknown experiences and +emotions, seeing nothing before me very clearly and remembering +only dimly what lies behind. I can see only +one proper thing: that all the world should fall to and hunt +this wild beast down.</p> + +<p>"Two photographs of little Mollie<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1" /><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on my mantelpiece +recall persons and scenes and hopes unconnected with the +war: few other things can. Bless the baby, she couldn't +guess what a sweet purpose she serves."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>The sensations of most Americans in London during +this crisis are almost indescribable. Washington's failure +promptly to meet the situation affected them with astonishment +and humiliation. Colonel House was confident +that war was impending, and for this reason he hurried +his preparations to leave England; he wished to be in the +United States, at the President's side, when the declaration +was made. With this feeling about Mr. Wilson, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-6" id="page2-6"></a>[pg II-6]</span> +Colonel House received a fearful shock a day or two after +the <i>Lusitania</i> had gone down: while walking in Piccadilly, +he caught a glimpse of one of the famous sandwich men, +bearing a poster of an afternoon newspaper. This glaring +broadside bore the following legend: "We are too proud +to fight—Woodrow Wilson." The sight of that placard +was Colonel House's first intimation that the President +might not act vigorously. He made no attempt to conceal +from Page and other important men at the American Embassy +the shock which it had given him. Soon the whole +of England was ringing with these six words; the newspapers +were filled with stinging editorials and cartoons, +and the music halls found in the Wilsonian phrase materials +for their choicest jibes. Even in more serious quarters +America was the subject of the most severe denunciation. +No one felt these strictures more poignantly than President +Wilson's closest confidant. A day or two before sailing +home he came into the Embassy greatly depressed at +the prevailing revulsion against the United States. "I +feel," Colonel House said to Page, "as though I had been +given a kick at every lamp post coming down Constitution +Hill." A day or two afterward Colonel House sailed for +America.</p> + + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>And now came the period of distress and of disillusionment. +Three <i>Lusitania</i> notes were sent and were evasively +answered, and Washington still seemed to be marking +time. The one event in this exciting period which +gave Page satisfaction was Mr. Bryan's resignation as +Secretary of State. For Mr. Bryan personally Page had a +certain fondness, but as head of the State Department the +Nebraska orator had been a cause of endless vexation. +Many of Page's letters, already printed, bear evidence of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-7" id="page2-7"></a>[pg II-7]</span> +the utter demoralization which existed in this branch of +the Administration and this demoralization became especially +glaring during the <i>Lusitania</i> crisis. No attempt +was made even at this momentous period to keep the London +Embassy informed as to what was taking place in +Washington; Page's letters and cablegrams were, for the +most part, unacknowledged and unanswered, and the +American Ambassador was frequently obliged to obtain +his information about the state of feeling in Washington +from Sir Edward Grey. It must be said, in justice to Mr. +Bryan, that this carelessness was nothing particularly new, +for it had worried many ambassadors before Page. Readers +of Charles Francis Adams's correspondence meet with the +same complaints during the Civil War; even at the time +of the <i>Trent</i> crisis, when for a fortnight Great Britain and +the United States were living on the brink of war, Adams +was kept entirely in the dark about the plans of +Washington<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2" /><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>. The letters of John Hay show a similar +condition during his brief ambassadorship to Great Britain +in 1897-1898<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3" /><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>.</p> + +<p>But Mr. Bryan's incumbency was guilty of diplomatic +vices which were peculiarly its own. The "leaks" in the +State Department, to which Page has already referred, +were constantly taking place; the Ambassador would send +the most confidential cipher dispatches to his superior, +cautioning the Department that they must be held inviolably +secret, and then he would pick up the London +newspapers the next morning and find that everything +had been cabled from Washington. To most readers, the +informal method of conducting foreign business, as it is +disclosed in these letters, probably comes as something of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-8" id="page2-8"></a>[pg II-8]</span> +a shock. Page is here discovered discussing state matters, +not in correspondence with the Secretary of State, +but in private unofficial communications to the President, +and especially to Colonel House—the latter at that +time not an official person at all. All this, of course, +was extremely irregular and, in any properly organized +State Department, it would have been even reprehensible. +But the point is that there was no properly organized +State Department at that time, and the impossibility of +conducting business through the regular channels compelled +Page to adopt other means. "There is only one +way to reform the State Department," he informed Colonel +House at this time. "That is to raze the whole building, +with its archives and papers, to the ground, and begin +all over again."</p> + +<p>This state of affairs in Washington explains the curious +fact that the real diplomatic history of the United States +and Great Britain during this great crisis is not to be found +in the archives of the State Department, for the official +documents on file there consist of the most routine telegrams, +which are not particularly informing, but in the +Ambassador's personal correspondence with the President, +Colonel House, and a few other intimates. The State +Department did not have the first requisite of a properly +organized foreign office, for it could not be trusted with +confidential information. The Department did not tell +Page what it was doing, but it apparently told the whole +world what Page was doing. It is an astonishing fact that +Page could not write and cable the most important details, +for he was afraid that they would promptly be given +to the reporters.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>"I shall not send another confidential message to the +State Department," Page wrote to Colonel House, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-9" id="page2-9"></a>[pg II-9]</span> +September 15, 1914; "it's too dangerous. Time and time +again now the Department has leaked. Last week, I +sent a dispatch and I said in the body of it, '<i>this is confidential +and under no condition to be given out or made public, +but to be regarded as inviolably secret</i>.' The very next +morning it was telegraphed from Washington to the London +newspapers. Bryan telegraphed me that he was sure it +didn't get out from the Department and that he now had +so fixed it that there could be no leak. He's said that at +least four times before. The Department swarms with +newspaper men, I hear. But whether it does or not the +leak continues. I have to go with my tail between my +legs and apologize to Sir Edward Grey and to do myself that +shame and to do my very best to keep his confidence—against +these unnecessary odds. The only way to be safe +is to do the job perfunctorily, to answer the questions the +Department sends and to do nothing on your own account. +That's the reason so many of our men do their +jobs in that way—or <i>one</i> reason and a strong one. We can +never have an alert and energetic and powerful service +until men can trust the Department and until they can +get necessary information from it. I wrote the President +that of course I'd go on till the war ended and all the questions +growing out of it were settled, and that then he must +excuse me, if I must continue to be exposed to this danger +and humiliation. In the meantime, I shall send all my +confidential matter in private letters to him."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Page did not regard Mr. Bryan's opinions and attitudes +as a joke: to him they were a serious matter and, in his +eyes, Bryan was most interesting as a national menace. +He regarded the Secretary as the extreme expression of +an irrational sentimentalism that was in danger of undermining +the American character, especially as the kind of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-10" id="page2-10"></a>[pg II-10]</span> +thought he represented was manifest in many phases of +American life. In a moment of exasperation, Page gave +expression to this feeling in a letter to his son:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +London, June 6, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>... We're in danger of being feminized and fad-ridden—grape +juice (God knows water's good enough: +why grape juice?); pensions; Christian Science; peace +cranks; efficiency-correspondence schools; aid-your-memory; +women's clubs; co-this and co-t'other and coddling +in general; Billy Sunday; petticoats where breeches +ought to be and breeches where petticoats ought to be; +white livers and soft heads and milk-and-water;—I don't +want war: nobody knows its horrors or its degradations or +its cost. But to get rid of hyphenated degenerates perhaps +it's worth while, and to free us from 'isms and soft +folk. That's the domestic view of it. As for being +kicked by a sauerkraut caste—O Lord, give us backbone!</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Heartily yours,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>In the bottom of this note, Page has cut a notch in the +paper and against it he has written: "This notch is the +place to apply a match to this letter."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>"Again and ever I am reminded," Page also wrote in +reference to Bryan's resignation, "of the danger of having +to do with cranks. A certain orderliness of mind and +conduct seems essential for safety in this short life. +Spiritualists, bone-rubbers, anti-vivisectionists, all sort +of anti's in fact, those who have fads about education or +fads against it, Perfectionists, Daughters of the Dove of +Peace, Sons of the Roaring Torrent, itinerant peace-mongers—all +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-11" id="page2-11"></a>[pg II-11]</span> +these may have a real genius among them +once in forty years; but to look for an exception to the +common run of yellow dogs and damfools among them is +like opening oysters with the hope of finding pearls. It's +the common man we want and the uncommon common +man when we can find him—never the crank. This is +the lesson of Bryan."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>At one time, however, Mr. Bryan's departure seemed +likely to have important consequences for Page. Colonel +House and others strongly urged the President to call him +home from London and make him Secretary of State. +This was the third position in President Wilson's Cabinet +for which Page had been considered. The early plans +to make him Secretary of the Interior or Secretary of +Agriculture have already been described. Of all cabinet +posts, however, the one that would have especially attracted +him would have been the Department of State. +But President Wilson believed that the appointment of an +Ambassador at one of the belligerent capitals, especially +of an Ambassador whose sympathies for the Allies were +so pronounced as were Page's, would have been an "un-neutral" +act, and, therefore, Colonel House's recommendation +was not approved.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +Roslyn, Long Island,<br /> +June 25th, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR PAGE:</p> + +<p>The President finally decided to appoint Lansing to +succeed Mr. Bryan. In my opinion, he did wisely, though +I would have preferred his appointing you.</p> + +<p>The argument against your appointment was the fact +that you are an Ambassador at one of the belligerent +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-12" id="page2-12"></a>[pg II-12]</span> +capitals. The President did not think it would do, and +from what I read, when your name was suggested I take +it there would have been much criticism. I am sorry—sorrier +than I can tell you, for it would have worked admirably +in the general scheme of things.</p> + +<p>However, I feel sure that Lansing will do the job, and +that you will find your relations with him in every way +satisfactory.</p> + +<p>The President spent yesterday with me and we talked +much of you. He is looking well and feeling so. +I read the President your letter and he enjoyed it as +much as I did.</p> + +<p>I am writing hastily, for I am leaving for Manchester, +Massachusetts, where I shall be during July and August.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Your sincere friend,<br /> +E.M. HOUSE.<br /> +</div> + + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>But, in addition to the <i>Lusitania</i> crisis, a new terror now +loomed on the horizon. Page's correspondence reveals +that Bryan had more reasons than one for his resignation; +he was now planning to undertake a self-appointed mission +to Europe for the purpose of opening peace negotiations +entirely on his own account.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +Manchester, Massachusetts,<br /> +August 12th, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR PAGE:</p> + +<p>The Bryans have been stopping with the X's. X +writes me that Bryan told him that he intended to go to +Europe soon and try peace negotiations. He has Lloyd +George in mind in England, and it is then his purpose to +go to Germany.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-13" id="page2-13"></a>[pg II-13]</span> +<p>I take it he will want credentials from the President +which, of course, he will not want to give, but just what +he will feel obliged to give is another story. I anticipated +this when he resigned. I knew it was merely a matter of +time when he would take this step.</p> + +<p>He may find encouragement in Germany, for he is in +high favour now in that quarter. It is his purpose to +oppose the President upon the matter of "preparedness," +and, from what we can learn, it will not be long before +there will be open antagonism between the Administration +and himself.</p> + +<p>It might be a good thing to encourage his going to +Europe. He would probably come back a sadder and +wiser man. I take it that no one in authority in England +would discuss the matter seriously with him, and, in +France, I do not believe he could even get a hearing.</p> + +<p>Please let me have your impressions upon this subject.</p> + +<p>I wish I could be near you to-day for there are so many +things I could tell that I cannot write.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Your friend,<br /> +E.M. House.<br /> +</div> + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy, London [Undated].<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>Never mind about Bryan. Send him over here if you +wish to get rid of him. He'll cut no more figure than a +tar-baby at a Negro camp-meeting. If he had come while +he was Secretary, I should have jumped off London +Bridge and the country would have had one ambassador +less. But I shall enjoy him now. You see some peace +crank from the United States comes along every week—some +crank or some gang of cranks. There've been two +this week. Ever since the Daughters of the Dove of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-14" id="page2-14"></a>[pg II-14]</span> +Peace met at The Hague, the game has become popular +in America; and I haven't yet heard that a single one has +been shot—so far. I think that some of them are likely +soon to be hanged, however, because there are signs that +they may come also from Germany. The same crowd +that supplies money to buy labour-leaders and the press +and to blow up factories in the United States keeps a good +supply of peace-liars on tap. It'll be fun to watch Bryan +perform and never suspect that anybody is lying to him +or laughing at him; and he'll go home convinced that he's +done the job and he'll let loose doves all over the land till +they are as thick as English sparrows. Not even the +President could teach him anything permanently. He +can do no harm on this side the world. It's only your +side that's in any possible danger; and, if I read the signs +right, there's a diminishing danger there.</p> + +<p>No, there's never yet come a moment when there was +the slightest chance of peace. Did the Emperor not say +last year that peace would come in October, and again +this year in October? Since he said it, how can it come?</p> + +<p>The ambitions and the actions of men, my friend, are +determined by their antecedents, their surroundings, and +their opportunities—the great deeds of men before them +whom consciously or unconsciously they take for models, +the codes they are reared by, and the chances that they +think they see. These influences shaped Alexander and +Cæsar, and they shaped you and me. Now every monarch +on the Continent has behind him the Napoleonic +example. "Can I do that?" crosses the mind of every one. +Of course every one thinks of himself as doing it beneficently—for +the good of the world. Napoleon, himself, +persuaded himself of his benevolent intentions, and the +devil of it was he persuaded other people also. Now the +only monarch in Europe in our time who thought he had a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-15" id="page2-15"></a>[pg II-15]</span> +chance is your friend in Berlin. When he told you last +year (1914) that of course he didn't want war, but that he +was "ready," that's what he meant. A similar ambition, +of course, comes into the mind of every professional +soldier of the continent who rises to eminence. In Berlin +you have both—the absolute monarch and the military +class of ambitious soldiers and their fighting machine. +Behind these men walks the Napoleonic ambition all the +time, just as in the United States we lie down every night +in George Washington's feather-bed of no entangling +alliances.</p> + +<p>Then remember, too, that the German monarchy is a +cross between the Napoleonic ambition and its inheritance +from Frederick the Great and Bismarck. I suppose the +three damnedest liars that were ever born are these +three—old Frederick, Napoleon, and Bismarck—not, I +take it, because they naturally loved lying, but because +the game they played constantly called for lying. There +was no other way to play it: they <i>had</i> to fool people all the +time. You have abundant leisure—do this: Read the +whole career of Napoleon and write down the startling +and exact parallels that you will find there to what is +happening to-day. The French were united and patriotic, +just as the Germans now are. When they invaded other +people's territory, they said they were attacked and that +the other people had brought on war. They had their +lying diplomats, their corruption funds; they levied money +on cities and states; they took booty; and they were God's +elect. It's a wonderful parallel—not strangely, because +the game is the same and the moral methods are the same. +Only the tools are somewhat different—the submarine, for +example. Hence the <i>Lusitania</i> disaster (not disavowed, +you will observe), the <i>Arabic</i> disaster, the propaganda, +underground and above, in the United States. And +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-16" id="page2-16"></a>[pg II-16]</span> +there'll be more. The Napoleonic Wars were about eleven +years long. I fancy that we shall have war and wars +from this attempt to dominate Europe, for perhaps as +long a period. The Balkans can't be quieted by this war +only, nor Russia and Italy perhaps. And Germany may +have a series of earthquakes herself—internal explosions. +Then Poland and perhaps some of the Scandinavian +States. Nobody can tell.</p> + +<p>I cannot express my admiration of the President's +management, so far at least, of his colossal task of leading +us right. He has shown his supreme wisdom up to this +point and I have the profoundest confidence in his judgment. +But I hope he doesn't fool himself about the future; +I'm sure he doesn't. I see no possible way for us to +keep out, because I know the ignorance and falseness of +the German leaders. They'll drown or kill more Americans—on +the sea and in America. They <i>may</i> at last even +attack one of our own passenger ships, or do something +that will dramatically reveal them to the whole American +people. Then, of course, the tune will be called. It's +only a question of time; and I am afraid the war will last +long enough to give them time. An early peace is all that +can prevent them from driving us at last into war; and I +can see no chance of an early peace. You had as well prepare +as fast as the condition of public opinion will permit.</p> + +<p>There could be no better measure of the immeasurable +moral advance that the United States has made over +Europe than the incredulity of our people. They simply +can't comprehend what the Napoleonic legend can do, +nor the low political morality of the Continent—of Berlin +in particular. Hence they don't believe it. We have +gone on for 100 years working might and main to better +our condition and the condition of people about us—the +greatest effort made by the largest number of people since +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-17" id="page2-17"></a>[pg II-17]</span> +the world began to further the mood and the arts of peace. +There is no other such chapter in human history as our +work for a hundred years. Yet just a hundred years ago +the Capitol at Washington was burned by—a political +oligarchy in the freest country of Europe—as damnable +an atrocity as you will find in history. The Germans +are a hundred years behind the English in political development +and political morality.</p> + +<p>So, let Willum J. come. He can't hurt Europe—nor +help it; and you can spare him. Let all the Peace-gang +come. You can spare <i>them</i>, too; and they can do no harm +here. Let somebody induce Hoke Smith to come, too. +You have hit on a great scheme—friendly deportation.</p> + +<p>And Bryan won't be alone. Daughters of the Dove of +Peace and Sons of the Olive Branch come every week. +The latest Son came to see me to-day. He said that the +German Chancellor told him that he wanted peace—wants +it now and wants it bad, and that only one thing +stood in the way—if England would agree not to take +Belgium, Germany would at once make peace! This +otherwise sensible American wanted me to take him to see +Sir Edward to tell him this, and to suggest to him to go +over to Holland next week to meet the German Chancellor +and fix it up. A few days ago a pious preacher chap +(American) who had come over to "fix it all up," came +back from France and called on me. He had seen something +in France—he was excited and he didn't quite make +it clear what he had seen; but he said that if they'd only +let him go home safely and quickly he'd promise not to +mention peace any more—did I think the American boats +<i>entirely</i> safe?—So, you see, I do have some fun even in +these dark days.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours heartily,<br /> +W.H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-18" id="page2-18"></a>[pg II-18]</span> +</div> +<h3>IV</h3> + +<p>This letter discloses that Page was pinning his faith in +President Wilson, and that he still had confidence in the +President's determination to uphold the national honour. +Page was not one of those who thought that the United +States should declare war immediately after the <i>Lusitania</i>. +The President's course, in giving Germany a chance to +make amends, and to disavow the act, met with his approval, +and he found, also, much to admire in Mr. Wilson's +first <i>Lusitania</i> note. His judgment in this matter was +based first of all upon the merits of the case; besides this, +his admiration for Mr. Wilson as a public man was strong. +To think otherwise of the President would have been a +great grief to the Ambassador and to differ with his +chief on the tremendous issue of the war would have +meant for Page the severance of one of the most cherished +associations of his life. The interest which he had shown +in advocating Wilson's presidential candidacy has already +been set forth; and many phases of the Wilson administration +had aroused his admiration. The President's +handling of domestic problems Page regarded as a masterpiece +in reconciling statesmanship with practical politics, +and his energetic attitude on the Panama Tolls had introduced +new standards into American foreign relations. +Page could not sympathize with all the details of the Wilsonian +Mexican policy, yet he saw in it a high-minded +purpose and a genuine humanitarianism. But the outbreak +of war presented new aspects of Mr. Wilson's mind. +The President's attitude toward the European struggle, +his conception of "neutrality," and his failure to grasp +the meaning of the conflict, seemed to Page to show a lack +of fundamental statesmanship; still his faith in Wilson +was deep-seated, and he did not abandon hope that the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-19" id="page2-19"></a>[pg II-19]</span> +President could be brought to see things as they really +were. Page even believed that he might be instrumental +in his conversion.</p> + +<p>But in the summer and autumn of 1915 one agony +followed another. The "too proud to fight" speech was +in Page's mind nothing less than a tragedy. The president's +first <i>Lusitania</i> note for a time restored the Ambassador's +confidence; it seemed to show that the President +intended to hold Germany to that "strict accountability" +which he had threatened. But Mr. Wilson's course now +presented new difficulties to his Ambassador. Still Page +believed that the President, in his own way and in +his own time, would find a path out of his dilemma +that would protect the honour and the safety of the +United States. If any of the Embassy subordinates +became impatient over the procedure of Washington, he +did not find a sympathetic listener in the Ambassador. +The whole of London and of Europe might be resounding +with denunciations of the White House, but Page would +tolerate no manifestations of hostility in his presence. +"The problem appears different to Washington than it +does to us," he would say to his confidants. "We see +only one side of it; the President sees all sides. If we give +him all the facts, he will decide the thing wisely." Englishmen +with whom the Ambassador came into contact +soon learned that they could not become flippant or critical +about Mr. Wilson in his presence; he would resent +the slightest hostile remark, and he had a way of phrasing +his rebukes that usually discouraged a second attempt. +About this time Page began to keep closely to himself, +and to decline invitations to dinners and to country houses, +even those with which he was most friendly. The reason +was that he could not meet Englishmen and Englishwomen, +or even Americans who were resident in England, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-20" id="page2-20"></a>[pg II-20]</span> +on his old easy familiar terms; he knew the ideas which +everybody entertained about his country, and he knew +also what they were saying, when he was not among them; +the restraint which his presence necessarily put upon his +friends produced an uncongenial atmosphere, and the +Ambassador therefore gave up, for a time, those distractions +which had ordinarily proved such a delightful +relief from his duties. For the first time since he had come +to England he found himself a solitary man. He even +refused to attend the American Luncheon Club in London +because, in speeches and in conversation, the members +did not hesitate to assail the Wilson policies.</p> + +<p>Events, however, eventually proved too strong for the +most devoted supporter of President Wilson. After the +<i>Arabic</i> and the <i>Hesperian</i>, Page's official intimates saw +signs that the Ambassador was losing confidence in his old +friend. He would discuss Mr. Wilson occasionally, with +those secretaries, such as Mr. Laughlin, in whom his confidence +was strongest; his expressions, however, were never +flippant or violent. That Page could be biting as well as +brilliant in his comments on public personages his letters +abundantly reveal, yet he never exercised his talent +for sarcasm or invective at the expense of the White +House. He never forgot that Mr. Wilson was President +and that he was Ambassador; he would still defend +the Administration; and he even now continued to +find consolation in the reflection that Mr. Wilson was +living in a different atmosphere and that he had difficulties +to confront of which a man in London could know +nothing. The Ambassador's emotion was rather one of +disappointment and sorrow, mingled with anxiety as to +the plight into which his country was being led. As to +his duty in this situation, however, Page never hesitated. +In his relations with his Embassy and with the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-21" id="page2-21"></a>[pg II-21]</span> +British world he maintained this non-critical attitude; but +in his letters to President Wilson and Colonel House, +he was describing the situation, and expressing his convictions, +with the utmost freedom and frankness. In +both these attitudes Page was consistent and absolutely +loyal. It was his duty to carry out the Wilson instructions +and he had too high a conception of the Ambassadorial +office to show to the world any unfavourable opinions +he may have held about his country's course. His +duty to his post made it just as imperative that he set +forth to the President the facts exactly as they were. +And this the Ambassador now proceeded to do. For the +mere ornamental dignities of an Ambassadorship Page +cared nothing; he was wasting his health in his duties and +exhausting his private resources; much as he loved the +English and congenial as were his surroundings, the fear +of being recalled for "disloyalty" or insubordination +never influenced him. The letters which he now wrote +to Colonel House and to President Wilson himself are +probably without parallel in the diplomatic annals of this +or of any other country. In them he told the President +precisely what Englishmen thought of him and of the extent +to which the United States was suffering in European +estimation from the Wilson policy. His boldness sometimes +astounded his associates. One day a friend and +adviser of President Wilson's came into the Ambassador's +office just as Page had finished one of his communications +to Washington.</p> + +<p>"Read that!" the Ambassador said, handing over the +manuscript to his visitor.</p> + +<p>As the caller read, his countenance displayed the progressive +stages of his amazement. When he had finished, +his hands dropped helplessly upon his knees.</p> + +<p>"Is that the way you write to the President?" he gasped.</p> + +<div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-22" id="page2-22"></a>[pg II-22]</span> +</div> +<p>"Of course," Page replied, quietly. "Why not? Why +shouldn't I tell him the truth? That is what I am here +for."</p> + +<p>"There is no other person in the world who dare talk to +him like that!" was the reply.</p> + +<p>This is unquestionably the fact. That President Wilson +did not like people about him whose views were opposed +to his own is now no secret, and during the period when his +policy was one of the great issues of the world there was +probably no one except Page who intruded upon his solitude +with ideas that so abruptly disagreed with the opinions of +the White House. The letters which Page wrote Colonel +House were intended, of course, for the President himself, +and practically all of them Colonel House read +aloud to the head of the nation. The two men would +closet themselves in the old cabinet room on the second +floor of the White House—that same room in which Lincoln +had met his advisers during Civil War days; and here +Colonel House would quietly read the letters in which Page +so mercilessly portrayed the situation as it appeared in +English and European eyes. The President listened impassively, +giving no sign of approval or disapproval, and +hardly, at times, of much interest. In the earlier days, +when Page's letters consisted of pictures of English life +and English men, and colourful descriptions of England +under the stress of war, the President was vastly entertained; +he would laugh loudly at Page's wit, express his +delight at his graphic and pungent style and feel deeply +the horrors of war as his Ambassador unfolded them. "I +always found Page compelling on paper," Mr. Wilson remarked +to Mr. Laughlin, during one of the latter's visits +to Washington. "I could never resist him—I get more +information from his letters than from any other single +source. Tell him to keep it up." It was during this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-23" id="page2-23"></a>[pg II-23]</span> +period that the President used occasionally to read Page's +letters to the Cabinet, expressing his great appreciation of +their charm and historical importance. "The President +quoted from one of the Ambassador's letters to the Cabinet +to-day," a member of the Cabinet wrote to Mrs. +Page in February, 1915. "'Some day,' the President +said, 'I hope that Walter Page's letters will be published. +They are the best letters I have ever read. They make +you feel the atmosphere in England, understand the people, +and see into the motives of the great actors.'" The +President repeated this statement many times, and his +letters to Page show how greatly he enjoyed and profited +from this correspondence. But after the sinking of the +<i>Lusitania</i> and the <i>Arabic</i> his attitude toward Page and his +letters changed.</p> + +<p>He now found little pleasure or satisfaction in the Page +communications. When Mr. Wilson found that one of his +former confidants had turned out to be a critic, that man +instantaneously passed out of his life. And this was now +Page's fate; the friendship and associations of forty years +were as though they had never been. Just why Mr. +Wilson did not recall his Ambassador is a question that +has puzzled Page's friends. He would sometimes refer +to him as a man who was "more British than the British," +as one who had been taken completely captive by British +blandishments, but he never came to the point of dismissing +him. Perhaps he did not care to face the public +scandal that such an act would have caused; but a more +plausible reason is that Page, despite the causes which he +had given for irritation, was indispensable to him. Page's +early letters had furnished the President ideas which had +taken shape in Wilson's policies, and, disagreeable as the +communications now became, there are evidences that +they influenced the solitary statesman in the White House, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-24" id="page2-24"></a>[pg II-24]</span> +and that they had much to do in finally forcing Mr. Wilson +into the war. The alternative question, as to why +Page did not retire when he found himself so out of sympathy +with the President, will be sufficiently answered in +subsequent chapters; at present it may be said that he did +resign and only consented to remain at the urgent request +of Washington. In fact, all during 1915 and 1916, there +seemed to be a fear in Washington that Page would definitely +abandon the London post. On one occasion, when the +newspapers published rumours to this effect, Page received +an urgent despatch from Mr. Lansing. The message +came at a time—the date was October 26, 1915—when +Page was especially discouraged over the Washington +policy. "Representatives of the press," said Mr. Lansing, +"have repeated rumours that you are planning to resign. +These have been brought to the President's attention, +and both he and I have denied them. Still these rumours +persist, and they cause both the President and me great +anxiety. We cannot believe that they are well founded.</p> + +<p>"In view of the fact that they are so persistent, we have +thought it well to inform you of them and to tell you how +earnestly we hope that they are baseless. We trust that +you will set both our minds at rest."</p> + +<p>If Page had ever had any compunction about addressing +the President in blunt phrases these expressions certainly +convinced him that he was a free agent.</p> + +<p>Yet Page himself at times had his doubts as to the value +of this correspondence. He would frequently discuss the +matter with Mr. Laughlin. "That's a pretty harsh letter," +he would say. "I don't like to talk that way to the +President, yet it doesn't express half what I feel."</p> + +<p>"It's your duty to tell the President the real state of +affairs," Mr. Laughlin would urge.</p> + +<p>"But do you suppose it does any good?" Page would ask.</p> + +<div> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-25" id="page2-25"></a>[pg II-25]</span> +</div> +<p>"Yes, it's bound to, and whether it does or not, it's +your business to keep him informed."</p> + +<p>If in these letters Page seems to lay great stress on the +judgment of Great Britain and Europe on American +policy, it must be remembered that that was his particular +province. One of an Ambassador's most important duties +is to transmit to his country the public opinion of the +country to which he is accredited. It was Page's place to +tell Washington what Great Britain thought of it; it was +Washington's business to formulate policy, after giving +due consideration to this and other matters.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +July 21, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>I enclose a pamphlet in ridicule of the President. I +don't know who wrote it, for my inquiries so far have +brought no real information. I don't feel like sending it +to him. I send it to you—to do with as you think best. +This thing alone is, of course, of no consequence. But it +is symptomatic. There is much feeling about the slowness +with which he acts. One hundred and twenty people +(Americans) were drowned on the <i>Lusitania</i> and we are +still writing notes about it—to the damnedest pirates that +ever blew up a ship. Anybody who knows the Germans +knows, of course, that they are simply playing for time, +that they are not going to "come down," that Von Tirpitz +is on deck, that they'd just as lief have war with us as not—perhaps +had rather—because they don't want any large +nation left fresh when the war ends. They'd like to have +the whole world bankrupt. There is a fast growing feeling +here, therefore, that the American Government is pusillanimous—dallies +with 'em, is affected by the German propaganda, +etc., etc. Of course, such a judgment is not fair. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-26" id="page2-26"></a>[pg II-26]</span> +It is formed without knowing the conditions in the United +States. But I think you ought to realize the strength of +this sentiment. No doubt before you receive this, the +President will send something to Germany that will +amount to an ultimatum and there will be at least a momentary +change of sentiment here. But looking at the +thing in a long-range way, we're bound to get into the war. +For the Germans will blow up more American travellers +without notice. And by dallying with them we do not +change the ultimate result, but we take away from ourselves +the spunk and credit of getting in instead of being kicked +and cursed in. We've got to get in: they won't play the +game in any other way. I have news direct from a high +German source in Berlin which strongly confirms this....</p> + +<p>It's a curious thing to say. But the only solution that +I see is another <i>Lusitania</i> outrage, which would force war.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. The London papers every day say that the President +will send a strong note, etc. And the people here +say, "Damn notes: hasn't he written enough?" Writing +notes hurts nobody—changes nothing. The Washington +correspondents to the London papers say that Burleson, +the Attorney-General, and Daniels are Bryan men and +are holding the President back.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>The prophecy contained in this letter was quickly fulfilled. +A week or two after Colonel House had received +it, the <i>Arabic</i> was sunk with loss of American life.</p> + +<p>Page was taking a brief holiday with his son Frank in +Rowsley, Derbyshire, when this news came. It was telegraphed +from the Embassy.</p> + +<p>"That settles it," he said to his son. "They have sunk +the <i>Arabic</i>. That means that we shall break with Germany +and I've got to go back to London."</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-27" id="page2-27"></a>[pg II-27]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy, London, August 23, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>The sinking of the <i>Arabic</i> is the answer to the President +and to your letter to me. And there'll be more such answers. +You said to me one day after you had got back +from your last visit to Berlin: "They are impossible." +I think you told the truth, and surely you know your German +and you know your Berlin—or you did know them +when you were here.</p> + +<p>The question is not what we have done for the Allies, +not what any other neutral country has done or has failed +to do—such comparisons, I think, are far from the point. +The question is when the right moment arrives for us to +save our self-respect, our honour, and the esteem and fear +(or the contempt) in which the world will hold us.</p> + +<p>Berlin has the Napoleonic disease. If you follow Napoleon's +career—his excuses, his evasions, his inventions, +the wild French enthusiasm and how he kept it up—you +will find an exact parallel. That becomes plainer every +day. Europe may not be wholly at peace in five years—may +be ten.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Hastily and heartily,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I have your note about Willum J.... Crank once, crank +always. My son, never tie up with a crank.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<br /> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +London, September 2nd, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>You write me about pleasing the Allies, the big Ally in +particular. That doesn't particularly appeal to me. We +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-28" id="page2-28"></a>[pg II-28]</span> +don't owe them anything. There's no obligation. I'd +never confess for a moment that we are under any obligation +to any of them nor to anybody. I'm not out to +"please" anybody, as a primary purpose: that's not my +game nor my idea—nor yours either. As for England in +particular, the account was squared when she twice sent +an army against us—in her folly—especially the last time +when she burnt our Capitol. There's been no obligation +since. The obligation is on the other foot. We've set +her an example of what democracy will do for men, an +example of efficiency, an example of freedom of opportunity. +The future is ours, and she may follow us and +profit by it. Already we have three white English-speaking +men to every two in the British Empire: we +are sixty per cent. of the Anglo-Saxons in the world. If +there be any obligation to please, the obligation is on her +to please us. And she feels and sees it now.</p> + +<p>My point is not that, nor is it what we or any other +neutral nation has done or may do—Holland or any other. +This war is the direct result of the over-polite, diplomatic, +standing-aloof, bowing-to-one-another in gold lace, which +all European nations are guilty of in times of peace—castes +and classes and uniforms and orders and such +folderol, instead of the proper business of the day. Every +nation in Europe knew that Germany was preparing +for war. If they had really got together—not mere +Hague Sunday-school talk and resolutions—but had +really got together for business and had said to Germany, +"The moment you fire a shot, we'll all fight +against you; we have so many millions of men, so many +men-of-war, so many billions of money; and we'll increase +all these if you do not change your system and your +building-up of armies"—then there would have been no +war.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-29" id="page2-29"></a>[pg II-29]</span> +<p>My point is not sentimental. It is:</p> + +<p>(1) We must maintain our own self-respect and +safety. If we submit to too many insults, <i>that</i> will in +time bring Germany against us. We've got to show at +some time that we don't believe, either, in the efficacy of +Sunday-School resolves for peace—that we are neither +Daughters of the Dove of Peace nor Sons of the Olive +Branch, and</p> + +<p>(2) About nagging and forever presenting technical +legal points as lawyers do to confuse juries—the point is +the point of efficiency. If we do that, we can't carry +our main points. I find it harder and harder to get +answers now to important questions because we ask so +many unimportant and nagging ones.</p> + +<p>I've no sentiment—perhaps not enough. My gushing +days are gone, if I ever had 'em. The cutting-out of the +"100 years of peace" oratory, etc., etc., was one of the +blessings of the war. But we must be just and firm and +preserve our own self-respect and keep alive the fear that +other nations have of us; and we ought to have the courage +to make the Department of State more than a bureau +of complaints. We must learn to say "No" even to a +Gawdamighty independent American citizen when he +asks an improper or impracticable question. Public +Opinion in the United States consists of something more +than the threats of Congressmen and the bleating of newspapers; +it consists of the judgment of honourable men on +courageous and frank actions—a judgment that cannot +be made up till action is taken.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Heartily yours,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-30" id="page2-30"></a>[pg II-30]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<br /><br /> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy, London, Sept. 8, 1915.<br /> +<br /> +(This is not prudent. It is only true—nothing more.)<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>I take it for granted that Dumba<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4" /><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> is going, of course. +But I must tell you that the President is being laughed +at by our best friends for his slowness in action. I hardly +ever pick up a paper without seeing some sarcastic remark. +I don't mean they expect us to come into the war. +They only hoped we would be as good as our word—would +regard another submarine attack on a ship carrying +Americans as an unfriendly act and would send Bernstorff +home. Yet the <i>Arabic</i> and now the <i>Hesperian</i> have +had no effect in action. Bernstorff's personal <i>note to +Lansing<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5" /><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>, even as far as it goes, does not bind his Government</i>.</p> + +<p>The upshot of all this is that the President is fast losing +in the minds of our best friends here all that he gained +by his courageous stand on the Panama tolls. They feel +that if he takes another insult—keeps taking them—and +is satisfied with Bernstorff's personal word, which is +proved false in four days—he'll take anything. And the +British will pay less attention to what we say. That's +inevitable. If the American people and the President +accept the <i>Arabic</i> and the <i>Hesperian</i> and do nothing to +Dumba till the Government here gave out his letter, +which the State Department had (and silently held) for +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-31" id="page2-31"></a>[pg II-31]</span> +several days—then nobody on this side the world will +pay much heed to anything we say hereafter.</p> + +<p>This, as I say, doesn't mean that these (thoughtful) +people wish or expect us to go to war. They wish only +that we'd prove ourselves as good as the President's word. +That's the conservative truth; we're losing influence +more rapidly than I supposed it were possible.</p> + +<p>Dumba's tardy dismissal will not touch the main +matter, which is the rights of neutrals at sea, and keeping +our word in action.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours sincerely,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. They say it's Mexico over again—watchful waiting +and nothing doing. And the feeling grows that Bryan has +really conquered, since his programme seems to prevail.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +London, Tuesday night, Sept. 8, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>The Germans seem to think it a good time to try to +feel about for peace. They have more to offer now than +they may have again. That's all. A man who seriously +talks peace now in Paris or in London on any terms that +the Germans will consider, would float dead that very +night in the Seine or in the Thames. The Germans have +for the time being "done-up" the Russians; but the +French have shells enough to plough the German trenches +day and night (they've been at it for a fortnight now); +Joffre has been to see the Italian generalissimo; and the +English destroy German submarines now almost as fast +as the Germans send them out. I am credibly told that +several weeks ago a group of Admiralty men who are in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-32" id="page2-32"></a>[pg II-32]</span> +the secret had a little dinner to celebrate the destruction +of the 50th submarine.</p> + +<p>While this is going on, you are talking on your side of +the water about a change in German policy! The only +change is that the number of submarines available becomes +smaller and smaller, and that they wish to use +Uncle Sam's broad, fat back to crawl down on when +they have failed.</p> + +<p>Consequently, they are laughing at Uncle Sam here—it +comes near to being ridicule, in fact, for seeming to +jump at Bernstorff's unfrank assurances. And, as I +have telegraphed the President, English opinion is—well, +it is very nearly disrespectful. Men say here (I +mean our old friends) that with no disavowal of the +<i>Lusitania</i>, the <i>Falaba</i>, the <i>Gulflight</i>, or the <i>Arabic</i> or of the +<i>Hesperian</i>, the Germans are "stuffing" Uncle Sam, that +Uncle Sam is in the clutches of the peace-at-any-price +public opinion, that the United States will suffer any +insult and do nothing. I hardly pick up a paper that +does not have a sarcastic paragraph or cartoon. We are +on the brink of convincing the English that we'll not +act, whatever the provocation. By the English, I do +not mean the lighter, transitory public opinion, but I +mean the thoughtful men who do not wish us or expect +us to fire a gun. They say that the American democracy, +since Cleveland's day, has become a mere agglomeration +of different races, without national unity, national aims, +and without courage or moral qualities. And (I deeply +regret to say) the President is losing here the high esteem +he won by his Panama tolls repeal. They ask, why on +earth did he raise the issue if under repeated provocation +he is unable to recall Gerard or to send Bernstorff home? +The <i>Hesperian</i> follows the <i>Arabic</i>; other "liners" will +follow the <i>Hesperian</i>, if the Germans have submarines. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-33" id="page2-33"></a>[pg II-33]</span> +And, when Sackville-West<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6" /><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> was promptly sent home for +answering a private citizen's inquiry about the two political +parties, Dumba is (yet awhile) retained in spite of a far +graver piece of business. There is a tone of sad disappointment +here—not because the most thoughtful men want us +in the war (they don't), but because for some reason, which +nobody here understands, the President, having taken a +stand, seems unable to do anything.</p> + +<p>All this is a moderate interpretation of sorrowful +public opinion here. And the result will inevitably be +that they will pay far less heed to anything we may hereafter +say. In fact men now say here every day that the +American democracy has no opinion, can form no opinion, +has no moral quality, and that the word of its President +never gets as far as action even of the mildest form. The +atmosphere is very depressing. And this feeling has apparently +got beyond anybody's control. I've even heard +this said: "The voice of the United States is Mr. Wilson's: +its actions are controlled by Mr. Bryan."</p> + +<p>So, you see, the war will go on a long long time. So far as +English opinion is concerned, the United States is useful +to make ammunition and is now thought of chiefly in +this connection. Less and less attention is paid to what +we say. Even the American telegrams to the London +papers have a languid tone.</p> + +<p>Yet recent revelations have made it clearer than ever +that the same qualities that the English accuse us of +having are in them and that these qualities are directly +to blame for this war. I recall that when I was in Germany +a few weeks, six years ago, I became convinced that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-34" id="page2-34"></a>[pg II-34]</span> +Germany had prepared to fight England; I didn't know +when, but I did know that was what the war-machine had +in mind. Of course, I had no opportunities to find out +anything in particular. You were told practically that +same thing by the Kaiser, before the war began. "We +are ready," said he. Of course the English feared it and +Sir Edward put his whole life into his effort to prevent it. +The day the war began, he told me with tears that it +seemed that his life had been wasted—that his life work +had gone for naught.—Nobody could keep from wondering +why England didn't—</p> + +<p>(Here comes a parenthesis. Word came to me a little +while ago that a Zeppelin was on its way to London. +Such a remark doesn't arouse much attention. But just +as I had finished the fifth line above this, Frank and Mrs. +Page came in and challenged me to play a game of cards +before we should go to bed. We sat down, the cards +were dealt, and bang! bang!—with the deep note of an +explosion. A third, a fourth shot. We went into the +street. There the Zeppelin was revealed by a searchlight—sailing +along. I think it had probably dropped its +bombs; but the aircraft guns were cracking away at it. +Some of them shot explosive projectiles to find the range. +Now and then one such explosive would almost reach the +Zeppelin, but it was too high for them and it sailed away, +the air guns doing their ineffectual best. I couldn't see +whether airplanes were trying to shoot it or not. The +searchlight revealed the Zeppelin but nothing else.—While +we were watching this battle in the air, the maids +came down from the top of the house and went into the +cellar. I think they've already gone back. You can't +imagine how little excitement it caused. It produces +less fright than any other conceivable engine of war.</p> + +<p>We came back as soon as the Zeppelin was out of sight +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-35" id="page2-35"></a>[pg II-35]</span> +and the firing had ceased; we played our game of cards; +and here I am writing you the story-all within about +half an hour.—There was a raid over London last +night, too, wherein a dozen or two women and children +and a few men were killed. I haven't the slightest idea +what harm this raid to-night has done. For all I know +it may not be all done. But of all imaginable war-experiences +this seems the most futile. It interrupted a +game of cards for twenty minutes!)</p> + +<p>Now—to go on with my story: I have wondered ever +since the war began why the Allies were not better +prepared—especially England on land. England has just +one <i>big</i> land gun—no more. Now it has turned out, as +you have doubtless read, that the British Government +were as good as told by the German Government that +Germany was going to war pretty soon—this in 1912 when +Lord Haldane<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7" /><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> was sent to make friends with Germany.</p> + +<p>The only answer he brought back was a proposition +that England should in any event remain neutral—stand +aside while Germany whipped Russia and France. This +insulting proposal was kept secret till the other day. +Now, why didn't the British Cabinet inform the people +and get ready? They were afraid the English people +wouldn't believe it and would accuse them of fomenting +war. The English people were making money and pursuing +their sports. Probably they wouldn't have believed +it. So the Liberal Cabinet went on in silence, +knowing that war was coming, but not exactly when it +was coming, and they didn't make even a second big gun.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-36" id="page2-36"></a>[pg II-36]</span> +<p>Now here was the same silence in this "democracy" +that they now complain of in ours. Rather an interesting +and discouraging parallel—isn't it? Public opinion +has turned Lord Haldane out of office because he didn't +tell the public what he declares they wouldn't have believed. +If the English had raised an army in 1912, and +made a lot of big guns, Austria would not have trampled +Serbia in the earth. There would have been no war +now; and the strong European Powers might have made +then the same sort of protective peace-insurance combine +that they will try to make after this war is ended. +Query: A democracy's inability to <i>act</i>—how much is this +apparently inherent quality of a democracy to blame for +this war and for—other things?</p> + +<p>When I am asked every day "Why the United States +doesn't <i>do</i> something—send Dumba and Bernstorff +home?"—Well, it is not the easiest question in the world +to answer.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours heartily,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. This is the most comical of all worlds: While I +was writing this, it seems the maids went back upstairs +and lighted their lights without pulling their shades down—they +occupy three rooms, in front. The doorbell rang +furiously. Here were more than half a dozen policemen +and special constables—must investigate! "One light +would be turned on, another would go out; another one +on!"—etc., etc. Frank tackled them, told 'em it was only +the maids going to bed, forgetting to pull down the shades. +Spies and signalling were in the air! So, in the morning, +I'll have to send over to the Foreign Office and explain. +The Zeppelin did more "frightfulness" than I had supposed, +after all. Doesn't this strike you as comical?</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-37" id="page2-37"></a>[pg II-37]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<br /> +Friday, September 10, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. The news is just come that Dumba is dismissed. +That will clear the atmosphere—a little, but only a little. +Dumba committed a diplomatic offence. The German +Government has caused the death of United States citizens, +has defied us, has declared it had changed its policy +and yet has gone on with the same old policy. Besides, +Bernstorff has done everything that Dumba did except +employ Archibald, which was a mere incident of the +game. The President took a strong stand: they have +disregarded it—no apology nor reparation for a single +boat that has been sunk. Now the English opinion of +the Germans is hardly a calm, judicial opinion—of course +not. There may be facts that have not been made +known. There must be good reasons that nobody here +can guess, why the President doesn't act in the long succession +of German acts against us. <i>But I tell you with +all solemnity that British opinion and the British Government +have absolutely lost their respect for us and their former +high estimate of the President. And that former respect is +gone for good unless he acts now very quickly</i><a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8" /><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>. They will +pay nothing more than formal and polite attention to +anything we may hereafter say. This is not resentful. +They don't particularly care for us to get into the war. +Their feeling (I mean among our best old friends) is not +resentful. It is simply sorrowful. They had the highest +respect for our people and our President. The Germans +defy us; we sit in silence. They conclude here that we'll +submit to anything from anybody. We'll write strong +notes—nothing more.</p> + +<p>I can't possibly exaggerate the revulsion of feeling. +Members of the Government say (in private, of course) +that we'll submit to any insult. The newspapers refuse +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-38" id="page2-38"></a>[pg II-38]</span> +to publish articles which attempt to make the President's +silence reasonable. "It isn't defensible," they say, +"and they would only bring us thousands of insulting +letters from our readers." I can't think of a paper nor +of a man who has a good word to say for us—except, +perhaps, a few Quaker peace-at-any-price people. And +our old friends are disappointed and sorrowful. They +feel that we have dropped out of a position of influence +in the world.</p> + +<p>I needn't and can't write more. Of course there are +more important things than English respect. But the +English think that every Power has lost respect for us—the +Germans most of all. And (unless the President acts +very rigorously and very quickly) we'll have to get along +a long time without British respect.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. The last Zeppelin raid—which interrupted the +game of cards—killed more than twenty persons and destroyed +more than seven million dollars' worth of private +business property—all non-combatants!</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +21st of September, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>The insulting cartoon that I enclose (destroy it without +showing it) is typical of, I suppose, five hundred that +have appeared here within a month. This represents the +feeling and opinion of the average man. They say we +wrote brave notes and made courageous demands, to +none of which a satisfactory reply has come, but only +more outrages and no guarantee for the future. Yet +we will not even show our displeasure by sending Bernstorff +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-39" id="page2-39"></a>[pg II-39]</span> +home. We've simply "gone out," like a snuffed +candle, in the regard and respect of the vast volume of +British opinion. (The last <i>Punch</i> had six ridiculing +allusions to our "fall.")</p> + +<p>It's the loneliest time I've had in England. There's a +tendency to avoid me.</p> + +<p>They can't understand here the continued declaration +in the United States that the British Government is +trying to take our trade—to use its blockade and navy +with the direct purpose of giving British trade profit out +of American detentions. Of course, the Government had +no such purpose and has done no such thing—with any +such purpose. It isn't thinking about trade but only +about war.</p> + +<p>The English think they see in this the effect on our +Government and on American opinion of the German +propaganda. I have had this trade-accusation investigated +half a dozen times—the accusation that this Government +is using its military power for its own trade advantage +to our detriment: it simply isn't true. They stop +our cargoes, not for their advantage, but wholly to keep +things from the enemy. Study our own trade reports.</p> + +<p>In a word, our importers are playing (so the English +think) directly into the hands of the Germans. So matters +go on from bad to worse.</p> + +<p>Bryce<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9" /><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> is very sad. He confessed to me yesterday +the utter hopelessness of the two people's ever understanding +one another.</p> + +<p>The military situation is very blue—very blue. The +general feeling is that the long war will begin next March +and end—nobody dares predict.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-40" id="page2-40"></a>[pg II-40]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. There's not a moral shadow of a doubt (1) that +the commander of the submarine that sunk the <i>Arabic</i> is +dead—although he makes reports to his government! +nor (2) that the <i>Hesperian</i> was torpedoed. The State +Department has a piece of the torpedo.</p></div> + + +<h3>V</h3> + +<p>The letters which Page sent directly to the President +were just as frank. "Incidents occur nearly every day," +he wrote to President Wilson in the autumn of 1915, +"which reveal the feeling that the Germans have taken +us in. Last week one of our naval men, Lieutenant +McBride, who has just been ordered home, asked the +Admiralty if he might see the piece of metal found on +the deck of the <i>Hesperian</i>. Contrary to their habit, the +British officer refused. 'Take my word for it,' he said. +'She was torpedoed. Why do you wish to investigate? +Your country will do nothing—will accept any excuse, +any insult and—do nothing.' When McBride told me +this, I went at once to the Foreign Office and made a +formal request that this metal should be shown to our +naval attaché, who (since Symington is with the British +fleet and McBride has been ordered home) is Lieutenant +Towers. Towers was sent for and everything that the +Admiralty knows was shown to him and I am sending +that piece of metal by this mail. But to such a pass +has the usual courtesy of a British naval officer come. +There are many such instances of changed conduct. +They are not hard to endure nor to answer and are of no +consequence in themselves but only for what they denote. +They're a part of war's bitterness. But my mind runs +ahead and I wonder how Englishmen will look at this +subject five years hence, and it runs afield and I wonder +how the Germans will regard it. A sort of pro-German +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-41" id="page2-41"></a>[pg II-41]</span> +American newspaper correspondent came along the other +day from the German headquarters; and he told me that +one of the German generals remarked to him: 'War with +America? Ach no! Not war. If trouble should come, +we'd send over a platoon of our policemen to whip your +little army.' (He didn't say just how he'd send 'em.)"</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy, London, Oct. 5, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>I have two letters that I have lately written to you but +which I have not sent because they utterly lack good +cheer. After reading them over, I have not liked to send +them. Yet I should fail of my duty if I did not tell you +bad news as well as good.</p> + +<p>The high esteem in which our Government was held +when the first <i>Lusitania</i> note to Germany was sent seems +all changed to indifference or pity—not hatred or +hostility, but a sort of hopeless and sad pity. That ship +was sunk just five months ago; the German Government +(or its Ambassador) is yet holding conversations about +the principle involved, making "concessions" and promises +for the future, and so far we have done nothing to +hold the Germans to accountability<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10" /><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>. In the meantime +their submarine fleet has been so reduced that probably +the future will take care of itself and we shall be used as a +sort of excuse for their failure. This is what the English +think and say; and they explain our failure to act by concluding +that the peace-at-any-price sentiment dominates +the Government and paralyzes it. They have now, I +think, given up hope that we will ever take any action. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-42" id="page2-42"></a>[pg II-42]</span> +So deeply rooted (and, I fear, permanent) is this feeling +that every occurrence is made to fit into and to strengthen +this supposition. When Dumba was dismissed, they said: +"Dumba, merely the abject tool of German intrigue. +Why not Bernstorff?" When the Anglo-French loan<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11" /><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> +was oversubscribed, they said: "The people's sympathy +is most welcome, but their Government is paralyzed." +Their respect has gone—at least for the time being.</p> + +<p>It is not that they expect us to go to war: many, in fact, +do not wish us to. They expected that we would be as +good as our word and hold the Germans to accountability. +Now I fear they think little of our word. I shudder to +think what our relations might be if Sir Edward Grey +were to yield to another as Foreign Minister, as, of course, +he must yield at some time.</p> + +<p>The press has less to say than it had a few weeks ago. +<i>Punch</i>, for instance, which ridiculed and pitied us in six +cartoons and articles in each of two succeeding numbers, +entirely forgets us this week. But they've all said their +say. I am, in a sense, isolated—lonely in a way that I +have never before been. I am not exactly avoided, I +hope, but I surely am not sought. They have a polite +feeling that they do not wish to offend me and that to +make sure of this the safest course is to let me alone. +There is no mistaking the great change in the attitude of +men I know, both in official and private life.</p> + +<p>It comes down and comes back to this—that for five +months after the sinking of the <i>Lusitania</i> the Germans are +yet playing with us, that we have not sent Bernstorff +home, and hence that we will submit to any rebuff or any +indignity. It is under these conditions—under this judgment +of us—that we now work—the English respect for +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-43" id="page2-43"></a>[pg II-43]</span> +our Government indefinitely lessened and instead of the +old-time respect a sad pity. I cannot write more.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Heartily yours,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + + +<p>"I have authoritatively heard," Page writes to President +Wilson in early September, "of a private conversation between +a leading member of the Cabinet and a group of important +officials all friendly to us in which all sorrowfully +expressed the opinion that the United States will submit +to any indignity and that no effect is now to be hoped for +from its protests against unlawful submarine attacks or +against anything else. The inactivity of our Government, +or its delay, which they assume is the same as inactivity, +is attributed to domestic politics or to the lack of national, +consciousness or unity.</p> + +<p>"No explanation has appeared in the British press of +our Government's inactivity or of any regret or promise of +reparation by Germany for the sinking of the <i>Lusitania</i>, +the <i>Falaba</i>, the <i>Gulflight</i>, the <i>Nebraskan</i>, the <i>Arabic</i>, or +the <i>Hesperian</i>, nor any explanation of a week's silence +about the Dumba letter; and the conclusion is drawn +that, in the absence of action by us, all these acts have +been practically condoned.</p> + +<p>"I venture to suggest that such explanations be made +public as will remove, if possible, the practically unanimous +conclusion here that our Government will permit these and +similar future acts to be explained away. I am surprised +almost every hour by some new evidence of the loss of respect +for our Government, which, since the sinking of the +<i>Arabic</i>, has become so great as to warrant calling it a complete +revulsion of English feeling toward the United States. +There is no general wish for us to enter the war, but there +is genuine sorrow that we are thought to submit to any +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-44" id="page2-44"></a>[pg II-44]</span> +indignity, especially after having taken a firm stand. I +conceive I should be lacking in duty if I did not report +this rapid and unfortunate change in public feeling, which +seems likely to become permanent unless facts are quickly +made public which may change it."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>There are many expressions of such feelings in Page's +letters of this time. They brought only the most perfunctory +acknowledgment from the White House. On +January 3, 1916, Page sent the President a mass of clippings +from the British press, all criticizing the Wilson Administration +in unrestrained terms. In his comment on +these, he writes the President:</p> + +<p>"Public opinion, both official and unofficial, is expressed +by these newspaper comments, with far greater restraint +than it is expressed in private conversation. Ridicule of +the Administration runs through the programmes of the +theatres; it inspires hundreds of cartoons; it is a staple of +conversation at private dinners and in the clubs. The +most serious class of Englishmen, including the best +friends of the United States, feel that the Administration's +reliance on notes has reduced our Government to a third-or +fourth-rate power. There is even talk of spheres of +German influence in the United States as in China. No +government could fall lower in English opinion than we +shall fall if more notes are sent to Austria or to Germany. +The only way to keep any shred of English respect is the +immediate dismissal without more parleying of every +German and Austrian official at Washington. Nobody +here believes that such an act would provoke war.</p> + +<p>"I can do no real service by mincing matters. My +previous telegrams and letters have been purposely restrained +as this one is. We have now come to the parting +of the ways. If English respect be worth preserving +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-45" id="page2-45"></a>[pg II-45]</span> +at all, it can be preserved only by immediate action. +Any other course than immediate severing of diplomatic +relations with both Germany and Austria will deepen the +English opinion into a conviction that the Administration +was insincere when it sent the <i>Lusitania</i> notes and +that its notes and protests need not be taken seriously on +any subject. And English opinion is allied opinion. The +Italian Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12" /><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> said to me, 'What has happened? +The United States of to-day is not the United States I +knew fifteen years ago, when I lived in Washington.' +French officers and members of the Government who +come here express themselves even more strongly than +do the British. The British newspapers to-day publish +translations of ridicule of the United States from German +papers."</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +London,<br /> +January 5, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>I wish—an impossible thing of course—that some sort +of guidance could be given to the American correspondents +of the English newspapers. Almost every day they telegraph +about the visits of the Austrian Chargé or the +German Ambassador to the State Department to assure +Mr. Lansing that their governments will of course make a +satisfactory explanation of the latest torpedo-act in the +Mediterranean or to "take one further step in reaching a +satisfactory understanding about the <i>Lusitania</i>." They +usually go on to say also that more notes are in preparation +to Germany or to Austria. The impression made upon +the European mind is that the German and Austrian +officials in Washington are leading the Administration on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-46" id="page2-46"></a>[pg II-46]</span> +to endless discussion, endless notes, endless hesitation. +Nobody in Europe regards their pledges or promises as +worth anything at all: the <i>Arabic</i> follows the <i>Lusitania</i>, +the <i>Hesperian</i> follows the <i>Arabic</i>, the <i>Persia</i> follows the +<i>Ancona</i>. "Still conferences and notes continue," these +people say, "proving that the American Government, +which took so proper and high a stand in the <i>Lusitania</i> +notes, is paralyzed—in a word is hoodwinked and 'worked' +by the Germans." And so long as these diplomatic +representatives are permitted to remain in the United +States, "to explain," "to parley" and to declare that the +destruction of American lives and property is disavowed +by their governments, atrocities on sea and land will of +course continue; and they feel that our Government, by +keeping these German and Austrian representatives in +Washington, condones and encourages them and their +governments.</p> + +<p>This is a temperate and even restrained statement of the +English feeling and (as far as I can make out) of the whole +European feeling.</p> + +<p>It has been said here that every important journal +published in neutral or allied European countries, daily, +weekly, or monthly, which deals with public affairs, has +expressed a loss of respect for the United States Government +and that most of them make continuous severe +criticisms (with surprise and regret) of our failure by action +to live up to the level of our <i>Lusitania</i> notes. I had +(judiciously) two American journalists, resident here—men +of judgment and character—to inquire how true this +declaration is. After talking with neutral and allied +journalists here and with men whose business it is to read +the journals of the Continent, they reported that this +declaration is substantially true—that the whole European +press (outside Germany and its allies) uses the same tone +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-47" id="page2-47"></a>[pg II-47]</span> +toward our Government that the English press uses—to-day, +disappointment verging on contempt; and many +of them explain our keeping diplomatic intercourse with +Germany by saying that we are afraid of the German vote, +or of civil war, or that the peace-at-any-price people really +rule the United States and have paralyzed our power to +act—even to cut off diplomatic relations with governments +that have insulted and defied us.</p> + +<p>Another (similar) declaration is that practically all men +of public influence in England and in the European allied +and neutral countries have publicly or privately expressed +themselves to the same effect. The report that I have +about this is less definite than about the newspapers, for, +of course, no one can say just what proportion of men of +public influence have so expressed themselves; but the +number who have so expressed themselves is overwhelming.</p> + +<p>In this Kingdom, where I can myself form some opinion +more or less accurate, and where I can check or verify my +opinion by various methods—I am afraid, as I have frequently +already reported, that the generation now living +will never wholly regain the respect for our Government +that it had a year ago. I will give you three little indications +of this feeling; it would be easy to write down hundreds +of them:</p> + +<p>(One) The governing class: Mr. X [a cabinet member] +told Mrs. Page a few nights ago that for sentimental reasons +only he would be gratified to see the United States in +the war along with the Allies, but that merely sentimental +reasons were not a sufficient reason for war—by no means; +that he felt most grateful for the sympathetic attitude of +the large mass of the American people, that he had no +right to expect anything from our Government, whose +neutral position was entirely proper. Then he added; +"But what I can't for the life of me understand is your +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-48" id="page2-48"></a>[pg II-48]</span> +Government's failure to express its disapproval of the +German utter disregard of its <i>Lusitania</i> notes. After +eight months, it has done nothing but write more notes. +My love for America, I must confess, is offended at this +inaction and—puzzled. I can't understand it. You +will pardon me, I am sure."</p> + +<p>(Two) "Middle Class" opinion: A common nickname +for Americans in the financial and newspaper districts of +London is "Too-prouds."</p> + +<p>(Three) The man in the street: At one of the moving +picture shows in a large theatre a little while ago they filled +in an interval by throwing on the screen the picture of the +monarch, or head of state, and of the flag of each of the +principal nations. When the American picture appeared, +there was such hissing and groaning as caused the managers +hastily to move that picture off the screen.</p> + +<p>Some time ago I wrote House of some such incidents +and expressions as these; and he wrote me that they were +only part and parcel of the continuous British criticism +of their own Government—in other words, a part of the +passing hysteria of war. This remark shows how House +was living in an atmosphere of illusion.</p> + +<p>As the matter stands to-day our Government has sunk +lower, as regards British and European opinion, than it +has ever been in our time, not as a part of the hysteria of +war but as a result of this process of reasoning, whether it +be right or wrong:</p> + +<p>We said that we should hold the Germans to strict accountability +on account of the <i>Lusitania</i>. We have not +settled that yet and we still allow the German Ambassador +to discuss it after the <i>Hesperian</i> and other such acts +showed that his <i>Arabic</i> pledge was worthless.</p> + +<p>The <i>Lusitania</i> grows larger and larger in European +memory and imagination. It looks as if it would become +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-49" id="page2-49"></a>[pg II-49]</span> +the great type of war atrocities and barbarities. I have +seen pictures of the drowned women and children used +even on Christmas cards. And there is documentary +proof in our hands that the warning, which was really an +advance announcement, of that disaster was paid for by +the German Ambassador and charged to his Government. +It is the <i>Lusitania</i> that has caused European opinion to +regard our foreign policy as weak. It is not the wish for +us to go to war. No such general wish exists.</p> + +<p>I do not know, Mr. President, who else, if anybody, +puts these facts before you with this complete frankness. +But I can do no less and do my duty.</p> + +<p>No Englishman—except two who were quite intimate +friends—has spoken to me about our Government for +months, but I detect all the time a tone of pity and grief +in their studied courtesy and in their avoidance of the +subject. And they talk with every other American in +this Kingdom. It is often made unpleasant for Americans +in the clubs and in the pursuit of their regular business +and occupations; and it is always our inaction about +the <i>Lusitania</i>. Our controversy with the British Government +causes little feeling and that is a sort of echo of the +<i>Lusitania</i>. They feel that we have not lived up to our +promises and professions.</p> + +<p>That is the whole story.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Believe me always heartily,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>This dismissal of Dumba and of the Attachés has had +little more effect on opinion here than the dismissal of +the Turkish Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13" /><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>. Sending these was regarded as +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-50" id="page2-50"></a>[pg II-50]</span> +merely kicking the dogs of the man who had stolen our +sheep.</p> + + +<h3>VI</h3> + +<p>One of the reasons why Page felt so intensely about +American policy at this time was his conviction that the +severance of diplomatic relations, in the latter part of 1915, +or the early part of 1916, in itself would have brought the +European War to an end. This was a conviction from +which he never departed. Count Bernstorff was industriously +creating the impression in the United States that +his dismissal would immediately cause war between Germany +and the United States, and there is little doubt +that the Administration accepted this point of view. But +Page believed that this was nothing but Prussian bluff. +The severance of diplomatic relations at that time, in +Page's opinion, would have convinced the Germans of the +hopelessness of their cause. In spite of the British +blockade, Germany was drawing enormous quantities of +food supplies from the United States, and without these +supplies she could not maintain indefinitely her resistance. +The severance of diplomatic relations would +naturally have been accompanied by an embargo suspending +trade between the United States and the Fatherland. +Moreover, the consideration that was mainly +leading Germany to hope for success was the belief that +she could embroil the United States and Great Britain +over the blockade. A break with Germany would of +course mean an end to that manoeuvre. Page regarded +all Mr. Wilson's attempts to make peace in 1914 and early +1915—before the <i>Lusitania</i>—as mistakes, for reasons that +have already been set forth. Now, however, he believed +that the President had a real opportunity to end +the war and the unparalleled suffering which it was causing. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-51" id="page2-51"></a>[pg II-51]</span> +The mere dismissal of Bernstorff, in the Ambassador's +opinion, would accomplish this result.</p> + +<p>In a communication sent to the President on February +15, 1916, he made this plain.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +February 15, 7 P.M.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Cabinet has directed the Censor to suppress, as far +as he can with prudence, comment which is unfavourable +to the United States. He has taken this action because +the public feeling against the Administration is constantly +increasing. Because the <i>Lusitania</i> controversy has been +going on so long, and because the Germans are using it in +their renewed U-boat campaign, the opinion of this country +has reached a point where only prompt action can +bring a turn in the tide. Therefore my loyalty to you +would not be complete if I should refrain from sending, +in the most respectful terms, the solemn conviction which +I hold about our opportunity and our duty.</p> + +<p>If you immediately refuse to have further parley or to +yield one jot or tittle of your original <i>Lusitania</i> notes, and +if you at once break diplomatic relations with the German +Empire, and then declare the most vigorous embargo of +the Central Powers, you will quickly end the war. There +will be an immediate collapse in German credit. If there +are any Allies who are wavering, such action will hold +them in line. Certain European neutrals—Sweden, Rumania, +Greece, and others—will put up a firm resistance +to Germanic influences and certain of them will take part +with Great Britain and France. There will be an end at +once to the German propaganda, which is now world-wide. +The moral weight of our country will be a determining +influence and bring an early peace. The credit +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-52" id="page2-52"></a>[pg II-52]</span> +you will receive for such a decision will make you immortal +and even the people of Germany will be forever grateful.</p> + +<p>It is my conviction that we would not be called upon +to fire a gun or to lose one human life.</p> + +<p>Above all, such an action will settle the whole question +of permanent peace. The absolute and grateful loyalty +of the whole British Empire, of the British Fleet, and of +all the Allied countries will be ours. The great English-speaking +nations will be able to control the details of the +peace and this without any formal alliance. There will +be an incalculable saving of human life and of treasure. +Such an act will make it possible for Germany to give in +honourably and with good grace because the whole world +will be against her. Her bankrupt and blockaded people +will bring such pressure to bear that the decision will be +hastened.</p> + +<p>The sympathies of the American people will be brought +in line with the Administration.</p> + +<p>If we settle the <i>Lusitania</i> question by compromising +in any way your original demands, or if we permit it to +drag on longer, America can have no part in bringing the +war to an end. The current of allied opinion will run so +strongly against the Administration that no censorship +and no friendly interference by an allied government +can stem the distrust of our Government which is now so +strong in Europe.</p> + +<p>We shall gain by any further delay only a dangerous, +thankless, and opulent isolation. The <i>Lusitania</i> is the +turning point in our history. The time to act is now.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1" /><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The Ambassador's granddaughter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2" /><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "A Cycle of Adams Letters, 1861-1865," edited by +Worthington Chauncey Ford. Vol. I, p. 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3" /><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> "The Life and Letters of John Hay," by William Roscoe +Thayer. Vol. II, p. 166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4" /><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> On September 6th, certain documents seriously compromising +Dr. Constantin Dumba, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to the United States, +were published in the British press. They disclosed that Dr. Dumba was +fomenting strikes in the United States and conducting other intrigues. +The American Government gave Dr. Dumba his passports on September 17th.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5" /><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> August 26th, Count Bernstorff gave a pledge to the United +States Government, that, in future, German submarines would not attack +liners without warning. This promise was almost immediately violated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6" /><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Sir Lionel Sackville-West was British Minister to the +United States from 1881 to 1888. In the latter year a letter was +published which he had written to an American citizen of British origin, +the gist of which was that the reëlection of President Cleveland would +be of advantage to British interests. For this gross interference in +American domestic affairs, President Cleveland immediately handed Sir +Lionel his passports. The incident ended his diplomatic career.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7" /><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> In this passage the Ambassador touches on one of the +bitterest controversies of the war. In order completely to understand +the issues involved and to obtain Lord Haldane's view, the reader should +consult the very valuable book recently published by Lord Haldane: +"Before the War." Chapter II tells the story of Lord Haldane's visit to +the Kaiser, and succeeding chapters give the reasons why the creation of +a huge British army in preparation for the war was not a simple matter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8" /><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The italics are Page's.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9" /><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Viscount Bryce, author of "The American Commonwealth" and +British Ambassador to the United States, 1907-1913.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10" /><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> In a communication sent February 10, 1915, President +Wilson warned the German Government that he would hold it to a "strict +accountability" for the loss of American lives by illegal submarine +attack.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11" /><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> A reference to the Anglo-French loan for $500,000,000, +placed in the United States in the autumn of 1915.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12" /><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> The Marquis Imperiali.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13" /><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Rustem Bey, the Turkish Ambassador to the United States, +was sent home early in the war, for publishing indiscreet newspaper and +magazine articles.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-53" id="page2-53"></a>[pg II-53]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV" />CHAPTER XV</h2> + +<h3>THE AMBASSADOR AND THE LAWYERS</h3> + +<p>References in the foregoing letters show that +Page was still having his troubles over the blockade. +In the latter part of 1915, indeed, the negotiations with +Sir Edward Grey on this subject had reached their second +stage. The failure of Washington to force upon Great +Britain an entirely new code of naval warfare—the Declaration +of London—has already been described. This +failure had left both the British Foreign Office and the +American State Department in an unsatisfactory frame +of mind. The Foreign Office regarded Washington with +suspicion, for the American attempt to compel Great +Britain to adopt a code of naval warfare which was exceedingly +unfavourable to that country and exceedingly +favourable to Germany, was susceptible of a sinister interpretation. +The British rejection of these overtures, on +the other hand, had evidently irritated the international +lawyers at Washington. Mr. Lansing now abandoned +his efforts to revolutionize maritime warfare and confined +himself to specific protests and complaints. His communications +to the London Embassy dealt chiefly with particular +ships and cargoes. Yet his persistence in regarding +all these problems from a strictly legalistic point of view +Page regarded as indicating a restricted sense of statesmanship.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-54" id="page2-54"></a>[pg II-54]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +London, August 4, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>... The lawyer-way in which the Department +goes on in its dealings with Great Britain is losing us the +only great international friendship that we have any +chance of keeping or that is worth having. Whatever +real principle we have to uphold with Great Britain—that's +all right. I refer only to the continuous series of +nagging incidents—always criticism, criticism, criticism +of small points—points that we have to yield at last, and +never anything constructive. I'll illustrate what I mean +by a few incidents that I can recall from memory. If I +looked up the record, I should find a very, very much +larger list.</p> + +<p>(1) We insisted and insisted and insisted, not once but +half a dozen times, at the very beginning of the war, on +England's adoption of the Declaration of London entire +in spite of the fact that Parliament had distinctly declined +to adopt it. Of course we had to give in—after we had +produced a distinctly unfriendly atmosphere and much +feeling.</p> + +<p>(2) We denied the British right to put copper on the +contraband list—much to their annoyance. Of course +we had at last to acquiesce. They were within their +rights.</p> + +<p>(3) We protested against bringing ships into port to +examine them. Of course we had to give in—after producing +irritation.</p> + +<p>(4) We made a great fuss about stopped telegrams. +We have no case at all; but, even after acknowledging +that we have no case, every Pouch continues to bring +telegrams with the request that I ask an explanation why +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-55" id="page2-55"></a>[pg II-55]</span> +they were stopped. Such explanations are practically +refused. I have 500 telegrams. Periodically I wire the +state of the case and ask for more specific instructions. +I never get an answer to these requests. But the Department +continues to send the telegrams! We confessedly +have no case here; and this method can produce nothing +but irritation.</p> + +<p>I could extend this list to 100 examples—of mere lawyer-like +methods—mere useless technicalities and objections +which it is obvious in the beginning cannot be maintained. +A similar method is now going on about cotton. Now +this is not the way Sir Edward Grey takes up business. +It's not the way I've done business all my life, nor that +you have, nor other frank men who mean what they say +and do not say things they do not mean. The constant +continuation of this method is throwing away the real regard +and confidence of the British Government and of the +British public—very fast, too.</p> + +<p>I sometimes wish there were not a lawyer in the world. +I heard the President say once that it took him twenty +years to recover from his legal habit of mind. Well, his +Administration is suffering from it to a degree that is +pathetic and that will leave bad results for 100 years.</p> + +<p>I suspect that in spite of all the fuss we have made we +shall at last come to acknowledge the British blockade; +for it is pretty nearly parallel to the United States blockade +of the South during our Civil War. The only difference +is—they can't make the blockade of the Baltic +against the traffic from the Scandinavian neutral states +effective. That's a good technical objection; but, since +practically all the traffic between those States and Germany +is in our products, much of the real force of it is +lost.</p> + +<p>If a protest is made against cotton being made contraband—it'll +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-56" id="page2-56"></a>[pg II-56]</span> +amount to nothing and give only irritation. +It will only play into Hoke Smith<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14" /><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>—German hands and +accomplish nothing here. We make as much fuss about +points which we have silently to yield later as about a +real principle. Hence they all say that the State Department +is merely captious, and they pay less and less attention +to it and care less and less for American opinion—if +only they can continue to get munitions. We are reducing +English regard to this purely mercenary basis....</p> + +<p>We are—under lawyers' quibbling—drifting apart very +rapidly, to our complete isolation from the sympathy of +the whole world.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours forever sincerely,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Page refers in this letter to the "blockade"; this was +the term which the British Government itself used to describe +its restrictive measures against German commerce, +and it rapidly passed into common speech. Yet the truth +is that Great Britain never declared an actual blockade +against Germany. A realization of this fact will clear up +much that is obscure in the naval warfare of the next two +years. At the beginning of the Civil War, President +Lincoln laid an interdict on all the ports of the Confederacy; +the ships of all nations were forbidden entering or +leaving them: any ship which attempted to evade this +restriction, and was captured doing so, was confiscated, +with its cargo. That was a blockade, as the term has +always been understood. A blockade, it is well to keep +in mind, is a procedure which aims at completely closing +the blockaded country from all commercial intercourse +with the world. A blockading navy, if the blockade is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-57" id="page2-57"></a>[pg II-57]</span> +successful, or "effective," converts the whole country into +a beleaguered fortress, just as an army, surrounding a +single town, prevents goods and people from entering or +leaving it. Precisely as it is the purpose of a besieging +army to starve a particular city or territory into submission, +so it is the aim of a blockading fleet to enforce the +same treatment on the nation as a whole. It is also essential +to keep in mind that the question of contraband has +nothing to do with a blockade, for, under this drastic +method of making warfare, everything is contraband. +Contraband is a term applied to cargoes, such as rifles, +machine guns, and the like, which are needed in the prosecution +of war.</p> + +<p>That a belligerent nation has the right to intercept +such munitions on the way to its enemy has been admitted +for centuries. Differences of opinion have raged only as +to the extent to which this right could be carried—the +particular articles, that is, that constituted contraband, +and the methods adopted in exercising it. But the important +point to be kept in mind is that where there is +a blockade, there is no contraband list—for everything +automatically becomes contraband. The seizure of contraband +on the high seas is a war measure which is availed +of only in cases in which the blockade has not been established.</p> + +<p>Great Britain, when she declared war on Germany, did +not follow President Lincoln's example and lay the whole +of the German coast under interdict. Perhaps one reason +for this inaction was a desire not unduly to offend neutrals, +especially the United States; but the more impelling motive +was geographical. The fact is that a blockade of the +German seacoast would accomplish little in the way of +keeping materials out of Germany. A glance at the map +of northwestern Europe will make this fact clear. In the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-58" id="page2-58"></a>[pg II-58]</span> +first place the seacoast of Germany is a small affair. In +the North Sea the German coast is a little indentation, +not more than two hundred miles long, wedged in between +the longer coastlines of Holland and Denmark; in the +Baltic it is somewhat more extensive, but the entrances +to this sea are so circuitous and treacherous that the suggestion +of a blockade here is not a practicable one. The +greatest ports of Germany are located on this little North +Sea coastline or on its rivers—Hamburg and Bremen. It +might therefore be assumed that any nation which successfully +blockaded these North Sea ports would have strangled +the commerce of Germany. That is far from being the +case. The point is that the political boundaries of Germany +are simply fictions, when economic considerations +are involved. Holland, on the west, and Denmark, on +the north, are as much a part of the German transportation +system as though these two countries were parts of +the German Empire. Their territories and the territories +of Germany are contiguous; the railroad and the canal +systems of Germany, Holland, and Denmark are practically +one. Such ports as Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and +Copenhagen are just as useful to Germany for purposes of +commerce as are Hamburg and Bremen, and, in fact, a +special commercial arrangement with Rotterdam has +made that city practically a port of Germany since 1868. +These considerations show how ineffective would be a +blockade of the German coast which did not also comprehend +the coast of Holland and Denmark. Germany +could still conduct her commerce through these neighbouring +countries. And at this point the great difficulty +arose. A blockade is an act of war and can be applied +only to a country upon which war has been declared. +Great Britain had declared war on Germany and could +therefore legally close her ports; she had not declared war +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-59" id="page2-59"></a>[pg II-59]</span> +on Holland and Denmark, and therefore could not use the +same measure against those friendly countries. Consequently +the blockade was useless to Great Britain; and so, +in the first six months of the war, the Admiralty fell back +upon the milder system of declaring certain articles contraband +of war and seizing ships that were suspected of +carrying them to Germany.</p> + +<p>A geographical accident had apparently largely destroyed +the usefulness of the British fleet and had guaranteed +Germany an unending supply of those foodstuffs +without which she could not maintain her resistance for +any extended period. Was Great Britain called upon to +accept this situation and to deny herself the use of the +blockade in this, the greatest struggle in her history? +Unless the British fleet could stop cargoes which were +really destined to Germany but which were bound for +neutral ports, Great Britain could not win the war; if the +British fleet could intercept such cargoes, then the chances +strongly favoured victory. The experts of the Foreign +Office searched the history of blockades and found something +which resembled a precedent in the practices of the +American Navy during the Civil War. In that conflict +Nassau, in the Bahamas, and Matamoros, in Mexico, +played a part not unlike that played by Rotterdam and +Copenhagen in the recent struggle. These were both +neutral ports and therefore outside the jurisdiction of the +United States, just as Rotterdam and Copenhagen were +outside the jurisdiction of Great Britain. They were the +ports of powers with which the United States was at +peace, and therefore they could not be blockaded, just as +Amsterdam and Copenhagen were ports of powers with +which Great Britain was now at peace.</p> + +<p>Trade from Great Britain to the Bahamas and Mexico +was ostensibly trade from one neutral port to another +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-60" id="page2-60"></a>[pg II-60]</span> +neutral port in the same sense as was trade from the +United States to Holland and Denmark. Yet the fact is +that the "neutrality" of this trade, in the Civil War, from +Great Britain to the Bahamas and Mexico, was the most +transparent subterfuge; such trade was not "neutral" in +the slightest degree. It consisted almost entirely of +contraband of war and was intended for the armies of the +Confederate States, then in arms against the Federal +Government. What is the reason, our Government +asked, that these gentle and unwarlike inhabitants of the +Bahamas have so suddenly developed such an enormous +appetite for percussion caps, rifles, cannon, and other +instruments of warfare? The answer, of course, lay upon +the surface; the cargoes were intended for reshipment into +the Southern States, and they were, in fact, immediately +so reshipped. The American Government, which has +always regarded realities as more important than logic, +brushed aside the consideration that this trade was conducted +through neutral ports, unhesitatingly seized these +ships and condemned both the ships and their cargoes. +Its action was without legal precedent, but our American +courts devised a new principle of international law to +cover the case—that of "continuous voyage" or "ultimate +destination." Under this new doctrine it was maintained +that cargoes of contraband could be seized anywhere upon +the high seas, even though they were going from one neutral +port to another, if it could be demonstrated that this +contraband was really on its way to the enemy. The +mere fact that it was transshipped at an intermediate +neutral port was not important; the important point was +the "ultimate destination." British shippers naturally +raged over these decisions, but they met with little sympathy +from their own government. Great Britain filed +no protest against the doctrine of "continuous voyage," +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-61" id="page2-61"></a>[pg II-61]</span> +but recognized its fundamental soundness, and since 1865 +this doctrine has been a part of international law.</p> + +<p>Great Britain's good sense in acquiescing in our Civil +War practices now met its reward; for these decisions of +American courts proved a godsend in her hour of trial. +The one neutral from which trouble was anticipated was +the United States. What better way to meet this situation +than to base British maritime warfare upon the decisions +of American courts? What more ideal solution of the +problem than to make Chief Justice Chase, of the United +States Supreme Court, really the author of the British +"blockade" against Germany? The policy of the British +Foreign Office was to use the sea power of Great Britain +to crush the enemy, but to do it in a way that would +not alienate American sympathy and American support; +clearly the one way in which both these ends could be +attained was to frame these war measures upon the +pronouncements of American prize courts. In a broad sense +this is precisely what Sir Edward Grey now proceeded to +do. There was a difference, of course, which Great +Britain's enemies in the American Senate—such men as +Senator Hoke Smith, of Georgia, and Senator Thomas +Walsh, of Montana—proceeded to point out; but it was a +difference of degree. Great Britain based her blockade +measures upon the American principle of "ultimate destination," +but it was necessary considerably to extend +that doctrine in order to meet the necessities of the new +situation. President Lincoln had applied this principle +to absolute contraband, such as powder, shells, rifles, and +other munitions of war. Great Britain now proceeded to +apply it to that nebulous class of commodities known as +"conditional contraband," the chief of which was foodstuffs. +If the United States, while a war was pending, +could evolve the idea of "ultimate destination" and apply +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-62" id="page2-62"></a>[pg II-62]</span> +it to absolute contraband, could not Great Britain, while +another war was pending, carry it one degree further and +make it include conditional contraband? Thus reasoned +the British Foreign Office. To this Mr. Lansing replied +that to stop foodstuffs on the way to Germany through a +neutral port was simply to blockade a neutral port, and +that this was something utterly without precedent. Seizing +contraband is not an act of war against the nation +whose ships are seized; blockading a port is an act of war; +what right therefore had Great Britain to adopt measures +against Holland, Denmark, and Sweden which virtually +amounted to a blockade?</p> + +<p>This is the reason why Great Britain, in the pronouncement +of March 1, 1915, and the Order in Council of March +11, 1915, did not describe these measures as a "blockade." +President Wilson described his attack on Mexico in 1914 +as "measures short of war," and now someone referred to +the British restrictions on neutral commerce as "measures +short of blockade." The British sought another escape +from their predicament by justifying this proceeding, +not on the general principles of warfare, but on the ground +of reprisal. Germany declared her submarine warfare +on merchant ships on February 4, 1915; Great Britain +replied with her announcement of March 1st, in which +she declared her intention of preventing "commodities of +any kind from reaching or leaving Germany." The British +advanced this procedure as a retaliation for the illegal +warfare which Germany had declared on merchant shipping, +both that of the enemy and of neutrals. "The +British and French governments will therefore hold +themselves free to detain and take into port ships carrying +goods of presumed enemy destination, ownership, and +origin." This sentence accurately describes the purposes +of a blockade—to cut the enemy off from all commercial +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-63" id="page2-63"></a>[pg II-63]</span> +relations with the outside world; yet the procedure Great +Britain now proposed to follow was not that of a blockade. +When this interdict is classically laid, any ship that attempts +to run the lines is penalized with confiscation, +along with its cargo; but such a penalty was not to be +exacted in the present instance. Great Britain now proposed +to purchase cargoes of conditional contraband discovered +on seized ships and return the ships themselves to +their owners, and this soon became the established practice. +Not only did the Foreign Office purchase all cotton +which was seized on its way to Germany, but it took measures +to maintain the price in the markets of the world. +In the succeeding months Southern statesmen in both +Houses of Congress railed against the British seizure of +their great staple, yet the fact was that cotton was all this +time steadily advancing in price. When Senator Hoke +Smith made a long speech advocating an embargo on the +shipment of munitions as a punishment to Great Britain +for stopping American cotton on the way to Germany, +the acute John Sharp Williams, of Mississippi, arose in the +Senate and completely annihilated the Georgia politician +by demonstrating how the Southern planters were growing +rich out of the war.</p> + +<p>That the so-called "blockade" situation was a tortuous +one must be apparent from this attempt to set forth the +salient facts. The basic point was that there could be no +blockade of Germany unless the neutral ports of contiguous +countries were also blockaded, and Great Britain +believed that she had found a precedent for doing this in +the operations of the American Navy in the Civil War. +But it is obvious that the situation was one which would +provide a great feast for the lawyers. That Page sympathized +with this British determination to keep foodstuffs +out of Germany, his correspondence shows. Day +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-64" id="page2-64"></a>[pg II-64]</span> +after day the "protests" from Washington rained upon +his desk. The history of our foreign relations for 1915 +and 1916 is largely made up of an interminable correspondence +dealing with seized cargoes, and the routine of +the Embassy was an unending nightmare of "demands," +"complaints," "precedents," "cases," "notes," "detentions" +of Chicago meats, of Southern cotton, and the like. +The American Embassy in London contains hundreds of +volumes of correspondence which took place during Page's +incumbency; more material has accumulated for those five +years than for the preceding century and a quarter of the +Government's existence. The greater part of this mass +deals with intercepted cargoes.</p> + +<p>The following extract from a letter which Page wrote +at this time gives a fair idea of the atmosphere that prevailed +in London while this correspondence was engaging +the Ambassador's mind:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The truth is, in their present depressed mood, the +United States is forgotten—everything's forgotten but +the one great matter in hand. For the moment at least, +the English do not care what we do or what we think or +whether we exist—except those critics of things-in-general +who use us as a target since they must take a crack at +somebody. And I simply cannot describe the curious +effect that is produced on men here by the apparent utter +lack of understanding in the United States of the phase +the war has now entered and of the mood that this phase +has brought. I pick up an American paper eight days old +and read solemn evidence to show that the British Government +is interrupting our trade in order to advance +its own at our expense, whereas the truth is that the +British Government hasn't given six seconds' thought in +six months to anybody's trade—not even its own. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-65" id="page2-65"></a>[pg II-65]</span> +When I am asked to inquire why Pfister and Schmidt's +telegram from New York to Schimmelpfenig and Johann +in Holland was stopped (the reason is reasonably obvious), +I try to picture to myself the British Minister in Washington +making inquiry of our Government on the day after +Bull Run, why the sailing boat loaded with persimmon +blocks to make golf clubs is delayed in Hampton Roads.</p> + +<p>I think I have neither heard nor read anything from +the United States in three months that didn't seem so +remote as to suggest the captain of the sailing ship from +Hongkong who turned up at Southampton in February +and had not even heard that there was a war. All day +long I see and hear women who come to ask if I can make +inquiry about their sons and husbands, "dead or missing," +with an interval given to a description of a man half of +whose body was splashed against a brick wall last night on +the Strand when a Zeppelin bomb tore up the street and +made projectiles of the pavement; as I walk to and from +the Embassy the Park is full of wounded and their nurses; +every man I see tells me of a new death; every member of +the Government talks about military events or of Balkan +venality; the man behind the counter at the cigar store +reads me part of a letter just come from his son, telling +how he advanced over a pile of dead Germans and one of +them grunted and turned under his feet-they (the English +alone) are spending $25,000,000 a day to keep this +march going over dead Germans; then comes a telegram +predicting blue ruin for American importers and a +cheerless Christmas for American children if a cargo of +German toys be not quickly released at Rotterdam, and +I dimly recall the benevolent unction with which American +children last Christmas sent a shipload of toys to +this side of the world—many of them for German children—to +the tune of "God bless us all"—do you wonder we +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-66" id="page2-66"></a>[pg II-66]</span> +often have to pinch ourselves to find out if we are we; and +what year of the Lord is it? What is the vital thing—the +killing of fifty people last night by a Zeppelin within +sight of St. Paul's on one side and of Westminster Abbey +on the other, or is it making representations to Sir Edward +Grey, who has hardly slept for a week because his +despatches from Sofia, Athens, Belgrade, and Salonika +come at all hours, each possibly reporting on which side +a new government may throw its army—to decide perhaps +the fate of the canal leading to Asia, the vast British +Asiatic empire at stake—is it making representations to +Sir Edward while his mind is thus occupied, that it is of +the greatest importance to the United States Government +that a particular German who is somewhere in this Kingdom +shall be permitted to go to the United States because +he knows how to dye sealskins and our sealskins are +yet undyed and the winter is coming? There will be no +new sealskins here, for every man and woman must give +half his income to keep the cigarman's son marching over +dead Germans, some of whom grunt and turn under his +feet. Dumba is at Falmouth to-day and gets just two +lines in the newspapers. Nothing and nobody gets three +lines unless he or it in some way furthers the war. Every +morning the Washington despatches say that Mr. Lansing +is about to send a long note to England. England +won't read it till there comes a lull in the fighting or in +the breathless diplomatic struggle with the Balkans. +London and the Government are now in much the same +mood that Washington and Lincoln's administration +were in after Lee had crossed the Potomac on his way to +Gettysburg. Northcliffe, the Lord of Yellow Journals, +but an uncommonly brilliant fellow, has taken to his bed +from sheer nervous worry. "The revelations that are +imminent," says he, "will shake the world—the incompetence +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-67" id="page2-67"></a>[pg II-67]</span> +of the Government, the losses along the Dardanelles, +the throwing away of British chances in the Balkans, +perhaps the actual defeat of the Allies." I regard +Lord Northcliffe less as an entity than as a symptom. +But he is always very friendly to us and he knows the +United States better than any Englishman that I know +except Bryce. He and Bryce are both much concerned +about our Note's coming just "at this most distressing +time." "If it come when we are calmer, no matter; but +now it cannot receive attention and many will feel that +the United States has hit on a most unhappy moment—almost +a cruel moment—to remind us of our sins."—That's +the substance of what they say.</p> + +<p>Overwork, or perhaps mainly the indescribable strain +on the nerves and vitality of men, caused by this experience, +for which in fact men are not built, puts one of +our staff after another in bed. None has been seriously +sick: the malady takes some form of "grip." On the +whole we've been pretty lucky in spite of this almost +regular temporary breakdown of one man after another. +I've so far escaped. But I am grieved to hear that +Whitlock is abed—"no physical ailment whatever—just +worn out," his doctor says. I have tried to induce him +and his wife to come here and make me a visit; but one +characteristic of this war-malady is the conviction of the +victim that he is somehow necessary to hold the world +together. About twice a week I get to the golf links and +take the risk of the world's falling apart and thus escape +both illness and its illusions.</p></div> + +<p>"I cannot begin to express my deep anxiety and even +uneasiness about the relations of these two great governments +and peoples," Page wrote about this time. +"The friendship of the United States and Great Britain +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-68" id="page2-68"></a>[pg II-68]</span> +is all that now holds the world together. It is the greatest +asset of civilization left. All the cargoes of copper and +oil in the world are not worth as much to the world. Yet +when a shipper's cargo is held up he does not think of +civilization and of the future of mankind and of free +government; he thinks only of his cargo and of the indignity +that he imagines has been done him; and what is +the American Government for if not to protect his rights? +Of course he's right; but there must be somebody somewhere +who sees things in their right proportion. The +man with an injury rushes to the Department of State—quite +properly. He is in a mood to bring England to +book. Now comes the critical stage in the journey of his +complaint. The State Department hurries it on to me—very +properly; every man's right must be guarded and defended—a +right to get his cargo to market, a right to get +on a steamer at Queenstown, a right to have his censored +telegram returned, any kind of a right, if he have a right. +Then the Department, not wittingly, I know, but humanly, +almost inevitably, in the great rush of overwork, +sends his 'demands' to me, catching much of his tone and +apparently insisting on the removal of his grievance as a +right, without knowing all the facts in the case. The +telegrams that come to me are full of 'protests' and +'demands'—protest and demand this, protest and demand +that. A man from Mars who should read my book of +telegrams received during the last two months would find +it difficult to explain how the two governments have kept +at peace. It is this serious treatment of trifling grievances +which makes us feel here that the exactions and dislocations +and necessary disturbances of this war are not +understood at home.</p> + +<p>"I assure you (and there are plenty of facts to prove it) +that this Government (both for unselfish and selfish reasons) +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-69" id="page2-69"></a>[pg II-69]</span> +puts a higher value on our friendship than on any +similar thing in the world. They will go—they are +going—the full length to keep it. But, in proportion to +our tendency to nag them about little things will the value +set on our friendship diminish and will their confidence in +our sincerity decline."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>The note which Lord Bryce and Lord Northcliffe so +dreaded reached the London Embassy in October, 1915. +The State Department had spent nearly six months in +preparing it; it was the American answer to the so-called +blockade established by the Order in Council of the preceding +March. Evidently its contents fulfilled the worst +forebodings:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +London, November 12, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>I have a great respect for the British Navy. Admiral +Jellicoe now has under his command 3,000 ships of all +sorts-far and away the biggest fleet, I think, that was +ever assembled. For the first time since the ocean was +poured out, one navy practically commands all the seas: +nothing sails except by its grace. It is this fleet of course +that will win the war. The beginning of the end—however +far off yet the end may be—is already visible by reason +of the economic pressure on Germany. But for this +fleet, by the way, London would be in ruins, all its treasure +looted; every French seacoast city and the Italian +peninsula would be as Belgium and Poland are; and thousands +of English women would be violated—just as dead +French girls are found in many German trenches that have +been taken in France. Hence I greatly respect the British +fleet.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-70" id="page2-70"></a>[pg II-70]</span> +<p>We have a good navy, too, for its size, and a naval personnel +as good as any afloat. I hear—with much joy—that +we are going to make our navy bigger—as much +bigger (God save the mark!) as Bryan will permit.</p> + +<p>Now, whatever the future bring, since any fighting +enterprise that may ever be thrust on us will be just and +justified, we must see to it that we win, as doubtless we +shall and as hitherto we always have won. We must be +dead sure of winning. Well, whatever fight may be +thrust on us by anybody, anywhere, at any time, for any +reason—if it only be generally understood beforehand that +our fleet and the British fleet shoot the same language, +there'll be no fight thrust upon us. The biggest bully in +the world wouldn't dare kick the sorriest dog we have. +Here, therefore, is a Peace Programme for you—the +only basis for a permanent peace in the world. There's +no further good in having venerable children build houses +of sand at The Hague; there's no further good in peace +organizations or protective leagues to enforce peace. We +had as well get down to facts. So far as ensuring peace is +concerned the biggest fact in the world is the British fleet. +The next biggest fact is the American fleet, because of itself +and still more because of the vast reserve power of the +United States which it implies. If these two fleets perfectly +understand one another about the undesirability of +wars of aggression, there'll be no more big wars as long +as this understanding continues. Such an understanding +calls for no treaty—it calls only for courtesy.</p> + +<p>And there is no other peace-basis worth talking about—by +men who know how the world is governed.</p> + +<p>Since I have lived here I have spent my days and nights, +my poor brain, and my small fortune all most freely and +gladly to get some understanding of the men who rule +this Kingdom, and of the women and the customs and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-71" id="page2-71"></a>[pg II-71]</span> +the traditions that rule these men—to get their trick of +thought, the play of their ideals, the working of their +imagination, the springs of their instincts. It is impossible +for any man to know just how well he himself does +such a difficult task—how accurately he is coming to +understand the sources and character of a people's actions. +Yet, at the worst, I do know something about the British: +I know enough to make very sure of the soundness +of my conclusion that they are necessary to us and we to +them. Else God would have permitted the world to be +peopled in some other way. And when we see that the +world will be saved by such an artificial combination as +England and Russia and France and Japan and Serbia, it +calls for no great wisdom to see the natural way whereby +it must be saved in the future.</p> + +<p>For this reason every day that I have lived here it has +been my conscious aim to do what I could to bring about a +condition that shall make sure of this—that, whenever we +may have need of the British fleet to protect our shores or +to prevent an aggressive war anywhere, it shall he ours by +a natural impulse and necessity—even without the asking.</p> + +<p>I have found out that the first step toward that end is +courtesy; that the second step is courtesy, and the third +step—such a fine and high courtesy (which includes +courage) as the President showed in the Panama tolls +controversy. We have—we and the British—common +aims and character. Only a continuous and sincere +courtesy—over periods of strain as well as of calm—is +necessary for as complete an understanding as will be required +for the automatic guidance of the world in peaceful +ways.</p> + +<p>Now, a difference is come between us—the sort of +difference that handled as between friends would serve +only to bind us together with a sturdier respect. We +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-72" id="page2-72"></a>[pg II-72]</span> +send a long lawyer's Note, not discourteous but wholly +uncourteous, which is far worse. I am writing now only +of the manner of the Note, not of its matter. There is +not a courteous word, nor a friendly phrase, nor a kindly +turn in it, not an allusion even to an old acquaintance, to +say nothing of an old friendship, not a word of thanks for +courtesies or favours done us, not a hint of sympathy in +the difficulties of the time. There is nothing in its tone +to show that it came from an American to an Englishman: +it might have been from a Hottentot to a Fiji-Islander.</p> + +<p>I am almost sure—I'll say quite sure—that this uncourteous +manner is far more important than its endless +matter. It has greatly hurt our friends, the real men of +the Kingdom. It has made the masses angry—which is +of far less importance than the severe sorrow that our +discourtesy of manner has brought to our friends—I fear +to all considerate and thoughtful Englishmen.</p> + +<p>Let me illustrate: When the Panama tolls controversy +arose, Taft ceased to speak the language of the natural +man and lapsed into lawyer's courthouse zigzagging mutterings. +Knox wrote a letter to the British Government +that would have made an enemy of the most affectionate +twin brother—all mere legal twists and turns, as agreeable +as a pocketful of screws. Then various bovine "international +lawyers" wrote books about it. I read them and +became more and more confused the further I went: you +always do. It took me some time to recover from this +word-drunk debauch and to find my own natural intelligence +again, the common sense that I was born with. +Then I saw that the whole thing went wrong from the place +where that Knox legal note came in. Congressmen in the +backwoods quoted cryptic passages from it, thought they +were saying something, and proceeded to make their +audiences believe that somehow England had hit us with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-73" id="page2-73"></a>[pg II-73]</span> +a club—or would have hit us but for Knox. That pure +discourtesy kept us apart from English sympathy for +something like two years.</p> + +<p>Then the President took it up. He threw the legal +twaddle into the gutter. He put the whole question in +a ten-minutes' speech to Congress, full of clearness and +fairness and high courtesy. It won even the rural Congressmen. +It was read in every capital and the men who +conduct every government looked up and said, "This is a +real man, a brave man, a just man." You will recall what +Sir Edward Grey said to me: "The President has taught us +all a lesson and set us all a high example in the noblest +courtesy."</p> + +<p>This one act brought these two nations closer together +than they had ever been since we became an independent +nation. It was an act of courtesy....</p> + +<p>My dear House, suppose the postman some morning +were to leave at your door a thing of thirty-five heads and +three appendices, and you discovered that it came from +an old friend whom you had long known and greatly +valued—this vast mass of legal stuff, without a word or a +turn of courtesy in it—what would you do? He had a +grievance, your old friend had. Friends often have. +But instead of explaining it to you, he had gone and had +his lawyers send this many-headed, much-appendiced +ton of stuff. It wasn't by that method that you found +your way from Austin, Texas, to your present eminence +and wisdom. Nor was that the way our friend found +his way from a little law-office in Atlanta, where I first +saw him, to the White House.</p> + +<p>More and more I am struck with this—that governments +are human. They are not remote abstractions, +nor impersonal institutions. Men conduct them; and +they do not cease to be men. A man is made up of six +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-74" id="page2-74"></a>[pg II-74]</span> +parts of human nature and four parts of facts and other +things—a little reason, some prejudice, much provincialism, +and of the particular fur or skin that suits his habitat. +When you wish to win a man to do what <i>you</i> want him to +do, you take along a few well-established facts, some reasoning +and such-like, but you take along also three or +four or five parts of human nature—kindliness, courtesy, +and such things—sympathy and a human touch.</p> + +<p>If a man be six parts human and four parts of other +things, a government, especially a democracy, is seven, or +eight, or nine parts human nature. It's the most human +thing I know. The best way to manage governments +and nations—so long as they are disposed to be friendly—is +the way we manage one another. I have a confirmation +of this in the following comment which came to me +to-day. It was made by a friendly member of Parliament.</p> + +<p>"The President himself dealt with Germany. Even +in his severity he paid the Germans the compliment of a +most courteous tone in his Note. But in dealing with +us he seems to have called in the lawyers of German +importers and Chicago pork-packers. I miss the high +Presidential courtesy that we had come to expect from +Mr. Wilson."</p> + +<p>An American banker here has told me of the experience +of an American financial salesman in the city the day +after our Note was published. His business is to make +calls on bankers and other financial men, to sell them securities. +He is a man of good address who is popular +with his clients. The first man he called on, on that day, +said: "I don't wish to be offensive to you. But I have +only one way to show my feeling of indignation toward +the United States, and that is, to have nothing more to do +with Americans."</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-75" id="page2-75"></a>[pg II-75]</span> +<p>The next man said: "No, nothing to-day, I thank you. +No—nor to-morrow either; nor the next day. Good +morning."</p> + +<p>After four or five such greetings, the fellow gave it up +and is now doing nothing.</p> + +<p>I don't attach much importance to such an incident as +this, except as it gives a hint of the general feeling. These +financial men probably haven't even read our Note. +Few people have. But they have all read the short and +sharp newspaper summary which preceded it in the English +papers. But what such an incident does indicate is +the prevalence of a state of public feeling which would +prevent the Government from yielding any of our demands +even if the Government so wished. It has now been +nearly a week since the Note was published. I have seen +most of the neutral ministers. Before the Note came they +expressed great eagerness to see it: it would champion +their cause. Since it came not one of them has mentioned +it to me. The Secretary of one of them remarked, after +being invited to express himself: "It is too—too—long!" +And, although I have seen most of the Cabinet this week, +not a man mentioned it to me. People seem studiously +to avoid it, lest they give offense.</p> + +<p>I have, however, got one little satisfaction. An American—a +half-expatriated loafer who talks "art"—you +know the intellectually affected and degenerate type—screwed +his courage up and told me that he felt ashamed +of his country. I remarked that I felt sure the feeling was +mutual. That, I confess, made me feel better.</p> + +<p>As nearly as I can make out, the highwater mark of +English good-feeling toward us in all our history was after +the President's Panama tolls courtesy. The low-water +mark, since the Civil War, I am sure, is now. The Cleveland +Venezuela message came at a time of no nervous +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-76" id="page2-76"></a>[pg II-76]</span> +strain and did, I think, produce no long-lasting effect. +A part of the present feeling is due to the English conviction +that we have been taken in by the Germans in the +submarine controversy, but a large part is due to the lack +of courtesy in this last Note—the manner in which it was +written even more than its matter. As regards its matter, +I have often been over what I conceive to be the main +points with Sir Edward Grey—very frankly and without +the least offense. He has said: "We may have to arbitrate +these things," as he might say, "We had better take +a cab because it is raining." It is easily possible—or it +was—to discuss anything with this Government without +offense. I have, in fact, stood up before Sir Edward's +fire and accused him of stealing a large part of the earth's +surface, and we were just as good friends afterward as before. +But I never drew a lawyer's indictment of him as a +land-thief: that's different.</p> + +<p>I suppose no two peoples or governments ever quite understand +one another. Perhaps they never will. That is +too much to hope for. But when one government writes +to another it ought to write (as men do) with some reference +to the personality of the other and to their previous +relations, since governments are more human than men. +Of course I don't know who wrote the Note. Hence I +can talk about it freely to you without implying criticism +of anybody in particular. But the man who wrote it +never saw the British Government and wouldn't know it +if he met it in the road. To him it is a mere legal entity, +a wicked, impersonal institution against which he has the +task of drawing an indictment—not the task of trying to +persuade it to confess the propriety of a certain course of +conduct. In his view, it is a wicked enemy to start with—like +the Louisiana lottery of a previous generation or +the Standard Oil Company of our time.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-77" id="page2-77"></a>[pg II-77]</span> +<p>One would have thought, since we were six months in +preparing it, that a draft of the Note would have been +sent to the man on the ground whom our Government +keeps in London to study the situation at first hand and +to make the best judgment he can about the most effective +methods of approach on delicate and difficult matters. +If that had been done, I should have suggested a courteous +short Note saying that we are obliged to set forth such +and such views about marine law and the rights of neutrals, +to His Majesty's Government; and that the contention +of the United States Government was herewith +sent—etc., etc.—Then this identical Note (with certain +court-house, strong, shirt-sleeve adjectives left out) +could have come without arousing any feeling whatsoever. +Of course I have no personal vanity in saying this to you. +I am sure I outgrew that foible many years ago. But +such a use of an ambassador—of any ambassador—is +obviously one of the best and most natural uses he could +be put to; and all governments but ours do put their ambassadors +to such a use: that's what they have 'em for.</p> + +<p><i>Per contra</i>: a telegram has just come in saying that a +certain Lichtenstein in New York had a lot of goods +stopped by the British Government, which (by an arrangement +made with their attorney here) agreed to buy +them at a certain price: will I go and find out why the +Government hasn't yet paid Lichtenstein and when he +may expect his money? Is it an ambassadorial duty to +collect a private bill for Lichtenstein, in a bargain with +which our Government has had nothing to do? I have +telegraphed the Department, quite calmly, that I don't +think it is. I venture to say no ambassador ever had such +a request as that before from his Government.</p> + +<p>My dear House, I often wonder if my years of work +here—the kind of high good work I've tried to do—have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-78" id="page2-78"></a>[pg II-78]</span> +not been thrown away. I've tried to take and to busy +myself with a long-range view of great subjects. The +British Empire and the United States will be here long +after we are dead, and their relations will continue to be +one of the most important matters—perhaps the most +important matter—in the world. Well, now think of +Lichtenstein's bill!</p> + +<p>To get back where I started—I fear, therefore, that, +when I next meet the Admiral of the Grand Fleet (with +whom I used to discuss everything quite freely before he +sailed away to the war), he may forget to mention that +we may have his 3,000 ships at our need.</p> + +<p>Since this present difference is in danger of losing the +healing influence of a kindly touch—has become an uncourteous +monster of 35 heads and 3 appendices—I see no +early end of it. The British Foreign Office has a lot of +lawyers in its great back offices. They and our lawyers +will now butt and rebut as long as a goat of them is left +alive on either side. The two governments—the two +human, kindly groups—have retired: they don't touch, on +this matter, now. The lawyers will have the time of their +lives, each smelling the blood of the other.</p> + +<p>If more notes must come—as the English papers report +over and over again every morning and every afternoon—the +President might do much by writing a brief, human +document to accompany the Appendices. If it be done +courteously, we can accuse them of stealing sheep and of +dyeing the skins to conceal the theft-without provoking +the slightest bad feeling; and, in the end, they'll pay +another <i>Alabama</i> award without complaint and frame +the check and show it to future ambassadors as Sir Edward +shows the <i>Alabama</i> check to me sometimes.</p> + +<p>And it'll be a lasting shame (and may bring other Great +Wars) if lawyers are now permitted to tear the garments +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-79" id="page2-79"></a>[pg II-79]</span> +with which Peace ought to be clothed as soon as she can +escape from her present rags and tatters.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours always heartily,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. My dear House: Since I have—in weeks and +months past—both telegraphed and written the Department +(and I presume the President has seen what +I've sent) about the feeling here, I've written this letter +to you and not to the President nor Lansing. I will not +run the risk of seeming to complain—nor even of seeming +to seem to complain. But if you think it wise to send or +show this letter to the President, I'm willing you should. +This job was botched: there's no doubt about that. We +shall not recover for many a long, long year. The identical +indictment could have been drawn with admirable +temper and the way laid down for arbitration and for +keeping our interpretation of the law and precedents +intact—all done in a way that would have given no offense.</p> + +<p>The feeling runs higher and higher every day—goes +deeper and spreads wider.</p> + +<p>Now on top of it comes the <i>Ancona</i><a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15" /><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>. The English +press, practically unanimously, makes sneering remarks +about our Government. After six months it has got no +results from the <i>Lusitania</i> controversy, which Bernstorff +is allowed to prolong in secret session while factories are +blown up, ships supplied with bombs, and all manner of +outrages go on (by Germans) in the United States. The +English simply can't understand why Bernstorff is allowed +to stay. They predict that nothing will come of the +<i>Ancona</i> case, nor of any other case. Nobody wants us +to get into the war—nobody who counts—but they are +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-80" id="page2-80"></a>[pg II-80]</span> +losing respect for us because we seem to them to submit to +anything.</p> + +<p>We've simply dropped out. No English person ever +mentions our Government to me. But they talk to one +another all the time about the political anæmia of the +United States Government. They think that Bernstorff +has the State Department afraid of him and that the +Pacifists dominate opinion—the Pacifists-at-any-price. +I no longer even have a chance to explain any of these +things to anybody I know.</p> + +<p>It isn't the old question we used to discuss of our having +no friend in the world when the war ends. It's gone far +further than that. It is now whether the United States +Government need be respected by anybody.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14" /><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Senator Hoke Smith, of Georgia, was at this time—and +afterward—conducting bitter campaign against the British blockade and +advocating an embargo as a retaliation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15" /><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Torpedoed off Sardinia on Nov. 7, 1915, by the Austrians. +There was a large toss of life, including many Americans.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-81" id="page2-81"></a>[pg II-81]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI" />CHAPTER XVI</h2> + +<h3>DARK DAYS FOR THE ALLIES</h3> + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +June 30, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>There's a distinct wave of depression here—perhaps +I'd better say a period of setbacks has come. So far as +we can find out only the Germans are doing anything in +the war on land. The position in France is essentially +the same as it was in November, only the Germans are +much more strongly entrenched. Their great plenty of +machine guns enables them to use fewer men and to kill +more than the Allies. The Russians also lack ammunition +and are yielding more and more territory. The Allies—so +you hear now—will do well if they get their little +army away from the Dardanelles before the German-Turks +eat 'em alive, and no Balkan state comes in to help +the Allies. Italy makes progress-slowly, of course, +over almost impassable mountains—etc., etc. Most of +this doleful recital I think is true; and I find more and +more men here who have lost hope of seeing an end of the +war in less than two or three years, and more and more +who fear that the Germans will never be forced out of +Belgium. And the era of the giant aeroplane seems about +to come—a machine that can carry several tons and +several men and go great distances—two engines, two +propellers, and the like. It isn't at all impossible, I am +told, that these machines may be the things that will at +last end the war—possibly, but I doubt it.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-82" id="page2-82"></a>[pg II-82]</span> +<p>At any rate, it is true that a great wave of discouragement +is come. All these events and more seem to prove +to my mind the rather dismal failure the Liberal Government +made—a failure really to grasp the problem. It was +a dead failure. Of course they are waking up now, when +they are faced with a certain dread lest many soldiers +prefer frankly to die rather than spend another winter in +practically the same trenches. You hear rumours, too, of +great impending military scandals—God knows whether +there be any truth in them or not.</p> + +<p>In a word, while no Englishman gives up or will ever +give up—that's all rot—the job he has in hand is not going +well. He's got to spit on his hands and buckle up his belt +two holes tighter yet. And I haven't seen a man for a +month who dares hope for an end of the fight within any +time that he can foresee.</p> + +<p>I had a talk to-day with the Russian Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16" /><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>. He +wished to know how matters stood between the United +States and Great Britain. I said to him: "I'll give you +a task if you have leisure. Set to and help me hurry up +your distinguished Ally in dealing with our shipping +troubles."</p> + +<p>The old man laughed—that seemed a huge joke to +him; he threw up his hands and exclaimed—"My God! +He is slow about his own business—has always been slow—can't +be anything else."</p> + +<p>After more such banter, the nigger in his wood-pile +poked his head out: "Is there any danger," he asked, +"that munitions may be stopped?"</p> + +<p>The Germans have been preparing northern France for +German occupation. No French are left there, of course, +except women and children and old men. They must be +fed or starved or deported. The Germans put them on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-83" id="page2-83"></a>[pg II-83]</span> +trains—a whole village at a time—and run them to the +Swiss frontier. Of course the Swiss pass them on into +France. The French have their own and—the Germans +will have northern France without any French population, +if this process goes on long enough.</p> + +<p>The mere bang! bang! frightful era of the war is passed. +The Germans are settling down to permanent business +with their great organizing machine. Of course they talk +about the freedom of the seas and such mush-mush; of +course they'd like to have Paris and rob it of enough +money to pay what the war has cost them, and London, +too. But what they really want for keeps is seacoast—Belgium +and as much of the French coast as they can win. +That's really what they are out gunning for. Of course, +somehow at some time they mean to get Holland, too, +and Denmark, if they really need it. Then they'll have +a very respectable seacoast—the thing that they chiefly +lack now.</p> + +<p>More and more people are getting their nerves knocked +out. I went to a big hospital on Sunday, twenty-five +miles out of London. They showed me an enormous, +muscular Tommy sitting by himself in a chair under the +trees. He had had a slight wound which quickly got +well. But his speech was gone. That came back, too, +later. But then he wouldn't talk and he'd insist on +going off by himself. He's just knocked out—you can't +find out just how much gumption he has left. That's +what the war did for him: it stupefied him. Well, it's +stupefied lots of folks who have never seen a trench. +That's what's happened. Of all the men who started in +with the game, I verily believe that Lloyd George is holding +up best. He organized British finance. Now he's +organizing British industry.</p> + +<p>It's got hot in London—hotter than I've ever known +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-84" id="page2-84"></a>[pg II-84]</span> +it. It gets lonelier (more people going away) and sadder—more +wounded coming back and more visible sorrow. +We seem to be settling down to something that is more +or less like Paris—so far less, but it may become more and +more like it. And the confident note of an earlier period +is accompanied by a dull undertone of much less cheerfulness. +The end is—in the lap of the gods.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy, London,<br /> +<br /> +July 25, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>... Many men here are very active in their +thought about the future relations of the United States +and Great Britain. Will the war bring or leave them +closer together? If the German machine be completely +smashed (and it may not be completely smashed) the +Japanese danger will remain. I do not know how to +estimate that danger accurately. But there is such a +danger. And, if the German wild beast ever come to life +again, there's an eternal chance of trouble with it. For +defensive purposes it may become of the very first importance +that the whole English-speaking world should +stand together—not in entangling alliance, but with a +much clearer understanding than we have ever yet had. +I'll indicate to you some of my cogitations on this subject +by trying to repeat what I told Philip Kerr<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17" /><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> a fortnight +ago—one Sunday in the country. I can write this +to you without seeming to parade my own opinions.—Kerr +is one of "The Round Table," perhaps the best +group of men here for the real study and free discussion +of large political subjects. Their quarterly, <i>The Round +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-85" id="page2-85"></a>[pg II-85]</span> +Table</i>, is the best review, I dare say, in the world. Kerr is +red hot for a close and perfect understanding between +Great Britain and the United States. I told him that, +since Great Britain had only about forty per cent. of +the white English-speaking people and the United States +had about sixty per cent., I hoped in his natural history +that the tail didn't wag the dog. I went on:</p> + +<p>"You now have the advantage of us in your aggregation +of three centuries of accumulated wealth—the spoil +of all the world—and in the talent that you have developed +for conserving it and adding to it and in the institutions +you have built up to perpetuate it—your merchant +ships, your insurance, your world-wide banking, your +mortgages on all new lands; but isn't this the only advantage +you have? This advantage will pass. You are +now shooting away millions and millions, and you will +have a debt that is bound to burden industry. On our +side, we have a more recently mixed race than yours; +you've begun to inbreed. We have also (and therefore) +more adaptability, a greater keenness of mind in our +masses; we are Old-World men set free—free of classes +and traditions and all that they connote. Your so-called +democracy is far behind ours. Your aristocracy +and your privileges necessarily bring a social and economic +burden. Half your people look backward.</p> + +<p>"Your leadership rests on your wealth and on the +power that you've built on your wealth."</p> + +<p>When he asked me how we were to come closer together—"closer +together, with your old-time distrust of +us and with your remoteness?"—I stopped him at "remoteness."</p> + +<p>"That's the reason," I said. "Your idea of our 'remoteness.' +'Remoteness' from what? From you? Are +you not betraying the only real difficulty of a closer sympathy +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-86" id="page2-86"></a>[pg II-86]</span> +by assuming that you are the centre of the world? +When you bring yourself to think of the British Empire +as a part of the American Union—mind you, I am not +saying that you would be formally admitted—but when +you are yourselves in close enough sympathy with us to +wish to be admitted, the chief difficulty of a real union +of thought will be gone. You recall Lord Rosebery's +speech in which he pictured the capital of the British +Empire being moved to Washington if the American +Colonies had been retained under the Crown? Well, it +was the Crown that was the trouble, and the capital of +English-speaking folk has been so moved and you still +remain 'remote.' Drop 'remote' from your vocabulary +and your thought and we'll actually be closer together."</p> + +<p>It's an enormous problem—just how to bring these +countries closer together. Perhaps nothing can do it but +some great common danger or some great common adventure. +But this is one of the problems of your lifetime. +England can't get itself clean loose from the continent +nor from continental mediævalism; and with that +we can have nothing to do. Men like Kerr think that +somehow a great push toward democracy here will be +given by the war. I don't quite see how. So far the +aristocracy have made perhaps the best showing in defence +of English liberty. They are paying the bills of +the war; they have sent their sons; these sons have died +like men; and their parents never whimper. It's a fine +breed for such great uses as these. There was a fine +incident in the House of Lords the other day, which gave +the lie to the talk that one used to hear here about +"degeneracy." Somebody made a perfectly innocent proposal +to complete a list of peers and peers' sons who had +fallen in the war—a thing that will, of course, be done, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-87" id="page2-87"></a>[pg II-87]</span> +just as a similar list will be compiled of the House of +Commons, of Oxford and Cambridge Universities. But +one peer after another objected vigorously lest such a +list appear immodest. "We are but doing our duty. +Let the matter rest there."</p> + +<p>In a time like this the aristocracy proves its worth. In +fact, all aristocracies grew chiefly out of wars, and perhaps +they are better for wars than a real democracy. Here, +you see, you run into one of those contradictions in life +and history which make the world so hard to change....</p> + +<p>You know there are some reasons why peace, whenever +it may come, will bring problems as bad as the problems +of the war itself. I can think of no worse task than the +long conferences of the Allies with their conflicting interests +and ambitions. Then must come their conferences +with the enemy. Then there are sure to be other +conferences to try to make peace secure. And, of course, +many are going to be dissatisfied and disappointed, and +perhaps out of these disappointments other wars may +come. The world will not take up its knitting and sit +quietly by the fire for many a year to come....</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>One happiness came to Mr. and Mrs. Page in the midst +of all these war alarums. On August 4, 1915, their only +daughter, Katharine, was married to Mr. Charles G. +Loring, of Boston, Massachusetts. The occasion gave the +King an opportunity of showing the high regard in which +Page and his family were held. It had been planned +that the wedding should take place in Westminster Abbey, +but the King very courteously offered Miss Page +the Royal chapel in St. James's Palace. This was a distinguished +compliment, as it was the first time that any +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-88" id="page2-88"></a>[pg II-88]</span> +marriage, in which both bride and bridegroom were +foreigners, had ever been celebrated in this building, which +for centuries has been the scene of royal weddings. The +special place which his daughter had always held in the +Ambassador's affections is apparent in the many letters +that now followed her to her new home in the United +States. The unique use Page made of the initials of his +daughter's name was characteristic.</p> + + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Mrs. Charles G. Loring</i><br /> +<br /> +London, September 1, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR K.A. P-TAIN:</p> + +<p>Here's a joke on your mother and Frank: We three +(and Smith) went up to Broadway in the car, to stay +there a little while and then to go on into Wales, etc. +The hotel is an old curiosity shop; you sit on Elizabethan +chairs by a Queen Anne table, on a drunken floor, +and look at the pewter platters on the wall or do your best +to look at them, for the ancient windows admit hardly any +light. "Oh! lovely," cries Frank; and then he and your +mother make out in the half-darkness a perfectly wonderful +copper mug on the mantelpiece; and you go out +and come in the ramshackle door (stooping every time) +after you've felt all about for the rusty old iron latch, and +then you step down two steps (or fall), presently to step +up two more. Well, for dinner we had six kinds of meat +and two meat pies and potatoes and currants! My +dinner was a potato. I'm old and infirm and I have +many ailments, but I'm not so bad off as to be able to +live on a potato a day. And since we were having a vacation, +I didn't see the point. So I came home where I +have seven courses for dinner, all good; and Mrs. Leggett +took my place in the car. That carnivorous company +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-89" id="page2-89"></a>[pg II-89]</span> +went on. They've got to eat six kinds of meat and two +meat pies and—currants! I haven't. Your mother calls +me up on the phone every morning—me, who am living +here in luxury, seven courses at every dinner—and asks +anxiously, "And how <i>are</i> you, dear?" I answer: "Prime, +and how are <i>you</i>?" We are all enjoying ourselves, you +see, and I don't have to eat six kinds of meat and two +meat pies and—currants! They do; and may Heaven +save 'em and get 'em home safe!</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2098" id="i2098" /> +<a href="images/2098.jpg"><img src= +"images/2098.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>Col. Edward M. House. From a painting by P.A. Laszlo</b> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2099" id="i2099" /> +<a href="images/2099.jpg"><img src= +"images/2099.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>The Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Asquith,<br /> +Prime Minister of Great Britain, 1908-1916</b> +</div> + +<p>It's lovely in London now—fine, shining days and +showers at night and Ranelagh beautiful, and few people +here; but I don't deny its loneliness—somewhat. Yet +sleep is good, and easy and long. I have neither an +ocean voyage nor six kinds of meat and two meat pies +and currants. I congratulate myself and write to you +and mother.</p> + +<p>You'll land to-morrow or next day—good; I congratulate +you. Salute the good land for me and present my +respectful compliments to vegetables that have taste and +fruit that is not sour—to the sunshine, in fact, and to +everything that ripens and sweetens in its glow.</p> + +<p>And you're now (when this reaches you) fixing up +your home—your <i>own</i> home, dear Kitty. Bless your +dear life, you left a home here—wasn't it a good and nice +one?—left it very lonely for the man who has loved you +twenty-four years and been made happy by your presence. +But he'll love you twenty-five more and on and +on—always. So you haven't lost that—nor can you. +And it's very fit and right that you should build your own +nest; that adds another happy home, you see. And I'm +very sure it will be very happy always. Whatever I can +do to make it so, now or ever, you have only to say. +But—your mother took your photograph with her and got +it out of the bag and put it on the bureau as soon as she +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-90" id="page2-90"></a>[pg II-90]</span> +went to her room—a photograph taken when you were a +little girl.</p> + +<p>Hodson<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18" /><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> came up to see me to-day and with tears of +gratitude in his voice told me of the present that you and +Chud had made him. He is very genuinely pleased. As +for the rest, life goes on as usual.</p> + +<p>I laugh as I think of all your new aunts and cousins +looking you over and wondering if you'll fit, and then +saying to one another as they go to bed: "She is lovely—isn't +she?" I could tell 'em a thing or two if I had a +whack at 'em.</p> + +<p>And you'll soon have all your pretty things in place in +your pretty home, and a lot more that I haven't seen. +I'll see 'em all before many years—and you, too! Tell +me, did Chud get you a dinner book? Keep your record +of things: you'll enjoy it in later years. And you'll have +a nice time this autumn—your new kinsfolk, your new +friends and old and Boston and Cambridge. If you run +across Mr. Muffin, William Roscoe Thayer, James Ford +Rhodes, President Eliot—these are my particular old +friends whose names occur at the moment.</p> + +<p>My love to you and Chud too,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>The task of being "German Ambassador to Great +Britain" was evidently not without its irritations.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +September 15, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>Yesterday was my German day. When the boy came +up to my room, I told him I had some official calls to make. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-91" id="page2-91"></a>[pg II-91]</span> +"Therefore get out my oldest and worst suit." He +looked much confused; and when I got up both my worst +and best suits were laid out. Evidently he thought he +must have misunderstood me. I asked your mother if she +was ready to go down to breakfast. "Yes."—"Well, +then I'll leave you." She grunted something and when +we both got down she asked: "What <i>did</i> you say to me +upstairs?" I replied: "I regard the incident as closed." +She looked a sort of pitying look at me and a minute or +two later asked: "What on earth is the matter with you? +Can't you hear at all?" I replied: "No. Therefore let's +talk." She gave it up, but looked at me again to make +sure I was all there.</p> + +<p>I stopped at the barber shop, badly needing a shave. +The barber got his brush and razor ready. I said: "Cut +my hair." He didn't talk for a few minutes, evidently +engaged in deep thought.</p> + +<p>When I got to my office, a case was brought to me of a +runaway American who was caught trying to send news +to Germany. "Very good," said I, "now let it be made +evident that it shall appear therefore that his innocence +having been duly established he shall be shot."</p> + +<p>"What, sir?"</p> + +<p>"That since it must be evident that his guilt is genuine +therefore see that he be acquitted and then shot."</p> + +<p>Laughlin and Bell and Stabler were seen in an earnest +conference in the next room for nearly half an hour.</p> + +<p>Shoecraft brought me a letter. "This is the most +courteous complaint about the French passport bureau +we have yet had. I thought you'd like to see this lady's +letter. She says she knows you."</p> + +<p>"Do not answer it, then."</p> + +<p>He went off and conferred with the others.</p> + +<p>Hodson spoke of the dog he sold to Frank. "Yes," +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-92" id="page2-92"></a>[pg II-92]</span> +said I, "since he was a very nice dog, therefore he was +worthless."</p> + +<p>"Sir?"</p> + +<p>And he went off after looking back at me in a queer way.</p> + +<p>The day went on in that fashion. When I came out to +go to lunch, the stairs down led upward and I found myself, +therefore, stepping out of the roof on to the sidewalk—the +house upside down. Smith looked puzzled. "Home, +Sir?"</p> + +<p>"No. Go the other way." After he had driven two +or three blocks, I told him to turn again and go the other +way—home!</p> + +<p>Your mother said almost as soon as I got into the door—"What +was the matter with you this morning?"</p> + +<p>"Oh, nothing. You forget that I am the German +Ambassador."</p> + +<p>Now this whole narrative is a lie. Nothing in it occurred. +If it were otherwise it wouldn't be German.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Mrs. Charles G. Loring</i><br /> +<br /> +London, 6 Grosvenor Square.<br /> +Sunday, September 19, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR KITTY:</p> + +<p>You never had a finer autumnal day in the land of the +free than this day has been in this old kingdom—fresh +and fair; and so your mother said to herself and me: +"Let's go out to the Laughlins' to lunch," and we went. +There never was a prettier drive. We found out among +other things that you pleased Mrs. Laughlin very much +by your letter. Her garden changes every week or so, +and it never was lovelier than it is now.—Then we came +back home and dined alone. Well, since we can't have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-93" id="page2-93"></a>[pg II-93]</span> +you and Chud and Frank, I don't care if we do dine +alone sometimes for some time to come. Your mother's +monstrous good company, and sometimes three is a +crowd. And now is a good time to be alone. London +never was so dull or deserted since I've known it, nor +ever so depressed. The military (land) operations are +not cheerful; the hospitals are all full; I see more wounded +soldiers by far than at any previous time; the Zeppelins +came somewhere to this island every night for a week—one +of them, on the night of the big raid, was visible from +our square for fifteen or twenty minutes—in general it is +a dull and depressing time. I have thought that since +you were determined to run off with a young fellow, you +chose a pretty good time to go away. I'm afraid there'll +be no more of what we call "fun" in this town as long +as we stay here.</p> + +<p>Worse yet: in spite of the Coalition Government and +everybody's wish to get on smoothly and to do nothing +but to push the war, since Parliament convened there's +been a great row, which doesn't get less. The labour +men give trouble; people blame the politicians: Lloyd +George is saving the country, say some; Lloyd George +ought to be hanged, say others. Down with Northcliffe! +They seem likely to burn him at the stake—except those +who contend that he has saved the nation. Some maintain +that the cabinet is too big—twenty-two. More say +that it has no leadership. If you favour conscription, +you are a traitor: if you don't favour it, you are pro-German. +It's the same sort of old quarrel they had before +the war, only it is about more subjects. In fact, +nobody seems very clearly to know what it's about. +Meantime the Government is spending money at a rate +that nobody ever dreamed of before. Three million +pounds a day—some days five million. The Germans, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-94" id="page2-94"></a>[pg II-94]</span> +meantime are taking Russia; the Allies are not taking the +Dardanelles; in France the old deadlock continues. Boston +at its worst must be far more cheerful than this.</p> + +<p>Affectionately and with my love to Chud,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +London, September 26, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>The suppression of facts about the military situation is +more rigorous than ever since the military facts have become +so discouraging. The volume of pretty well authenticated +news that I used to hear privately has become +sensibly diminished. Rumours that reach me by the back +door, in all sorts of indirect ways, are not fewer, but fewer +of them are credible. There is great confusion, great fear, +very great depression—far greater, I think, than England +has felt, certainly since the Napoleonic scare and probably +since the threat of the Armada. Nobody, I think, supposes +that England herself will be conquered: confidence +in the navy is supreme. But the fear of a practical defeat +of the Allies on the continent is become general. Russia +may have to pay a huge indemnity, going far to reimburse +Germany for the cost of the war; Belgium may be permanently +held unless Germany receive an indemnity to +evacuate, and her seaports may be held anyhow; the Germans +may reach Constantinople before the Allies, and +Germany may thus hold, when the war ends, an open way +to the East; and France may have to pay a large sum to +regain her northern territory now held by the Germans. +These are not the convictions of men here, but they have +distinctly become the fears; and many men's mind are +beginning to adjust themselves to the possible end of the +war, as a draw, with these results. Of course such an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-95" id="page2-95"></a>[pg II-95]</span> +end would be a real German victory and—another war as +soon as enough men grow up to fight it.</p> + +<p>When the more cheerful part of public opinion, especially +when any member of the Government, affects to +laugh at these fears, the people say: "Well, make known +the facts that you base your hope on. Precisely how +many men have volunteered? Is the voluntary system +a success or has it reached its limit? Precisely what is the +situation in the Dardanelles? Are the allied armies +strong enough to make a big drive to break through the +German line in France? Have they big guns and ammunition +enough? What are the facts about the chance +in the Dardanelles? What have we done with reference +to the Balkan States?" Thus an angry and ominous political +situation is arising. The censorship on war news apparently +becomes severer, and the general fear spreads and +deepens. The air, of course, becomes heavily charged +with such rumours as these: that if the Government continue +its policy of secrecy, Lloyd George will resign, seeing +no hope of a real victory: that, if he do resign, his resignation +will disrupt the Government—cause a sort of +earthquake; that the Government will probably fall and +Lloyd George will be asked to form another one, since he +is, as the public sees it, the most active and efficient man +in political life; that, if all the Balkan States fail the Allies, +Sir Edward Grey will be reckoned a failure and must +resign; and you even now hear talk of Mr. Balfour's +succeeding him.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to say what basis there is for these and +other such rumours, but they show the general very serious +depression and dissatisfaction. Of that there is no doubt. +Nor is there any doubt about grave differences in the +Cabinet about conscription nor of grave fear in the public +mind about the action of labour unions in hindering the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-96" id="page2-96"></a>[pg II-96]</span> +utmost production of ammunition, nor of the increasing +feeling that the Prime Minister doesn't lead the nation. +Except Lloyd George and the Chancellor of the Exchequer<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19" /><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> +the Cabinet seems to suffer a sort of paralysis. +Lord Kitchener's speech in the House of Lords, explaining +the military situation, reads like a series of month-old +bulletins and was a great disappointment. Mr. Asquith's +corresponding speech in the House seemed to lack complete +frankness. The nation feels that it is being kept +in the dark, and all the military information that it gets +is discouraging. Sir Edward Grey, as philosophic and +enduring a man as I know, seems much more depressed +than I have ever known him to be; Bryce is very very far +from cheerful; Plunkett<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20" /><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>, whom also you know, is in the +dumps—it's hard to find a cheerful or a hopeful man.</p> + +<p>The secrecy of official life has become so great and successful +that prophecy of political changes must be mere +guess work. But, unless good news come from the Dardanelles +in particular, I have a feeling that Asquith may +resign—be forced out by the gradual pressure of public +opinion; that Lloyd George will become Prime Minister, +and that (probably) Sir Edward Grey may resign. Yet +I cannot take the prevailing military discouragement +at its face value. The last half million men and the last +million pounds will decide the contest, and the Allies will +have these. This very depression strengthens the nation's +resolution to a degree that they for the moment forget. +The blockade and the armies in the field will wear Germany +down—not absolutely conquer her, but wear her +down—probably in another year.</p> + +<p>In the meantime our prestige (if that be the right word), +in British judgment, is gone. As they regard it, we have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-97" id="page2-97"></a>[pg II-97]</span> +permitted the Germans to kill our citizens, to carry on a +worldwide underhand propaganda from our country (as +well as in it), for which they have made no apology +and no reparation but only vague assurances for the +future now that their submarine fleet has been almost +destroyed. They think that we are credulous to the +point of simplicity to accept any assurances that Bernstorff +may give—in a word, that the peace-at-any-price +sentiment so dominates American opinion and the American +Government that we will submit to any indignity +or insult—that we will learn the Germans' real character +when it is too late to save our honour or dignity. +There is no doubt of the definiteness or depth of this +opinion.</p> + +<p>And I am afraid that this feeling will show itself in our +future dealings with this government. The public opinion +of the nation as well as the Government accepts their +blockade as justified as well as necessary. They will not +yield on that point, and they will regard our protests as +really inspired by German influence—thus far at least: +that the German propaganda has organized and encouraged +the commercial objection in the United States, +and that this propaganda and the peace-at-any-price +sentiment demand a stiff controversy with England to +offset the stiff controversy with Germany; and, after all, +they ask, what does a stiff controversy with the United +States amount to? I had no idea that English opinion +could so quickly become practically indifferent as to what +the United States thinks or does. And as nearly as I can +make it out, there is not a general wish that we should go +to war. The prevalent feeling is not a selfish wish for +military help. In fact they think that, by the making of +munitions, by the taking of loans, and by the sale of food +we can help them more than by military and naval action. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-98" id="page2-98"></a>[pg II-98]</span> +Their feeling is based on their disappointment at our submitting +to what they regard as German dallying with us +and to German insults. They believe that, if we had sent +Bernstorff home when his government made its unsatisfactory +reply to our first <i>Lusitania</i> note, Germany would +at once have "come down"; opportunist Balkan States +would have come to the help of the Allies; Holland and +perhaps the Scandinavian States would have got some consideration +at Berlin for their losses by torpedoes; that +more attention would have been paid by Turkey to our +protest against the wholesale massacre of the Armenians; +and that a better settlement with Japan about Pacific +islands and Pacific influence would have been possible for +the English at the end of the war. Since, they argue, +nobody is now afraid of the United States, her moral influence +is impaired at every capital; and I now frequently +hear the opinion that, if the war lasts another year and +the Germans get less and less use of the United States as +a base of general propaganda in all neutral countries, +especially all American countries, they are likely themselves +to declare war on us as a mere defiance of the whole +world and with the hope of stirring up internal trouble +for our government by the activity of the Germans and +the Irish in the United States, which may hinder munitions +and food and loans to the Allies.</p> + +<p>I need not remark that the English judgment of the +Germans is hardly judicial. But they reply to this that +every nation has to learn the real, incredible character of +the Prussian by its own unhappy experience. France had +so to learn it, and England, Russia, and Belgium; and we +(the United States), they say, fail to profit in time by the +experience of these. After the Germans have used us to +the utmost in peace, they will force us into war—or even +flatly declare war on us when they think they can thus +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-99" id="page2-99"></a>[pg II-99]</span> +cause more embarrassment to the Allies, and when they +conclude that the time is come to make sure that no great +nation shall emerge from the war with a clear commercial +advantage over the others; and in the meantime they will +prove to the world by playing with us that a democracy +is necessarily pacific and hence (in their view) contemptible. +I felt warranted the other day to remark to Lord +Bryce on the unfairness of much of the English judgment +of us (he is very sad and a good deal depressed). "Yes," +he said, "I have despaired of one people's ever really +understanding another even when the two are as closely +related and as friendly as the Americans and the English."</p> + +<p>You were kind enough to inquire about my health in +your last note. If I could live up to the popular conception +here of my labours and responsibilities and delicate +duties (which is most flattering and greatly exaggerated), +I should be only a walking shadow of a man. But I am +most inappreciately well. I imagine that in some year +to come, I may enjoy a vacation, but I could not enjoy +it now. Besides since civilization has gone backward +several centuries, I suppose I've gone back with it to a +time when men knew no such thing as a vacation. (Let's +forgive House for his kindly, mistaken solicitude.) The +truth is, I often feel that I do not know myself—body or +soul, boots or breeches. This experience is making us +all here different from the men we were—but in just +what respects it is hard to tell. We are not within hearing +of the guns (except the guns that shoot at Zeppelins when +they come); but the war crowds itself in on us sensibly +more and more. There are more wounded soldiers on the +streets and in the parks. More and more families one +knows lose their sons, more and more women their husbands. +Death is so common that it seems a little thing. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-100" id="page2-100"></a>[pg II-100]</span> +Four persons have come to my house to-day (Sunday) in +the hope that I may find their missing kinsmen, and two +more have appealed to me on the telephone and two +more still have sent me notes. Since I began this letter, +Mrs. Page insisted on my going out on the edge of +the city to see an old friend of many years who has +just lost both his sons and whose prospective son-in-law +is at home wounded. The first thing he said was: +"Tell me, what is America going to do?" As we drove +back, we made a call on a household whose nephew is +"missing."—"Can't you possibly help us hear definitely +about him?"</p> + +<p>This sort of thing all day every day must have some +effect on any man. Then—yesterday morning gave +promise of a calm, clear day. I never know what sensational +experience awaits me around the next corner. +Then there was put on my desk the first page of a reputable +weekly paper which was filled with an open letter +to me written by the editor and signed. After the usual +description of my multitudinous and delicate duties, I +was called on to insist that my government should protest +against Zeppelin raids on London because a bomb might +kill me! Humour doesn't bubble much now on this side +the world, for the censor had forbidden the publication of +this open letter lest it should possibly cause American-German +trouble! Then the American correspondents +came in to verify a report that a news agency is said to +have had that I was deluged with threatening letters!—More +widows, more mothers looking for lost sons!... +Once in a while—far less often than if I lived in a sane +and normal world—I get a few hours off and go to a lonely +golf club. Alas! there is seldom anybody there but now +and then a pair of girls and now and then a pair of old +fellows who have played golf for a century. Yet back in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-101" id="page2-101"></a>[pg II-101]</span> +London in the War Office I hear they indulge in disrespectful +hilarity at the poor game I play. Now how do +they know? (You'd better look to your score with +Grayson: the English have spies in America. A major-general +in their spy-service department told Mrs. Page +that they knew all about Archibaldi<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21" /><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> before he got on the +ship in New York.)</p> + +<p>All this I send you not because it is of the slightest +permanent importance (except the English judgment of us) +but because it will prove, if you need proof, that the world +is gone mad. Everything depends on fighting power and +on nothing else. A victory will save the Government. +Even distinctly hopeful military news will. And English +depression will vanish with a turn of the military tide. +If it had been Bernstorff instead of Dumba—<i>that</i> would +have affected even the English judgment of us. Tyrrell<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22" /><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> +remarked to me—did I write you? "Think of the freaks +of sheer, blind Luck; a man of considerable ability like +Dumba caught for taking a risk that an idiot would have +avoided, and a fool like Bernstorff escaping!" Then he +added: "I hope Bernstorff will be left. No other human +being could serve the English as well as he is serving +them." So, you see, even in his depression the Englishman +has some humour left—e.g., when that old sea dog +Lord Fisher heard that Mr. Balfour was to become First +Lord of the Admiralty, he cried out: "Damn it! he +won't do: Arthur Balfour is too much of a gentleman." +So John Bull is now, after all, rather pathetic—depressed +as he has not been depressed for at least a hundred +years. The nobility and the common man are doing their +whole duty, dying on the Bosphorus or in France without +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-102" id="page2-102"></a>[pg II-102]</span> +a murmur, or facing an insurrection in India; but the +labour union man and the commercial class are holding +hack and hindering a victory. And there is no great +national leader.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sincerely yours,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16" /><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Count Beckendorff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17" /><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Afterward private secretary to Premier Lloyd George.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18" /><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> A messenger in the American Embassy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19" /><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> The Rt. Hon. Reginald McKenna.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20" /><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Sir Horace Plunkett.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21" /><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> It was Archibald's intercepted baggage that furnished the +documents which caused Dumba's dismissal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22" /><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Sir William Tyrrell, private secretary to Sir Edward +Grey.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-103" id="page2-103"></a>[pg II-103]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII" />CHAPTER XVII</h2> + +<h3>CHRISTMAS IN ENGLAND, 1915</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"> +To Edward M. House<br /> +London, December 7, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>I hear you are stroking down the Tammany tiger—an +easier job than I have with the British lion. You can +find out exactly who your tiger is, you know the house he +lives in, the liquor he drinks, the company he goes with. +The British lion isn't so easy to find. At times in English +history he has dwelt in Downing Street—not so now. So +far as our struggle with him is concerned, he's all over the +Kingdom; for he is public opinion. The governing crowd +in usual times and on usual subjects can here overrun +public opinion—can make it, turn it, down it, dodge it. +But it isn't so now—as it affects us. Every mother's son +of 'em has made up his mind that Germany must and +shall be starved out, and even Sir Edward's scalp isn't +safe when they suspect that he wishes to be lenient in +that matter. They keep trying to drive him out, on +two counts: (1) he lets goods out of Germany for the +United States "and thereby handicaps the fleet"; and +(2) he failed in the Balkans. Sir Edward is too much of a +gentleman for this business of rough-riding over all neutral +rights and for bribing those Balkan bandits.</p> + +<p>I went to see him to-day about the <i>Hocking</i>, etc. He +asked me: "Do <i>you know</i> that the ships of this line are +really owned, in good faith, by Americans?"</p> + +<p>"I'll answer your question," said I, "if I may then ask +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-104" id="page2-104"></a>[pg II-104]</span> +you one. No, I don't know of my own knowledge. Now, +<i>do you know</i> that they are <i>not</i> owned by Americans?"</p> + +<p>He had to confess that he, of his own knowledge, didn't +know.</p> + +<p>"Then," I said, "for the relief of us both, I pray you +hurry up your prize court."</p> + +<p>When we'd got done quarrelling about ships and I +started to go, he asked me how I liked Wordsworth's war +poems. "The best of all war poems," said he, "because +they don't glorify war but have to do with its philosophy." +Then he told me that some friend of his had just +got out a little volume of these war poems selected from +Wordsworth; "and I'm going to send you a copy."</p> + +<p>"Just in time," said I, "for I have a copy of 'The Life +and Letters of John Hay'<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23" /><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> that I'm sending to you."</p> + +<p>He's coming to dine with me in a night or two: he'll do +anything but discuss our Note with me. And he's the +only member of the Government who, I think, would like +to meet our views; and he can't. To use the language of +Lowell about the campaign of Governor Kent—these +British are hell-bent on starving the Germans out, and +neutrals have mighty few rights till that job's done.</p> + +<p>The worst of it is that the job won't be done for a very +long time. I've been making a sort of systematic round +of the Cabinet to see what these fellows think about things +in general at this stage of the game. Bonar Law (the +Colonies) tells me that the news from the Balkans is +worse than the public or the newspapers know, and that +still worse news will come. Germany will have it all her +own way in that quarter.</p> + +<p>"And take Egypt and the canal?"</p> + +<p>"I didn't say <i>that</i>," he replied. But he showed that +he fears even that.</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2116" id="i2116" /> +<a href="images/2116.jpg"><img src= +"images/2116.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>Herbert C. Hoover, in 1914</b> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2117" id="i2117" /> +<a href="images/2117.jpg"><img src= +"images/2117.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>A facsimile page from the Ambassador's letter of November +24. 1916,<br /> +resigning his Ambassadorship</b> +</div> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-105" id="page2-105"></a>[pg II-105]</span> +<p>I could go on with a dozen of 'em; but I sat down to +write you a Christmas letter, and nothing else. The +best news I have for you is not news at all, but I conceive +it to be one of the best hopes of the future. In spite of +Irishmen past, present, and to come; in spite of Germans, +whose fuss will soon be over; in spite of lawyers, who (if +left alone) would bankrupt empires as their clients and +think they'd won a victory; I'm going to leave things +here in a year and a half so that, if wise men wish to lay +a plan for keeping the peace of the world, all they need +to do will be to say first to Uncle Sam: "This fellow or +that must understand that he can't break loose like a +wild beast." If Uncle Sam agrees (and has a real navy +himself), he'll wink at John Bull, and John will follow +after. You see our blackleg tail-twisters have the whole +thing backward. They say we truckle to the British. +My plan is to lead the British—not for us to go to them +but to have them come to us. We have three white men +to every two white men in their whole Empire; and, when +peace comes, we'll be fairly started on the road to become +as rich as the war will leave them. There are four clubs +in London which have no other purpose than this; and the +best review<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24" /><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> in the world exists chiefly for this purpose. +All we need to do is to be courteous (we can do what we +like if we do it courteously). Our manners, our politicians, +and our newspapers are all that keep the English-speaking +white man, under our lead, from ruling the +world, without any treaty or entangling alliance whatsoever. +If, when you went to Berlin to talk to your gentle +and timid friend, the Emperor, about disarmament +before the war—if about 200 American dreadnaughts and +cruisers, with real grog on 'em, had come over to make a +friendly call, in the North Sea, on the 300 English dreadnaughts +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-106" id="page2-106"></a>[pg II-106]</span> +and cruisers—just a friendly call, admirals on +admirals—the "Star-Spangled Banner" and "God Save +the King"—and if General Bell, from the Philippines, had +happened in London just when Kitchener happened to +be home from Egypt—<i>then, there wouldn't have been this +war now</i>. Nothing need have been said—no treaty, no +alliance, nothing. For then 100 or more British naval +ships would have joined the Panama naval procession +and any possible enemy would have seen that combined +fleet clean across the Pacific.</p> + +<p>Now this may all be a mere Christmas fancy—a mere +yarn about what might have been—because we wouldn't +have sent ships here in our old mood; the crew would have +missed one Sunday School. But it's <i>this kind</i> of thing +that does the trick. But this means the practice of +courtesy, and we haven't acquired the habit. Two years +or more ago the training ships from Annapolis with the +cadets aboard anchored down the Thames and stayed +several weeks and let the boys loose in England. They +go on such a voyage every two years to some country, +you know. The English didn't know that fact and they +took the visit as a special compliment. Their old admirals +were all greatly pleased, and I hear talk about that yet. +We ought to have two or three of our rear-admirals +here on their fleet now. Symington, of course, is a good +fellow; but he's a mere commander and attaché—not an +admiral—in other words, not any particular compliment +or courtesy to the British Navy. (As soon as the war +began, a Japanese admiral turned up here and he is here +now.) We sent over two army captains as military observers. +The Russians sent a brigadier-general. We +ought to have sent General Wood. You see the difference? +There was no courtesy in our method. It would +be the easiest and prettiest job in the world to swallow +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-107" id="page2-107"></a>[pg II-107]</span> +the whole British organization, lock, stock, and barrel—King, +Primate, Cabinet, Lords, and Commons, feathers +and all, and to make 'em follow our <i>courteous</i> lead anywhere. +The President had them in this mood when the +war started and for a long time after—till the <i>Lusitania</i> +seemed to be forgotten and till the lawyers began to write +his Notes. He can get 'em back, after the war ends, by +several acts of courtesy—if we could get into the habit of +doing such things as sending generals and admirals as +compliments to them. The British Empire is ruled by a +wily use of courtesies and decorations. If I had the President +himself to do the correspondence, if I had three or +four fine generals and admirals and a good bishop or +two, a thoroughbred senator or two and now and then a +Supreme Court Justice to come on proper errands and +be engineered here in the right way—we could do or say +anything we liked and they'd do whatever we'd say. I'd +undertake to underwrite the whole English-speaking world +to keep peace, under our leadership. Instead whereof, +every move we now make is to <i>follow</i> them or to <i>drive</i> +them. The latter is impossible, and the former is unbecoming +to us.</p> + +<p>But to return to Christmas.—I could go on writing for +a week in this off-hand, slap-dash way, saying wise things +flippantly. But Christmas—that's the thing now. Christmas! +What bloody irony it is on this side the world! +Still there will be many pleasant and touching things +done. An Englishman came in to see me the other day +and asked if I'd send $1,000 to Gerard<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25" /><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> to use in making +the English prisoners in Germany as happy as possible +on Christmas Day—only I must never tell anybody who +did it. A lady came on the same errand—for the British +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-108" id="page2-108"></a>[pg II-108]</span> +prisoners in Turkey, and with a less but still a generous +sum. The heroism, the generosity, the endurance and +self-restraint and courtesy of these people would melt a +pyramid to tears. Of course there are yellow dogs among +'em, here and there; but the genuine, thoroughbred +English man or woman is the real thing—one of the realest +things in this world. So polite are they that not a single +English person has yet mentioned our Note to me—not +one.</p> + +<p>But every one I've met for two days has mentioned +the sending of Von Papen and Boy-Ed<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26" /><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> home—not that +they expect us to get into the war, but because they regard +this action as maintaining our self-respect.</p> + +<p>Nor do they neglect other things because of the war. +I went to the annual dinner of the Scottish Corporation +the other night-an organization which for 251 years has +looked after Scotchmen stranded in London; and they +collected $20,000 then and there. There's a good deal +of Christmas in 'em yet. One fellow in a little patriotic +speech said that the Government is spending twenty-five +million dollars a day to whip the Germans.—"Cheap +work, very cheap work. We can spend twice that if +necessary. Why, gentlemen, we haven't exhausted our +pocket-change yet."</p> + +<p>Somehow I keep getting away from Christmas. It +doesn't stay put. It'll be a memorable one here for its +sorrows and for its grim determination—an empty chair +at every English table. But nowhere in the world will it +be different except in the small neutral states here and in +the lands on your side the world.</p> + +<p>How many Christmases the war may last, nobody's +wise enough to know. That depends absolutely on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-109" id="page2-109"></a>[pg II-109]</span> +Germany. The Allies announced their terms ten months +ago, and nothing has yet happened to make them change +them. That would leave the Germans with Germany and +a secure peace—no obliteration or any other wild nonsense, +but only a secure peace. Let 'em go back home, +pay for the damage they've done, and then stay there. +I do hope that the actual fighting will be ended by Christmas +of next year. Of course it <i>may</i> end with dramatic +suddenness at any time, this being the only way, perhaps, +for the Kaiser to save his throne. Or it may go on for +two or three years. My guess is that it'll end next year—a +guess subject to revision, of course, by events that can't +be foreseen.</p> + +<p>But as I said before—to come back to Christmas. Mrs. +Page and I send you and Mrs. House our affectionate good +wishes and the hope that you keep very well and very +happy in your happy, prosperous hemisphere. We do, +I thank you. We haven't been better for years—never +before so busy, never, I think, so free from care. We get +plenty to eat (such as it is in this tasteless wet zone), at a +high cost, of course; we have comfortable beds and shoes +(we spend all our time in these two things, you know); +we have good company, enough to do (!!), no grievances +nor ailments, no ill-will, no disappointments, a keen +interest in some big things—all the chips are blue, you +know; we don't feel ready for halos, nor for other uncomfortable +honours; we deserve less than we get and +are content with what the gods send. This, I take it, is +all that Martin<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27" /><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> would call a comfortable mood for +Christmas; and we are old enough and tough enough to +have thick armour against trouble. When Worry knocks +at the door, the butler tells him we're not at home.</p> + +<p>And I see the most interesting work in the world cut +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-110" id="page2-110"></a>[pg II-110]</span> +out for me for the next twenty-five or thirty years—to get +such courtesy into our dealings with these our kinsmen +here, public and private—as will cause them to follow us +in all the developments of democracy and-in keeping +the peace of the world secure. I can't impress it on you +strongly enough that the English-speaking folk have got +to set the pace and keep this world in order. Nobody +else is equal to the job. In all our dealings with the +British, public and private, we allow it to be assumed +that <i>they</i> lead: they don't. <i>We</i> lead. They'll follow, if +we do really lead and are courteous to them. If we hold +back, the Irishman rears up and says we are surrendering +to the English! Suppose we go ahead and the English +surrender to us, what can your Irishmen do then? Or +your German? The British Navy is a pretty good sort +of dog to have to trot under your wagon. If we are +willing to have ten years of thoughtful good manners, I +tell you Jellicoe will eat out of your hand.</p> + +<p>Therefore, cheer up! It's not at all improbable that +Ford<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28" /><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> and his cargo of cranks, if they get across the ocean, +may strike a German mine in the North Sea. Then +they'll die happy, as martyrs; and the rest of us will live +happy, and it'll be a Merry Christmas for everybody.</p> + +<p>Our love to Mrs. House.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Always heartily yours,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<i>To Frank N. Doubleday and Others</i><br /> +<br /> +London, Christmas, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR D.P. & Co.</p> + +<p>... Now, since we're talking about the war, let +me deliver my opinion and leave the subject. They're +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-111" id="page2-111"></a>[pg II-111]</span> +killing one another all right; you needn't have any doubt +about that—so many thousand every day, whether there's +any battle or not. When there's "nothing to report" +from France, that means the regular 5,000 casualties that +happen every day. There isn't any way of getting rid of +men that has been forgotten or neglected. Women and +children, too, of course, starve in Serbia and Poland and +are massacred in Turkey. England, though she has by +very much the largest army she ever had, has the smallest +of all the big armies and yet I don't know a family that +had men of fighting age which hasn't lost one or more +members. And the worst is to come. But you never +hear a complaint. Poor Mr. Dent<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29" /><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>, for instance (two +sons dead), says: "It's all right. England must be +saved."</p> + +<p>And this Kingdom alone, as you know, is spending +twenty-five million dollars a day. The big loan placed in +the United States<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30" /><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> would last but twenty days! if this +pace of slaughter and of spending go on long enough, +there won't be any men or any money left on this side the +world. Yet there will be both left, of course; for somehow +things never quite go to the ultimate smash that seems to +come. Read the history of the French Revolution. How +did the French nation survive?</p> + +<p>It will go on, unless some unexpected dramatic military +event end it, for something like another year at least—many +say for two years more, and some, three years +more. It'll stop, of course, whenever Germany will propose +terms that the Allies can consider—or something +near such terms; and it won't stop before. By blockade +pressure and by fighting, the Allies are gradually wearing +the Germans out. We can see here the gradual pressure +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-112" id="page2-112"></a>[pg II-112]</span> +of events in that direction. My guess is that they won't +go into a third winter.</p> + +<p>Well, dear gentlemen, however you may feel about it, +that's enough for me. My day—every day—is divided +into these parts: (1) two to three hours listening to Americans +or their agents here whose cargoes are stopped, to +sorrowing American parents whose boys have run away +and gone into the English Army, to nurses and doctors +and shell makers who wish to go to France, to bereaved +English men and women whose sons are "missing": can +I have them found in Germany? (2) to answering letters +about these same cheerful subjects; (3) to going over cases +and documents prepared about all these sorts of troubles +and forty other sorts, by the eight or ten secretaries of +the Embassy, and a conference with every one of them; +(4) the reading of two books of telegrams, one incoming, +the other outgoing, and the preparation of a lot of answers; +(5) going to the Foreign Office, not every day but often, +to discuss more troubles there; (6) home to dinner at 8 +o'clock—at home or somewhere else, and there is more +talk about the war or about the political troubles. That +for a regular daily routine for pretty nearly a year and a +half! As I say, if anybody is keeping the war up for my +entertainment, he now has my permission to stop. No +time to read, no time to write, little time to think, little +or no time to see the people you most wish to see, I often +don't know the day of the week or of the month: it's a +sort of life in the trenches, without the immediate physical +danger. Then I have my cabinet meetings, my financial +reports (money we spend for four governments: I had till +recently about a million dollars subject to my check); +then the commission for the relief of Belgium; then the +Ambassadors and Ministers of the other neutral states—our +task is worse than war!</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-113" id="page2-113"></a>[pg II-113]</span> +<p>Well, praise God for sleep. I get from seven to nine +hours a night, unbroken; and I don't take Armageddon +to bed with me.</p> + +<p>I don't mind telling <i>you</i> (nobody else) that the more I +see just how great statesmen work and manage great +governments—the more I see of them at close range—whether +in Washington or London or Berlin or Vienna or +Constantinople (for these are <i>my</i> Capitals), the more I +admire the methods of the Long Island farmers. Boys, I +swear I could take our crowd and do a better job than +many of these great men do. I have to spend a lot of +time to correct their moves before the other fellow finds +out the mistake. For instance I know I spent $2,000 in +telegrams before I could make the German Government +understand the British military age, and the British +Government understand the German military age, for +exchanging prisoners who had lost two legs or arms or +both eyes; and I've had to send a man to Berlin to get a +financial report from one man on one floor of a building +there and to take it to another man on the floor above. +Just yesterday I was reminded that I had made eighteen +requests for the same information of the British Government, +when the nineteenth request for it came from Washington; +and I have now telegraphed that same thing nineteen +times since the war began. Of course everybody's +worked to death. But something else ails a lot of 'em all +the way from Constantinople to London. Leaving out +common gutter lying (and there's much of it) the sheer +stupidity of governments is amazing. They are all so +human, so mighty human! I wouldn't be a government +for any earthly consideration. I'd rather be a brindled +dog and trot under the wagon.</p> + +<p>But it has been an inexpressibly interesting experience +to find all this out for myself. There's a sort of weary +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-114" id="page2-114"></a>[pg II-114]</span> +satisfaction in feeling that you've seen too much of them +to be fooled by 'em any more. And, although most men +now engaged in this game of government are mere common +mortals with most of the common mortal weaknesses, now +and then a really big man does stumble into the business. +I have my doubts whether a really big man ever deliberately +goes into it. And most of the men who the +crowd for the moment thinks are big men don't really +turn out so. It's a game like bull fighting. The bull +is likely to kill you—pretty sure to do so if you keep +at the business long enough; but in the meantime you have +some exciting experiences and the applause of the audience. +When you get killed, they forget you—immediately. +There are two rather big men in this Government, +and you wouldn't guess in three rounds who they are. +But in general the war hasn't so far developed very big +men in any country. Else we are yet too close to them to +recognize their greatness. Joffre seems to have great +stuff in him; and (I assure you) you needn't ever laugh at a +Frenchman again. They are a great people. As for the +British, there was never such a race. It's odd—I hear that +it happens just now to be the fashion in the United States +to say that the British are not doing their share. There +never was a greater slander. They absolutely hold the +Seven Seas. They have caught about seventy submarines +and some of them are now destroying German ships +in the Baltic Sea. They've sent to France by several +times the largest army that any people ever sent over the +sea. They are financing most of their allies and they +have turned this whole island into gun and shell factories. +They made a great mistake at the Dardanelles and they +are slower than death to change their set methods. But +no family in the land, from charcoal burners to dukes, +hesitates one moment to send its sons into the army. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-115" id="page2-115"></a>[pg II-115]</span> +When the news comes of their death, they never whimper. +When you come right down to hard facts, the courage and +the endurance of the British and the French excel anything +ever before seen on this planet. All the old stories +of bravery from Homer down are outdone every day by +these people. I see these British at close range, full-dress +and undress; and I've got to know a lot of 'em as well as +we can ever come to know anybody after we get grown. +There is simply no end to the silly sides of their character. +But, when the real trial comes, they don't flinch; and (except +the thoroughbred American) there are no such men +in the world.</p> + +<p>A seven-foot Kansas lawyer (Kansas all over him) came +to see me yesterday. He came here a month ago on +some legal business. He told me yesterday that he had +always despised Englishmen. He's seen a few with stud-horse +clothes and white spats and monocles on who had +gone through Kansas to shoot in the Rocky Mountains. +He couldn't understand 'em and he didn't like 'em. +"So infernally uppish," said he.</p> + +<p>"Well, what do you think of 'em now?"</p> + +<p>"The very best people in the world," said he. I think +he has a notion of enlisting!</p> + +<p>You're still publishing books, I hear. That's a good +occupation. I'd like to be doing it myself. But I can't +even get time to read 'em now.</p> + +<p>But, as you know, nobody's writing anything but war +books—from Kipling to Hall Caine. Poor Kipling!—his +boy's dead. I have no doubt of it. I've had all the German +hospitals and prison camps searched for him in vain. +These writing men and women, by the way, are as true +blue and as thoroughbred as any other class. I can never +forget Maurice Hewlett's brave behaviour when he +thought that his flying corps son had been killed by the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-116" id="page2-116"></a>[pg II-116]</span> +Germans or drowned at sea. He's no prig, but a real man. +And the women are as fine as the men....</p> + +<p>To go back to books: Of course nobody can tell what +effect the war will have on the writing of them, nor what +sort of new writers may come up. You may be sure that +everything is stirred to its profoundest depths and will +be stirred still more. Some old stagers will be laid on +the shelf; that's certain. What sort of new ones will +come? I asked H.G. Wells this question. He has +promised to think it out and tell me. He has the power +to guess some things very well. I'll put that question to +Conrad when I next see him.</p> + +<p>Does anybody in the United States take the Prime +Minister, Mr. Asquith, to be a great man? His wife is a +brilliant woman; and she has kept a diary ever since he +became Prime Minister; and he now has passed the longest +single term in English history. Mr. Dent thinks he's +the biggest man alive, and Dent has some mighty good +instincts.</p> + +<p>Talk about troubles! Think of poor Northcliffe. He +thinks he's saved the nation from its miserable government, +and the government now openly abuses him in +the House of Commons. Northcliffe puts on his brass +knuckles and turns the <i>Times</i> building upside down and +sets all the <i>Daily Mail</i> machine guns going, and has to go +to bed to rest his nerves, while the row spreads and +deepens. The Government keeps hell in the prayer-book +because without it they wouldn't know what to do +with Northcliffe; and Northcliffe is just as sure that he +has saved England as he is sure the Duke of Wellington +did.</p> + +<p>To come back to the war. (We always do.) Since +I wrote the first part of this letter, I spent an evening with +a member of the Cabinet and he told me so much bad +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-117" id="page2-117"></a>[pg II-117]</span> +military news, which they prevent the papers from publishing +or even hearing, that to-night I almost share this +man's opinion that the war will last till 1918. That +isn't impossible. If that happens the offer that I heard +a noble old buck make to a group of ladies the other night +may be accepted. This old codger is about seventy-five, +ruddy and saucy yet. "My dear ladies," said he, "if +the war goes on and on we shall have no young men left. +A double duty will fall on the old fellows. I shall be +ready, when the need comes, to take four extra wives, and +I daresay there are others of my generation who are as +patriotic as I am."</p> + +<p>All of which is only my long-winded, round-about diplomatic +way of wishing you every one and every one of +yours and all the folk in the office, their assigns, superiors, +dependents, companions in labour—all, everyone and +sundry, the happiest of Christmases; and when you take +stock of your manifold blessings, don't forget to be thankful +for the Atlantic Ocean. That's the best asset of +safety that we have.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately yours,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Mrs. Charles G. Loring</i><br /> +<br /> +6 Grosvenor Square,<br /> +<br /> +London, December 7, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR KITTY:</p> + +<p>This is my Christmas letter to you and Chud—a poor +thing, but the best I have to give you. At least it carries +my love, dear, and my wishes that every Christmas under +your own roof will be happier than the preceding one. +Since your starting point is on the high level of your first +Christmas in your own home—that's a good wish: isn't it?</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-118" id="page2-118"></a>[pg II-118]</span> +<p>I'm beginning to think a good deal of your mother and +me. Here we are left alone by every one of you—in a +foreign land; and, contrary to all predictions that any of +you would have made about us four or five years ago, +we're faring pretty well, thank you, and not on the edge +of dying of loneliness at all. I tell you, I think we're +pretty brave and hardy.</p> + +<p>We're even capable of becoming cocky and saucy to +every one of you. Be careful, then.</p> + +<p>You see if you have a war to live with you don't necessarily +need children: you'll have strife enough without +'em. We'll console ourselves with such reflections as +these.</p> + +<p>And the truth is—at least about me—that there isn't +time to think of what you haven't got. Of course, I'm +working, as always, to soften the relations between these +two governments. So far, in spite of the pretty deep +latent feeling on both sides—far worse than it ought to be +and far worse than I wish it were—I'm working all the +time to keep things as smooth as possible. Happily, +nobody can prove it, but I believe it, that there is +now and there has been all along more danger of a +serious misunderstanding than anybody has known. +The Germans have, of course, worked in 1000 ways to +cause misunderstanding between England and the United +States. Then, of course, there has been constant danger +in the English bull-headed insularity which sees nothing +but the Englishman's immediate need, and in the English +slowness. Add to these causes the American ignorance +of war and of European conditions. It has been a God's +mercy for us that we have so far had a man like Sir +Edward Grey in his post. And in my post, while there +might well have been a better man, this much at least has +been lucky—that I do have a consciousness of English +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-119" id="page2-119"></a>[pg II-119]</span> +history and of our common origin and some sense of the +inevitable destiny of the great English-speaking race—so +that, when we have come to sharp corners in the road, +I have known that whatever happen we must travel in the +right general direction—have known that no temporary +difference must be allowed to assume a permanent quality. +I have thought several times that we had passed the +worst possible place, and then a still worse one would appear. +It does look now as if we had faced most of the +worst difficulties that can come, but I am not sure what +Congress may do or provoke. If we outlast Congress, we +shall be safe. Now to come through this enormous war +even with no worse feeling than already exists between the +two countries—that'll be a big thing to have done. But +it's work like the work of the English fleet. Nobody can +prove that Jellicoe has been a great admiral. Yet the fleet +has done the whole job more successfully than if it had +had sea-fights and lost a part of their ships.</p> + +<p>Our Note has left a great deal of bad feeling—suppressed, +but existent. A part of it was inevitable and +(I'd say) even necessary. But we put in a lot of things +that seem to me to be merely disputatious, and we didn't +write it in the best form. It corresponds to what you +once called <i>suburban</i>: do you remember? Not thoroughbred. +But we'll get over even that, especially if the Administration +and the courts continue to bring the Germans +to book who are insulting our dignity and destroying +our property and killing Americans. If we can satisfactorily +settle the <i>Lusitania</i> trouble, the whole outlook +will be very good.</p> + +<p>Your mother and I are hearing much interesting political +talk. We dined last night with Mr. Bonar Law. +Sir Edward Carson was there. To-day we lunched with +Lady P.—the other side, you see. There are fundamental +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-120" id="page2-120"></a>[pg II-120]</span> +differences continually arising. They thought a +few weeks ago that they had the Prime Minister's scalp. +He proved too nimble for them. Now one person after another +says to you: "Kitchener doesn't deserve the reverence +the people give him." More and more folks say he's +hard to work with—is domineering and selfish. Nobody +seems really to know him; and there are some signs that +there may be a row about him.</p> + +<p>We've heard nothing from Harold in quite a little +while. We have, you know, three of our footmen in the +war. Allen was wounded at Loos—a flesh, bullet-wound. +He's about well now and is soon going back. Leslie is +in the trenches and a postal card came from him the other +day. The third one, Philip, is a prisoner in Germany. +Your mother sent him a lot of things, but we've never +heard whether he received them or not. The general +strain—military, political, financial—gets greater. The +streets are darker than ever. The number of wounded +increases rapidly. More houses are turned into hospitals. +The Manchesters', next door, is a hospital now. And +everybody fears worse days are to come. But they have +no nerves, these English. They grit their teeth, but they +go on bravely, enduring everything. We run into experiences +every day that melt you, and the heroic things +we hear outnumber and outdo all the stories in all the +books.</p> + +<p>I keep forgetting Xmas, Kitty, and this is my Xmas +letter. You needn't put it in your stocking, but you'd +really better burn it up. It would be the ruination of +the world if my frank comments got loose. It's for you +and Chud only. You may fill your stocking full of the +best wishes you ever received—enough to fill the polar +bear skin. And I send you both my love.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-121" id="page2-121"></a>[pg II-121]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Ralph W., Arthur 147., and Frank C. Page</i><a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31" /><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a><br /> +<br /> +London, Christmas, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR Boys: R.W.P., A.W.P., F.C.P.</p> + +<p>A Merry Christmas to you! Good cheer, good company, +good food, good fires, good golf. I suppose (though +the Lord only knows) that I'll have to be here another +Christmas; but another after that? Not on your +life!</p> + +<p>I think I'm as cheerful and hopeful as I ever was, but +this experience here and the war have caused my general +confidence in the orderly progress of civilization somewhat +to readjust itself. I think that any man who looks +over the world and who knows something of the history +of human society—I mean any American who really believes +in democracy and in human progress—is somewhat +saddened to see the exceeding slowness of that progress. +In the early days of our Republic hopeful Americans held +the opinion that the other countries of the world would +follow our example; that is to say, would educate the +people, would give the masses a chance to become real +men, would make their governments and institutions +serve the people, would dispense with kings and gross +privileges and become free. Well, they haven't done it. +France is nominally a republic, but the masses of its +people are far, far backward. Switzerland <i>is</i> a republic, +but a very small one. Denmark is a very free state, in +spite of its monarchical form of government. In South +America they think they have republics, but they haven't +the slightest idea of the real education and freedom of the +people. Practically, therefore, the United States and +the self-governing British colonies are the only really +free countries of much importance in the whole world—these +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-122" id="page2-122"></a>[pg II-122]</span> +and this Kingdom. Our example hasn't been followed. +In Europe, Germany and Russia in particular +have monarchs who are in absolute command. Thus on +both sides the world, so far as government and the danger +of war are concerned, there hasn't been very much real +progress in five hundred years.</p> + +<p>This is a little disappointing. And it means, of course, +that we are likely to have periodical earthquakes like this +present one till some radical change come. Republics +have their faults, no doubt. But they have at least this +virtue: that no country where the people really have the +control of their government is likely to start out +deliberately on any war of conquest—is not likely to run +amuck—and will not regard its population as mere food +for shell and powder.</p> + +<p>Nor do I believe that our example of our government +has, relatively to our strength and wealth and population, +as much influence in the world as we had one hundred +years ago. Our people have no foreign consciousness and +I know that our government knows almost nothing about +European affairs; nor do our people know. As regards +foreign affairs our government lacks proper machinery. +Take this as an illustration: The President wrote vigorous +and proper notes about the <i>Lusitania</i> and took a +firm stand with Germany. Germany has paid no attention +to the <i>Lusitania</i> outrage. Yet (as I understand it) +the people will not run the risk of war—or the Administration +thinks they will not—and hence the President +can do nothing to make his threat good. Therefore we +stand in a ridiculous situation; and nobody cares how +many notes we write. I don't know that the President +could have done differently—unless, before he sent the +<i>Lusitania</i> notes, he had called Congress together and +submitted his notes to Congress. But, as the matter +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-123" id="page2-123"></a>[pg II-123]</span> +stands, the Germans are merely encouraged to blow up +factories and practically to carry on war in the United +States, because they know we can (or will) do nothing. +Mere notes break nobody's skin.</p> + +<p>We don't seem to have any machinery to bring any +influence to bear on foreign governments or on foreign +opinion; and, this being so, it is little wonder that the rest +of the world does not follow our republican example.</p> + +<p>And this sort of impotence in influence has curious +effects at home. For example, the ship-purchase bill, as +it was at the last session of Congress, was an economic +crime. See what has happened: We have waked up to +the fact that we must have a big navy. Well, a navy is +of no far-fighting value unless we have auxiliary ships and +a lot of 'em. Admiral Jellicoe has 3,000 ships under his +command; and he couldn't keep his fleet on the job if +he didn't have them. Most of them are commandeered +merchant, passenger, and fishing ships. Now we haven't +merchant, passenger, and fishing ships to commandeer. +We've got to build and buy auxiliary ships to our navy. +This, to my mind, makes the new ship-purchase bill, or +something like it, necessary. Else our navy, when it +comes to the scratch, will be of no fighting value, however +big it be. It's the price we've got to pay for not having +built up a merchant marine. And we haven't built up a +merchant marine because we've had no foreign consciousness. +While our Irishmen have been leading us to twist +the Lion's tail, we've been depending almost wholly on +English ships—and, in late years, on German ships. You +can't cross the ocean yet in a decent American ship. You +see, we've declared our independence; and, so far as +individual development goes, we've worked it out. But +the governmental machinery for maintaining it and for +making it visible to the world—we've simply neglected to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-124" id="page2-124"></a>[pg II-124]</span> +build it or to shape it. Hence the President's notes hurt +nobody and accomplish nothing; nor could our navy put +up a real fight, for lack of colliers and supply ships. It's +the same way all around the horizon. And these are the +reasons we haven't made our democracy impress the +world more.</p> + +<p>A democracy is not a quick-trigger war-engine and +can't be made into one. When the quick-trigger engines +get to work, they forget that a democracy does not consider +fighting the first duty of man. You can bend your +energies to peaceful pursuits or you can bend them to +war. It's hard to do both at the same time. The Germans +are the only people who have done both at the same +time; and even they didn't get their navy big enough for +their needs.</p> + +<p>When the infernal thing's over—that'll be a glad day; +and the European world won't really know what it has +cost in men and money and loss of standards till it is +over....</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<i>To Walter H. Page, Jr</i><a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32" /><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>.<br /> +<br /> +London, Christmas, 1915.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>SIR:</p> + +<p>For your first Christmas, I have the honour to send you +my most affectionate greetings; and in wishing you all +good health, I take the liberty humbly to indicate some of +the favours of fortune that I am pleased to think I enjoy +in common with you.</p> + +<p><i>First</i>—I hear with pleasure that you are quite well content +with yourself—not because of a reasoned conviction +of your own worth, which would be mere vanity and unworthy +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-125" id="page2-125"></a>[pg II-125]</span> +of you, but by reason of a philosophical disposition. +It is too early for you to bother over problems of +self-improvement—as for me it is too late; wherefore we +are alike in the calm of our self-content. What others +may think or say about us is a subject of the smallest +concern to us. Therefore they generally speak well of +us; for there is little satisfaction in speaking ill of men +who care nothing for your opinion of them. Then, too, +we are content to be where we happen to be—a fact that +we did not order in the beginning and need not now +concern ourselves about. Consider the eternal coming +and going of folk. On every road many are travelling +one way and an equal number are travelling the other way. +It is obvious that, if they were all content to remain at +the places whence they set forth, the distribution of the +population would be the same. Why therefore move +hither and yon at the cost of much time and labour and +money, since nothing is accomplished thereby? We +spare ourselves by being content to remain where we are. +We thereby have the more time for reflection. Nor can +we help observing with a smile that all persons who have +good reasons to see us themselves make the necessary +journey after they discover that we remain fixed.</p> + +<p>Again, people about us are continually doing this service +and that for some other people—running errands, +mending fences, bearing messages, building, and tearing +down; and they all demand equal service in return. Thus +a large part of mankind keeps itself in constant motion +like bubbles of water racing around a pool at the foot of a +water-fall—or like rabbits hurrying into their warrens +and immediately hurrying out again. Whereas, while +these antics amuse and sadden us, we for the most part +remain where we are. Hence our wants are few; they +are generally most courteously supplied without our asking; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-126" id="page2-126"></a>[pg II-126]</span> +or, if we happen to be momentarily forgotten, we +can quickly secure anything in the neighbourhood by a +little judicious squalling. Why, then, should we whirl +as bubbles or scurry as rabbits? Our conquering self-possession +gives a masterful charm to life that the victims +of perpetual locomotion never seem to attain.</p> + +<p>You have discovered, and my experience confirms yours, +that a perpetual self-consciousness brings most of the +misery of the world. Men see others who are richer than +they; or more famous, or more fortunate—so they think; +and they become envious. You have not reached the +period of such empty vanity, and I have long passed it. +Let us, therefore, make our mutual vows not to be disturbed +by the good luck or the good graces of others, +but to continue, instead, to contemplate the contented +cat on the rug and the unenvious sky that hangs over all +alike.</p> + +<p>This mood will continue to keep our lives simple. Consider +our diet. Could anything be simpler or better? +We are not even tempted by the poisonous victuals wherewith +mankind destroys itself. The very first sound law +of life is to look to the belly; for it is what goes into a +man that ruins him. By avoiding murderous food, we +may hope to become centenarians. And why not? The +golden streets will not be torn up and we need be in no +indecent haste to travel even on them. The satisfactions +of this life are just beginning for us; and we shall +be wise to endure this world for as long a period as possible.</p> + +<p>And sleep is good—long sleep and often; and your age +and mine permit us to indulge in it without the sneers of +the lark or the cock or the dawn.</p> + +<p>I pray you, sir, therefore, accept my homage as the +philosopher that you are and my assurance of that high +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-127" id="page2-127"></a>[pg II-127]</span> +esteem indicated by my faithful imitation of your virtues. +I am,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +With the most distinguished consideration,<br /> +With the sincerest esteem, and<br /> +With the most affectionate good wishes,<br /> +Sir,<br /> +Your proud,<br /> +Humble,<br /> +Obedient<br /> +GRANDDADDY.<br /> +</div> + +<p>To Master Walter Hines Page,</p> + +<p>On Christmas, 1915.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23" /><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> By William Roscoe Thayer, published in 1915.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24" /><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> The Ambassador had in mind <i>The Round Table</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25" /><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> James W. Gerard, American Ambassador to Germany, and, as +such, in charge of British interests in Germany.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26" /><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> The German military and naval attachés, whose persistent +and outrageous violation of American laws led to their dismissal by +President Wilson.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27" /><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> E.S. Martin, Editor of <i>Life</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28" /><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Mr. Henry Ford at this time was getting together his +famous peace ship, which was to sail to Europe "to get the boys out of +the trenches by Christmas."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29" /><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> J.M. Dent, the London publisher.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30" /><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> $500,000,000.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31" /><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> The Ambassador's Sons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32" /><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> The Ambassador's infant grandson, son of Arthur W. Page.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-128" id="page2-128"></a>[pg II-128]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVIII" id="CHAPTER_XVIII" />CHAPTER XVIII</h2> + +<h3>A PERPLEXED AMBASSADOR</h3> + + +<p>The beginning of the new year saw no improvement +in German-American relations. Germany +and Austria continued to violate the pledge given by +Bernstorff after the sinking of the <i>Arabic</i>—if that shifty +statement could be regarded as a "pledge." On November +7, 1915, the Austrians sank the <i>Ancona</i>, in the Mediterranean, +drowning American citizens under conditions +of particular atrocity, and submarine attacks on merchant +ships, without the "warning" or attempt to save +passengers and crew which Bernstorff had promised, took +place nearly every day. On April 18, 1916, the <i>Sussex</i> +was torpedoed in the English Channel, without warning +and with loss of American life. This caused what seemed +to be a real crisis; President Wilson sent what was practically +an ultimatum to Germany, demanding that it "immediately +declare and effect an abandonment of its present +methods of warfare against passenger and freight +carrying vessels," declaring that, unless it did so, the +United States would sever diplomatic relations with the +German Empire. In reply, Germany apparently backed +down and gave the promise the President had demanded. +However, it coupled this concession with an expression +of its expectation that the United States would compel +Great Britain to observe international law in the blockade. +As this latter statement might be interpreted as a +qualification of its surrender, the incident hardly ended +satisfactorily.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-129" id="page2-129"></a>[pg II-129]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Bournemouth<br /> +<br /> +May 22, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>I stick on the back of this sheet a letter that Sydney +Brooks wrote from New York (May 1st) to the <i>Daily Mail</i>. +He formulates a question that we have many times asked +ourselves and that, in one way or other, comes into everybody's +mind here. Of course the common fellow in Jonesville +who has given most of his time and energy to earning +a living for his wife and children has no foreign consciousness, +whether his Jonesville be in the United States or in +England or in France or in Zanzibar. The real question +is, <i>Do</i> these fellows in Jonesville make up the United +States? or has there been such a lack of prompt leadership +as to make all the Jonesville people confused? It's hard +for me to judge at this distance just how far the President +has led and just how far he has waited and been pushed +along. Suppose he had stood on the front steps every +morning before breakfast for a month after the <i>Lusitania</i> +went down and had called to the people in the same tone +that he used in his note to Germany—had sounded a bugle +call—would we have felt as we now feel? What would +the men in Jonesville have done then? Would they +have got their old guns down from over the doors? Or +do they so want peace and so think that they can have +peace always that they've lost their spine? Have they +really been Bryanized, Fordized, Janeaddamsized, Sundayschooled, +and Chautauquaed into supine creatures +to whom the United States and the ideals of the Fathers +mean nothing? Who think a German is as good as an +Englishman? Who have no particular aims or aspirations +for our country and for democracy? When T.R. was in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-130" id="page2-130"></a>[pg II-130]</span> +the White House he surely was an active fellow. He +called us to exercise ourselves every morning. He bawled +"Patriotism" loudly. We surely thought we were awake +during those strenuous years. Were we really awake or +did we only look upon him and his antics as a sort of good +show? All that time Bryan was peace-a-footing and +prince-of-peacing. Now did he really have the minds +of the people or did T.R.?</p> + +<p>If we've really gone to sleep and if the United States +stands for nothing but personal comfort and commercialism +to our own people, what a job you and the patriotic +men of your generation have cut out for you!</p> + +<p>My own conviction (which I don't set great store by) +is that our isolation and prosperity have not gone so far +in softening us as it seems. They've gone a good way, +no doubt; but I think that even the Jonesville people yet +feel their Americanism. What they need is—leadership. +Their Congressmen are poor, timid, pork-barrel creatures. +Their governors are in training for the Senate. The Vice-President +reads no official literature of the war, "because +then I might have a conviction about it and that wouldn't +be neutral." And so on. If the people had a <i>real</i> leadership, +I believe they'd wake up even in Jonesville.</p> + +<p>Well, let's let these things go for the moment. How's +the Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33" /><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>? And the Ambassador's mother and +sister? They're nice folks of whom and from whom I +hear far too little. Give 'em my love. I don't want you +to rear a fighting family. But these kids won't and +mustn't grow up peace-cranks—not that anybody objects +to peace, but I do despise and distrust a crank, a crank +about anything. That's the lesson we've got to learn +from these troubled times. First, let cranks alone—the +other side of the street is good enough for them. Then, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-131" id="page2-131"></a>[pg II-131]</span> +if they persist, I see nothing to do but to kill 'em, and +that's troublesome and inconvenient.</p> + +<p>But, as I was saying, bless the babies. I can't begin to +tell you how very much I long to see them, to make their +acquaintance, to chuckle 'em and punch 'em and see 'em +laugh, and to see just what sort of kids they be.</p> + +<p>I've written you how in my opinion there's no country +in the world fit for a modern gentleman and man-of-character +to live in except (1) the United States and (2) this +island. And this island is chiefly valuable for the breed +of men—the right stock. They become more valuable to +the world after they go away from home. But the right +blood's here. This island's breed is the best there is. An +Englishman or a Scotchman is the best ancestor in this +world, many as his shortcomings are. Some Englishman +asked me one night in what, I thought, the Englishman +appeared at his best. I said, "As an ancestor to +Americans!" And this is the fundamental reason why we +(two peoples) belong close together. Reasons that flow +from these are such as follows: (1) The race is the sea-mastering +race and the navy-managing race and the ocean-carrying +race; (2) the race is the literary race, (3) the +exploring and settling and colonizing race, (4) the race to +whom fair play appeals, and (5) that insists on individual +development.</p> + +<p>Your mother having read these two days 1,734 pages of +memoirs of the Coke family, one of whose members wrote +the great law commentaries, another carried pro-American +votes in Parliament in our Revolutionary times, refused +peerages, defied kings and—begad! here they are +now, living in the same great house and saying and doing +what they darn please—we know this generation of 'em!—well, +your mother having read these two big volumes +about the old ones and told me 175 good stories out of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-132" id="page2-132"></a>[pg II-132]</span> +these books, bless her soul! she's gone to sleep in a big chair +on the other side of the table. Well she may, she walked +for two hours this morning over hills and cliffs and through +pine woods and along the beach. I guess I'd better wake +her up and get her to go to bed—as the properer thing to +do at this time o'night, viz. 11. My golf this afternoon +was too bad to confess. But I must say that a 650 and +a 730 yard hole argues the audacity of some fellow and the +despair of many more. Nature made a lot of obstructions +there and Man made more. It must be seven or eight +miles around that course! It's almost a three hour task +to follow my slow ball around it. I suggested we play +with howitzers instead of clubs. Good night!</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Frank N. Doubleday and Others</i><br /> +<br /> +Royal Bath and East Cliff Hotel,<br /> +Bournemouth, May 29, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR D.P. & Co.:</p> + +<p>I always have it in mind to write you letters; but there's +no chance in my trenches in London; and, since I have +not been out of London for nearly two years—since the +war began—only an occasional half day and a night—till +now—naturally I've concocted no letter. I've been down +here a week—a week of sunshine, praise God—and people +are not after me every ten minutes, or Governments +either; and my most admirable and efficient staff (now +grown to one hundred people) permit few letters and +telegrams to reach me. There never was a little rest more +grateful. The quiet sea out my window shows no sign of +crawling submarines; and, in general, it's as quiet and +peaceful here as in Garden City itself.</p> + +<p>I'm on the home-stretch now in all my thoughts and +plans. Three of my four years are gone, and the fourth +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-133" id="page2-133"></a>[pg II-133]</span> +will quickly pass. That's not only the limit of my leave, +but it's quite enough for me. I shouldn't care to live +through another such experience, if the chance should ever +come to me. It has changed my whole life and my whole +outlook on life; and, perhaps, you'd like to hear some impressions +that it has made upon me.</p> + +<p>The first impression—perhaps the strongest—is a loss +of permanent interest in Europe, especially all Europe +outside of this Kingdom. I have never had the illusion +that Europe had many things that we needed to learn. +The chief lesson that it has had, in my judgment, is the +lesson of the art of living—the comforts and the courtesies +of life, the refinements and the pleasures of conversation +and of courteous conduct. The upper classes have this +to teach us; and we need and can learn much from them. +But this seems to me all—or practically all. What we +care most for are individual character, individual development, +and a fair chance for every human being. Character, +of course, the English have—immense character, +colossal character. But even they have not the dimmest +conception of what we mean by a fair chance for every +human being—not the slightest. In one thousand years +they <i>may</i> learn it from us. Now on the continent, the +only important Nation that has any character worth +mentioning is the French. Of course the little nations—some +of them—have character, such as Holland, Switzerland, +Sweden, etc. But these are all. The others are +simply rotten. In giving a free chance to every human +creature, we've nothing to learn from anybody. In character, +I bow down to the English and Scotch; I respect +the Frenchman highly and admire his good taste. But, +for our needs and from our point of view, the English can +teach us only two great lessons—character and the art of +living (if you are rich).</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-134" id="page2-134"></a>[pg II-134]</span> +<p>The idea that we were brought up on, therefore, that +Europe is the home of civilization in general—nonsense! +It's a periodical slaughter-pen, with all the vices that this +implies. I'd as lief live in the Chicago stock-yards. +There they kill beeves and pigs. Here they kill men and +(incidentally) women and children. I should no more +think of encouraging or being happy over a child of mine +becoming a European of any Nation than I should be +happy over his fall from Grace in any other way.</p> + +<p>Our form of government and our scheme of society—God +knows they need improving—are yet so immeasurably +superior, as systems, to anything on this side the +world that no comparison need be made.</p> + +<p>My first strong impression, then, is not that Europe is +"effete"—that isn't it. It is mediæval—far back toward +the Dark Ages, much of it yet uncivilized, held back by +<i>inertia</i> when not held back by worse things. The caste +system is a constant burden almost as heavy as war itself +and often quite as cruel.</p> + +<p>The next impression I have is, that, during the thousand +years that will be required for Europe to attain real (modern) +civilization, wars will come as wars have always +come in the past. The different countries and peoples and +governments will not and cannot learn the lesson of federation +and coöperation so long as a large mass of their +people have no voice and no knowledge except of their +particular business. Compare the miles of railway in +proportion to population with the same proportion in +the United States—or the telephones, or the use of +the mails, or of bank checks; or make any other practical +measure you like. Every time, you'll come back to the +discouraging fact that the masses in Europe are driven as +cattle. So long as this is true, of course, they'll be driven +periodically into wars. So many countries, so many races, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-135" id="page2-135"></a>[pg II-135]</span> +so many languages all within so small an area as Europe +positively invite deadly differences. If railroads had +been invented before each people had developed its own +separate language, Europe could somehow have been +coordinated, linked up, federated, made to look at life +somewhat in the same way. As it is, wars will be bred +here periodically for about another thousand years. The +devil of this state of things is that they may not always +be able to keep their wars at home.</p> + +<p>For me, then, except England and the smaller exceptions +that I have mentioned, Europe will cut no big +figure in my life. In all the humanities, we are a thousand +years ahead of any people here. So also in the adaptabilities +and the conveniences of life, in its versatilities and +in its enjoyments. Most folk are stolid and sad or dull +on this side of the world. Else how could they take their +kings and silly ceremonies seriously?</p> + +<p>Now to more immediate and definite impressions. I +have for a year had the conviction that we ought to get +into the war—into the economic war—for the following +among many reasons.</p> + +<p>1. That's the only way to shorten it. We could cause +Germany's credit (such as she has) instantly to collapse, +and we could hasten her hard times at home which would +induce a surrender.</p> + +<p>2. That's the only way we can have any real or important +influence in adjusting whatever arrangements can +be made to secure peace.</p> + +<p>3. That's the best way we can inspire complete respect +for us in the minds of other nations and thereby, perhaps, +save ourselves from some wars in the future.</p> + +<p>4. That's the best way we can assert our own character—our +Americanism, and forever get rid of all kinds of +hyphens.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-136" id="page2-136"></a>[pg II-136]</span> +<p>5. That's the only way we shall ever get a real and +sensible preparedness, which will be of enormous educational +value even if no military use should ever be made +of our preparation.</p> + +<p>6. That's the only way American consciousness will +ever get back to the self-sacrificing and patriotic point +of view of the Fathers of the Republic.</p> + +<p>7. That's the best way to emancipate ourselves from +cranks.</p> + +<p>8. That's the only way we'll ever awaken in our whole +people a foreign consciousness that will enable us to assert +our natural influence in the world—political, financial, +social, commercial—the best way to make the rest of the +world our customers and friends and followers.</p> + +<p>All the foregoing I have fired at the Great White Chief +for a year by telegraph and by mail; and I have never +fired it anywhere else till now. Be very quiet, then. +No man with whom I have talked or whose writings I +have read seems to me to have an adequate conception +of the colossal changes that the war is bringing and will +bring. Of course, I do not mean to imply that I have any +adequate conception. Nobody can yet grasp it. The +loss of (say) ten million men from production of work or +wares or children; what a changed world that fact alone +will make! The presence in all Europe of (perhaps) +fifteen or twenty million more women than men will upset +the whole balance of society as regards the sexes. The +loss of most of the accumulated capital of Europe and the +vast burdens of debt for the future to pay will change the +financial relations of the whole world. From these two +great losses—men and money—God knows the many +kinds of changes that will come. Women are doing and +will continue to do many kinds of work hitherto done by +men.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-137" id="page2-137"></a>[pg II-137]</span> +<p>Of course there are some great gains. Many a flabby +or abject fellow will come out of the war a real man: he'll +be nobody's slave thereafter. The criminal luxury of the +rich will not assert itself again for a time. The unparalleled +addition to the world's heroic deeds will be to +the good of mankind, as the unparalleled suffering has +eclipsed all records. The survivors will be in an heroic +mood for the rest of their lives. In general, life will start +on a new plane and a lot of old stupid habits and old party +quarrels and class prejudices will disappear. To get +Europe going again will call for new resolution and a new +sort of effort. Nobody can yet see what far-reaching +effects it will have on government.</p> + +<p>If I could make the English and Scotch over, I could +greatly improve them. I'd cut out the Englishman's +arrogance and key him up to a quicker gait. Lord! he's +a slow beast. But he's worked out the germ and the +beginning of all real freedom, and he has character. He +knows how to conserve and to use wealth. He's a great +John Bull, after all. And as for commanding the sea, for +war or trade, you may properly bow down to him and +pay him homage. The war will, I think, quicken him +up. It will lessen his arrogance—to <i>us</i>, at least. I think +it will make him stronger and humbler. And, whatever +his virtues and his faults, he's the only Great Power we +can go hand in hand with....</p> + +<p>These kinds of things have been going on now nearly +two years, and not till these ten days down here have I +had time or chance or a free mind to think them over; +and now there's nothing in particular to think—nothing +but just to go on, doing these 40,000 things (and they take +a new turn every day) the best I can, without the slightest +regard to consequences. I've long ago passed the place +where, having acted squarely according to my best judgment, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-138" id="page2-138"></a>[pg II-138]</span> +I can afford to pay the slightest attention to what +anybody thinks. I see men thrown on the scrap heap +every day. Many of them deserve it, but a good many +do not. In the abnormal state of mind that everybody +has, there are inevitable innocent misunderstandings, +which are as fatal as criminal mistakes. The diplomatic +service is peculiarly exposed to misunderstandings: and, +take the whole diplomatic service of all nations as shown +up by this great strain, it hasn't stood the test very well. +I haven't the respect for it that I had when I started. +Yet, God knows, I have a keen sympathy for it. I've +seen some of 'em displaced; some of 'em lie down; some +of 'em die.</p> + +<p>As I've got closer and closer to big men, as a rule they +shrink up. They are very much like the rest of us—many +of 'em more so. Human nature is stripped in these +times of most of its disguises, and men have to stand and +be judged as a rule by their real qualities. Among all +the men in high place here, Sir Edward Grey stands out +in my mind bigger, not smaller, than he stood in the +beginning. He's a square, honourable gentleman, if there +is one in this world. And it is he, of course, with whom +I have had all my troubles. It's been a truly great +experience to work and to quarrel with such a man. We've +kept the best friendship—a constantly ripening one. +There are others like him—only smaller.</p> + +<p>Yet they are all in turn set upon by the press or public +opinion and hounded like criminals. They try (somebody +tries) to drive 'em out of office every once in a while. +If there's anything I'm afraid of, it's the newspapers. +The correspondents are as thick as flies in summer—all +hunting sensations—especially the yellow American press. +I play the game with these fellows always squarely, sometimes +I fear indiscreetly. But what is discretion? That's +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-139" id="page2-139"></a>[pg II-139]</span> +the hardest question of all. We have regular meetings. +I tell 'em everything I can—always on the condition that +I'm kept out of the papers. If they'll never mention +me, I'll do everything possible for them. Absolute +silence of the newspapers (as far as I can affect it) is the +first rule of safety. So far as I know, we've done fairly +well; but always in proportion to silence. I don't want +any publicity. I don't want any glory. I don't want +any office. I don't want nothin'—but to do this job +squarely, to get out of this scrape, to go off somewhere in +the sunshine and to see if I can slip back into my old self +and see the world sane again. Yet I'm immensely proud +that I have had the chance to do some good—to keep our +record straight—as far as I can, and to be of what service +I can to these heroic people.</p> + +<p>Out of it all, one conviction and one purpose grows and +becomes clearer. The world isn't yet half-organized. In +the United States we've lived in a good deal of a fool's +paradise. The world isn't half so safe a place as we supposed. +Until steamships and telegraphs brought the +nations all close together, of course we could enjoy our +isolation. We can't do so any longer. One mad fool in +Berlin has turned the whole earth topsy-turvy. We'd +forgotten what our forefathers learned—the deadly dangers +of real monarchs and of castes and classes. There +are a lot of 'em left in the world yet. We've grown rich +and-weak; we've let cranks and old women shape our +ideas. We've let our politicians remain provincial and +ignorant.</p> + +<p>And believe me, dear D.P. & Co. with affectionate +greeting to every one of you and to every one of yours, +collectively and singly,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours heartily,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-140" id="page2-140"></a>[pg II-140]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Memorandum written after attending the service at +St. Paul's in memory of Lord Kitchener</i><a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34" /><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>.</p> + +<p>American Embassy, London.</p> + +<p>There were two Kitcheners, as every informed person +knows—(1) the popular hero and (2) the Cabinet Minister +with whom it was impossible for his associates to get along. +He made his administrative career as an autocrat dealing +with dependent and inferior peoples. This experience +fixed his habits and made it impossible for him to do team +work or to delegate work or even to inform his associates +of what he had done or was doing. While, therefore, his +name raised a great army, he was in many ways a hindrance +in the Cabinet. First one thing and then another +was taken out of his hands—ordnance, munitions, war +plans. When he went to Gallipoli, some persons predicted +that he would never come back. There was a hot +meeting of the Cabinet at which he was asked to go to +Russia, to make a sort of return visit for the visit that important +Russians had made here, and to link up Russia's +military plans with the plans of the Western Allies. He +is said to have remarked that he was going only because he +had been ordered to go. There was a hope and a feeling +again that he might not come back till after the war.</p> + +<p>Now just how much truth there is in all this, one has +to guess; but undoubtedly a good deal. He did much in +raising the army, but his name did more. What an +extraordinary situation! The great hero of the Nation an +impossible man to work with. The Cabinet could not +tell the truth about him: the people would not believe it +and would make the Cabinet suffer. Moreover, such a +row would have given comfort to the enemy. Kitchener, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-141" id="page2-141"></a>[pg II-141]</span> +on his part, could not afford to have an open quarrel. +The only solution was to induce him to go away for a long +time. Both sides saw that. Such thoughts were in +everybody's mind while the impressive funeral service was +said and sung in St. Paul's. The Great Hero, who had +failed, was celebrated of course as a Great Hero—quite +truly and yet far from true. For him his death came at +a lucky time: his work was done.</p> + +<p>There is even a rumour, which I don't for a moment +believe, that he is alive on the Orkney Islands and prefers +to disappear there till the war ends. This is fantastic, +and it was doubtless suggested by the story that +he did disappear for several years while he was a young +officer.</p> + +<p>I could not help noticing, when I saw all the Cabinet +together at the Cathedral, how much older many of them +look than they looked two years ago. Sir Edward Grey, +Mr. Asquith, Mr. Balfour, who is really an old man, +Lloyd George—each of these seems ten years older. And +so does the King. The men in responsible places who are +not broken by the war will be bent. General French, +since his retirement to command of the forces in England, +seems much older. So common is this quick aging that +Lady Jellicoe, who went to Scotland to see her husband +after the big naval battle, wrote to Mrs. Page in a sort of +rhapsody and with evident surprise that the Admiral +really did not seem older! The weight of this thing is so +prodigious that it is changing all men who have to do with +it. Men and women (who do not wear mourning) mention +the death of their sons in a way that a stranger might +mistake for indifference. And it has a curious effect on +marriages. Apparently every young fellow who gets a +week's leave from the trenches comes home and marries +and, of course, goes straight back—especially the young +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-142" id="page2-142"></a>[pg II-142]</span> +officers. You see weddings all day as you pass the favourite +churches; and already the land is full of young widows.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edwin A. Alderman</i><a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35" /><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a><br /> +<br /> +Embassy of the U.S.A., London,<br /> +<br /> +June 22, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR ED ALDERMAN:</p> + +<p>I shall not forget how good you were to take time to +write me a word about the meeting of the Board—<i>the</i> +Board: there's no other one in that class—at Hampton<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36" /><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>, +and I did most heartily appreciate the knowledge that you +all remembered me. Alas! it's a long, long time ago when +we all met—so long ago that to me it seems a part of a +former incarnation. These three years—especially these +two years of the war—have changed my whole outlook on +life and foreshortened all that came before. I know I +shall never link back to many things (and alas! too, to +many people) that once seemed important and surely +were interesting. Life in these trenches (five warring or +quarrelling governments mining and sapping under me +and shooting over me)—two years of universal ambassadorship +in this hell are enough—enough I say, even for +a man who doesn't run away from responsibilities or +weary of toil. And God knows how it has changed me +and is changing me: I sometimes wonder, as a merely intellectual +and quite impersonal curiosity.</p> + +<p>Strangely enough I keep pretty well—very well, in fact. +Perhaps I've learned how to live more wisely than I knew +in the old days; perhaps again, I owe it to my old grandfather +who lived (and enjoyed) ninety-four years. I +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-143" id="page2-143"></a>[pg II-143]</span> +have walked ten miles to-day and I sit down as the clock +strikes eleven (P.M.) to write this letter.</p> + +<p>You will recall more clearly than I certain horrible, +catastrophic, universal-ruin passages in Revelation—monsters +swallowing the universe, blood and fire and clouds +and an eternal crash, rolling ruin enveloping all things—well, +all that's come. There are, perhaps, ten million men +dead of this war and, perhaps, one hundred million persons +to whom death would be a blessing. Add to these as +many millions more whose views of life are so distorted that +blank idiocy would be a better mental outlook, and you'll +get a hint (and only a hint) of what the continent has +already become—a bankrupt slaughter-house inhabited +by unmated women. We have talked of "problems" in +our day. We never had a problem; for the worst task we +ever saw was a mere blithe pastime compared with what +these women and the few men that will remain here must +face. The hills about Verdun are not blown to pieces +worse than the whole social structure and intellectual and +spiritual life of Europe. I wonder that anybody is sane.</p> + +<p>Now we have swung into a period and a state of mind +wherein all this seems normal. A lady said to me at a +dinner party (think of a dinner party at all!), "Oh, how +I shall miss the war when it ends! Life without it will +surely be dull and tame. What can we talk about? +Will the old subjects ever interest us again?" I said, +"Let's you and me try and see." So we talked about +books—not war books—old country houses that we both +knew, gardens and gold and what not; and in fifteen +minutes we swung back to the war before we were aware.</p> + +<p>I get out of it, as the days rush by, certain fundamental +convictions, which seem to me not only true—true beyond +any possible cavil—truer than any other political things +are true—and far more important than any other contemporary +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-144" id="page2-144"></a>[pg II-144]</span> +facts whatsoever in any branch of endeavour, +but better worth while than anything else that men now +living may try to further:</p> + +<p>1. The cure for democracy is more democracy. The +danger to the world lies in autocrats and autocracies and +privileged classes; and these things have everywhere been +dangerous and always will be. There's no security in +any part of the world where people cannot think of a +government without a king, and there never will be. You +cannot conceive of a democracy that will unprovoked set +out on a career of conquest. If all our religious missionary +zeal and cash could be turned into convincing +Europe of this simple and obvious fact, the longest step +would be taken for human advancement that has been +taken since 1776. If Carnegie, or, after he is gone, his +Peace People could see this, his Trust might possibly do +some good.</p> + +<p>2. As the world stands, the United States and Great +Britain must work together and stand together to keep +the predatory nations in order. A League to Enforce +Peace and the President's idea of disentangling alliances +are all in the right direction, but vague and general and +cumbersome, a sort of bastard children of Neutrality. +<i>The</i> thing, the <i>only</i> thing is—a perfect understanding +between the English-speaking peoples. That's necessary, +and that's all that's necessary. We must boldly take the +lead in that. I frankly tell my friends here that the +English have got to throw away their damned arrogance +and their insularity and that we Americans have got to +throw away our provincial ignorance ("What is abroad +to us?"), hang our Irish agitators and shoot our hyphenates +and bring up our children with reverence for English +history and in the awe of English literature. This is the +only job now in the world worth the whole zeal and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-145" id="page2-145"></a>[pg II-145]</span> +energy of all first-class, thoroughbred English-speaking +men. <i>We</i> must lead. We are natural leaders. The +English must be driven to lead. Item: We must get +their lads into our universities, ours into theirs. They +don't know how to do it, except the little driblet of +Rhodes men. Think this out, remembering what fools +we've been about exchange professors with Germany! +How much good could Fons Smith<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37" /><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> do in a thousand +years, on such an errand as he went on to Berlin? And +the English don't know <i>how</i> to do it. They are childish +(in some things) beyond belief. An Oxford or Cambridge +man never thinks of going back to his university except +about twice a lifetime when his college formally asks him +to come and dine. Then he dines as docilely as a scared +Freshman. I am a D.C.L. of Oxford. I know a lot of +their faculty. They are hospitality itself. But I've +never yet found out one important fact about the university. +They never tell me. I've been down at Cambridge +time and again and stayed with the Master of one +of the colleges. I can no more get at what they do and +how they do it than I could get at the real meaning of a +service in a Buddhist Temple. I have spent a good deal +of time with Lord Rayleigh, who is the Chancellor of +Cambridge University. He never goes there. If he were +to enter the town, all the men in the university would +have to stop their work, get on their parade-day gowns, +line-up by precedent and rank and go to meet him and go +through days of ceremony and incantations. I think the +old man has been there once in five years. Now this +mediævalism must go—or be modified. You fellers who +have universities must work a real alliance—a big job +here. But to go on.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-146" id="page2-146"></a>[pg II-146]</span> +<p>The best informed English opinion is ripe for a complete +working understanding with us. We've got to +work up our end—get rid of our ignorance of foreign +affairs, our shirt-sleeve, complaining kind of diplomacy, +our sport of twisting the lion's tail and such things and +fall to and bring the English out. It's the <i>one</i> race in +this world that's got the guts.</p> + +<p>Hear this in confirmation: I suppose 1,000 English +women have been to see me—as a last hope—to ask me to +have inquiries made in Germany about their "missing" +sons or husbands, generally sons. They are of every +class and rank and kind, from marchioness to scrubwoman. +Every one tells her story with the same dignity +of grief, the same marvellous self-restraint, the same +courtesy and deference and sorrowful pride. Not one +has whimpered—but one. And it turned out that she was +a Belgian. It's the breed. Spartan mothers were theatrical +and pinchbeck compared to these women.</p> + +<p>I know a lady of title, very well to do, who for a year +got up at 5:30 and drove herself in her own automobile +from her home in London to Woolwich where she worked +all day long in a shell factory as a volunteer and got home +at 8 o'clock at night. At the end of a year they wanted +her to work in a London place where they keep the records +of the Woolwich work. "Think of it," said she, as she +shook her enormous diamond ear-rings as I sat next to +her at dinner one Sunday night not long ago, "think of +it—what an easy time I now have. I don't have to +start till half-past seven and I get home at half-past +six!"</p> + +<p>I could fill forty pages with stories like these. This +very Sunday I went to see a bedridden old lady who +sent me word that she had something to tell me. Here +it was: An English flying man's machine got out of order +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-147" id="page2-147"></a>[pg II-147]</span> +and he had to descend in German territory. The Germans +captured him and his machine. They ordered him +to take two of their flying men in his machine to show +them a particular place in the English lines. He declined. +"Very well, we'll shoot you, then." At last he +consented. The three started. The Englishman quietly +strapped himself in. There were no straps for the two +Germans. The Englishman looped-the-loop. The Germans +fell out. The Englishman flew back home. "My +son has been to see me from France. He told me that. +He knows the man"—thus said the old lady and thanked +me for coming to hear it! She didn't know that the +story has been printed.</p> + +<p>But the real question is, "How are you?" Do you +keep strong? Able, without weariness, to keep up your +good work? I heartily hope so, old man. Take good +care of yourself—very.</p> + +<p>My love to Mrs. Alderman. Please don't quote me—yet. +I have to be very silent publicly about everything. +After March 4th, I shall again be free.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours always faithfully,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33" /><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> A playful reference to the Ambassador's infant grandson, +Walter H. Page, Jr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34" /><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Drowned on the Hampshire, June 5, 1916, off the coast of +Scotland.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35" /><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> President of the University of Virginia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36" /><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Hampton Institute, at Hampton, Va.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37" /><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> C. Alphonso Smith, Professor of English, U.S. Naval +Academy; Roosevelt Professor at Berlin, 1910-11.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-148" id="page2-148"></a>[pg II-148]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIX" id="CHAPTER_XIX" />CHAPTER XIX</h2> + +<h3>WASHINGTON IN THE SUMMER OF 1916</h3> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>In July Page received a cablegram summoning him to +Washington. This message did not explain why his +presence was desired, nor on this point was Page ever +definitely enlightened, though there were more or less +vague statements that a "change of atmosphere" might +better enable the Ambassador to understand the problems +which were then engrossing the State Department.</p> + +<p>The President had now only a single aim in view. From +the date of the so-called <i>Sussex</i> "pledge," May 4, 1916, +until the resumption of submarine warfare on February 1, +1917, Mr. Wilson devoted all his energies to bringing the +warring powers together and establishing peace. More +than one motive was inspiring the president in this determination. +That this policy accorded with his own +idealistic tendencies is true, and that he aspired to a +position in history as the great "peace maker" is probably +the fact, but he had also more immediate and practical +purposes in mind. Above all, Mr. Wilson was bent on +keeping the United States out of the war; he knew that +there was only one certain way of preserving peace in +this country, and that was by bringing the war itself to +an end. "An early peace is all that can prevent the Germans +from driving us at last into the war," Page wrote +at about this time; and this single sentence gives the key +to the President's activities for the succeeding nine +months. The negotiations over the <i>Sussex</i> had taught +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-149" id="page2-149"></a>[pg II-149]</span> +Mr. Wilson this truth. He understood that the pledge +which the German Government had made was only a +conditional one; that the submarine campaign had been +suspended only for the purpose of giving the United +States a breathing spell during which it could persuade +Great Britain and France to make peace.</p> + +<p>"I repeat my proposal," Bernstorff cabled his government +on April 26,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38" /><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> "to suspend the submarine war at +least for the period of negotiations. This would remove +all danger of a breach [with the United States] and also +enable Wilson to continue his labours in his great plan of +bringing about a peace based upon the freedom of the +seas—i.e., that for the future trade shall be free from all +interference in time of war. According to the assurances +which Wilson, through House, has given me, he would in +that case take in hand measures directly against England. +He is, however, of the opinion that it would be easier to +bring about peace than to cause England to abandon the +blockade. This last could only be brought about by +war and it is well known that the means of war are lacking +here. A prohibition of exports as a weapon against +the blockade is not possible as the prevailing prosperity +would suffer by it.</p> + +<p>"The inquiries made by House have led Wilson to believe +that our enemies would not be unwilling to consider +peace. In view of the present condition of affairs, I +repeat that there is only one possible course, namely, +that Your Excellency [Von Jagow] empower me to declare +that we will enter into negotiations with the United +States touching the conduct of the submarine war while +the negotiations are proceeding. This would give us +the advantage that the submarine war, being over Mr. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-150" id="page2-150"></a>[pg II-150]</span> +Wilson's head, like the sword of Damocles, would compel +him at once to take in hand the task of mediation."</p> + +<p>This dispatch seems sufficiently to explain all the +happenings of the summer and winter of 1916-1917. It +was sent to Berlin on April 26th; the German Government +gave the <i>Sussex</i> "pledge" on May 4th, eight days afterward. +In this reply Germany declared that she would now expect +Mr. Wilson to bring pressure upon Great Britain +to secure a mitigation or suspension of the British blockade, +and to this Mr. Wilson promptly and energetically +replied that he regarded the German promise as an unconditional +one and that the Government of the United +States "cannot for a moment entertain, much less discuss, +a suggestion that respect by German naval authorities +for the rights of citizens of the United States upon +the high seas should in any way or in the slightest degree +be made contingent upon the conduct of any other government +affecting the rights of neutrals and non-combatants. +Responsibility in such matters is single not joint; +absolute not relative."</p> + +<p>This reply gave satisfaction to both the United States +and the countries of the Allies, and Page himself regarded +it as a master stroke. "The more I think of it," he wrote +on May 17th, "the better the strategy of the President +appears, in his latest (and last) note to Germany. They +laid a trap for him and he caught them in their own trap. +The Germans had tried to 'put it up' to the President to +commit the first unfriendly act. He now 'puts it up' to +them. And this is at last bound to end the controversy +if they sink another ship unlawfully. The French see +this clearly and so do the best English, and it has produced +a most favourable impression. The future? The +German angling for peace will prove futile. They'll have +another fit of fury. Whether they will again become +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-151" id="page2-151"></a>[pg II-151]</span> +reckless or commit 'mistakes' with their submarines will +depend partly on their fury, partly on their fear to make +a breach with the United States, but mainly on the state +of their submarine fleet. How many have the English +caught and destroyed? That's the main question, after +all. The English view may not be fair to them. But +nobody here believes that they will long abstain from the +luxury of crime."</p> + +<p>It is thus apparent that when the Germans practically +demanded, as a price of their abstention from indiscriminate +submarine warfare, that Mr. Wilson should +move against Great Britain in the matter of the blockade, +they realized the futility of any such step, and that what +they really expected to obtain was the presidential +mediation for peace. President Wilson at once began to +move in this direction. On May 27th, three weeks after +the Sussex "pledge," he made an address in Washington +before the League to Enforce Peace, which was intended to +lay the basis for his approaching negotiations. It was in +this speech that he made the statement that the United +States was "not concerned with the causes and the objects" +of the war. "The obscure fountains from which +its stupendous flood has burst forth we are not interested +to search for or to explain." This was another of those +unfortunate sentences which made the President such an +unsympathetic figure in the estimation of the Allies and +seemed to indicate to them that he had no appreciation +of the nature of the struggle. Though this attitude of +non-partisanship, of equal balance between the accusations +of the Allies and Germany, was intended to make +the President acceptable as a mediator, the practical result +was exactly the reverse, for Allied statesmen turned +from Wilson as soon as those sentences appeared in print. +The fact that this same oration specified the "freedom of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-152" id="page2-152"></a>[pg II-152]</span> +the seas" as one of the foundation rocks of the proposed +new settlement only accentuated this unfavourable attitude.</p> + +<p>This then was clearly the "atmosphere" which prevailed +in Washington at the time that Page was summoned +home. But Page's letters of this period indicate +how little sympathy he entertained for such negotiations. +"It is quite apparent," he had recently written to Colonel +House, "that nobody in Washington understands the +war. Come over and find out." Extracts from a letter +which he wrote to his brother, Mr. Henry A. Page, of +Aberdeen, North Carolina, are especially interesting when +placed side by side with the President's statements of +this particular time. These passages show that a two +years' close observation of the Prussians in action had not +changed Page's opinion of their motives or of their +methods; in 1916, as in 1914, Page could see in this +struggle nothing but a colossal buccaneering expedition +on the part of Germany. "As I look at it," he wrote, +"our dilly-dallying is likely to get us into war. The +Germans want somebody to rob—to pay their great +military bills. They've robbed Belgium and are still +robbing it of every penny they can lay their hands +on. They robbed Poland and Serbia—two very poor +countries which didn't have much. They set out to +rob France and have so far been stopped from getting +to Paris. If they got to Paris there wouldn't be +thirty cents' worth of movable property there in a week, +and they'd levy fines of millions of francs a day. Their +military scheme and teaching and open purpose is to make +somebody pay for their vast military outlay of the last +forty years. They must do that or go bankrupt. Now it +looks as if they would go bankrupt. But in a little while +they may be able to bombard New York and demand +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-153" id="page2-153"></a>[pg II-153]</span> +billions of dollars to refrain from destroying the city. +That's the richest place left to spoil.</p> + +<p>"Now they say that—quite openly and quite frankly. +Now if we keep 'neutral' to a highwayman—what do we +get for our pains? That's the mistake we are making. +If we had sent Bernstorff home the day after the <i>Lusitania</i> +was sunk and recalled Gerard and begun to train an army +we'd have had no more trouble with them. But since +they have found out that they can keep us discussing +things forever and a day, they will keep us discussing +things till they are ready. We are very simple; and we'll +get shot for it yet....</p> + +<p>"The prestige and fear of the United States has gone +down, down, down-disappeared; and we are regarded as +'discussors,' incapable of action, scared to death of war. +That's all the invitation that robbers, whose chief business +is war, want—all the invitation they need. These +devils are out for robbery—and you don't seem to believe +it in the United States: that's the queer thing. This +neutrality business makes us an easy mark. As soon as +they took a town in Belgium, they asked for all the money +in the town, all the food, all the movable property; and +they've levied a tax every month since on every town and +made the town government borrow the money to pay it. +If a child in a town makes a disrespectful remark, they fine +the town an extra $1,000. They haven't got enough so +far to keep them going flush; and they won't unless they +get Paris—which they can't do now. If they got London, +they'd be rich; they wouldn't leave a shilling and they'd +make all the rich English get all the money they own +abroad. This is the reason that Frenchmen and Englishmen +prefer to be killed by the 100,000. In the country +over which their army has passed a crow would die of +starvation and no human being has ten cents of real +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-154" id="page2-154"></a>[pg II-154]</span> +money. The Belgian Commission is spending more than +100 million dollars a year to keep the Belgians alive—only +because they are robbed every day. They have a rich +country and could support themselves but for these robbers. +That's the meaning of the whole thing. And yet +we treat them as if they were honourable people. It's +only a question of time and of power when they will attack +us, or the Canal, or South America. Everybody on this +side the world knows that. And they are 'yielding' to +keep us out of this war so that England will not +help us when they (the Germans) get ready to attack +America.</p> + +<p>"There is the strangest infatuation in the United States +with Peace—the strangest illusion about our safety without +preparation."</p> + +<p>Several letters to Colonel House show the state of the +British mind on the subject of the President's peace proposals:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +Royal Bath and East Cliff Hotel,<br /> +Bournemouth,<br /> +23 May, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>The motor trip that the Houses, the Wallaces, and the +Pages took about a year ago was the last trip (three days) +that I had had out of London; and I'd got pretty tired. +The <i>China</i> case having been settled (and settled as we +wanted it), I thought it a good time to try to get away +for a week. So here Mrs. Page and I are—very much to +my benefit. I've spent a beautiful week out of doors, on +this seashore; and I have only about ten per cent. of the +fatal diseases that I had a week ago. That is to say, I'm +as sound as a dollar and feel like a fighting cock.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-155" id="page2-155"></a>[pg II-155]</span> +<p>Sir Edward was fine about the China<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39" /><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> case. He never +disputed the principle of the inviolability of American +ships on the high seas; but the Admiralty maintained that +some of these men are officers in the German Army and +are now receiving officers' pay. I think that that is probably +true. Nevertheless, the Admiralty had bungled the +case badly and Sir Edward simply rode over them. They +have a fine quarrel among themselves and we got all we +wanted and asked for.</p> + +<p>Of course, I can't make out the Germans but I am afraid +some huge deviltry is yet coming. When the English +say that the Germans must give up their militarism, I +doubt if the Germans yet know what they mean. They +talk about conquered territory—Belgium, Poland, and the +rest. It hasn't entered their heads that they've got to +give up their armies and their military system. When +this does get into their heads, if it ever do, I think they +may so swell with rage at this "insult" that they may +break loose in one last desperate effort, ignoring the United +States, defying the universe, running amuck. Of course it +would be foolhardy to predict this, but the fear of it keeps +coming into my mind. The fear is the more persistent +because, if the worst comes to them, the military caste and +perhaps the dynasty itself will prefer to die in one last terrific +onslaught rather than to make a peace on terms which +will require the practical extinction of their supreme power. +This, I conceive, is the really great danger that yet awaits +the world—if the Allies hold together till defeat and +famine drive the Germans to the utmost desperation.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, the Allies still holding together as +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-156" id="page2-156"></a>[pg II-156]</span> +they are, there's no peace yet in the British and French +minds. They're after the militarism of Prussia—not +territory or other gains; and they seem likely to get it, +as much by the blockade as by victories on land. Do +you remember how in the Franco-Prussian War, Bismarck +refused to deal with the French Emperor? He demanded +that representatives of the French people should deal with +him. He got what he asked for and that was the last of +the French Emperor. Neither the French nor the English +have forgotten that. You will recall that the Germans +starved Paris into submission. Neither the French +nor the English have forgotten that. These two leaves out +of the Germans' own book of forty-five years ago—these +two and no more—<i>may</i> be forced on the Germans themselves. +They are both quite legitimate, too. You can +read a recollection of both these events between the lines +of the interviews that Sir Edward and Mr. Balfour recently +gave to American newspapers.</p> + +<p>There is nothing but admiration here for the strategy +of the President's last note to Germany. That was the +cleverest play made by anybody since the war began—clever +beyond praise. Now he's "got 'em." But nobody +here doubts that they will say, sooner or later, that the +United States, not having forced the breaking of the +British blockade, has not kept its bargain—that's what +they'll say—and it is in order again to run amuck. This +is what the English think—provided the Germans have +enough submarines left to keep up real damage. By that +time, too, it will be clear to the Germans that the President +can't bring peace so long as only one side wishes peace. +The Germans seem to have counted much on the Irish +uprising, which came to pass at all only because of the +customary English stupid bungling; and the net result has +been only to put the mass of the Irish on their mettle to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-157" id="page2-157"></a>[pg II-157]</span> +show that they are not Sinn Feiners. The final upshot +will be to strengthen the British Army. God surely is +good to this bungling British Government. Wind and +wave and the will of High Heaven seem to work for them. +I begin to understand their stupidity and their arrogance. +If your enemies are such fools in psychological tactics and +Heaven is with you, why take the trouble to be alert? +And why be modest? Whatever the reason, these English +are now more cocky and confident than they've been +before since the war began. They are beginning to see +results. The only question seems to be to hold the Allies +together, and they seem to be doing that. In fact, the +battle of Verdun has cemented them. They now have +visible proof that the German Army is on the wane. And +they have trustworthy evidence that the blockade is telling +severely on the Germans. Nobody, I think, expects +to thrash 'em to a frazzle; but the almost universal opinion +here is that the hold of militarism will be shaken loose. +And the German High Canal Navy—what's to become +of that? Von Tirpitz is down and out, but there are +thousands of Germans, I hear, who complain of their +naval inactivity. But God only knows the future—I +don't. I think that I do well if I keep track of the +present....</p> + +<p>My kindest regards to Mrs. House,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours very heartily,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +London, 25 May, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>No utterance by anybody has so stirred the people of +this kingdom for many months as Sir Edward Grey's +impromptu speech last night in the House of Commons +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-158" id="page2-158"></a>[pg II-158]</span> +about Peace, when he called the German Chancellor a +first-class liar. I sent you to-day a clipping from one of +the morning papers. Every paper I pick up compliments +Sir Edward. Everyone says, "We must fight +to a finish." The more sensational press intimates that +any Englishman who uses the word "peace" ought +to be shot. You have never seen such a rally as that +which has taken place in response to Sir Edward's cry. +In the first place, as you know, he is the most gentle of all +the Cabinet, the last man to get on a "war-rampage," the +least belligerent and rambunctious of the whole lot. When +he felt moved to say that there can be no peace till the +German military despotism is broken, everybody from +one end of the Kingdom to the other seems to have thrown +up his hat and applauded. Except the half-dozen peace-cranks +in the House (Bryan sort of men) you can't find +a man, woman, child, or dog that isn't fired with the determination +to see the war through. The continued talk +about peace which is reported directly and indirectly from +Germany—coming from Switzerland, from Rome, from +Washington—has made the English and the French very +angry: no, "angry" isn't quite the right word. It has +made them very determined. They feel insulted by the +impudence of the Germans, who, since they know they +are bound to lose, seem to be turning heaven and +earth to induce neutrals to take their view of peace. +People are asking here, "If they are victorious, why +doesn't their fleet come out of the canal and take the seas, +and again open their commerce? Why do they whimper +about the blockade when they will not even risk a warship +to break it?" You'll recall how the talk here used to be +that the English wouldn't wake up. You wouldn't know +'em now. Your bulldog has got his grip and even thunder +doesn't disturb him.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-159" id="page2-159"></a>[pg II-159]</span> +<p>Incidentally, all the old criticism of Sir Edward Grey +seems to have been forgotten. You hear nothing +but praise of him now. I am told that he spoke +his impromptu speech last night with great fire and +at once left the House. His speech has caused a greater +stir than the Irish rebellion, showing that every Englishman +feels that Sir Edward said precisely what every man +feels.</p> + +<p>The Germans have apparently overdone and overworked +their premature peace efforts and have made +things worse for them. They've overplayed their +hand.</p> + +<p>In fact, I see no end of the war. The Allies are +not going to quit prematurely. They won't even discuss +the subject yet with one another, and the Germans, +by their peace-talk of the sort that they inspire, simply +postpone the day when the Allies will take the subject +up.</p> + +<p>All the while, too, the Allies work closer and closer +together. They'll soon be doing even their diplomatic +work with neutrals, as a unit—England and France as one +nation, and (on great subjects) Russia and Italy also +with them.</p> + +<p>I've talked lately not only with Sir Edward but with +nearly half the other members of the Cabinet, and they +are all keyed up to the same tune. The press of both +parties, too, are (for once) wholly agreed: Liberal and +Conservative papers alike hold the same war-creed.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sincerely yours,<br /> +<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Before leaving for Washington Page discussed the +situation personally with Sir Edward Grey and Lord +Bryce. He has left memoranda of both interviews.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-160" id="page2-160"></a>[pg II-160]</span></div> +<p><i>Notes of a Private and Informal Conversation with +Sir Edward Grey, at his residence, on July 27, 1916, when +I called to say good-bye before sailing on leave to the United +States</i></p> + +<p>... Sir Edward Grey went on to say quite +frankly that two thoughts expressed in a speech by the +President some months ago had had a very serious influence +on British opinion. One thought was that the causes +or objects of the war were of no concern to him, and the +other was his (at least implied) endorsement of "the freedom +of the seas," which the President did not define. +Concerning the first thought, he understood of course +that a neutral President could not say that he favoured +one side or the other: everybody understood that and nobody +expected him to take sides. But when the President +said that the objects of the war did not concern him, +that was taken by British public opinion as meaning a +condemnation of the British cause, and it produced deep +feeling.</p> + +<p>Concerning the "freedom of the seas," he believed that +the first use of the phrase was made by Colonel House +(on his return from one of his visits to Berlin)<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40" /><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>, but the +public now regarded it as a German invention and it +meant to the British mind a policy which would render +British supremacy at sea of little value in time of war; and +public opinion resented this. He knew perfectly well that +at a convenient time new rules must be made governing +the conduct of war at sea and on the land, too. But +the German idea of "the freedom of the seas" ("freedom" +was needed on land also) is repulsive to the British +mind.</p> + +<p>He mentioned these things because they had produced +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-161" id="page2-161"></a>[pg II-161]</span> +in many minds an unwillingness, he feared, to use the good +offices of the President whenever any mediatorial service +might be done by a neutral. The tendency of these +remarks was certainly in that direction. Yet Sir Edward +carefully abstained from expressing such an unwillingness +on his own part, and the inference from his tone +and manner, as well as from his habitual attitude, is that +he feels no unwillingness to use the President's good office, +if occasion should arise.</p> + +<p>I asked what he meant by "mediatorial"—the President's +offering his services or good offices on his own +initiative? He said—No, not that. But the Germans +might express to the President their willingness or even +their definite wish to have an armistice, on certain terms, +to discuss conditions of peace coupled with an intimation +that he might sound the Allies. He did not expect the +President to act on his own initiative, but at the request or +at least at the suggestion of the German Government, he +might conceivably sound the Allies—especially, he added, +"since I am informed that the notion is wide-spread in +America that the war will end inconclusively—as a draw." +He smiled and remarked, as an aside, that he didn't think +that this notion was held by any considerable group of +people in any other country, certainly not in Great +Britain.</p> + +<p>In further talk on this subject he said that none of the +Allies could mention peace or discuss peace till France +should express such a wish; for it is the very vitals of +France that have received and are receiving the shock +of such an assault as was never before launched against +any nation. Unless France was ready to quit, none of +France's Allies could mention peace, and France showed +no mood to quit. Least of all could the English make or +receive any such suggestion at least till her new great army +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-162" id="page2-162"></a>[pg II-162]</span> +had done its best; for until lately the severest fighting had +not been done by the British, whose army had practically +been held in reserve. There had for a long time been a +perfect understanding between Joffre and Haig—that the +English would wait to begin their offensive till the moment +arrived when it best suited the French.</p> + +<p>The impression that I got from this part of the conversation +was that Sir Edward hoped that I might convey to +the President (as, of course, he could not) Sir Edward's +idea of the effect of these parts of the President's speech on +feeling in England toward him. Nowhere in the conversation +did he make any request of me. Any one, overhearing +it, might have supposed it to be a conversation +between two men, with no object beyond expressing their +views. But, of course, he hoped and meant that I should, +in my own way, make known to the President what he +said. He did not say that the President's good offices, +when the time should come, would be unwelcome to him +or to his government; and he meant, I am sure, to convey +only the fear that by these assertions the President had +planted an objection to his good offices in a large section +of British opinion.</p> + +<p>Among the conditions of peace that Sir Edward himself +personally would like to see imposed (he had not yet +discussed the subject with any of his colleagues in the +Government) was this: that the German Government +should agree to submit to an impartial (neutral) commission +or court the question, Who began the war and +who is responsible for it? The German Chancellor and +other high German officials have put it about and continue +to put it about that England is responsible, and doubtless +the German people at least believe it. All the governments +concerned must (this is his idea) submit to the +tribunal all its documents and other evidence bearing on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-163" id="page2-163"></a>[pg II-163]</span> +the subject; and of course the finding of the tribunal must +be published.</p> + +<p>Then he talked a good deal about the idea that lies behind +the League for Enforcing Peace—in a sympathetic +mood. He went on to point out how such a league—with +force behind it—would at any one of three stages +have prevented this war—(1) When England proposed +a conference to France, Germany, Italy, and Russia, all +agreed to it but Germany. Germany alone prevented +a discussion. If the League to Enforce Peace had included +England, France, Italy, and Russia—there would +have been no war; for Germany would have seen at once +that they would all be against her. (2) Later, when the +Czar sent the Kaiser a personal telegram proposing to +submit their differences to some tribunal, a League to +Enforce Peace would have prevented war. And (3) when +the question of the invasion of Belgium came up, every +signatory to the treaty guaranteeing Belgium's integrity +gave assurance of keeping the treaty—but Germany, +and Germany gave an evasive answer. A league would +again have prevented a war—or put all the military force +of all its members against Germany.</p> + +<p>Throughout the conversation, which lasted about an +hour, Sir Edward said more than once, as he has often said +to me, that he hoped we should be able to keep the friction +between our governments at the minimum. He would +regard it as the greatest calamity if the ill-feeling that +various events have stirred up in sections of public opinion +on each side should increase or should become permanent. +His constant wish and effort were to lessen and if possible +to remove all misunderstandings.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Lord Bryce was one of the Englishmen with whom Page +was especially inclined to discuss pending problems.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-164" id="page2-164"></a>[pg II-164]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Notes on a conversation with Lord Bryce, +July 31, 1916</i></p></div> + +<p>Lord Bryce spoke of the President's declaration that we +were not concerned with the causes or objects of the war +and he said that that remark had caused much talk—all, +as he thought, on a misunderstanding of Mr. Wilson's +meaning. "He meant, I take it, only that he did not +propose at that time to discuss the causes or the objects of +the war; and it is a pity that his sentence was capable of +being interpreted to mean something else; and the sentence +was published and discussed here apart from its +context—a most unfair proceeding. I can imagine that +the President and his friends may be much annoyed by +this improper interpretation."</p> + +<p>I remarked that the body of the speech in which this +remark occurred might have been written in Downing +Street, so friendly was it to the Allies.</p> + +<p>"Quite, quite," said he.</p> + +<p>This was at dinner, Lady Bryce and Mrs. Page and he +and I only being present.</p> + +<p>When he and I went into the library he talked more +than an hour.</p> + +<p>"And what about this blacklist?" he asked. I told +him. He had been in France for a week and did not know +just what had been done. He said that that seemed to +him a mistake. "The Government doesn't know America—neither +does the British public. Neither does the +American Government (no American government) know +the British. Hence your government writes too many +notes—all governments are likely to write too many notes. +Everybody gets tired of seeing them and they lose their +effect."</p> + +<p>He mentioned the blockade and said that it had become +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-165" id="page2-165"></a>[pg II-165]</span> +quite effective—wonderfully effective, in fact; and he +implied that he did not see why we now failed to recognize +it. Our refusal to recognize it had caused and +doubtless is now causing such ill-feeling as exists in England.</p> + +<p>Then he talked long about peace and how it would probably +be arranged. He judged, from letters that he receives +from the United States as well as from Americans +who come over here, that there was an expectation in +America that the President would be called in at the peace +settlement and that some persons even expected him to +offer mediation. He did not see how that could be. He +knew no precedent for such a proceeding. The President +might, of course, on the definite request of either side, +make a definite inquiry of the other side; but such a course +would be, in effect, merely the transmission of an inquiry.</p> + +<p>But after peace was made and the time came to set +up a League for Enforcing Peace, or some such machinery, +of course the United States would be and would have +to be a party to that if it were to succeed. He reminded +me that a little group of men here, of whom he was one, +early in the war sketched substantially the same plan +that the American League to Enforce Peace has worked +out. It had not seemed advisable to have any general +public discussion of it in England till the war should end: +nobody had time now to give to it.</p> + +<p>As he knew no precedent for belligerents to call in a +third party when they met to end a war, so he knew no +precedent for any outside government to protest against +the invasion of a country by a Power that had signed +a treaty to guarantee the integrity of the invaded country—no +precedent, that is to say, for the United States to +protest against the invasion of Belgium. "That precedent," +I said, "was found in Hysteria."</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-166" id="page2-166"></a>[pg II-166]</span></div> +<p>Lord Bryce, who had just returned from a visit to the +British headquarters in France, hardly dared hope for the +end of the war till next year; and the intervening time +between now and the end would be a time, he feared, of +renewed atrocities and increasing hatred. He cited the +killing of Captain Fryatt of the <i>Brussels</i> and the forcible +deportation of young women from Lille and other towns +in the provinces of France occupied by the Germans.</p> + +<p>The most definite idea that he had touching American-British +relations was the fear that the anti-British feeling +in the United States would become stronger and would +outlast the war. "It is organized," he said. "The disaffected +Germans and the disaffected Irish are interested +in keeping it up." He asked what effect I thought the +Presidential campaign would have on this feeling. He +seemed to have a fear that somehow the campaign would +give an occasion for stirring it up even more.</p> + +<p>"Good-bye. Give my regards to all my American +friends; and I'm proud to say there are a good many of +them."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>One episode that was greatly stirring both Great Britain +and the United States at this time was the trial of Sir +Roger Casement, the Irish leader who had left Wilhelmshaven +for Ireland in a German submarine and who had +been captured at Tralee in the act of landing arms and +munitions for an Irish insurrection. Casement's subsequent +trial and conviction on a charge of high treason had +inspired a movement in his favour from Irish-Americans, +the final outcome of which was that the Senate, in early +August, passed a resolution asking the British Government +for clemency and stipulating that this resolution +should be presented to the Foreign Office. Page was +then on the ocean bound for the United States and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-167" id="page2-167"></a>[pg II-167]</span> +the delicate task of presenting this document to Sir +Edward Grey fell upon Mr. Laughlin, who was now +Chargé d'affaires. Mr. Laughlin is a diplomat of great +experience, but this responsibility at first seemed to be +something of a poser even for him. He had received explicit +instructions from Washington to present this resolution, +and the one thing above all which a diplomatic officer +must do is to carry out the orders of his government, but +Mr. Laughlin well knew that, should he present this paper +in the usual manner, the Foreign Secretary might decline +to receive it; he might regard it as an interference with +matters that exclusively concerned the sovereign state. +Mr. Laughlin, however, has a technique all his own, and, +in accordance with this, he asked for an interview with Sir +Edward Grey to discuss a matter of routine business. +However, the Chargé d'affaires carried the Casement +resolution tucked away in an inside pocket when he made +his call.</p> + +<p>Like Mr. Page, Mr. Laughlin was on the friendliest terms +with Sir Edward Grey, and, after the particular piece of +business had been transacted, the two men, as usual, fell +into casual conversation. Casement then loomed large +in the daily press, and the activities of the American Senate +had likewise caused some commotion in London. In +round-about fashion Mr. Laughlin was able to lead Sir +Edward to make some reference to the Casement case.</p> + +<p>"I see the Senate has passed a resolution asking clemency," +said the Foreign Secretary—exactly the remark +which the American wished to elicit.</p> + +<p>"Yes," was the reply. "By the way, I happen to have +a copy of the resolution with me. May I give it to you?"</p> + +<p>"Yes, I should like to have it."</p> + +<p>The Foreign Secretary read it over with deliberation.</p> + +<p>"This is a very interesting document," he said, when he +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-168" id="page2-168"></a>[pg II-168]</span> +had finished. "Would you have any objection if I +showed it to the Prime Minister?"</p> + +<p>Of course that was precisely what Mr. Laughlin did wish, +and he replied that this was the desire of his government. +The purpose of his visit had been accomplished, and he +was able to cable Washington that its instructions had +been carried out and that the Casement resolution had +been presented to the British Government. Simultaneously +with his communication, however, he reported also +that the execution of Roger Casement had taken place. +In fact, it was being carried out at the time of the interview. +This incident lends point to Page's memorandum of the +last interview which he had before leaving England.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>August 1st. I lunched with Mr. Asquith. One does +not usually bring away much from his conversations, and +he did not say much to-day worth recording. But he +showed a very eager interest in the Presidential campaign, +and he confessed that he felt some anxiety about the anti-British +feeling in the United States. This led him to tell +me that he could not in good conscience interfere with +Casement's execution, in spite of the shoals of telegrams +that he was receiving from the United States. This man, +said he, visited Irish prisoners in German camps and tried +to seduce them to take up arms against Great Britain—their +own country. When they refused, the Germans +removed them to the worst places in their Empire and, as a +result, some of them died. Then Casement came to Ireland +in a German man-of-war (a submarine) accompanied by +a ship loaded with guns. "In all good conscience to my +country and to my responsibilities I cannot interfere." He +hoped that thoughtful opinion in the United States would +see this whole matter in a fair and just way.</p> + +<p>I asked him about anti-American feeling in Great Britain. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-169" id="page2-169"></a>[pg II-169]</span> +He said: "Do not let that unduly disturb you. At +bottom we understand you. At bottom the two people +surely understand one another and have unbreakable +bonds of sympathy. No serious breach is conceivable." +He went on quite earnestly: "Mr. Page, after any policy +or plan is thought out on its merits my next thought always +is how it may affect our relations with the United +States. That is always a fundamental consideration."</p> + +<p>I ventured to say that if he would keep our relations +smooth on the surface, I'd guarantee their stability at the +bottom. It's the surface that rolls high at times, and the +danger is there. Keep the surface smooth and the bottom +will take care of itself.</p> + +<p>Then he asked about Mexico, as he usually has when +I have talked with him. I gave him as good a report as I +could, reminding him of the great change in the attitude of +all Latin-America caused by the President's patient policy +with Mexico. When he said, "Mexico is a bad problem," +I couldn't resist the impulse to reply: "When Mexico +troubles you, think of—Ireland. As there are persons in +England who concern themselves with Mexico, so there +are persons in the United States who concern themselves +about Ireland. Ireland and Mexico have each given +trouble for two centuries. Yet these people talk about +them as if they could remove all trouble in a month."</p> + +<p>"Quite true," he said, and smiled himself into silence. +Then he talked about more or less frivolous subjects; and, +as always, he asked about Mr. Bryan and Mr. Roosevelt, +"alike now, I suppose, in their present obscure plight." +I told him I was going from his house to the House of +Lords to see Sir Edward Grey metamorphosed into Viscount +Grey of Fallodon.</p> + +<p>"The very stupidest of the many stupid ceremonies that +we have," said he—very truly.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-170" id="page2-170"></a>[pg II-170]</span></div> +<p>He spoke of my "onerous duties" and so on and so on—tut, +tut! talk that gets nowhere. But he did say, quite +sincerely, I think, that my frankness called forth frankness +and avoided misunderstanding; for he has said that to +other people about me.</p> + +<p>Such is the Prime Minister of Great Britain in this +supreme crisis in English history, a remarkable man, of an +abnormally quick mind, pretty nearly a great man, but +now a spent force, at once nimble and weary. History +may call him Great. If it do, he will owe this judgment +to the war, with the conduct of which his name will be +forever associated.</p> + + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>Mr. and Mrs. Page's homecoming was a tragedy. They +sailed from Liverpool on August 3rd, and reached New +York on the evening of August 11th. But sad news +awaited them upon the dock. About two months previously +their youngest son, Frank, had been married to +Miss Katherine Sefton, of Auburn, N.Y., and the young +couple had settled down in Garden City, Long Island. +That was the summer when the epidemic of infantile +paralysis swept over the larger part of the United States. +The young bride was stricken; the case was unusually +rapid and unusually severe; at the moment of the Pages' +arrival, they were informed that there was practically no +hope; and Mrs. Frank Page died at two o'clock on the +afternoon of the following day. The Pages had always +been a particularly united and happy family; this was the +first time that they had suffered from any domestic sorrow +of this kind, and the Ambassador was so affected that it +was with difficulty that he could summon himself for the +task that lay ahead.</p> + +<p>In a few days, however, he left for Washington. He has +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-171" id="page2-171"></a>[pg II-171]</span> +himself described his experience at the Capital in words +that must inevitably take their place in history. To appreciate +properly the picture which Page gives, it must be +remembered that the city and the officialdom which he +portrays are the same city and the same men who six +months afterward declared war on Germany. When +Page reached Washington, the Presidential campaign was +in full swing, with Mr. Wilson as the Democratic candidate +and Mr. Charles E. Hughes as the Republican. But +another crisis was absorbing the nation's attention: the +railway unions, comprising practically all the 2,000,000 +railway employees in the United States, were threatening +to strike—ostensibly for an eight-hour day, in reality +for higher wages.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Mr. Page's memorandum of his visit to Washington +in August, 1916</i></p></div> + +<p>The President was very courteous to me, in his way. +He invited me to luncheon the day after I arrived. Present: +the President, Mrs. Wilson, Miss Bones, Tom Bolling, +his brother-in-law, and I. The conversation was +general and in the main jocular. Not a word about +England, not a word about a foreign policy or foreign +relations.</p> + +<p>He explained that the threatened railway strike engaged +his whole mind. I asked to have a talk with him +when his mind should be free. Would I not go off and +rest and come back?—I preferred to do my minor errands +with the Department, but I should hold myself at his +convenience and at his command.</p> + +<p>Two weeks passed. Another invitation to lunch. +Sharp, the Ambassador to France, had arrived. He, too, +was invited. Present: the President, Mrs. Wilson, Mrs. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-172" id="page2-172"></a>[pg II-172]</span> +Wallace, the Misses Smith of New Orleans, Miss Bones, +Sharp, and I. Not one word about foreign affairs.</p> + +<p>After luncheon, the whole party drove to the Capitol, +where the President addressed Congress on the strike, +proposing legislation to prevent it and to forestall similar +strikes. It is a simple ceremony and somewhat impressive. +The Senators occupy the front seats in the House, +the Speaker presides and the President of the Senate sits +on his right. An escorting committee is sent out to +bring the President in. He walks to the clerk's or reader's +desk below the presiding officer's, turns and shakes hands +with them both and then proceeds to read his speech, very +clearly and audibly. Some passages were applauded. +When he had done, he again shook hands with the presiding +officer and went out, preceded and followed by the +White House escort. I sat in the Presidential (or diplomatic?) +gallery with the White House party, higgledy-piggledy.</p> + +<p>The speech ended, the President drove to the White +House with his escort in his car. The crowds in the corridors +and about the doors waited and crowded to see Mrs. +Wilson, quite respectful but without order or discipline. +We had to push our way through them. Now and then a +policeman at a distance would yell loudly, "Make way +there!"</p> + +<p>When we reached the White House, I asked the doorman +if the President had arrived.</p> + +<p>"Yes."</p> + +<p>"Does he expect me to go in and say good-bye?"</p> + +<p>"No."</p> + +<p>Thus he had no idea of talking with me now, if ever. +Not at lunch nor after did he suggest a conversation about +American-British affairs or say anything about my seeing +him again.</p> + +<p>This threatened strike does hold his whole mind—bothers +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-173" id="page2-173"></a>[pg II-173]</span> +him greatly. It seems doubtful if he can avert a +general strike. The Republicans are trying "to put him in +a political hole," and they say he, too, is playing politics. +Whoever be to blame for it, it is true that politics is in the +game. Nobody seems to foresee who will make capital +out of it. Surely I can't.</p> + +<p>There's no social sense at the White House. The +President has at his table family connections only—and +they say few or no distinguished men and women are invited, +except the regular notables at the set dinners—the +diplomatic, the judiciary, and the like. His table is his +private family affair—nothing more. It is very hard to +understand why so intellectual a man doesn't have notable +men about him. It's the college professor's village habit, +I dare say. But it's a great misfortune. This is one way +in which Mr. Wilson shuts out the world and lives too +much alone, feeding only on knowledge and subjects that +he has already acquired and not getting new views or fresh +suggestions from men and women.</p> + +<p>He sees almost nobody except members of Congress for +whom he sends for special conferences, and he usually sees +these in his office. The railroad presidents and men he +met in formal conference—no social touch.</p> + +<p>A member of his Cabinet told me that Mr. Wilson had +shown confidence in him, given him a wide range of action +in his own Department and that he relies on his judgment. +This Cabinet member of course attends the +routine state dinners and receptions, as a matter of required +duty. But as for any social recognition of his +existence—he had never received a hint or nod. Nor +does any member of the Cabinet (except, no doubt, Mr. +McAdoo, his son-in-law). There is no social sense nor +reason in this. In fact, it works to a very decided disadvantage +to the President and to the Nation.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-174" id="page2-174"></a>[pg II-174]</span></div> +<p>By the way, that a notable man in our educational +life could form such a habit does not speak well for our +educational life.</p> + +<p>What an unspeakably lamentable loss of opportunity! +This is the more remarkable and lamentable because the +President is a charming personality, an uncommonly +good talker, a man who could easily make personal friends +of all the world. He does his own thinking, untouched +by other men's ideas. He receives nothing from the outside. +His domestic life is spent with his own, nobody +else, except House occasionally. His contact with his +own Cabinet is a business man's contact with his business +associates and kind—at his office.</p> + +<p>He declined to see Cameron Forbes<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41" /><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> on his return from +the Philippines.</p> + +<p>The sadness of this mistake!</p> + +<p>Another result is—the President doesn't hear the +frank truth about the men about him. He gives nobody +a chance to tell him. Hence he has several heavy encumbrances +in his official family.</p> + +<p>The influence of this lone-hand way of playing the game +extends very far. The members of the Cabinet do not +seem to have the habit of frankness with one another. +Each lives and works in a water-tight compartment. I +sat at luncheon (at a hotel) with Lansing, Secretary of +State; Lane, Secretary of the Interior; Gregory, Attorney-General; +Baker, Secretary of War; Daniels, Secretary of +the Navy; and Sharp, Ambassador to France; and all the +talk was jocular or semi-jocular, and personal—mere +cheap chaff. Not a question was asked either of the Ambassador +to France or of the Ambassador to Great Britain +about the war or about our foreign relations. The +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-175" id="page2-175"></a>[pg II-175]</span> +war wasn't mentioned. Sharp and I might have come +from Bungtown and Jonesville and not from France and +England. We were not encouraged to talk—the local +personal joke held the time and conversation. This astounding +fact must be the result of this lone-hand, water-tight +compartment method and—of the neutrality suppression +of men. The Vice-President confessed to his +neighbour at a Gridiron dinner that he had read none of +the White Papers, or Orange Papers, etc., of the belligerent +governments—confessed this with pride—lest he should +form an opinion and cease to be neutral! Miss X, a +member of the President's household, said to Mrs. Y, the +day we lunched there, that she had made a remark privately +to Sharp showing her admiration of the French.</p> + +<p>"Was that a violation of neutrality?" she asked in all +seriousness.</p> + +<p>I can see it in no other way but this: the President suppressed +free thought and free speech when he insisted upon +personal neutrality. He held back the deliberate and +spontaneous thought and speech of the people except the +pro-Germans, who saw their chance and improved it! +The mass of the American people found themselves forbidden +to think or talk, and this forbidding had a sufficient +effect to make them take refuge in indifference. It's the +President's job. He's our leader. He'll attend to this +matter. We must not embarrass him. On this easy +cushion of non-responsibility the great masses fell back +at their intellectual and moral ease—softened, isolated, +lulled.</p> + +<p>That wasn't leadership in a democracy. Right here is +the President's vast failure. From it there is now no escape +unless the Germans commit more submarine crimes. +They have kept the United States for their own exploiting +after the war. They have thus had a real triumph of us.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-176" id="page2-176"></a>[pg II-176]</span></div> +<p>I have talked in Washington with few men who showed +any clear conception of the difference between the Germans +and the British. To the minds of these people and +high Government officials, German and English are alike +foreign nations who are now foolishly engaged in war. +Two of the men who look upon the thing differently are +Houston<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42" /><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> and Logan Waller Page<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43" /><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>. In fact, there is no +realization of the war in Washington. Secretary Houston +has a proper perspective of the situation. He would have +done precisely what I recommended—paved the way for +claims and let the English take their course. "International +law" is no strict code and it's all shot to pieces +anyhow.</p> + +<p>The Secretary [of State] betrayed not the slightest curiosity +about our relations with Great Britain. I saw +him several times—(1) in his office; (2) at his house; +(3) at the French Ambassador's; (4) at Wallace's; (5) at +his office; (6) at Crozier's<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44" /><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>—this during my first stay in +Washington. The only remark he made was that I'd find +a different atmosphere in Washington from the atmosphere +in London. Truly. All the rest of his talk was about +"cases." Would I see Senator Owen? Would I see Congressman +Sherley? Would I take up this "case" and +that? His mind ran on "cases."</p> + +<p>Well, at Y's, when I was almost in despair, I rammed +down him a sort of general statement of the situation as +I saw it; at least, I made a start. But soon he stopped +me and ran off at a tangent on some historical statement I +had made, showing that his mind was not at all on the real +subject, the large subject. When I returned to Washington, +and he had read my interviews with Grey, Asquith, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-177" id="page2-177"></a>[pg II-177]</span> +and Bryce<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45" /><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>, and my own statement, he still said nothing, +but he ceased to talk of "cases." At my final interview +he said that he had had difficulty in preventing +Congress from making the retaliatory resolution mandatory. +He had tried to keep it back till the very end of +the session, etc.</p> + +<p>This does not quite correspond with what the President +told me—that the State Department asked for this retaliatory +resolution.</p> + +<p>I made specific suggestions in my statement to the +President and to Lansing. They have (yet) said nothing +about them. I fancy they will not. I have found nowhere +any policy—only "cases."</p> + +<p>I proposed to Baker and Daniels that they send a General +and an Admiral as attachés to London. They both +agreed. Daniels later told me that Baker mentioned it +to the President and he "stepped on the suggestion with +both feet." I did not bring it up. In the Franco-Prussian +War of 1870, both General McClellan (or Sheridan<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46" /><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>?) +and General Forsythe were sent to the German +Army. Our military ideas have shrunk since then!</p> + +<p>I find at this date (a month before the Presidential +election), the greatest tangle and uncertainty of political +opinion that I have ever observed in our country. The +President, in spite of his unparalleled leadership and +authority in domestic policy, is by no means certain of +election. He has the open hostility of the Germans—all +very well, if he had got the fruits of a real hostility to +them; but they have, in many ways, directed his foreign +policy. He has lost the silent confidence of many men +upon whose conscience this great question weighs heavily. +If he be defeated he will owe his defeat to the loss of confidence +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-178" id="page2-178"></a>[pg II-178]</span> +in his leadership on this great subject. His +opponent has put forth no clear-cut opinion. He plays a +silent game on the German "issue." Yet he will command +the support of many patriotic men merely as a lack +of confidence in the President.</p> + +<p>Nor do I see any end of the results of this fundamental +error. In the economic and political readjustment of the +world we shall be "out of the game," in any event—unless +we are yet forced into the war by Hughes's election +or by the renewal of the indiscriminate use of submarines +by the Germans.</p> + +<p>There is a great lesson in this lamentable failure of the +President really to lead the Nation. The United States +stands for democracy and free opinion as it stands for +nothing else and as no other nation stands for it. Now +when democracy and free opinion are at stake as they have +not before been, we take a "neutral" stand—we throw +away our very birthright. We may talk of "humanity" +all we like: we have missed the largest chance that ever +came to help the large cause that brought us into being as +a Nation....</p> + +<p>And the people, sitting on the comfortable seats of +neutrality upon which the President has pushed them +back, are grateful for Peace, not having taken the trouble +to think out what Peace has cost us and cost the world—except +so many as have felt the uncomfortable stirrings +of the national conscience.</p> + +<p>There is not a man in our State Department or in our +Government who has ever met any prominent statesmen +in any European Government—except the third Assistant +Secretary of State, who has no authority in forming policies; +there is not a man who knows the atmosphere of Europe. +Yet when I proposed that one of the under Secretaries +should go to England on a visit of a few weeks for observation, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-179" id="page2-179"></a>[pg II-179]</span> +the objection arose that such a visit would not be +"neutral."</p> + + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>The extraordinary feature of this experience was that +Page had been officially summoned home, presumably to +discuss the European situation, and that neither the President +nor the State Department apparently had the slightest +interest in his visit.</p> + +<p>"The President," Page wrote to Mr. Laughlin, "dominates +the whole show in a most extraordinary way. The +men about him (and he sees them only on 'business') are +very nearly all very, very small fry, or worse—the narrowest +twopenny lot I've ever come across. He has +no real companions. Nobody talks to him freely and +frankly. I've never known quite such a condition in +American life." Perhaps the President had no desire to +discuss inconvenient matters with his Ambassador to Great +Britain, but Page was certainly determined to have an +interview with the President. "I'm not going back to +London," he wrote Mr. Laughlin, "till the President has +said something to me or at least till I have said something +to him. I am now going down to Garden City and New +York till the President send for me; or, if he do not send +for me, I'm going to his house and sit on his front steps till +he come out!" Page had brought from England one of +the medals which the Germans had struck in honour of the +<i>Lusitania</i> sinking, and one reason why he particularly +wished to see the President alone was to show him this +memento.</p> + +<p>Another reason was that in early September Page had received +important news from London concerning the move +which Germany was making for peace and the attitude +of Great Britain in this matter. The several plans which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-180" id="page2-180"></a>[pg II-180]</span> +Germany had had under consideration had now taken the +form of a definite determination to ask for an armistice +before winter set in. A letter from Mr. Laughlin, Chargé +d'affaires in Page's absence, tells the story.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From Irwin Laughlin</i><br /> +<br /> +Embassy of the United States of America.<br /> +London, August 30, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PAGE:</p> + +<p>For some little time past I have heard persistent rumours, +which indeed are more than rumours, since they +have come from important sources, of an approaching +movement by Germany toward an early armistice. They +have been so circumstantial and so closely connected—in +prospect—with the President, that I have examined them +with particular attention and I shall try to give you the +results, and my conclusions, with the recommendation +that you take the matter up directly with the President +and the Secretary of State. I have been a little at a loss +to decide how to communicate what I have learned to the +Government in Washington, for the present conditions +make it impossible to set down what I want to say in an +official despatch, but the fortunate accident of your being +in the United States gives me the safe opportunity I want, +and so I send my information to you, and by the pouch, +as time is of less importance than secrecy.</p> + +<p>There seems to be no doubt that Germany is casting +about for an opportunity to effect an armistice, if possible +before the winter closes in. She hopes it may result in +peace—a peace more or less favourable to her, of course—but +even if such a result should fail of accomplishment she +would have gained a breathing space; have secured an opportunity +to improve her strategic position in a military +sense, perhaps by shortening her line in Flanders: have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-181" id="page2-181"></a>[pg II-181]</span> +stiffened the resistance of her people; and probably have +influenced a certain body of neutral opinion not only in +her favour but against her antagonists.</p> + +<p>I shall not try to mention the various sources from +which the threads that compose this fabric have been +drawn, but I finally fastened on X of the Admiralty as a +man with whom I could talk profitably and confidentially, +and he told me positively that his information showed +that Germany was looking in the direction I have indicated, +and that she would soon approach the President on +the subject—even if she had not already taken the first +steps toward preparing her advance to him.</p> + +<p>I asked X if he thought it well for me to broach the +subject to Lord Grey and he suggested that I first consult +Y, which I did. The latter seemed very wary at the outset, +but he warmed up at last and in the course of the conversation +told me he had reliable information that when +Bethmann-Hollweg went to Munich just before the beginning +of the allied offensive in the west in June he told +the King of Bavaria that he was confident the Allies would +be obliged to begin overtures for peace next October; adding +that if they didn't Germany would have to do so. +The King, it appears, asked him how Germany could +approach the Allies if it proved to be advisable and he replied: +"Through our good friend Wilson."</p> + +<p>I asked Y if the King of Spain's good offices would not +be enlisted jointly with those of the President in attempting +to arrange an armistice, but he thought not, and said +that the King of Spain was very well aware that the Allies +would not consider anything short of definite peace proposals +from Germany and that His Majesty knew the +moment for them had not arrived. I then finally asked +him point blank if he thought the Germans would approach +the President for an armistice, and, if so, when. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-182" id="page2-182"></a>[pg II-182]</span> +He said he was inclined to think they might do so perhaps +about October. On my asking him if he was disposed to +let me communicate his opinion privately to the Government +in Washington he replied after some hesitation that +he had no objection, but he quickly added that I must +make it clear at the same time that the British Government +would not listen to any such proposals.</p> + +<p>These conversations took place during the course of +last week, and on Sunday—the 27th—I invited the Spanish +Ambassador to luncheon at Tangley when I was able +to get him to confirm what Y had said of his Sovereign's +attitude and opinions.</p> + +<p>I may mention for what it is worth that on Hoover's +last trip to Germany he was told by Bullock, of the Philadelphia +<i>Ledger</i>, that Zimmermann of the Berlin Foreign +Office had told him that the Germans had intended in +June to take steps for an armistice which were prevented +by the preparations for the allied offensive in the west.</p> + +<p>Y was very emphatic in what he said of the attitude of +his government and the British people toward continuing +the war to an absolutely conclusive end, and I was much +impressed. He said among other things that the execution +of Captain Fryatt had had a markedly perceptible +effect in hardening British public opinion against Germany +and fixing the determination to fight to a relentless finish. +This corresponds exactly with my own observations.</p> + +<p>I leave this letter entirely in your hands. You will +know what use to make of it. It is meant as an official +communication in everything but the usual form from +which I have departed for reasons I need not explain +further.</p> + +<p>I look forward eagerly to your return,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Very sincerely yours,<br /> +<br /> +IRWIN LAUGHLIN.<br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-183" id="page2-183"></a>[pg II-183]</span></div> +<p>Page waited five weeks before he succeeded in obtaining +his interview with Mr. Wilson.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +The New Willard, Washington, D.C.<br /> +<br /> +Thursday, September 21, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>While I am waiting for a convenient time to come +when you will see me for a conference and report, I send +you notes on conversations with Lord Grey and Lord +Bryce<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47" /><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>. They are, in effect, though of course not in form, +messages to you.</p> + +<p>The situation between our government and Great +Britain seems to me most alarming; and (let me add) +easily removable, if I can get the ear of anybody in authority. +But I find here only an atmosphere of suspicion—unwarranted +by facts and easily dissipated by straight and +simple friendly methods. I am sure of this.</p> + +<p>I have, besides, a most important and confidential +message for you from the British Government which +they prefer should be orally delivered.</p> + +<p>And I have written out a statement of my own study of +the situation and of certain proposals which, I think, if +they commend themselves to you, will go far to remove +this dangerous tension. I hope to go over them with you +at your convenience.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours faithfully,<br /> +<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>The situation was alarming for more reasons than the +determination of Germany to force the peace issue. The +State Department was especially irritated at this time +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-184" id="page2-184"></a>[pg II-184]</span> +over the blockade. Among the "trade advisers" there +was a conviction, which all Page's explanations had not +destroyed, that Great Britain was using the blockade as +a means of destroying American commerce and securing +America's customers for herself. Great Britain's regulations +on the blacklist and "bunker coal" had intensified +this feeling. In both these latter questions Page regarded +the British actions as tactless and unjust; he had had many +sharp discussions at the Foreign Office concerning them, +but had not made much headway in his efforts to obtain +their abandonment. The purpose of the "blacklist" +was to strike at neutral firms with German affiliations +which were trading with Germany. The Trading with the +Enemy Act provided that such firms could not trade with +Great Britain; that British vessels must refuse to accept +their cargoes, and that any neutral ship which accepted +such cargoes would be denied bunker coal at British ports. +Under this law the Ministry of Blockade issued a "blacklist" +of more than 1,000 proscribed exporting houses in +the United States. So great was the indignation against +this boycott in the United States that Congress, in early +September, had passed a retaliatory act; this gave the +President the authority at any time to place an embargo +upon the exports to the United States of countries which +discriminated against American firms and also to deny +clearance to ships which refused to accept American cargoes. +The two countries indeed seemed to be hastening +toward a crisis.</p> + +<p>Page's urgent letter to Mr. Wilson brought a telegram +from Mr. Tumulty inviting the Ambassador to spend the +next evening and night with the President at Shadow +Lawn, the seaside house on the New Jersey coast in which +Mr. Wilson was spending the summer. Mr. Wilson received +his old friend with great courtesy and listened +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-185" id="page2-185"></a>[pg II-185]</span> +quietly and with apparent interest to all that he had to say. +The written statement to which Page refers in his letter +told the story of Anglo-American relations from the time +of the Panama tolls repeal up to the time of Page's visit +to Shadow Lawn. Quotations have already been made +from it in preceding chapters, and the ideas which it +contains have abundantly appeared in letters already +printed. The document was an eloquent plea for American +coöperation with the Allies—for the dismissal of +Bernstorff, for the adoption of a manly attitude toward +Germany, and for the vindication of a high type of Americanism.</p> + +<p>Page showed the President the <i>Lusitania</i> medal, but +that did not especially impress him. "The President +said to me," wrote Page in reference to this visit, +"that when the war began he and all the men he met +were in hearty sympathy with the Allies; but that now +the sentiment toward England had greatly changed. +He saw no one who was not vexed and irritated by the +arbitrary English course. That is, I fear, true—that +he sees no one but has a complaint. So does the Secretary +of State, and the Trade Bureau and all the rest +in Washington. But in Boston, in New York, and in +the South and in Auburn, N.Y., I saw no one whose +sympathy with the Allies had undergone any fundamental +change. I saw men who felt vexed at such an +act as the blacklist, but that was merely vexation, not +a fundamental change of feeling. Of course, there +came to see me men who had 'cases.' Now these are +the only kind of men, I fear, whom the Government at +Washington sees—these and the members of Congress +whom the Germans have scared or have 'put up' to +scare the Government—who are 'twisting the lion's tail,' +in a word."</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-186" id="page2-186"></a>[pg II-186]</span></div> +<p>"The President said," wrote Page immediately after +coming from Shadow Lawn, "Tell those gentlemen for +me'—and then followed a homily to the effect that a damage +done to any American citizen is a damage to him, etc. +He described the war as a result of many causes, some +of long origin. He spoke of England's having the earth +and of Germany wanting it. Of course, he said, the +German system is directly opposed to everything American. +But I do not gather that he thought that this +carried any very great moral reprehensibility.</p> + +<p>"He said that he wouldn't do anything with the retaliatory +act till after election lest it might seem that +he was playing politics. But he hinted that if there were +continued provocation afterward (in case he were elected) +he would. He added that one of the worst provocations +was the long English delay in answering our Notes. +Was this delay due to fear or shame? He evidently +felt that such a delay showed contempt. He spoke of +the Bryan treaty<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48" /><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>. But on no question had the British +'locked horns' with us—on no question had they come +to a clear issue so that the matter might be referred to +the Commission."</p> + +<p>Page delivered his oral message about the German +determination to obtain an armistice. This was to the +effect that Great Britain would not grant it. Page intimated +that Britain would be offended if the President +proposed it.</p> + +<p>"If an armistice, no," answered Mr. Wilson. "That's +a military matter and is none of my business. But if +they propose an armistice looking toward peace—yes, +I shall be glad."</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-187" id="page2-187"></a>[pg II-187]</span></div> +<p>The experience was an exceedingly trying one for both +men. The discussion showed how far apart were the +President and his Ambassador on practically every issue +connected with the crisis. Naturally the President's +reference to the causes of the war—that there were many +causes, some of them of long persistence, and that Great +Britain's domination of the "earth" was one of them—conflicted +with the judgment of a man who attributed +the origin of the struggle to German aggression. The +President's statement that American sympathy for +the Allies had now changed to irritation, and the tolerant +attitude toward Germany which Mr. Wilson displayed, +affected Page with the profoundest discouragement. +The President's intimation that he would advance Germany's +request for an armistice, if it looked toward +peace—this in reply to Page's message that Great Britain +would not receive such a proposal in a kindly spirit—seemed +to lay the basis of further misunderstandings. +The interview was a disheartening one for Page. Many +people whom the Ambassador met in the course of this +visit still retain memories of his fervour in what had now +become with him a sacred cause. With many friends and +officials he discussed the European situation almost like a +man inspired. The present writer recalls two long conversations +with Page at this time: the recollection of his brilliant +verbal portraiture, his description of the determination +of Englishmen, his admiration for the heroic sacrifice +of Englishwomen, remain as about the most vivid memories +of a life-time. And now the Ambassador had brought +this same eloquence to the President's ear at Shadow +Lawn. It was in this interview that Page had hoped to +show Mr. Wilson the real merits of the situation, and persuade +him to adopt the course to which the national honour +and safety pointed; he talked long and eloquently, painting +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-188" id="page2-188"></a>[pg II-188]</span> +the whole European tragedy with that intensity and +readiness of utterance and that moral conviction which +had so moved all others with whom he had come into contact +during this memorable visit to the United States; but +Mr. Wilson was utterly cold, utterly unresponsive, interested +only in ending the war. The talk lasted for a whole +morning; its nature may be assumed from the many letters +already printed; but Page's voice, when it attempted to fire +the conscience of the President, proved as ineffective as +his pen. However, there was nothing rasping or contentious +about the interview. The two men discussed everything +with the utmost calmness and without the slightest +indications of ill-nature. Both men had in mind +their long association, both inevitably recalled the hopes +with which they had begun their official relationship +three years before, at that time neither having the +faintest intimation of the tremendous problems that were +to draw them asunder. Mr. Wilson at this meeting +did not impress his Ambassador as a perverse character, +but as an extremely pathetic one. Page came away +with no vexation or anger, but with a real feeling for a +much suffering and a much perplexed statesman. The +fact that the President's life was so solitary, and that +he seemed to be so completely out of touch with men and +with the living thoughts of the world, appealed strongly +to Page's sympathies. "I think he is the loneliest man +I have ever known," Page remarked to his son Frank +after coming away from this visit.</p> + +<p>Page felt this at the time, for, as he rose to say good-bye +to the President, he put his hand upon his shoulder. +At this Mr. Wilson's eyes filled with tears and he gave +Page an affectionate good-bye. The two men never met +again.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38" /><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> This is quoted from a hitherto unpublished despatch of +Bernstorff's to Berlin which is found among Page's papers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39" /><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> The <i>China</i> case was a kind of <i>Trent</i> case reversed. In +1861 the American ship <i>San Jacinto</i> stopped the British vessel <i>Trent</i> +and took off Mason and Slidell, Confederate commissioners to Great +Britain. Similarly a British ship, in 1916, stopped an American ship, +the <i>China</i>, and removed several German subjects. As the British quickly +saw the analogy, and made suitable amends, the old excitement over the +<i>Trent</i> was not duplicated in the recent war.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40" /><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> See Chapter XIII, page 434.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41" /><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Mr. Forbes had been Governor-General of the Philippines +from 1909 to 1913. His work had been extraordinarily successful.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42" /><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Secretary of Agriculture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43" /><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> In charge of government road building, a distant relative +of the Ambassador.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44" /><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Major General William Crozier, U.S.A., Chief of Ordnance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45" /><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> See Chapter XIX, pages 160-164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46" /><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> It was General Sheridan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47" /><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> See Chapter XIX, pages 160 and 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48" /><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> The treaty between the United States and Great Britain, +adopted through the urgency of Mr. Bryan, providing for the arbitration +of disputes between the two countries.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-189" id="page2-189"></a>[pg II-189]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XX" id="CHAPTER_XX" />CHAPTER XX</h2> + +<h3>"PEACE WITHOUT VICTORY"</h3> + + +<p>"Of one thing I am sure," Page wrote to his wife +from Washington, while waiting to see President +Wilson. "We wish to come home March 4th at midnight +and to go about our proper business. There's nothing +here that I would for the world be mixed up with. As +soon as I can escape with dignity I shall make my bow and +exit.... But I am not unhappy or hopeless for the +long run. They'll find out the truth some day, paying, I +fear, a heavy penalty for delay. But the visit here has confirmed +me in our previous conclusions—that if we can carry +the load until March 4th, midnight, we shall be grateful +that we have pulled through."</p> + +<p>Soon after President Wilson's reëlection, therefore, +Page sent his resignation to Washington. The above +quotation shows that he intended this to be more than a +"courtesy resignation," a term traditionally applied to the +kind of leave-takings which Ambassadors usually send +on the formation of a new administration, or at the beginning +of a new Presidential term, for the purpose of giving +the President the opportunity of reorganizing his official +family. Page believed that his work in London had +been finished, that he had done everything in his power +to make Mr. Wilson see the situation in its true light and +that he had not succeeded. He therefore wished to give +up his post and come home. This explains the fact that +his resignation did not consist of the half dozen perfunctory +lines which most diplomatic officers find sufficient on +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-190" id="page2-190"></a>[pg II-190]</span> +such an occasion, but took the form of a review of the +reasons why the United States should align itself on the +side of the Allies.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +London, November 24, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>We have all known for many years that the rich and +populous and organized states in which the big cities are +do not constitute the political United States. But, I +confess, I hardly expected so soon to see this fact proclaimed +at the ballot-box. To me that's the surprise of +the election. And your popular majority as well as your +clear majority in the Electoral College is a great personal +triumph for you. And you have remade the ancient and +demoralized Democratic party. Four years ago it consisted +of a protest and of the wreck wrought by Mr. +Bryan's long captaincy. This rebirth, with a popular +majority, is an historical achievement—of your own.</p> + +<p>You have relaid the foundation and reset the pillars of +a party that may enjoy a long supremacy for domestic +reasons. Now, if you will permit me to say so, from my +somewhat distant view (four years make a long period of +absence) the big party task is to build up a clearer and +more positive foreign policy. We are in the world and +we've got to choose what active part we shall play in it—I +fear rather quickly. I have the conviction, as you know, +that this whole round globe now hangs as a ripe apple for +our plucking, if we use the right ladder while the chance +lasts. I do not mean that we want or could get the apple +for ourselves, but that we can see to it that it is put to +proper uses. What we have to do, in my judgment, is to +go back to our political fathers for our clue. If my longtime +memory be good, they were sure that their establishment +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-191" id="page2-191"></a>[pg II-191]</span> +of a great free Republic would soon be imitated by +European peoples—that democracies would take the place +of autocracies in all so-called civilized countries; for that +was the form that the fight took in their day against +organized Privilege. But for one reason or another—in +our life-time partly because we chose so completely to isolate +ourselves—the democratic idea took root in Europe +with disappointing slowness. It is, for instance, now +perhaps for the first time, in a thoroughgoing way, within +sight in this Kingdom. The dream of the American +Fathers, therefore, is not yet come true. They fought +against organized Privilege exerted from over the sea. In +principle it is the same fight that we have made, in our +domestic field, during recent decades. Now the same +fight has come on a far larger scale than men ever dreamed +of before.</p> + +<p>It isn't, therefore, for merely doctrinal reasons that we +are concerned for the spread of democracy nor merely +because a democracy is the only scheme of organization yet +wrought out that keeps the door of opportunity open and +invites all men to their fullest development. But we are +interested in it because under no other system can the +world be made an even reasonably safe place to live in. +For only autocracies wage aggressive wars. Aggressive +autocracies, especially military autocracies, must be +softened down by peace (and they have never been so +softened) or destroyed by war. The All-Highest doctrine +of Germany to-day is the same as the Taxation-without-Representation +of George III—only more virulent, +stronger, and farther-reaching. Only by its end can the +German people recover and build up their character and +take the permanent place in the world that they—thus +changed—will be entitled to. They will either reduce +Europe to the vassalage of a military autocracy, which +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-192" id="page2-192"></a>[pg II-192]</span> +may then overrun the whole world or drench it in blood, +or they must through stages of Liberalism work their way +toward some approach to a democracy; and there is no +doubt which event is impending. The Liberal idea will +win this struggle, and Europe will be out of danger of +a general assault on free institutions till some other autocracy +which has a military caste try the same Napoleonic +game. The defeat of Germany, therefore, will make for the +spread of the doctrine of our Fathers and our doctrine yet.</p> + +<p>An interesting book might be made of concrete evidences +of the natural antipathy that the present German +autocracy has for successful democracy and hence for us. +A new instance has just come to me. My son, Arthur, +who succeeded to most of my activities at home, has been +over here for a month and he has just come from a visit to +France. In Paris he had a long conversation with Delcassé, +who told him that the Kaiser himself once made a +proposal to him to join in producing "the complete isolation" +of the United States. What the Kaiser meant was +that if the great Powers of Europe would hold off, he +would put the Monroe Doctrine to the test and smash it.</p> + +<p>The great tide of the world will, by reason of the war, +now flow toward democracy—at present, alas! a tide of +blood. For a century democracies and Liberal governments +have kept themselves too much isolated, trusting +prematurely and too simply to international law and +treaties and Hague conventions. These things have +never been respected, except as springs to catch woodcock, +where the Divine Right held sway. The outgrowing +or the overthrow of the Divine Right is a condition +precedent to the effectiveness of international law and +treaties.</p> + +<p>It has seemed to me, looking at the subject only with +reference to our country's duty and safety, that somehow +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-193" id="page2-193"></a>[pg II-193]</span> +and at some early time our championship of democracy +must lead us to redeclare our faith and to show that we +believe in our historic creed. Then we may escape falling +away from the Liberal forces of the Old World and escape +the suspicion of indifference to the great scheme of government +which was set up by our fathers' giving their +blood for it. I see no other way for us to take the best +and biggest opportunity that has ever come to prove true +to our faith as well as to secure our own safety and the +safety of the world. Only some sort of active and open +identification with the Allies can put us in effective protest +against the assassins of the Armenians and the assassins +of Belgium, Poland, and Serbia, and in a friendly attitude +to the German people themselves, as distinguished from +their military rulers. This is the attitude surely that our +fathers would have wished us to take—and would have +expected us to take—and that our children will be proud +of us for taking; for it is our proper historic attitude, +whether looked at from the past or looked back at from the +future. There can be no historic approval of neutrality +for years, while the world is bleeding to death.</p> + +<p>The complete severance of relations, diplomatic at first +and later possibly economic as well, with the Turks and +the Germans, would probably not cost us a man in battle +nor any considerable treasure; for the moral effect of +withdrawing even our formal approval of their conduct—at +least our passive acquiescence—would be—that the Germans +would see that practically all the Liberal world +stands against their system, and the war would end before +we should need to or could put an army in the field. +The Liberal Germans are themselves beginning to see +that it is not they, but the German system, that is the +object of attack because it is <i>the</i> dangerous thing in the +world. Maximilian Harden presents this view in his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-194" id="page2-194"></a>[pg II-194]</span> +Berlin paper. He says in effect that Germany must get +rid of its predatory feudalism. That was all that was +the matter with George III.</p> + +<p>Among the practical results of such action by us would, +I believe, be the following:</p> + +<p>1. The early ending of the war and the saving of, perhaps, +millions of lives and of incalculable treasure;</p> + +<p>2. The establishment in Germany of some form of +more liberal government;</p> + +<p>3. A league to enforce peace, ready-made, under our +guidance—i.e., the Allies and ourselves;</p> + +<p>4. The sympathetic coöperation and the moral force of +every Allied Government in dealing with Mexico:</p> + +<p>5. The acceptance—and even documentary approval—of +every Allied Government of the Monroe Doctrine;</p> + +<p>6. The warding off and no doubt the final prevention +of danger from Japan, and, most of all, the impressive +and memorable spectacle of our Great Democracy thus +putting an end to this colossal crime, merely from the +impulse and necessity to keep our own ideals and to lead +the world right on. We should do for Europe on a large +scale essentially what we did for Cuba on a small scale and +thereby usher in a new era in human history.</p> + +<p>I write thus freely, Mr. President, because at no time +can I write in any other way and because I am sure that all +these things can quickly be brought to pass under your +strong leadership. The United States would stand, as +no other nation has ever stood in the world—predominant +and unselfish—on the highest ideals ever reached in +human government. It is a vision as splendid as the +Holy Grael. Nor have I a shadow of doubt of the eager +and faithful following of our people, who would thereby +reëstablish once for all our weakened nationality. We +are made of the stuff that our Fathers were made of.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-195" id="page2-195"></a>[pg II-195]</span> +<p>And I write this now for the additional reason that I +am within sight of the early end of my service here. When +you called me I answered, not only because you did me +great honour and laid a definite patriotic duty on me, but +because also of my personal loyalty to you and my pride +in helping forward the great principles in which we both +believe. But I understood then (and I am sure the subject +lay in your mind in the same way) that my service +would be for four years at the most. I made all my arrangements, +professional and domestic, on this supposition. +I shall, therefore, be ready to lay down my work +here on March 4th or as soon thereafter as meets your +pleasure.</p> + +<p>I am more than proud of the confidence that you have +shown in me. To it I am indebted for the opportunity +I have had to give such public service to my country as +I could, as well as for the most profitable experience of +my life. A proper and sympathetic understanding between +the two English-speaking worlds seems to me the +most important duty of far-seeing men in either country. +It has taken such a profound hold on me that I shall, in +whatever way I can, work for its complete realization as +long as I can work for anything.</p> + +<p>I am, Mr. President, most faithfully and gratefully +yours,</p> + +<p>WALTER H. PAGE.</p></div> + +<p>This letter was written at a time when President Wilson +was exerting his best energies to bring about peace. The +Presidential campaign had caused him to postpone these +efforts, for he believed that neither Germany nor Great +Britain could take seriously the activities of a President +whose own political position was insecure. At the time +Page's letter was received, the President was thinking only +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-196" id="page2-196"></a>[pg II-196]</span> +of a peace based upon a stalemate; it was then his apparent +conviction that both sides to the struggle were about +equally in the wrong and that a decisive victory of either +would not be a good thing for the world. Yet it is interesting +to compare this letter with the famous speech +which the President made six months afterward when +he asked Congress to declare the existence of a state of +war with Germany. Practically all the important reasons +which Mr. Wilson then advanced for this declaration are +found in Page's letter of the preceding November. That +autocracies are a constant menace to world peace, that +the United States owes it to its democratic tradition to +take up arms against the enemy of free government, that +in doing this, it was not making war upon the German +people, but upon its imperialistic masters—these were the +arguments which Page laid before the President in his letter +of resignation, and these were the leading ideas in Mr. +Wilson's address of April 2nd. There are even sentences +in Page's communication which seem to foreshadow Mr. +Wilson's assertion that "The world must be made safe +for democracy." This letter in itself sufficiently makes it +clear that Page's correspondence, irritating in its later +phases as it may have been, strongly influenced Mr. Wilson +in his final determination on war.</p> + +<p>On one point, indeed, Colonel House afterward called +the Ambassador to account. When America was preparing +to raise armies by the millions and to spend its +treasure by the billions, he reminded Page of his statement +that the severance of diplomatic relations "would probably +not cost us a man in battle nor any considerable +treasure." Page's statement in this November letter +merely reiterated a conviction which for more than a year +he had been forcing upon the President and Colonel +House—that the dismissal of Bernstorff would not necessarily +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-197" id="page2-197"></a>[pg II-197]</span> +imply war with Germany, but that it would in itself +be enough to bring the war to an end. On this point Page +never changed his mind, as is evident from the letter which +he wrote to Colonel House when this matter was called to +his attention:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +London, June 29, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>I never put any particular value on my own prophecies +nor on anybody else's. I have therefore no pride as a +prophet. Yet I do think that I hit it off accurately a +year or a year and a half ago when I said that we could +then have ended the war without any appreciable cost. +And these are my reasons:</p> + +<p>If we had then come in and absolutely prevented supplies +from reaching Germany, as we are now about to do, +the war would then have been much sooner ended than it +can now be ended:</p> + +<p>(1) Our supplies enabled her to go on.</p> + +<p>(2) She got time in this way to build her great submarine +fleet. She went at it the day she promised the +President to reform.</p> + +<p>(3) She got time and strength to overrun Rumania +whence she got food and oil; and continues to get it.</p> + +<p>(4) During this time Russia fell down as a military +force and gave her more time, more armies for France +and more supplies. Russian guns have been sold to the +Germans.</p> + +<p>If a year and a half ago we had starved her out, it +would have been over before any of these things happened. +This delay is what will cost us billions and +billions and men and men.</p> + +<p>And it cost us one thing more. During the neutrality +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-198" id="page2-198"></a>[pg II-198]</span> +period we were as eager to get goods to the little neutral +states which were in large measure undoubtedly bound to +Germany as we are now eager to keep them out. Grey, +who was and is our best friend, and who was unwilling +to quarrel with us more than he was obliged to, was thrown +out of office and his career ended because the blockade, +owing to his consideration for us, was not tight enough. +Our delay caused his fall.</p> + +<p>But most of all, it gave the Germans time (and to some +extent material) to build their present fleet of submarines. +They were at work on them all the while and according to +the best opinion here they continue to build them faster +than the British destroy them; and the submarines are +destroying more merchant ships than all the shipbuilding +docks of all the world are now turning out. This is +the most serious aspect of the war—by far the most +serious. I am trying to get our Government to send +over hundreds of improvised destroyers—armed tugs, +yachts, etc., etc. Admiral Sims and the British Admiralty +have fears that unless such help come the full fruits of the +war may never be gathered by the Allies—that some sort +of a compromise peace may have to be made.</p> + +<p>It is, therefore, true that the year and a half we waited +after the <i>Lusitania</i> will prove to be the most costly year +and a half in our history; and for once at least my old +prophecy was quite a good guess. But that water has +flowed over the dam and it is worth mentioning now only +because you challenged me....</p></div> + +<p>That part of Page's letter which refers to his retirement +had a curious history. It was practically a resignation +and therefore called for an immediate reply, but Mr. +Wilson did not even acknowledge its receipt. For two +months the Ambassador was left in the dark as to the attitude +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-199" id="page2-199"></a>[pg II-199]</span> +of Washington. Finally, in the latter part of January, +1917, Page wrote urgently to Mr. Lansing, asking +him to bring the matter to the President's attention. On +February 5, 1917, Mr. Lansing's reply was received. +"The President," he said, "under extreme pressure of the +present situation, has been unable to consider your communication +in regard to your resignation. He desires me +to inform you that he hopes that, at the present time, you +will not press to be relieved from service; that he realizes +that he is asking you to make a personal sacrifice, but he +believes that you will appreciate the importance, in the +crisis which has developed, that no change should be made. +I hardly need to add my personal hope that you will put +aside any thought of resigning your post for the present."</p> + +<p>At this time, of course, any idea of retiring was out of +the question. The President had dismissed Bernstorff +and there was every likelihood that the country would +soon be at war. Page would have regarded his retirement +at this crisis as little less than the desertion of his +post. Moreover, since Mr. Wilson had adopted the policy +which the Ambassador had been urging for nearly two +years, and had sent Bernstorff home, any logical excuse +that may have existed for his resignation existed no longer. +Mr. Wilson had now adopted a course which Page could +enthusiastically support.</p> + +<p>"I am happy to serve here at any sacrifice"—such was +his reply to Mr. Lansing—"until after the end of the war, +and I am making my arrangements to stay for this +period."</p> + +<p>The months that intervened between the Presidential +election and the declaration of war were especially difficult +for the American Embassy in London. Page had informed +the President, in the course of his interview of +September 22nd, how unfavourably Great Britain regarded +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-200" id="page2-200"></a>[pg II-200]</span> +his efforts in the direction of peace; he had in +fact delivered a message from the Foreign Office that +any Presidential attempt to "mediate" would be rejected +by the Allies. Yet his earnest representation on this +point had produced no effect upon Mr. Wilson. The +pressure which Germany was bringing to bear upon Washington +was apparently irresistible. Count Bernstorff's +memoirs, with their accompanying documents, have revealed +the intensity of the German efforts during this +period; the most startling fact revealed by the German +Ambassador is that the Kaiser, on October 9th, notified +the President, almost in so many words, that, unless he +promptly moved in the direction of peace, the German +Government "would be forced to regain the freedom of +action which it has reserved to itself in the note of May +4th last<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49" /><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>." It is unlikely that the annals of diplomacy +contain many documents so cool and insolent as this one. +It was a notification from the Kaiser to the President that +the so-called "Sussex pledge" was not regarded as an +unconditional one by the Imperial Government; that it +was given merely to furnish Mr. Wilson an opportunity to +bring the war to an end; and that unless the Presidential +attempt to accomplish this were successful, there would be +a resumption of the indiscriminate submarine campaign. +The curious developments of the next two months are +now a familiar story. Possibly because the British Government +had notified him, through Page, that his proffer of +mediation would be unacceptable, Mr. Wilson moved +cautiously and slowly, and Germany became impatient. +The successful campaign against Rumania, resulting in the +capture of Bucharest on December 6th, and the new vista +which it opened to Germany of large food supplies, +strengthened the Teutonic purpose. Perhaps Germany, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-201" id="page2-201"></a>[pg II-201]</span> +with her characteristic lack of finesse, imagined that her +own open efforts would lend emphasis to Mr. Wilson's +pacific exertions. At any rate, on December 12th, just as +Mr. Wilson was preparing to launch his own campaign for +mediation, Germany herself approached her enemies with a +proposal for a peace conference. A few days afterward +Page, as the representative of Germany, called at the Foreign +Office to deliver the large white envelope which contained +the Kaiser's "peace proposal." In delivering this to +Lord Robert Cecil, who was acting as Foreign Secretary +in the temporary absence of Mr. Balfour, Page emphasized +the fact that the American Government entirely disassociated +itself from its contents and that he was acting +merely in his capacity of "German Ambassador." Two +communications from Lord Robert to Sir Cecil Spring +Rice, British Ambassador at Washington, tell the story +and also reveal that it was almost impossible for Page, +even when engaged in an official proceeding, to conceal +his contempt for the whole enterprise:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>Lord R. Cecil to Sir C. Spring Rice</i><br /> +<br /> +Foreign Office,<br /> +<br /> +December 18, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>SIR:</p> + +<p>The American Ambassador came to see me this morning +and presented to me the German note containing what is +called in it the "offer of peace." He explained that he +did so on instructions of his Government as representing +the German Government, and not in any way as representing +their own opinions. He also explained that the +note must be regarded as coming from the four Central +Powers, and as being addressed to all the Entente Powers +who were represented by the United States.</p> + +<p>He then read to me a telegram from his Government, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-202" id="page2-202"></a>[pg II-202]</span> +but declined to leave me a copy of it. The first part of +the telegram explained that the Government of the United +States would deeply appreciate a confidential intimation +of the response to be made to the German note and that +they would themselves have certain representations to +make to the Entente Powers, to which they urgently +begged the closest consideration. The telegram went on +to explain that the Government of the United States had +had it in mind for some time past to make such representations +on behalf of neutral nations and humanity, and +that it must not be thought that they were prompted by +the Governments of the Central Powers. They wished +us to understand that the note of the Central Powers +created a good opportunity for making the American +representations, but was not the cause of such representations +being made.</p> + +<p>I replied that I could of course say nothing to him on +such an important matter without consulting my colleagues.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +I am, etc.,<br /> +<br /> +ROBERT CECIL.<br /> +<br /> +<i>Lord R. Cecil to Sir C. Spring Rice</i><br /> +<br /> +Foreign Office,<br /> +<br /> +19 December, 1916.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>SIR:</p> + +<p>The American Ambassador came to see me this afternoon.</p> + +<p>I asked him whether he could tell me why his government +were anxious to have confidential information as to +the nature of our response to the German peace note. +He replied that he did not know, but he imagined it +was to enable them to frame the representations of which +he had spoken to me.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-203" id="page2-203"></a>[pg II-203]</span> +<p>I then told him that we had asked the French to draft +a reply, and that it would then be considered by the Allies, +and in all probability an identic note would be presented +in answer to the German note. I thought it probable that +we should express our view that it was impossible to deal +with the German offer, since it contained no specific proposals.</p> + +<p>He said that he quite understood this, and that we +should in fact reply that it was an offer "to buy a pig in a +poke" which we were not prepared to accept. He added +that he thought his Government would fully anticipate a +reply in this sense, and he himself obviously approved it.</p> + +<p>Then, speaking quite seriously, he said that he had +heard people in London treating the German offer with +derision, but that no doubt the belligerent governments +would treat it seriously.</p> + +<p>I said that it was certainly a serious thing, and no doubt +would be treated seriously.</p> + +<p>I asked him if he knew what would be contained in the +proposed representations from his government.</p> + +<p>He said that he did not; but as he understood that they +were to be made to all the belligerents, he did not think +that they could be much more than a pious aspiration for +peace; since that was the only thing that was equally +applicable to the Germans and to us.</p> + +<p>As he was leaving he suggested that the German note +might be published in our press.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +I am, etc.,<br /> +<br /> +ROBERT CECIL.<br /> +</div> + +<p>This so-called German "peace proposal" began with +the statement that the war "had been forced" upon Germany, +contained the usual reference to the military might +of the Central Powers, and declared that the Fatherland +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-204" id="page2-204"></a>[pg II-204]</span> +was fighting for "the honour and liberty of national +evolution." It is therefore not surprising that Lord +Robert received it somewhat sardonically, especially as the +communication contained no specific proposals, but +merely a vague suggestion of "negotiations." But another +spectacular performance now drove the German +manoeuvre out of everybody's mind. That President +Wilson resented this German interference with his own +plans is well known; he did not drop them, however, but +on December 18th, he sent his long-contemplated peace +communication to all the warring Powers. His appeal +took the form of asking that they state the objects for +which they were fighting, the Presidential belief evidently +being that, if they did this, a common meeting ground +might possibly be found. The suggestion that the Allied +war aims were not public property, despite the fact +that British statesmen had been broadly proclaiming +them for three years, caused a momentary irritation +in England, but this was not a serious matter, especially +as the British Cabinet quickly saw that this request +gave them a position of advantage over Germany, +which had always refused to make public the terms on +which it would end the war. The main substance in this +Presidential approach, therefore, would have produced +no ill-feeling; as usual, it was a few parenthetical phrases—phrases +which were not essential to the main argument—which +set the allied countries seething with indignation. +The President, this section of his note ran, "takes the +liberty of calling attention to the fact that the objects +which the statesmen of the belligerents on both sides have +in mind in this war, are virtually the same, as stated in +general terms to their own people and to the world. Each +side desires to make the rights and privileges of weak +peoples and small states as secure against aggression and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-205" id="page2-205"></a>[pg II-205]</span> +denial in the future as the rights and privileges of the +great and powerful states now at war." This idea was +elaborated in several sentences of a similar strain, the +general purport of the whole passage being that there was +little to choose between the combatants, inasmuch as both +were apparently fighting for about the same things. Mr. +Wilson's purpose in this paragraph is not obscure; he was +making his long expected appearance as a mediator, and +he evidently believed that it was essential to this rôle that +he should not seem to be prejudiced in favour of either +side, but should hold the balance impartially between +them.</p> + +<p>It is true that a minute reading indicates that Mr. +Wilson was merely quoting, or attempting to paraphrase, +the statements of the leaders of both sides, but there is such +a thing as quoting with approval, and no explanation +could convince the British public that the ruler of the +greatest neutral nation had not declared that the Allies +and the Central Powers stood morally upon the same level. +The popular indignation which this caused in Great +Britain was so intense that it alarmed the British authorities. +The publication of this note in the British press was +withheld for several hours, in order to give the Government +an opportunity to control the expression of editorial +opinion; otherwise it was feared that this would be so unrestrained +in its bitterness that relations with the United +States might be imperilled. The messages which the London +correspondents were permitted to send to the United +States were carefully censored for the same reason. The +dispatch sent by the Associated Press was the product of +a long struggle between the Foreign Office and its London +correspondent. The representatives spent half an hour +considering whether the American correspondents could +cable their country that the note had been received in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-206" id="page2-206"></a>[pg II-206]</span> +England with "surprise and irritation." After much +discussion it was decided that "irritation" could not be +used, and the message of the Associated Press, after undergoing +this careful editing by the Foreign Office, was a +weak and ridiculous description of the high state of excitement +which prevailed in Great Britain. The fact that +the British Foreign Office should have given all this trouble +over the expressions sent to American newspapers and +should even have spent half an hour debating whether a +particular word should be used, almost pathetically illustrates +the great care taken by the British Government not +to influence American opinion against the Allies.</p> + +<p>The Government took the same precautions with its +own press in England. When the note was finally +released the Foreign Office explicitly directed the London +newspapers to comment with the utmost caution +and in no case to question the President's sincerity. +Most of them acquiesced in these instructions by maintaining +silence. There was only one London newspaper, +the <i>Westminster Gazette</i>, which made even a faint-hearted +attempt to explain away the President's statement. +From the first day of the war the British people had +declared that President Wilson did not understand the +issues at stake; and they now declared that this note +confirmed their worst forebodings. The comments of +the man-in-the-street were unprintable, but more serious +than these was the impression which Mr. Wilson's dubious +remarks made upon those Englishmen who had +always been especially friendly to the United States and +who had even defended the President in previous crises. +Lord Bryce, who had accepted philosophically the Presidential +statement that the United States was not "concerned +with the causes" of the war, could not regard +so indulgently this latest judgment of Great Britain +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-207" id="page2-207"></a>[pg II-207]</span> +and Germany. "Bryce came to see me in a state of +great depression," wrote Page. "He has sent Mr. Wilson +a personal letter on this matter." Northcliffe commanded +his newspapers, the <i>Times</i> and the <i>Daily Mail</i>, +to discuss the note in a judicial spirit, but he himself +told Mr. Page that "everybody is as angry as hell." +When someone attempted to discuss the Wilson note +with Mr. Asquith, he brushed the subject away with a +despairing gesture. "Don't talk to me about it," he +said. "It is most disheartening." But the one man in +England who was perhaps the most affected was King +George. A man who had attended luncheon at Buckingham +Palace on December 21st gave Page a description +of the royal distress. The King, expressing his +surprise and dismay that Mr. Wilson should think that +Englishmen were fighting for the same things in this war +as the Germans, broke down.</p> + +<p>The world only now understands the dreadful prospect +which was opening before Europe at the moment when +this Presidential note added a new cause for general +despondency. Rumania had collapsed, the first inkling +of the Russian revolution had been obtained, the +British well knew that the submarine warfare was to +be resumed, and British finances were also in a +desperate plight. More and more it was becoming +evident to the British statesmen that they needed the +intervention of the United States. This is the reason +why they could not destroy the chances of American +help by taking official offense even at what Page, in a +communication to the Secretary of State, did not hesitate +to call President Wilson's "insulting words"; and hence +their determination to silence the press and to give no +outward expression of what they felt. Page's interview +with Lord Robert Cecil on December 26th, while the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-208" id="page2-208"></a>[pg II-208]</span> +Presidential communication was lying on his desk, +discloses the real emotions of Englishmen. Apparently +Page's frank cables concerning the reception of this paragraph +had caused a certain interest in the State Department; +at least the Ambassador was instructed to call at the +Foreign Office and explain that the interpretation which +had been commonly put upon the President's words was +not the one which he had intended. At the same time +Page was instructed to request the British Foreign Office, +in case its reply were "favourable," not to publish it, +but to communicate it secretly to the American Government. +The purpose of this request is a little obscure; +possibly it was the President's plan to use such a favourable +reply to force Germany likewise to display an acquiescent +mood. The object of Page's call was to present +this disclaimer.</p> + +<p>Lord Robert Cecil, the son of the late Lord Salisbury,—that +same Lord Salisbury whose combats with Secretary +Blaine and Secretary Olney form piquant chapters +in British-American history—is one of the most able +and respected of British statesmen. In his earlier +life Lord Salisbury had been somewhat overbearing +in his attitude toward the United States; in his later +years, however, perhaps owing to the influence of his +nephew, Mr. Balfour, his manner had changed. In his +attitude toward the United States Lord Robert Cecil +reflected only the later phases of his father's career. +To this country and to its peaceful ideals he had always +been extremely sympathetic, and to Page especially he +had never manifested anything but cordiality. Yet it +was evident, as Page came into his office this morning, +that to Lord Robert, as to every member of the Government, +the President's note, with its equivocal phrases, +had been a terrible shock. His manner was extremely +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-209" id="page2-209"></a>[pg II-209]</span> +courteous, as always, but he made no attempt to conceal +his feelings. Ordinarily Lord Robert did not wear his +emotions on the surface; but he took occasion on this +visit to tell Page how greatly the President's communication +had grieved him.</p> + +<p>"The President," he said, "has seemed to pass judgment +on the allied cause by putting it on the same level +as the German. I am deeply hurt."</p> + +<p>Page conveyed Mr. Lansing's message that no such +inference was justified. But this was not reassuring.</p> + +<p>"Moreover," Lord Robert added, "there is one sentence +in the note—that in which the President says that +the position of neutrals is becoming intolerable—that +seems almost a veiled threat."</p> + +<p>Page hastened to assure Lord Robert that no threat +was intended.</p> + +<p>Lord Robert's manner became increasingly serious.</p> + +<p>"There is nothing that the American Government or +any other human power can do," he remarked slowly and +solemnly, "which will bring this war to a close before the +Allies have spent their utmost force to secure a victory. +A failure to secure such a victory will leave the world at +the mercy of the most arrogant and the bloodiest tyranny +that has ever been organized. It is far better to die in +an effort to defeat that tyranny than to perish under its +success."</p> + +<p>On any occasion Lord Robert is an impressive or at +least a striking and unusual figure; he is tall, lank, and +ungainly, almost Lincolnesque in the carelessness of his +apparel and the exceeding awkwardness of his postures and +manners. His angular features, sharp nose, pale face, and +dark hair suggest the strain of ascetism, almost of fanaticism, +which runs in the present generation of his family. +And the deep sincerity and power of his words on this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-210" id="page2-210"></a>[pg II-210]</span> +occasion made an impression which Page never forgot; +they transformed the British statesman into an eloquent, +almost an heroic figure. If we are to understand the full +tragedy of this moment we must remember that, incredible +as it now seems, there was a fear in British officialdom +that the United States might not only not pursue a course +favourable to the Allies, but that it might even throw its +support to Germany. The fear, of course, was baseless; +any suggestion of such a policy in the United States would +have destroyed any official who had brought it forward; +but Lord Robert knew and Page knew that there were +insidious influences at work at that time, both in the +United States and in Great Britain, which looked in this +direction. A group of Americans, whom Page used to refer +to as "peace spies," were associated with English +pacifists, for the purpose of bringing about peace on almost +any terms. These "peace spies" had worked out a +programme all their own. The purpose was to compel +Great Britain to accept the German terms for ending the +war. Unless she did accept them, then it was intended +that the American Government should place an embargo +on the shipment of foodstuffs and munitions to the Allies. +There is little question that the United States, by taking +such action, could have ended the war almost instantaneously. +Should the food of her people and the great +quantities of munitions which were coming from this +country be suddenly cut off, there is little likelihood that +Great Britain could have long survived. The possibility +that an embargo might shut out these supplies had hung +over the heads of British statesmen ever since the war began; +they knew that the possession of this mighty power +made the United States the potential dictator of events; +and the fear that it might be used had never ceased to +influence their thoughts or their actions. Even while this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-211" id="page2-211"></a>[pg II-211]</span> +interview was taking place, certain anti-British forces in +the United States, such as Senator Hoke Smith of Georgia, +were urging action of this kind.</p> + +<p>"I have always been almost a Pacifist," Lord Robert +continued. "No man has ever hated war worse than I. +No man has ever had a more earnest faith that war can +be abolished. But European civilization has been murderously +assaulted and there is nothing now to do but to +defeat this desperate enemy or to perish in the effort. I +had hoped that the United States understood what is at +stake."</p> + +<p>Lord Robert went on:</p> + +<p>"I will go so far as to say that if the United States will +come into the war it will decide which will win, freedom or +organized tyranny. If the United States shall help the +Germans, civilization will perish and it will be necessary +to build it up slowly again—if indeed it will ever appear +again. If the United States will help the Allies, civilization +will triumph<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50" /><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>."</p> + +<p>As to the proposal that the British terms should be +conveyed confidentially to Mr. Wilson, Lord Robert said +that that would be a difficult thing to do. The President's +note had been published, and it therefore seemed necessary +that the reply should also be given to the press. This +was the procedure that was ultimately adopted.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Startling as was the sensation caused by the President's +December note, it was mild compared with that which was +now to come. Page naturally sent prompt reports of all +these conversations to the President and likewise kept +him completely informed as to the state of public feeling, +but his best exertions apparently did not immediately +affect the Wilson policy. The overwhelming fact is that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-212" id="page2-212"></a>[pg II-212]</span> +the President's mind was fixed on a determination to compel +the warring powers to make peace and in this way to +keep the United States out of the conflict. Even the disturbance +caused by his note of December 18th did not +make him pause in this peace campaign. To that note +the British sent a manly and definite reply, drafted by +Mr. Balfour, giving in detail precisely the terms upon +which the Allies would compose their differences with the +Central Powers. The Germans sent a reply consisting of +ten or a dozen lines, which did not give their terms, but +merely asked again for a conference. Events were now +moving with the utmost rapidity. On January 9th, a +council of German military chieftains was held at Pless; +in this it was decided to resume unrestricted submarine +warfare. On January 16th the Zimmermann-Mexico telegram +was intercepted; this informed Bernstorff, among +other things, that this decision had been made. On +January 16th, at nine o'clock in the morning, the +American Embassy in London began receiving a long +cipher despatch from Washington. The preamble announced +that the despatch contained a copy of an address +which the President proposed to deliver before the Senate +"in a few days." Page was directed to have copies of +the address "secretly prepared" and to hand them to the +British Foreign Office and to newspapers of the type of the +Nation, the Daily News, and the Manchester Guardian—all +three newspapers well known for their Pacifist tendencies. +As the speech approached its end, this sentence appeared: +"It must be a peace without victory." The +words greatly puzzled the secretary in charge, for they +seemed almost meaningless. Suspecting that an error +had been made in transmission, the secretary directed the +code room to cable Washington for a verification of the +cipher groups. Very soon the answer was received; there +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-213" id="page2-213"></a>[pg II-213]</span> +had been no mistake; the Presidential words were precisely +those which had been first received: "Peace without victory." +The slips were then taken to Page, who read the +document, especially these fateful syllables, with a consternation +which he made no effort to conceal. He immediately +wrote a cable to President Wilson, telling him of +the deplorable effect this sentence would produce and imploring +him to cut it out of his speech—with what success +the world now knows.</p> + +<p>An astonishing feature of this episode is that Page had +recently explained to the Foreign Office, in obedience to +instructions from Washington, that Mr. Wilson's December +note should not be interpreted as placing the Allies and +the Central Powers on the same moral level. Now Mr. +Wilson, in this "peace without victory" phrase, had repeated +practically the same idea in another form. On +the day the speech was received at the Embassy, about a +week before it was delivered in the Senate, Page made +the following memorandum:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The President's address to the Senate, which was received +to-day (January 16th)<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51" /><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>, shows that he thinks he +can play peace-maker. He does not at all understand, +(or, if he do, so much the worse for him) that the Entente +Powers, especially Great Britain and France, cannot make +"peace without victory." If they do, they will become +vassals of Germany. In a word, the President does not +know the Germans; and he is, unconsciously, under their +influence in his thought. His speech plays into their +hands.</p> + +<p>This address will give great offense in England, since it +puts each side in the war on the same moral level.</p> + +<p>I immediately saw the grave danger to our relations with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-214" id="page2-214"></a>[pg II-214]</span> +Great Britain by the Peace-without-Victory plan; and I +telegraphed the President, venturing to advise him to omit +that phrase—with no result.</p></div> + +<p>Afterward Page added this to the above:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Compare this Senate speech with his speech in April +calling for war: Just when and how did the President +come to see the true nature of the German? What made +him change from Peace-Maker to War-Maker? The +Zimmermann telegram, or the February U-boat renewal +of warfare? Had he been so credulous as to believe the +German promise? This promise had been continuously +and repeatedly broken.</p> + +<p>Or was it the pressure of public opinion, the growing +impatience of the people that pushed him in?</p> + +<p>This distressing peace-move—utterly out of touch with +the facts of the origin of the war or of its conduct or of the +mood and necessities of Great Britain—a remote, academic +deliverance, while Great Britain and France were +fighting for their very lives—made a profoundly dejected +feeling; and it made my place and work more uncomfortable +than ever. "Peace without victory" brought us to +the very depths of European disfavour.</p></div> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49" /><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> "My Three Years in America," by Count Bernstorff, p. 294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50" /><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> This narrative is based upon memoranda made by Page.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51" /><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> It was delivered and published on January 22nd.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-215" id="page2-215"></a>[pg II-215]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXI" id="CHAPTER_XXI" />CHAPTER XXI</h2> + +<h3>THE UNITED STATES AT WAR</h3> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>The United States broke off diplomatic relations with +Germany on February 3, 1917. The occasion was +a memorable one in the American Embassy in London, +not unrelieved by a touch of the ridiculous. All day +long a nervous and rather weary company had waited in +the Ambassador's room for the decisive word from Washington. +Mr. and Mrs. Page, Mr. and Mrs. Laughlin, Mr. +Shoecraft, the Ambassador's secretary, sat there hour after +hour, hardly speaking to one another in their tense excitement, +waiting for the news that would inform them that +Bernstorff's course had been run and that their country +had taken its decision on the side of the Allies. Finally, +at nine o'clock in the evening, the front door bell rang. +Mr. Shoecraft excitedly left the room; half way downstairs +he met Admiral William Reginald Hall, the head +of the British Naval Intelligence, who was hurrying up to +the Ambassador. Admiral Hall, as he spied Mr. Shoecraft, +stopped abruptly and uttered just two words:</p> + +<p>"Thank God!"</p> + +<p>He then went into the Ambassador's room and read a +secret code message which he had just received from Captain +Gaunt, the British naval attaché at Washington. +It was as follows:</p> + +<p>"Bernstorff has just been given his passports. I shall +probably get drunk to-night!"</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-216" id="page2-216"></a>[pg II-216]</span></div> +<p>It was in this way that Page first learned that the long +tension had passed.</p> + +<p>Page well understood that the dismissal of Bernstorff +at that time meant war with the Central Empires. Had +this dismissal taken place in 1915, after the sinking of the +<i>Lusitania</i>, or in 1916, after the sinking of the <i>Sussex</i>, Page +believed that a simple break in relations would in itself +have brought the war to an early end. But by February, +1917, things had gone too far. For Germany had now +decided to stake everything upon the chance of winning a +quick victory with the submarine. Our policy had persuaded +the Kaiser's advisers that America would not +intervene; and the likelihood of rapidly starving Great +Britain was so great—indeed the Germans had reduced the +situation to a mathematical calculation of success—that +an American declaration of war seemed to Berlin to be a +matter of no particular importance. The American Ambassador +in London regarded Bernstorff's dismissal much +more seriously. It justified the interpretations of events +which he had been sending to Mr. Wilson, Colonel House, +and others for nearly three years. If Page had been inclined +to take satisfaction in the fulfilment of his own prophecies, +Germany's disregard of her promises and the +American declaration of war would have seemed an ample +justification of his course as ambassador.</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2230" id="i2230" /> +<a href="images/2230.jpg"><img src= +"images/2230.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>Walter H. Page, at the time of America's entry into the +war, April, 1917</b> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2231" id="i2231" /> +<a href="images/2231.jpg"><img src= +"images/2231.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>Resolution passed by the two Houses of Parliament,<br /> +April 18, 1917, on America's entry into the war</b> +</div> + +<p>But Page had little time for such vain communings. +"All that water," as he now wrote, "has flowed over the +dam." Occasionally his mind would revert to the dreadful +period of "neutrality," but in the main his activities, +mental and physical, were devoted to the future. A +letter addressed to his son Arthur shows how quickly and +how sympathetically he was adjusting himself to the +new prospect. His mind was now occupied with ships, +food, armies, warfare on submarines, and the approaching +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-217" id="page2-217"></a>[pg II-217]</span> +resettlement of the world. How completely he foresaw +the part that the United States must play in the actual +waging of hostilities, and to what an extent he himself was +responsible for the policies that ultimately prevailed, appears +in this letter:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +25 March, 1917, London.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>It's very hard, not to say impossible, to write in these +swiftly moving days. Anything written to-day is out of +date to-morrow—even if it be not wrong to start with. +The impression becomes stronger here every day that we +shall go into the war "with both feet"—that the people +have pushed the President over in spite of his vision of the +Great Peacemaker, and that, being pushed over, his idea +now will be to show how he led them into a glorious war +in defense of democracy. That's my reading of the situation, +and I hope I am not wrong. At any rate, ever since +the call of Congress for April 2nd, I have been telegraphing +tons of information and plans that can be of use only +if we go to war. Habitually they never acknowledge the +receipt of anything at Washington. I don't know, therefore, +whether they like these pieces of information or not. +I have my staff of twenty-five good men getting all sorts +of warlike information; and I have just organized twenty-five +or thirty more—the best business Americans in +London—who are also at work. I am trying to get the +Government at Washington to send over a committee of +conference—a General, an Admiral, a Reserve Board man, +etc., etc. If they do half the things that I recommend +we'll be in at the final lickin' big, and will save our souls +yet.</p> + +<p>There's lots of human nature in this world. A note is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-218" id="page2-218"></a>[pg II-218]</span> +now sometimes heard here in undertone (Northcliffe strikes +it)—that they don't want the Americans in the war. +This means that if we come in just as the Allies finish the +job we'll get credit, in part, for the victory, which we did +little to win! But that's a minor note. The great mass +of people do want us in, quick, hard, and strong—our +money and our guns and our ships.</p> + +<p>A gift of a billion dollars<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52" /><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> to France will fix Franco-American +history all right for several centuries. Push it +through. Such a gift could come to this Kingdom also +but for the British stupidity about the Irish for three +hundred years. A big loan to Great Britain at a low +rate of interest will do the work here.</p> + +<p>My mind keeps constantly on the effect of the war and +especially of our action on our own country. Of course +that is the most important end of the thing for us. I hope +that—</p> + +<p>1. It will break up and tear away our isolation;</p> + +<p>2. It will unhorse our cranks and soft-brains.</p> + +<p>3. It will make us less promiscuously hospitable to +every kind of immigrant;</p> + +<p>4. It will reëstablish in our minds and conscience and +policy our true historic genesis, background, kindred, and +destiny—i.e., kill the Irish and the German influence.</p> + +<p>5. It will revive our real manhood—put the molly-coddles +in disgrace, as idiots and dandies are;</p> + +<p>6. It will make our politics frank and manly by restoring +our true nationality;</p> + +<p>7. It will make us again a great sea-faring people. It +is this that has given Great Britain its long lead in the +world;</p> + +<p>8. Break up our feminized education—make a boy a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-219" id="page2-219"></a>[pg II-219]</span> +vigorous animal and make our education rest on a wholesome +physical basis;</p> + +<p>9. Bring men of a higher type into our political life.</p> + +<p>We need waking up and shaking up and invigorating as +much as the Germans need taking down.</p> + +<p>There is no danger of "militarism" in any harmful sense +among any English race or in any democracy.</p> + +<p>By George! all these things open an interesting outlook +and series of tasks—don't they?</p> + +<p>My staff and I are asking everybody what the Americans +can best do to help the cause along. The views are +not startling, but they are interesting.</p> + +<p><i>Jellicoe</i>: More ships, merchant ships, any kind of +ships, and take over the patrol of the American side of the +Atlantic and release the British cruisers there.</p> + +<p><i>Balfour</i>: American credits in the United States big +enough to keep up the rate of exchange.</p> + +<p><i>Bonar Law</i>: Same thing.</p> + +<p><i>The military men</i>: An expeditionary force, no matter +how small, for the effect of the American Flag in Europe. +If one regiment marched through London and Paris and +took the Flag to the front, that would be worth the winning +of a battle.</p> + +<p>Think of the vast increase of territory and power Great +Britain will have—her colonies drawn closer than ever, the +German colonies, or most of them, taken over by her, Bagdad +hers—what a way Germany chose to lessen the British +Empire! And these gains of territory will be made, +as most of her gains have been, not by any prearranged, set +plan, but as by-products of action for some other purpose. +The only people who have made a deliberate plan to conquer +the earth—now living—are the Germans. And from +first to last the additions to the British Empire have been +made because she has been a first-class maritime power.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-220" id="page2-220"></a>[pg II-220]</span> +<p>And that's the way she has made her trade and her money, +too.</p> + +<p>On top of this the President speculates about the danger +of the white man losing his supremacy because a few million +men get killed! The truth is every country that is +playing a big part in the war was overpopulated. There +will be a considerable productive loss because the killed +men were, as a rule, the best men; but the white man's +control of the world hasn't depended on any few million +of males. This speculation is far up in the clouds. If +Russia and Germany really be liberated from social and +political and industrial autocracy, this liberation will +bring into play far more power than all the men killed in +the war could have had under the pre-war régime. I observe +this with every year of my observation—there's no +substitute for common-sense.</p> + +<p>The big results of the war will, after all, be the freedom +and the stimulation of men in these weary Old-World +lands—in Russia, Germany itself, and in England. In five +or ten years (or sooner, alas!) the dead will be forgotten.</p> + +<p>If you wish to make a picture of the world as it will be +when the war ends, you must conjure up such scenes as +these—human bones along the Russian highways where +the great retreat took place and all that such a sight denotes; +Poland literally starved; Serbia, blasted and burned +and starved; Armenia butchered; the horrible tragedy of +Gallipoli, where the best soldiers in the world were sacrificed +to politicians' policies; Austria and Germany starved and +whipped but liberalized—perhaps no king in either country; +Belgium—belgiumized; northern France the same +and worse; more productive Frenchmen killed in proportion +to the population perhaps than any other country +will have lost; Great Britain—most of her best men gone +or maimed; colossal debts; several Teutonic countries bankrupt; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-221" id="page2-221"></a>[pg II-221]</span> +every atrocity conceivable committed somewhere—a +hell-swept great continent having endured more suffering +in three years than in the preceding three hundred. +Then, ten years later, most of this suffering a mere memory; +governments reorganized and liberalized; men made +more efficient by this strenuous three years' work; the +fields got back their bloom, and life going on much as it +did before—with this chief difference—some kings have +gone and many privileges have been abolished. The +lessons are two—(1) that no government can successfully +set out and conquer the world; and (2) that the hold that +privilege holders acquire costs more to dislodge than any +one could ever have guessed. That's the sum of it. Kings +and privilege mongers, of course, have held the parts of +the world separate from one another. They fatten on +provincialism, which is mistaken for patriotism. As +they lose their grip, human sympathy has its natural play +between nations, and civilization has a chance. With any +Emperor of Germany left the war will have been half in +vain.</p> + +<p>If we (the U.S.A.) cultivate the manly qualities and +throw off our cranks and read our own history and be true +to our traditions and blood and get some political vigour; +then if we emancipate ourselves from the isolation theory +and from the landlubber theory—get into the world and +build ships, ships, ships, ships, and run them to the ends of +the seas, we can dominate the world in trade and in political +thought.</p> + +<p>You know I have moments when it occurs to me that +perhaps I'd better give whatever working years I may +have to telling this story—the story of the larger meaning of +the war. There's no bigger theme—never was one so big.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-222" id="page2-222"></a>[pg II-222]</span></div> +<p>On April 1st, the day before President Wilson made his +great address before Congress requesting that body to declare +the existence of a state of war with Germany, Page +committed to paper a few paragraphs which summed up +his final judgment of President Wilson's foreign policy for +the preceding two and a half years.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Embassy of the United States of America,<br /> +April 1, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>In these last days, before the United States is forced +into war—by the people's insistence—the preceding course +of events becomes even clearer than it was before; and it +has been as clear all the time as the nose on a man's face.</p> + +<p>The President began by refusing to understand the +meaning of the war. To him it seemed a quarrel to settle +economic rivalries between Germany and England. He +said to me last September<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53" /><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> that there were many causes +why Germany went to war. He showed a great degree +of toleration for Germany; and he was, during the whole +morning that I talked with him, complaining of England. +The controversies we had with England were, of course, +mere by-products of the conflict. But to him they +seemed as important as the controversy we had with Germany. +In the beginning he had made—as far as it was +possible—neutrality a positive quality of mind. He would +not move from that position.</p> + +<p>That was his first error of judgment. And by insisting +on this he soothed the people—sat them down in comfortable +chairs and said, "Now stay there." He really +suppressed speech and thought.</p> + +<p>The second error he made was in thinking that he could +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-223" id="page2-223"></a>[pg II-223]</span> +play a great part as peacemaker—come and give a blessing +to these erring children. This was strong in his hopes and +ambitions. There was a condescension in this attitude +that was offensive.</p> + +<p>He shut himself up with these two ideas and engaged +in what he called "thought." The air currents of the +world never ventilated his mind.</p> + +<p>This inactive position he has kept as long as public sentiment +permitted. He seems no longer to regard himself +nor to speak as a leader—only as the mouthpiece of public +opinion after opinion has run over him.</p> + +<p>He has not breathed a spirit into the people: he has +encouraged them to supineness. He is <i>not</i> a leader, but +rather a stubborn phrasemaker.</p> + +<p>And now events and the aroused people seem to have +brought the President to the necessary point of action; +and even now he may act timidly.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>"One thing pleases me," Page wrote to his son Arthur, +"I never lost faith in the American people. It is now +clear that I was right in feeling that they would have +gladly come in any time after the <i>Lusitania</i> crime. Middle +West in the front, and that the German hasn't made any +real impression on the American nation. He was made +a bug-a-boo and worked for all he was worth by Bernstorff; +and that's the whole story. We are as Anglo-Saxon +as we ever were. If Hughes had had sense and +courage enough to say: 'I'm for war, war to save our +honour and to save democracy,' he would now be President. +If Wilson had said that, Hughes would have carried no +important states in the Union. The suppressed people +would have risen to either of them. That's God's truth as +I believe it. The real United States is made up of you +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-224" id="page2-224"></a>[pg II-224]</span> +and Frank and the Page boys at Aberdeen and of the +10,000,000 other young fellows who are ready to do the +job and who instinctively see the whole truth of the situation. +But of course what the people would not have done +under certain conditions—that water also has flowed over +the dam; and I mention it only because I have resolutely +kept my faith in the people and there has been nothing in +recent events that has shaken it."</p> + +<p>Two letters which Page wrote on this same April 1st +are interesting in that they outline almost completely the +war policy that was finally carried out:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Frank N. Doubleday</i><br /> +<br /> +Embassy of the United States of America,<br /> +April 1, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR EFFENDI:</p> + +<p>Here's the programme:</p> + +<p>(1) Our navy in immediate action in whatever way a +conference with the British shows we can best help.</p> + +<p>(2) A small expeditionary force to France immediately—as +large as we can quickly make ready, if only +10,000 men—as proof that we are ready to do some fighting.</p> + +<p>(3) A large expeditionary force as soon as the men can +be organized and equipped. They can be trained into an +effective army in France in about one fourth of the time +that they could be trained anywhere else.</p> + +<p>(4) A large loan to the Allies at a low rate of interest.</p> + +<p>(5) Ships, ships, ships—troop ships, food ships, munition +ships, auxiliary ships to the navy, wooden ships, steel +ships, little ships, big ships, ships, ships, ships without +number or end.</p> + +<p>(6) A clear-cut expression of the moral issue involved +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-225" id="page2-225"></a>[pg II-225]</span> +in the war. Every social and political ideal that we +stand for is at stake. If we value democracy in the +world, this is the chance to further it or—to bring it into +utter disrepute. After Russia must come Germany and +Austria; and then the King-business will pretty nearly be +put out of commission.</p> + +<p>(7) We must go to war in dead earnest. We must +sign the Allies' agreement not to make a separate peace, +and we must stay in to the end. Then the end will be +very greatly hastened.</p> + +<p>It's been four years ago to-day since I was first asked to +come here. God knows I've done my poor best to save +our country and to help. It'll be four years in the middle +of May since I sailed. I shall still do my best. I'll not be +able to start back by May 15th, but I have a feeling, if +we do our whole duty in the United States, that the end +may not be very many months off. And how long off it +may be may depend to a considerable degree on our action.</p> + +<p>We are faring very well on army rations. None of us +will live to see another time when so many big things are +at stake nor another time when our country can play so +large or important a part in saving the world. Hold up +your end. I'm doing my best here.</p> + +<p>I think of you engaged in the peaceful work of instructing +the people, and I think of the garden and crocuses and +the smell of early spring in the air and the earth and—push +on; I'll be with you before we grow much older or +get much grayer; and a great and prosperous and peaceful +time will lie before us. Pity me and hold up your end for +real American participation. Get together? Yes; but +the way to get together is to get in!</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-226" id="page2-226"></a>[pg II-226]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To David F. Houston</i><a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54" /><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a><br /> +<br /> +Embassy of the United States of America,<br /> +April 1, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR HOUSTON:</p> + +<p>The Administration can save itself from becoming a +black blot on American history only by vigorous action—acts +such as these:</p> + +<p>Putting our navy to work—vigorous work—wherever +and however is wisest. I have received the Government's +promise to send an Admiral here at once for a conference. +We must work out with the British Navy a programme +whereby we can best help; and we must carry it without +hesitancy or delay.</p> + +<p>Sending over an expeditionary military force immediately—a +small one, but as large as we can, as an earnest +of a larger one to come. This immediate small one will +have a good moral effect; and we need all the moral reinstatement +that we can get in the estimation of the world; +our moral stock is lower than, I fear, any of you at home +can possibly realize. As for a larger expeditionary force +later—even that ought to be sent quite early. It can and +must spend some time in training in France, whatever its +training beforehand may have been. All the military men +agree that soldiers in France back of the line can be trained +in at least half the time that they can be trained +anywhere else. The officers at once take their turn in the +trenches, and the progress that they and their men make in +close proximity to the fighting is one of the remarkable discoveries +of the war. The British Army was so trained +and all the colonial forces. Two or three or four hundred +thousand Americans could be sent over as soon almost as +they are organized and equipped-provided transports +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-227" id="page2-227"></a>[pg II-227]</span> +and a continuous supply of food and munition ships can +be got. They can be trained into fighting men—into an +effective army—in about one third of the time that would +be required at home.</p> + +<p>I suppose, of course, we shall make at once a large +loan to the Allies at a low rate of interest. That is most +important, but that alone will not save us. We must also +<i>fight</i>.</p> + +<p>All the ships we can get—build, requisition, or confiscate—are +needed immediately.</p> + +<p>Navy, army, money, ships—these are the first things, +but by no means all. We must make some expression of +a conviction that there is a moral question of right and +wrong involved in this war—a question of humanity, a +question of democracy. So far we have (officially) spoken +only of the wrongs done to our ships and citizens. Deep +wrongs have been done to all our moral ideas, to our +ideals. We have sunk very low in European opinion because +we do not seem to know even yet that a German +victory would be less desirable than (say) a Zulu victory +of the world.</p> + +<p>We must go in with the Allies, not begin a mere single +fight against submarines. We must sign the pact of +London—not make a separate peace.</p> + +<p>We mustn't longer spin dreams about peace, nor +leagues to enforce peace, nor the Freedom of the Seas. +These things are mere intellectual diversions of minds +out of contact with realities. Every political and social +ideal we have is at stake. If we make them secure, we'll +save Europe from destruction and save ourselves, too. +I pray for vigour and decision and clear-cut resolute action.</p> + +<p>(1) The Navy—full strength, no "grapejuice" action.</p> + +<p>(2) An immediate expeditionary force.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-228" id="page2-228"></a>[pg II-228]</span> +<p>(3) A larger expeditionary force very soon.</p> + +<p>(4) A large loan at a low interest.</p> + +<p>(5) Ships, ships, ships.</p> + +<p>(6) A clear-cut expression of the moral issue. Thus +(and only thus) can we swing into a new era, with a world +born again.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours in strictest confidence,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>A memorandum, written on April 3rd, the day after +President Wilson advised Congress to declare a state of +war with Germany:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>The Day</i></p> + +<p>When I went to see Mr. Balfour to-day he shook my +hand warmly and said: "It's a great day for the world." +And so has everybody said, in one way or another, that I +have met to-day.</p> + +<p>The President's speech did not appear in the morning +papers—only a very brief summary in one or two of them; +but the meaning of it was clear. The fact that the House +of Representatives organized itself in one day and that +the President addressed Congress on the evening of that +day told the story. The noon papers had the President's +speech in full; and everybody applauds.</p> + +<p>My "Cabinet" meeting this morning was unusually +interesting; and the whole group has never before been +so delighted. I spoke of the suggestive, constructive +work we have already done in making reports on various +war preparations and activities of this kingdom. "Now +we have greater need than ever, every man to do constructive +work—to think of plans to serve. We are in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-229" id="page2-229"></a>[pg II-229]</span> +this excellent strategical position in the capital of the +greatest belligerent—a position which I thank my stars, +the President, and all the powers that be for giving us. +We can each strive to justify our existence."</p> + +<p>Few visitors called; but enthusiastic letters have begun +to come in.</p> + +<p>Nearly the whole afternoon was spent with Mr. Balfour +and Lord Robert Cecil. Mr. Balfour had a long list of +subjects. Could we help in (1)—(2)—(3)?—Every once +in a while he stopped his enumeration of subjects long +enough to tell me how the action of the United States had +moved him.</p> + +<p>To Lord Robert I said: "I pray you, give the Black +List a decent burial: It's dead now, but through no act of +yours. It insulted every American because you did not +see that it was insulting: that's the discouraging fact to +me." He thanked me earnestly. He'll think about that.</p></div> + + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>These jottings give only a faint impression of the +change which the American action wrought in Page. The +strain which he had undergone for twenty-nine months +had been intense; it had had the most unfortunate effect +upon his health; and the sudden lifting might have produced +that reaction for the worse which is not unusual +after critical experiences of this kind. But the gratification +which Page felt in the fact that the American spirit +had justified his confidence gave him almost a certain +exuberance of contentment. Londoners who saw him at +that time describe him as acting like a man from whose +shoulders a tremendous weight had suddenly been removed. +For more than two years Page had been compelled, +officially at least, to assume a "neutrality" with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-230" id="page2-230"></a>[pg II-230]</span> +which he had never had the slightest sympathy, but the +necessity for this mask now no longer existed. A well-known +Englishman happened to meet Page leaving his +house in Grosvenor Square the day after the Declaration +of War. He stopped and shook the Ambassador's hand.</p> + +<p>"Thank God," the Englishman said, "that there is one +hypocrite less in London to-day."</p> + +<p>"What do you mean?" asked Page.</p> + +<p>"I mean you. Pretending all this time that you were +neutral! That isn't necessary any longer."</p> + +<p>"You are right!" the Ambassador answered as he +walked on with a laugh and a wave of the hand.</p> + +<p>A few days after the Washington Declaration, the American +Luncheon Club held a feast in honour of the event. +This organization had a membership of representative +American business men in London, but its behaviour during +the war had not been based upon Mr. Wilson's idea of +neutrality. Indeed its tables had so constantly rung with +denunciations of the <i>Lusitania</i> notes that all members +of the American Embassy, from Page down, had found +it necessary to refrain from attending its proceedings. +When Page arose to address his compatriots on this occasion, +therefore, he began with the significant words, "I am +glad to be back with you again," and the mingled laughter +and cheers with which this remark was received indicated +that his hearers had caught the point.</p> + +<p>The change took place not only in Page, but in London +and the whole of Great Britain. An England that had been +saying harsh things of the United States for nearly two +years now suddenly changed its attitude. Both houses +of Parliament held commemorative sessions in honour +of America's participation; in the Commons Mr. Lloyd +George, Mr. Asquith, and other leaders welcomed their +new allies, and in the Upper Chamber Lord Curzon, Lord +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-231" id="page2-231"></a>[pg II-231]</span> +Bryce, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and others similarly +voiced their admiration. The Stars and Stripes almost +instantaneously broke out on private dwellings, shops, +hotels, and theatres; street hucksters did a thriving business +selling rosettes of the American colours, which even +the most stodgy Englishmen did not disdain to wear in +their buttonholes; wherever there was a band or an orchestra, +the Star Spangled Banner acquired a sudden +popularity; and the day even came when the American +and the British flags flew side by side over the Houses of +Parliament—the first occasion in history that any other +than the British standard had received this honour. The +editorial outgivings of the British press on America's entrance +form a literature all their own. The theatres and +the music halls, which had found in "notes" and "nootrality" +an endless theme of entertainment for their patrons, +now sounded Americanism as their most popular refrain. +Churches and cathedrals gave special services in honour +of American intervention, and the King and the President +began to figure side by the side in the prayer book. The +estimation in which President Wilson was held changed +overnight. All the phrases that had so grieved Englishmen +were instantaneously forgotten. The President's +address before Congress was praised as one of the most +eloquent and statesmanlike utterances in history. Special +editions of this heartening document had a rapid sale; it +was read in school houses, churches, and at public gatherings, +and it became a most influential force in uplifting the +hopes of the Allies and inspiring them to renewed activities. +Americans everywhere, in the streets, at dinner +tables, and in general social intercourse, could feel the new +atmosphere of respect and admiration which had suddenly +become their country's portion. The first American +troops that passed through London—a company of engineers, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-232" id="page2-232"></a>[pg II-232]</span> +an especially fine body of men—aroused a popular +enthusiasm which was almost unprecedented in a +capital not celebrated for its emotional displays. Page +himself records one particularly touching indication of the +feeling for Americans which was now universal. "The +increasing number of Americans who come through England," +he wrote, "most of them on their way to France, +but some of them also to serve in England, give much +pleasure to the British public—nurses, doctors, railway +engineers, sawmill units, etc. The sight of every American +uniform pleases London. The other morning a group +of American nurses gathered with the usual crowd in front +of Buckingham Palace while the Guards band played inside +the gates. Man after man as they passed them and +saw their uniforms lifted their hats."</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2248" id="i2248" /> +<a href="images/2248.jpg"><img src= +"images/2248.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George, Chancellor of +the Exchequer, 1908-1915,<br /> +Minister of Munitions, 1915-1916,<br /> +Prime Minister of Great Britain, 1916-1922</b> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2249" id="i2249" /> +<a href="images/2249.jpg"><img src= +"images/2249.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>The Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour (now the Earl of Balfour)<br /> +Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1916-1919</b> +</div> + +<p>The Ambassador's mail likewise underwent a complete +transformation. His correspondence of the preceding +two years, enormous in its extent, had contained much +that would have disturbed a man who could easily get +excited over trifles, but this aspect of his work never +caused Page the slightest unhappiness. Almost every +crank in England who disliked the American policy had +seemed to feel it his duty to express his opinions to the +American Ambassador. These letters, at times sorrowful, +at others abusive, even occasionally threatening, varying +in their style from cultivated English to the grossest +illiteracy, now written in red ink to emphasize their bitterness, +now printed in large block letters to preserve their +anonymity, aroused in Page only a temporary amusement. +But the letters that began to pour in upon him after our +Declaration, many of them from the highest placed men +and women in the Kingdom, brought out more vividly +than anything else the changed position of his country. +Sonnets and verses rained upon the Embassy, most of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-233" id="page2-233"></a>[pg II-233]</span> +them pretty bad as poetry, but all of them commendable +for their admiring and friendly spirit. Of all these +letters those that came from the steadfast friends of America +perhaps gave Page the greatest satisfaction. "You +will have been pleased at the universal tribute paid to the +spirit as well as to the lofty and impressive terms of the +President's speech," wrote Lord Bryce. "Nothing finer +in our time, few things so fine." But probably the letter +which gave Page the greatest pleasure was that which +came from the statesman whose courtesy and broad outlook +had eased the Ambassador's task in the old neutrality +days. In 1916, Sir Edward Grey—now become Viscount +Grey of Fallodon—had resigned office, forced out, Page +says in one of his letters, mainly because he had refused to +push the blockade to a point where it might produce a +break with the United States. He had spent the larger +part of the time since that event at his country place in +Northumberland, along the streams and the forests which +had always given him his greatest pleasure, attempting to +recover something of the health that he had lost in the ten +years which he had spent as head of the British Foreign +Office and bearing with characteristic cheerfulness and +fortitude the tragedy of a gradually failing eyesight. +The American Declaration of War now came to Lord Grey +as the complete justification of his policy. The mainspring +of that policy, as already explained, had been a +determination to keep the friendship of the United States, +and so shape events that the support of this country +would ultimately be cast on the side of the Allies. And +now the great occasion for which he had prepared had +come, and in Grey's mind this signified more than a help +to England in soldiers and ships; it meant bringing together +the two branches of a common race for the promotion +of common ideals.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-234" id="page2-234"></a>[pg II-234]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From Viscount Grey of Fallodon</i><br /> +<br /> +Rosehall Post Office,<br /> +<br /> +Sutherland,<br /> +<br /> +April 8, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PAGE:</p> + +<p>This is a line that needs no answer to express my congratulations +on President Wilson's address. I can't express +adequately all that I feel. Great gratitude and +great hope are in my heart. I hope now that some +great and abiding good to the world will yet be wrought +out of all this welter of evil. Recent events in Russia, too, +stimulate this hope: they are a good in themselves, but not +the power for good in this war that a great and firmly +established free country like the United States can be. +The President's address and the way it has been followed +up in your country is a splendid instance of great action +finely inspired. I glow with admiration.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours sincerely,<br /> +<br /> +GREY OF FALLODON<br /> +</div> + +<p>One Englishman who was especially touched by the +action of the United States was His Majesty the King. +Few men had watched the course of America during the +war with more intelligent interest than the head of the +British royal house. Page had had many interviews with +King George at Buckingham Palace and at Windsor, and +his notes contain many appreciative remarks on the King's +high character and conscientious devotion to his duties. +That Page in general did not believe in kings and emperors +as institutions his letters reveal; yet even so profound +a Republican as he recognized sterling character, whether +in a crowned head or in a humble citizen, and he had seen +enough of King George to respect him. Moreover, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-235" id="page2-235"></a>[pg II-235]</span> +the peculiar limitations of the British monarchy certainly +gave it an unusual position and even saved it +from much of the criticism that was fairly lavished upon +such nations as Germany and Austria. Page especially +admired King George's frankness in recognizing these +limitations and his readiness to accommodate himself +to the British Constitution. On most occasions, when +these two men met, their intercourse was certainly friendly +or at least not formidable. After all formalities had been +exchanged, the King would frequently draw the Ambassador +aside; the two would retire to the smoking room, and +there, over their cigars, discuss a variety of matters—submarines, +international politics, the Irish question and the +like. His Majesty was not averse even to bringing up +the advantages of the democratic and the monarchical +system. The King and Ambassador would chat, as Page +himself would say, like "two human beings"; King +George is an emphatic and vivacious talker, fond of emphasizing +his remarks by pounding the table; he has the +liveliest sense of humour, and enjoys nothing quite so +much as a good story. Page found that, on the subject +of the Germans, the King entertained especially robust +views. "They are my kinsmen," he would say, "but I +am ashamed of them."</p> + +<p>Probably most Englishmen, in the early days of the war, +preferred that the United States should not engage in +hostilities; even after the <i>Lusitania</i>, the majority in all +likelihood held this view. There are indications, however, +that King George favoured American participation. +A few days after the <i>Lusitania</i> sinking, Page had an audience +for the purpose of presenting a medal sent by certain +societies in New Orleans. Neither man was thinking +much about medals that morning. The thoughts uppermost +in their minds, as in the minds of most Americans and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-236" id="page2-236"></a>[pg II-236]</span> +Englishmen, were the <i>Lusitania</i> and the action that the +United States was likely to take concerning it. After the +formalities of presentation, the King asked Page to sit +down and talked with him for more than half an hour. +"He said that Germany was evidently trying to force the +United States into the war; that he had no doubt we would +soon be in it and that, for his part, he would welcome us +heartily. The King also said he had reliable information +from Germany, that the Emperor had wished to return +a conciliatory answer to our <i>Lusitania</i> note, but that +Admiral von Tirpitz had prevented it, even going so far +as to 'threaten' the Kaiser. It appears that the Admiral +insisted that the submarine was the only weapon the +Germans could use with effect against England and that +they could not afford to give it up. He was violent and +the Kaiser finally yielded<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55" /><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>."</p> + +<p>The statement from the King at that crisis, that he +would "heartily welcome the United States into the war," +was interpreted by the Ambassador as amounting practically +to an invitation—and certainly as expressing a wish +that such an intervention should take place.</p> + +<p>That the American participation would rejoice King +George could therefore be taken for granted. Soon after +this event, the Ambassador and Mrs. Page were invited to +spend the night at Windsor.</p> + +<p>"I arrived during the middle of the afternoon," writes +Page, "and he sent for me to talk with him in his office.</p> + +<p>"'I've a good story on you,' said he. 'You Americans +have a queer use of the word "some," to express mere bigness +or emphasis. We are taking that use of the word +from you over here. Well, an American and an Englishman +were riding in the same railway compartment. The +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-237" id="page2-237"></a>[pg II-237]</span> +American read his paper diligently—all the details of a big +battle. When he got done, he put the paper down and said: +"Some fight!" "And some don't!" said the Englishman.'</p> + +<p>"And the King roared. 'A good one on you!'</p> + +<p>"'The trouble with that joke, sir,' I ventured to reply, +'is that it's out of date.'</p> + +<p>"He was in a very gay mood, surely because of our +entry into the war. After the dinner—there were no +guests except Mrs. Page and me, the members of his household, +of course, being present—he became even familiar +in the smoking room. He talked about himself and his +position as king. 'Knowing the difficulties of a limited +monarch, I thank heaven I am spared being an absolute +one.'</p> + +<p>"He went on to enumerate the large number of things +he was obliged to do, for example, to sign the death warrant +of every condemned man—and the little real power +that he had—not at all in a tone of complaint, but as a +merely impersonal explanation.</p> + +<p>"Just how much power—perhaps 'influence' is a better +word—the King has, depends on his personality. The +influence of the throne—and of him on the throne, being a +wholly thoughtful, industrious, and conscientious man—is +very great—greatest of all in keeping the vested interests +of the aristocratic social structure secure.</p> + +<p>"Earlier than this visit to Windsor he sent for me to go +to Buckingham Palace very soon after we declared war. +He went over the whole course of events—and asked me +many questions. After I had risen and said 'good-bye' +and was about to bow myself out the door, he ran toward +me and waving his hand cried out, 'Ah—Ah!—we knew +where <i>you</i> stood all the time.'</p> + +<p>"When General Pershing came along on his way to +France, the King summoned us to luncheon. The +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-238" id="page2-238"></a>[pg II-238]</span> +luncheon was eaten (here, as everywhere, strict war rations +are observed) to a flow of general talk, with the +Queen, Princess Mary, and one of the young Princes. +When they had gone from the luncheon room, the King, +General Pershing, and I stood smoking by the window; and +the King at once launched into talk about guns, rifles, +ammunition, and the American place in the battle line. +Would our place be with the British or with the French or +between the two?</p> + +<p>"General Pershing made a diplomatic reply. So far as +he knew the President hadn't yet made a final decision, +but there was a feeling that, since we were helping the +British at sea, perhaps we ought to help the French on +land.</p> + +<p>"Then the King expressed the earnest hope that our +guns and ammunition would match either the British or +the French. Else if we happened to run out of ammunition +we could not borrow from anybody. He thought it +most unfortunate that the British and French guns and +rifles were of different calibres."</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Brighton, England,<br /> +<br /> +April 28, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>... Well, the British have given us a very good +welcome into the war. They are not very skillful at such +a task: they do not know how to say "Welcome" very +vociferously. But they have said it to the very best of +their ability. My speeches (which I send you, with +some comment) were very well received indeed. Simple +and obvious as they were, they meant a good deal of work.</p> + +<p>I cannot conceal nor can I express my gratification that +we are in the war. I shall always wonder but never find +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-239" id="page2-239"></a>[pg II-239]</span> +out what influence I had in driving the President over. +All I know is that my letters and telegrams for nearly +two years—especially for the last twelve months—have +put before him every reason that anybody has expressed +why we should come in—in season and out of season. +And there is no new reason—only more reason of the same +old sort—why we should have come in now than there was +why we should have come in a year ago. I suspect that the +pressure of the press and of public opinion really became +too strong for him. And, of course, the Peace-Dream +blew up—was torpedoed, mined, shot, captured, and +killed. I trust, too, much enlightenment will be furnished +by the two Commissions now in Washington<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56" /><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>. Yet it's +comical to think of the attitude of the poor old Department +last September and its attitude now. But thank +God for it! Every day now brings a confession of the +blank idiocy of its former course and its long argument! +Never mind that, so long as we are now right.</p> + +<p>I have such a sense of relief that I almost feel that my +job is now done. Yet, I dare say, my most important +work is still to come.</p> + +<p>The more I try to reach some sort of rational judgment +about the war, the more I find myself at sea. It does look +as if the very crisis is near. And there can be no doubt +now—not even, I hope, in the United States—about the +necessity of a clear and decisive victory, nor about +punishment. All the devastation of Northern France, +which outbarbarizes barbarism, all the ships sunk, including +hospital ships, must be paid for; that's all. There'll +be famine in Europe whenever it end. Not only must +these destructions be paid for, but the Hohenzollerns and +all they stand for must go. Trust your Frenchman for +that, if nobody else!</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-240" id="page2-240"></a>[pg II-240]</span> +<p>If Europe had the food wasted in the United States, +it would make the difference between sustenance and +famine. By the way, the submarine has made every +nation a danger zone except those few that have self-feeding +continents, such as ours. It can bring famine +to any other kind of a country.</p> + +<p>You are now out in the country again—good. Give +Mollie my love and help her with the garden. I envy +you the fresh green things to eat. Little Mollie, kiss +her for granddaddy. The Ambassador, I suppose, waxes +even sturdier, and I'm glad to hear that A.W.P., Jr., is +picking up. Get him fed right at all costs. If Frank +stays at home and Ralph and his family come up, you'll +all have a fine summer. We've the very first hint of summer +we've had, and it's cheerful to see the sky and to feel +the sunshine.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<i>To Frank N. Doubleday</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy,<br /> +<br /> +London, May 3, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR EFFENDI:</p> + +<p>I aim this at you. It may hit a German submarine. +But we've got to take our chances in these days of risk. +Your letter from the tropics—a letter from you from any +place is as scarce as peace!—gave me a pleasant thrill and +reminder of a previous state of existence, a long way back +in the past. I wonder if, on your side the ocean you are +living at the rate of a century a year, as we are here? +Here in bountiful England we are living on rations. I +spent a night with the King a fortnight ago, and he gave +us only so much bread, one egg apiece, and—lemonade. +We are to begin bread tickets next week. All this is perfectly +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-241" id="page2-241"></a>[pg II-241]</span> +healthful and wholesome and as much as I ever eat. +But the hard part of it is that it's necessary. We haven't +more than six weeks' food supply and the submarines +sunk eighty-eight ships—237,000 tons—last week. These +English do not publish these harrowing facts, and nobody +knows them but a few official people. And they are destroying +the submarines at a most beggarly slow rate. +They work far out at sea—100 to 200 miles—and it's as +hard to find them as it would be to find whales. The simple +truth is we are in a dangerous plight. If they could +stop this submarine warfare, the war would pretty quickly +be won, for the Germans are in a far worse plight for food +and materials and they are getting much the worst of it +on land. The war would be won this summer or autumn +if the submarine could be put out of business. If it isn't, +the Germans may use this success to keep their spirits up +and go on till next year.</p> + +<p>We (the United States) have about 40 destroyers. We +are sending over 6! I'm doing my best to persuade the +Government at Washington to send every one we have. +But, since the British conceal the facts from their own +press and the people and from all the world, the full pressure +of the situation is hard to exert on Washington. Our +Admiral (Sims) and I are trying our best, and we are +spending enough on cables to build a destroyer. All this, +you must, of course, regard as a dark secret; but it's a +devilish black secret.</p> + +<p>I don't mean that there's any danger of losing the war. +Even if the British armies have to have their food cut +down and people here go hungry, they'll win; but the +winning may be a long time off. Nothing but their continued +success can keep the Germans going. Their people +are war-weary and hungry. Austria is knocked out +and is starving. Turkey is done up but can go on living +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-242" id="page2-242"></a>[pg II-242]</span> +on nothing, but not fighting much more. When peace +comes, there'll be a general famine, on the continent at +least, and no ships to haul food. This side of the world +will have to start life all over again—with insufficient +men to carry things on and innumerable maimed men +who'll have (more or less) to be cared for. The horror of +the whole thing nobody realizes. We've all got used to +it here; and nobody clearly remembers just what the world +was like in peace times; those times were so far away. All +this I write not to fill you with horrors but to prove that +I speak the literal truth when I say that it seems a hundred +years since I had before heard from you.</p> + +<p>Just how all this affects a man, no man can accurately +tell. Of how much use I'll be when I can get home, I +don't know. Sometimes I think that I shall be of vastly +greater use than ever. Plans and publishing ambitions +pop up in my mind at times which look good and promising. +I see books and series of books. I see most useful +magazine stuff. Then, before I can think anything out +to a clear plan or conclusion, the ever-increasing official +duties and responsibilities here knock everything else out +of my head, perhaps for a whole month. It's a literal +fact that many a month I do not have an hour to do with +as I please nor to think about what I please, from the time +I wake up till I go to bed. In spite of twenty-four secretaries +(the best fellows that ever were and the best staff +that any Embassy ever had in the world) more and more +work comes to me. I thank Heaven we no longer have +the interests of Germany, Austria, and Turkey to look +after; but with our coming into the war, work in general +has increased enormously. I have to spend very much +more time with the different departments of the British +Government on war plans and such like things. They +have welcomed us in very handsomely; and one form of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-243" id="page2-243"></a>[pg II-243]</span> +their welcome is consulting with me about—navy plans, +war plans, loans of billions, ships, censorship, secret +service—everything you ever heard of. At first it seemed a +little comical for the admirals and generals and the Governor +of the Bank of England to come and ask for advice. +But when I gave it and it worked out well, I went on +and, after all, the thing's easier than it looks. With a +little practice you can give these fellows several points in +the game and play a pretty good hand. They don't know +half as much as you might suppose they'd know. All +these years of lecturing the State Department and the +President got my hand in! The whole game is far easier +than any small business. You always play with blue +chips better than you play with white ones.</p> + +<p>This country and these people are not the country and +the people they were three years ago. They are very +different. They are much more democratic, far less +cocksure, far less haughty, far humbler. The man at the +head of the army rose from the ranks. The Prime Minister +is a poor Welsh schoolteacher's son, without early +education. The man who controls all British shipping +began life as a shipping "clark," at ten shillings a week. +Yet the Lords and Ladies, too, have shown that they were +made of the real stuff. This experience is making England +over again. There never was a more interesting thing to +watch and to be part of.</p> + +<p>There are about twenty American organizations here—big, +little, rag-tag, and bobtail. When we declared war, +every one of 'em proceeded to prepare for some sort of +celebration. There would have been an epidemic of +Fourth-of-July oratory all over the town—before we'd +done anything—Americans spouting over the edges and +killing Kruger with their mouths. I got representatives +of 'em all together and proposed that we hold our tongues +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-244" id="page2-244"></a>[pg II-244]</span> +till we'd won the war—then we can take London. And +to give one occasion when we might all assemble and dedicate +ourselves to this present grim business, I arranged for +an American Dedicatory Service at St. Paul's Cathedral. +The royal family came, the Government came, the Allied +diplomats came, my Lords and Ladies came, one hundred +wounded American (Canadian) soldiers came—the pick +of the Kingdom; my Navy and Army staff went in full +uniform, the Stars and Stripes hung before the altar, a +double brass band played the Star Spangled Banner and +the Battle Hymn of the Republic, and an American bishop +(Brent) preached a red-hot American sermon, the Archbishop +of Canterbury delivered the benediction; and (for +the first time in English history) a foreign flag (the Stars +and Stripes) flew over the Houses of Parliament. It was +the biggest occasion, so they say, that St. Paul's ever had. +And there's been no spilling of American oratory since! +If you had published a shilling edition of the words and +music of the Star Spangled Banner and the Battle Hymn +you could have sent a cargo of 'em here and sold them. +There isn't paper enough in this Kingdom to get out an +edition here.</p> + +<p>Give my love to all the Doubledays and to all the fellows +in the shop, and (I wonder if you will) try your hand at +another letter. You write very legibly these days!</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sincerely yours,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>"Curiously enough," Page wrote about this time, "these +most exciting days of the war are among the most barren +of exciting topics for private correspondence. The 'atmosphere' +here is unchanging—to us—and the British are +turning their best side to us continuously. They are +increasingly appreciative, and they see more and more +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-245" id="page2-245"></a>[pg II-245]</span> +clearly that our coming into the war is all that saved them +from a virtual defeat—I mean the public sees this more +and more clearly, for, of course, the Government has +known it from the beginning. I even find a sort of morbid +fear lest they do not sufficiently show their appreciation. +The Archbishop last night asked me in an apprehensive +tone whether the American Government and +public felt that the British did not sufficiently show their +gratitude. I told him that we did not come into the war +to win compliments but to whip the enemy, and that we +wanted all the help the British can give: that's the main +thing; and that thereafter of course we liked appreciation, +but that expressions of appreciation had not been lacking. +Mr. Balfour and Sir Edward Carson also spoke to me +yesterday much in the same tone as the Archbishop of +Canterbury.</p> + +<p>"Try to think out any line of action that one will, or +any future sequence of events or any plan touching the +war, one runs into the question whether the British are +doing the best that could be done or are merely plugging +away. They are, as a people, slow and unimaginative, +given to over-much self-criticism; but they eternally hold +on to a task or to a policy. Yet the question forever +arises whether they show imagination, to say nothing of +genius, and whether the waste of a slow, plodding policy +is the necessary price of victory.</p> + +<p>"Of course such a question is easy to ask and it is easy +to give dogmatic answers. But it isn't easy to give an +answer based on facts. Our General Lassiter<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57" /><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>, for +instance—a man of sound judgment—has in general been +less hopeful of the military situation in France than most +of the British officers. But he is just now returned from +the front, much cheered and encouraged. 'Lassiter,' I +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-246" id="page2-246"></a>[pg II-246]</span> +asked, 'have the British in France or has any man among +them what we call genius, or even wide vision; or are they +merely plodding along at a mechanical task? His +answer was, 'We don't see genius till it has done its job. +It is a mechanical task—yes, that's the nature of the struggle—and +they surely do it with intelligence and spirit. +There is waste. There is waste in all wars. But I come +back much more encouraged.'</p> + +<p>"The same sort of questions and answers are asked and +given continuously about naval action. Every discussion +of the possibility of attacking the German naval bases +ends without a plan. So also with preventing the submarines +from coming out. These subjects have been +continuously under discussion by a long series of men who +have studied them; and the total effect so far has been to +leave them among the impossible tasks. So far as I can +ascertain all naval men among the Allies agree that these +things can't be done.</p> + +<p>"Here again—Is this a merely routine professional +opinion—a merely traditional opinion—or is it a lack of +imagination? The question will not down. Yet it is +impossible to get facts to combat it. What are the limits +of the practicable?</p> + +<p>"Mr. Balfour told me yesterday his personal conviction +about the German colonies, which, he said, he had +not discussed with his associates in the Cabinet. His +firm opinion is that they ought not to be returned to the +Germans, first for the sake of humanity. 'The natives—the +Africans especially—have been so barbarously +treated and so immorally that it would be inhuman +to permit the Germans to rule and degrade them further. +But Heaven forbid that we should still further enlarge the +British Empire. As a practical matter I do not care to do +that. Besides, we should incur the criticism of fighting +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-247" id="page2-247"></a>[pg II-247]</span> +in order to get more territory, and that was not and is not +our aim. If the United States will help us, my wish is +that these German Colonies that we have taken, especially +in Africa, should be "internationalized." There are +great difficulties in such a plan, but they are not insuperable +if the great Powers of the Allies will agree upon it.' +And much more to the same effect. The parts of Asiatic +Turkey that the British have taken, he thought, might be +treated in the same way."</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52" /><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> At this time the proposal of such a gift found much +popular favour. However, the plan was not carried through.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53" /><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> At the meeting of Page and the President at Shadow Lawn, +September 22, 1916. See Chapter XIX.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54" /><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Secretary of Agriculture in President Wilson's Cabinet.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55" /><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> The quotation is from a memorandum of the conversation +made by one of the secretaries of the American Embassy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56" /><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> The British and French Commissions, headed by Mr. Balfour +and M. Viviani.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57" /><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> American military attaché in London.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-248" id="page2-248"></a>[pg II-248]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXII" id="CHAPTER_XXII" />CHAPTER XXII</h2> + +<h3>THE BALFOUR MISSION TO THE UNITED STATES</h3> + + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Page now took up a subject which had been near his +heart for a long time. He believed that one of the +most serious causes of Anglo-American misunderstanding +was the fact that the leading statesmen of the two countries +had never had any personal contact with one another. +At one time, as this correspondence shows, the Ambassador +had even hoped that President Wilson himself might +cross the ocean and make the British people an official +visit. The proposal, however, was made before the +European war broke out, the occasion which Page had +in mind being the dedication of Sulgrave Manor, the old +English home of the Washington family, as a perpetual +memorial to the racial bonds and common ideals uniting +the two countries. The President found it impossible +to act upon this suggestion and the outbreak of war made +the likelihood of such a visit still more remote. Page had +made one unsuccessful attempt to bring the American +State Department and the British Foreign Office into +personal contact. At the moment when American irritation +had been most keen over the blockade and the +blacklist, Page had persuaded the Foreign Office to invite +to England Mr. Frank L. Polk, at that time Counsellor of +the Department; the Ambassador believed that a few +conversations between such an intelligent gentleman +as Mr. Polk and the British statesmen would smooth +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-249" id="page2-249"></a>[pg II-249]</span> +out all the points which were then making things so +difficult. Unfortunately the pressure of work at Washington +prevented Mr. Polk from accepting Sir Edward +Grey's invitation.</p> + +<p>But now a greater necessity for close personal association +had arisen. The United States had entered the war, and +this declaration had practically made this country an ally +of Great Britain and France. The British Government +wished to send a distinguished commission to the United +States, for two reasons: first, to show its appreciation of +the stand which America had taken, and secondly, to discuss +plans for coöperation in the common task. Great +Britain frankly admitted that it had made many mistakes +in the preceding three years—mistakes naval, military, +political, and economic; it would welcome an opportunity +to display these errors to Washington, which might naturally +hope to profit from them. As soon as his country was +in the war, Page took up this suggestion with the Foreign +Office. There was of course one man who was preëminently +fitted, by experience, position, and personal qualities, +to head such a commission; on this point there was +no discussion. Mr. Balfour was now in his seventieth +year; his activities in British politics dated back to the +times of Disraeli; his position in Great Britain had become +as near that of an "elder statesman" as is tolerable under +the Anglo-Saxon system. By this time Page had established +the friendliest possible relations with this distinguished +man. Mr. Balfour had become Foreign Secretary +in December, 1916, in succession to Lord Grey. Greatly +as Page regretted the resignation of Grey, he was much +gratified that Mr. Balfour had been selected to succeed +him. Mr. Balfour's record for twenty-five years had been +one of consistent friendliness toward the United States. +When President Cleveland's Venezuelan message, in 1896, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-250" id="page2-250"></a>[pg II-250]</span> +had precipitated a crisis in the relations of the two countries, +it was Mr. Balfour's influence which was especially +potent in causing Great Britain to modify its attitude and +to accept the American demand for arbitration. That +action not only amicably settled the Venezuelan question; +it marked the beginning of a better feeling between the +English-speaking countries and laid the basis for that +policy of benevolent neutrality which Great Britain had +maintained toward the United States in the Spanish War. +The excellent spirit which Mr. Balfour had shown at this +crisis he had manifested on many occasions since. In the +criticisms of the United States during the <i>Lusitania</i> +troubles Mr. Balfour had never taken part. The era of +"neutrality" had not ruffled the confidence which he had +always felt in the United States. During all this time the +most conspicuous dinner tables of London had rung with +criticisms of American policy; the fact was well known, +however, that Mr. Balfour had never sympathized with these +reproaches; even when he was not in office, no unfriendly +word concerning the United States had ever escaped his +lips. His feeling toward this country was well shown in +a letter which he wrote Page, in reply to one congratulating +him on his seventieth birthday. "I have now lived +a long life," said Mr. Balfour, "and most of my energies +have been expended in political work, but if I have been +fortunate enough to contribute, even in the smallest degree, +to drawing closer the bonds that unite our two countries, +I shall have done something compared with which +all else that I may have attempted counts in my eyes as +nothing."</p> + +<p>Page's letters and notes contain many references to Mr. +Balfour's kindly spirit. On the day following the dismissal +of Bernstorff the American Ambassador lunched +with the Foreign Secretary at No. 4 Carlton Gardens.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-251" id="page2-251"></a>[pg II-251]</span></div> +<p>"Mr. Balfour," Page reported to Washington, "gave +expression to the hearty admiration which he entertained +for the President's handling of a difficult task. He said +that never for a moment had he doubted the President's +wisdom in the course he was pursuing. He had the +profoundest admiration for the manner in which he had +promptly broken with Germany after receiving Germany's +latest note. Nor had he ever entertained the slightest +question of the American people's ready loyalty to their +Government or to their high ideals. One of his intellectual +pleasures, he added, had long been contemplation of +the United States as it is and, even more, as its influence in +the world will broaden. 'The world,' said Mr. Balfour, +'will more and more turn on the Great Republic as on a +pivot.'"</p> + +<p>Occasionally Mr. Balfour's discussion of the United +States would take a more pensive turn. A memorandum +which Page wrote a few weeks after the above touches +another point:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>March 27, 1917.</p> + +<p>I had a most interesting conversation with Mr. +Balfour this afternoon. "It's sad to me," said he, "that +we are so unpopular, so much more unpopular than the +French, in your country. Why is it? The old school +books?"</p> + +<p>I doubted the school-book influence.</p> + +<p>"Certainly their influence is not the main cause. It is +the organized Irish. Then it's the effect of the very fact +that the Irish question is not settled. You've had that +problem at your very door for 300 years. What's the +matter that you don't solve it?"</p> + +<p>"Yes, yes,"—he saw it. But the plaintive tone of +such a man asking such a question was significant and +interesting and—sad.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-252" id="page2-252"></a>[pg II-252]</span> +<p>Then I told him the curious fact that a British Government +made up of twenty individuals, every one of whom +is most friendly to the United States, will, when they +act together as a Government, do the most offensive +things. I mentioned the blacklist; I mentioned certain +complaints that I then held in my hand—of Americans +here who are told by the British Government that they +must turn over to the British Government's agent in New +York their American securities which they hold in America!</p> + +<p>There's a sort of imperious, arrogant, Tory action that +comes natural to the English Government, even when not +natural to the individual Englishman.</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>On April 5th, the day before the United States formally +declared war, Page notified Washington that the British +Government wished Mr. Balfour to go to the United +States as the head of a Commission to confer with our +Government. "Mr. Balfour is chosen for this mission," +Page reported, "not only because he is Secretary of State +for Foreign Affairs, but because he is personally the most +distinguished member of the Government." Page tells the +story in more detail in a letter to Mr. Polk, at that time +Counsellor of the State Department.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Frank L. Polk</i><br /> +<br /> +London, May 3, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. POLK:</p> + +<p>... Mr. Balfour accurately represents British +character, British opinion, and the British attitude. Nobody +who knows him and knows British character and the +British attitude ever doubted that. I know his whole +tribe, his home-life, his family connections, his friends; and, +of course, since he became Foreign Secretary, I've come +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-253" id="page2-253"></a>[pg II-253]</span> +to know him intimately. When the question first came +up here of his going, of course I welcomed it enthusiastically. +About that time during a two-hour conversation +he asked me why the British were so unpopular in the +United States. Among other reasons I told him that our +official people on both sides steadfastly refused to visit +one another and to become acquainted. Neither he nor +Lord Grey, nor Mr. Asquith, nor Mr. Lloyd George, had +ever been to the United States, nor any other important +British statesman in recent times, and not a single +member of the Administration was personally known to a +single member of the British Government. "I'll go," +said he, "if you are perfectly sure my going will be agreeable +to the President." He himself recalled the fact, +during one of our several conversations just before he left, +that you had not come when he and Lord Grey had invited +you. If you had come, by the way, this era of a better +understanding would have begun then, and half our old +troubles would then have been removed. Keeping away +from one another is the best of all methods of keeping all +old misunderstandings alive and of making new ones.</p> + +<p>I have no doubt that Mr. Balfour's visit will cause visits +of many first-class British statesmen during the war or +soon afterward. That's all we need to bring about a perfect +understanding.</p> + +<p>You may remember how I tried to get an official report +about the behaviour of the <i>Benham</i><a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58" /><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>, and how, in the +absence of that, Lord Beresford made a disagreeable speech +about our Navy in the House of Lords, and how, when +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-254" id="page2-254"></a>[pg II-254]</span> +months later you sent me Roosevelt's<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59" /><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> letter, Lord Beresford +expressed regret to me and said that he would explain +in another speech. I hadn't seen the old fellow for a long +time till a fortnight ago. He greeted me cheerily, and I +said, "I don't think I ought to shake hands with you till +you retract what you said about our navy." He insisted +on my dining with him. He invited Admiral Sims also, +and those two sailors had a jolly evening of it. Sims's +coming has straightened out all that naval misunderstanding +and more. He is of immense help to them and +to us. But I'm going to make old Beresford's life a burden +till he gets up in the Lords and takes that speech back—publicly. +He's really all right; but it's just as well to +keep the records right. The proceedings of the House of +Lords are handsomely bound and go into every gentleman's +library. I have seen two centuries of them in +many a house.</p> + +<p>We can now begin a distinctly New Era in the world's +history and in its management if we rise to the occasion: +there's not a shadow of doubt about that. And the +United States can play a part bigger than we have yet +dreamed of if we prove big enough to lead the British and +the French instead of listening to Irish and Germans. +Neither England nor France is a democracy—far from it. +We can make them both democracies and develop their +whole people instead of about 10 per cent. of their +people. We have simply to conduct our affairs by a large +national policy and not by the complaints of our really +non-American people. See how a declaration of war has +cleared the atmosphere!</p> + +<p>We're happy yet, on rations. There are no potatoes. +We have meatless days. Good wheat meantime is sunk +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-255" id="page2-255"></a>[pg II-255]</span> +every day. The submarine must be knocked out. Else +the earth will be ruled by the German bayonet and natural +living will be <i>verboten</i>. We'll all have to goose-step as the +Crown Prince orders or—be shot. I see they now propose +that the United States shall pay the big war indemnity +in raw materials to the value of hundreds of billions of +dollars! Not just yet, I guess!</p> + +<p>As we get reports of what you are doing, it's most cheerful. +I assure you, God has yet made nothing or nobody +equal to the American people; and I don't think He ever +will or can.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sincerely yours,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>One of the curious developments of this Balfour Mission +was a request from President Wilson that Great Britain +should take some decisive step for the permanent settlement +of the Irish question. "The President," this message +ran, "wishes that, when you next meet the Prime +Minister, you would explain to him that only one circumstance +now appears to stand in the way of perfect +coöperation with Great Britain. All Americans who +are not immediately connected with Germany by blood +ties find their one difficulty in the failure of Great Britain +so far to establish a satisfactory form of self-government in +Ireland. In the recent debates in Congress on the War +Resolution, this sentiment was especially manifest. It +came out in the speeches of those enemies of the Declaration +who were not Irish themselves nor representatives of +sections in which Irish voters possessed great influence—notably +members from the Southern States.</p> + +<p>"If the American people were once convinced that there +was a likelihood that the Irish question would soon be +settled, great enthusiasm and satisfaction would result +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-256" id="page2-256"></a>[pg II-256]</span> +and it would also strengthen the coöperation which we are +now about to organize between the United States and +Great Britain. Say this in unofficial terms to Mr. Lloyd +George, but impress upon him its very great significance. +If the British Government should act successfully on this +matter, our American citizens of Irish descent and to a +great extent the German sympathizers who have made +common cause with the Irish, would join hands in the +great common cause."</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +London, May 4, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>... It is a remarkable commentary on the insularity +of the British and on our studied isolation that till Mr. +Balfour went over not a member of this Government had +ever met a member of our Administration! Quite half +our misunderstandings were due to this. If I had the +making of the laws of the two governments, I'd have a +statutory requirement that at least one visit a year by +high official persons should be made either way. We +should never have had a blacklist, etc., if that had been +done. When I tried the quite humble task of getting +Polk to come and the excuse was made that he couldn't +be spared from his desk—Mr. President, I fear we haven't +half enough responsible official persons in our Government. +I should say that no man even of Polk's rank +ought to have a desk: just as well give him a mill-stone. +Even I try not to have a desk: else I'd never get anything +of importance done; for I find that talks and conferences +in my office and in the government offices and wherever +else I can find out things take all my waking hours. The +Foreign Office here has about five high position men to +every one in the State Department. God sparing me, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-257" id="page2-257"></a>[pg II-257]</span> +I'm going one of these days to prepare a paper for our +Foreign Affairs Committee on the Waste of Having +too Few High Grade Men in the Department of State; +a Plea for Five Assistant Secretaries for Every One Now +Existing and for Provision for International Visits by +Them.</p> + +<p>Here's an ancient and mouldy precedent that needs +shattering—for the coming of our country into its proper +station and influence in the world.</p> + +<p>I am sure that Mr. Balfour's visit has turned out as well +as I hoped, and my hopes were high. He is one of the +most interesting men that I've ever had the honour +to know intimately—he and Lord Grey. Mr. Balfour +is a Tory, of course; and in general I don't like Tories, +yet liberal he surely is—a sort of high-toned Scotch democrat. +I have studied him with increasing charm and +interest. Not infrequently when I am in his office just +before luncheon he says, "Come, walk over and we'll +have lunch with the family." He's a bachelor. One +sister lives with him. Another (Lady Rayleigh, the +wife of the great chemist and Chancellor of Cambridge +University) frequently visits him. Either of those +ladies could rule this Empire. Then there are nieces and +cousins always about—people of rare cultivation, every +one of 'em. One of those girls confirmed the story that +"Uncle Arthur" one day concluded that the niblick was +something more than a humble necessity of a bad golfer—that +it had positive virtues of its own and had suffered +centuries of neglect. He, therefore, proceeded to play +with the niblick only, till he proved his case and showed +that it is a club entitled to the highest respect.</p> + +<p>A fierce old Liberal fighter in Parliamentary warfare, +who entered politics about the time Mr. Balfour did, +told me this story the other day. "I've watched Balfour +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-258" id="page2-258"></a>[pg II-258]</span> +for about forty years as a cat watches a rat. I hate his +party. I hated him till I learned better, for I hated that +whole Salisbury crowd. They wanted to Cecil everything. +But I'll tell you, Sir, apropos of his visit to your +country, that in all those years he has never spoken of the +United States except with high respect and often with deep +affection. I should have caught him, if he had."</p> + +<p>I went with him to a college in London one afternoon +where he delivered a lecture on Dryden, to prove that +poetry can carry a certain cargo of argument but that +argument can't raise the smallest flight of poetry. Dry +as it sounds, it was as good a literary performance as I +recall I ever heard.</p> + +<p>At his "family" luncheon, I've found Lord Milner or +Lord Lansdowne, or some literary man who had come in +to find out from Lady Rayleigh how to conduct the +Empire or to write a great book; and the modest old +chemical Lord sits silent most of the time and now and +then breaks loose to confound them all with a pat joke. +This is a vigorous family, these Balfours. There's one +of them (a cousin of some sort, I think, of the Foreign +Secretary) who is a Lord of much of Scotland, about as +tall as Ben Nevis is high—a giant of a man. One of his +sons was killed early in the war and one was missing—whether +dead or not he did not know. Mrs. Page expressed +her hope one day to the old man that he had had +news from his missing son. "No, no," said he simply, +"and me lady is awearying."</p> + +<p>We've been lucky, Mr. President, in these days of +immortal horrors and of difficulties between two governments +that did not know one another—uncommonly lucky, +in the large chances that politics gives for grave errors, +to have had two such men in the Foreign Office here as +Lord Grey and Mr. Balfour. There are men who were +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-259" id="page2-259"></a>[pg II-259]</span> +mentioned for this post that would have driven us mad—or +to war with them. I'm afraid I've almost outgrown +my living hero worship. There isn't worshipful material +enough lying around in the world to keep a vigorous reverence +in practice. But these two gentlemen by birth +and culture have at least sometimes seemed of heroic size +to me. It has meant much to know them well. I shall +always be grateful to them, for in their quiet, forceful +way they helped me much to establish right relations +with these people—which, pray God, I hope to retain +through whatever new trials we may yet encounter. For +it will fall to us yet to loose and to free the British, and a +Briton set free is an American. That's all you can do for +a man or for a nation of men.</p> + +<p>These Foreign Secretaries are not only men of much +greater cultivation than their Prime Ministers but of +greater moral force. But I've come to like Lloyd George +very much. He'd never deliver a lecture on Dryden, and +he doesn't even play a good game of golf; but he has what +both Lord Grey and Mr. Balfour lack—a touch of genius—whatever +that is—not the kind that takes infinite pains, +but the kind that acts as an electric light flashed in the +dark. He said to me the other day that experts have +nearly been the death of him. "The Government has +experts, experts, experts, everywhere. In any department +where things are not going well, I have found boards +and committees and boards of experts. But in one department +at least I've found a substitute for them. I let +twenty experts go and I put in one Man, and things +began to move at once. Do you know any real Men? +When you hear of any, won't you let me know?"</p> + +<p>A little while ago he dined with me, and, after dinner, I +took him to a corner of the drawing room and delivered +your message to him about Ireland. "God knows, I'm trying," +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-260" id="page2-260"></a>[pg II-260]</span> +he replied. "Tell the President that. And tell him +to talk to Balfour." Presently he broke out—"Madmen, +madmen—I never saw any such task," and he pointed +across the room to Sir Edward Carson, his First Lord of +the Admiralty—"Madmen." "But the President's right. +We've got to settle it and we've got to settle it now." Carson +and Jellicoe came across the room and sat down with +us. "I've been telling the Ambassador, Carson, that +we've got to settle the Irish question now—in spite of +you.</p> + +<p>"I'll tell you something else we've got to settle now," +said Carson. "Else it'll settle us. That's the submarines. +The press and public are working up a calculated and +concerted attack on Jellicoe and me, and, if they get us, +they'll get you. It's an attack on the Government made +on the Admiralty. Prime Minister," said this Ulster +pirate whose civil war didn't come off only because the +big war was begun—"Prime Minister, it may be a fierce +attack. Get ready for it." Well, it has been developing +ever since. But I can't for the life of me guess at the +possible results of an English Parliamentary attack on a +government. It's like a baseball man watching a game +of cricket. He can't see when the player is out or why, or +what caused it. Of course, the submarine may torpedo +Lloyd George and his Government. It looks very like +it may overturn the Admiralty, as Gallipoli did. If this +public finds out the whole truth, it will demand somebody's +head. But I'm only a baseball man; cricket is +beyond me.</p> + +<p>But Lloyd George will outlive the war as an active force, +whatever happen to him in the meantime. He's too heavily +charged with electricity to stop activity. The war +has ended a good many careers that seemed to have long +promise. It is ending more every day. But there is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-261" id="page2-261"></a>[pg II-261]</span> +only one Lloyd George, and, whatever else he lack, he +doesn't lack life.</p> + +<p>I heard all the speeches in both Houses on the resolution +of appreciation of our coming into the war—Bonar Law's, +Asquith's (one of the best), Dillon's, a Labour man's, +and, in the Lords, Curzon's, Crewe's, the Archbishop's +(who delivered in the course of his remarks a benediction +on me) and Bryce's (almost the best of all). It wasn't +"oratory," but it was well said and well meant. They +know how badly they need help and they do mean to be as +good to us as their benignant insularity will permit. They +are changing. I can't describe the great difference that +the war has made in them. They'll almost become docile +in a little more time.</p> + +<p>And we came in in the nick of time for them—in very +truth. If we hadn't, their exchange would have gone +down soon and they know it. I shall never forget the +afternoon I spent with Mr. Balfour and Mr. Bonar Law +on that subject. They saw blue ruin without our financial +help. And now, if we can save them from submarines, +those that know will know how vital our help was. +Again, the submarine is the great and grave and perhaps +the only danger now. If that can be scotched, I believe +the whole Teutonic military structure would soon tumble. +If not, the Germans may go on as long as they can +feed their army, allowing their people to starve.</p> + +<p>Of course, you know, we're on rations now—yet we +suffer no inconvenience on that score. But these queer +people (they are the most amusing and confusing and +contradictory of all God's creatures, these English, whose +possibilities are infinite and whose actualities, in many +ways, are pitiful)—these queer people are fiercely pursuing +food-economy by discussing in the newspapers +whether a hen consumes more food than she produces, and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-262" id="page2-262"></a>[pg II-262]</span> +whether what dogs eat contains enough human food to +justify the shooting of every one in the Kingdom. That's +the way we are coming down to humble fare. But nothing +can quite starve a people who all live near the sea +which yields fish enough near shore to feed them wastefully.</p> + +<p>All along this South shore, where I am to-day<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60" /><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>, I see the +Stars and Stripes; and everywhere there is a demand for +the words and music of the Battle Hymn of the Republic +and the Star Spangled Banner.</p> + +<p>This our-new-Ally business is bringing me a lot of +amusing troubles. Theatres offer me boxes, universities +offer me degrees, hospitals solicit visits from me, clubs +offer me dinners—I'll have to get a new private secretary +or two well-trained to say "No" politely, else I shall not +have my work done. But all that will presently wear +away as everything wears away (quickly, too) in the grim +face of this bloody monster of war which is consuming +men as a prairie fire consumes blades of grass. There's +a family that lives around the corner from this hotel. +One son is in the trenches, another is in a madhouse from +shell-shock, a third coming home wounded the other day +was barely rescued when a torpedo sunk a hospital ship +and may lose his reason. I suppose I saw one hundred +men this afternoon on a single mile of beach who had lost +both legs. Through the wall from my house in London +is a hospital. A young Texan has been there, whose +legs are gone at the thighs and one arm at the elbow. +God pity us for not having organized the world better +than this! We'll do it, yet, Mr. President—<i>you'll</i> do it; +and thank God for you. If we do not organize Europe +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-263" id="page2-263"></a>[pg II-263]</span> +and make another such catastrophe impossible, life will +not be worth being born into except to the few whose +days happen to fall between recurring devastations of the +world.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours sincerely,<br /> +<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>"I hope that the English people," Colonel House wrote +to Page about this time, "realize how successful Mr. +Balfour's visit to America really was. There is no man +they could have sent who could have done it better. He +and the President got along marvellously well. The +three of us dined and spent the evening together and it +was delightful to see how sympathetic their minds were."</p> + +<p>A letter from Mr. Polk also discloses the impression +which Mr. Balfour made upon Washington:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From Frank L. Polk</i><br /> +<br /> +Washington, May 25, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR MR. PAGE:</p> + +<p>I just want to get off a line to catch the pouch.</p> + +<p>You probably know what a wonderful success the British +Mission has been, but I do not think you can realize +what a deep impression they have made on all of us. Mr. +Balfour really won the affection of us all, and I do not +know when I was more sorry to have a man leave than I +was to have him go last night. He expressed himself +as having been very much impressed with his reception +and the way he was treated. He was most fair in all discussions, +and I think has a better understanding of our +point of view. I had the good fortune of being present +at the financial and the diplomatic conferences, and I +think we all felt that we were dealing with a sympathetic +friend.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-264" id="page2-264"></a>[pg II-264]</span> +<p>He and the President got on tremendously. The best +evidence of that was the fact that the President went +up to Congress and sat in the gallery while Mr. Balfour +addressed the House. This is without precedent.</p> + +<p>The difficult problem of course was the blacklist and +bunkering agreement, but I think we are by that. The +important thing now is for the British to make all the concessions +possible in connection with the release of goods +in Rotterdam and the release of goods in Prize Court, +though the cases have not been begun. Of course I +mean cases of merely suspicion rather than where there is +evidence of wrongdoing.</p> + +<p>The sending of the destroyers and troops abroad is going +to do a great deal toward impressing our people with the +fact that we really are in the war. I do not think it is +thoroughly borne home on the majority yet what a serious +road we have chosen.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +With warm regards,<br /> +<br /> +Yours faithfully,<br /> +<br /> +FRANK L. POLK.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Mr. Polk's reference to the blacklist recalls an episode +which in itself illustrates the changed character of the relations +that had now been established between the American +and the British governments. Mr. Balfour discussed +shipping problems for the most part with Mr. Polk, under +whose jurisdiction these matters fell. As one of these +conferences was approaching its end Mr. Balfour slightly +coughed, uttered an "er," and gave other indications that +he was about to touch upon a ticklish question.</p> + +<p>"Before I go," he said, "there—er—is one subject I +would—er—like to say something about."</p> + +<p>Mr. Polk at once grasped what was coming.</p> + +<p>"I know what you have in mind," said Mr. Polk in his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-265" id="page2-265"></a>[pg II-265]</span> +characteristically quick way. "You want us to apply your +blacklist to neutrals."</p> + +<p>In other words, the British hoped that the United States, +now that it was in the war, would adopt against South +America and other offenders those same discriminations +which this country had so fiercely objected to, when it was +itself a neutral.</p> + +<p>The British statesman gave Mr. Polk one of his most +winning smiles and nodded.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Balfour," said Mr. Polk, "it took Great Britain +three years to reach a point where it was prepared to violate +all the laws of blockade. You will find that it will +take us only two months to become as great criminals as +you are!"</p> + +<p>Mr. Balfour is usually not explosive in his manifestations +of mirth, but his laughter, in reply to this statement, +was almost uproarious. And the State Department was +as good as its word. It immediately forgot all the elaborate +"notes" and "protests" which it had been addressing +to Great Britain. It became more inexorable than +Great Britain had ever been in keeping foodstuffs out of +neutral countries that were contiguous to Germany. Up +to the time the United States entered the war, Germany, +in spite of the watchful British fleet, had been obtaining +large supplies from the United States through Holland, +Denmark, and the Scandinavian peninsula. But the +United States now immediately closed these leaks. In the +main this country adopted a policy of "rationing"; that +is, it would furnish the little nations adjoining Germany +precisely the amount of food which they needed for their +own consumption. This policy was one of the chief influences +in undermining the German people and forcing +their surrender. The American Government extended +likewise the blacklist to South America and other countries, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-266" id="page2-266"></a>[pg II-266]</span> +and, in doing so, it bettered the instruction of Great +Britain herself.</p> + +<p>Though the whole story of the blockade thus seems finally +to have ended in a joke, the whole proceeding has its +serious side. The United States had been posing for three +years as the champion of neutral rights; the point of view +of Washington had been that there was a great principle +at stake. If such a principle were involved, it was certainly +present in just the same degree after the United +States became belligerent as in the days when we were +neutrals. The lofty ideals by which the Administration +had professed to be guided should have still controlled its +actions; the mere fact that we, as a belligerent, could obtain +certain advantages would hardly have justified a +great and high-minded nation in abandoning its principles. +Yet abandon them we did from the day that we declared +war. We became just as remorseless in disregarding the +rights of small states as Great Britain—according to our +numerous blockade notes—had been. Possibly, therefore, +Mr. Balfour's mirth was not merely sympathetic or +humorous; it perhaps echoed his discovery that our position +for three years had really been nothing but a sham; +that the State Department had been forcing points in +which it did not really believe, or in which it did not believe +when American interests were involved. At any rate, +this ending of our long argument with Great Britain was +a splendid justification for Page; his contention had always +been that the preservation of civilization was more +important than the technicalities of the international +lawyers. And now the Wilson Administration, by throwing +into the waste basket all the finespun theories with +which it had been embarrassing the Allied cause since +August 4, 1914, accepted—and accepted joyously—his +point of view.</p> + + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-267" id="page2-267"></a>[pg II-267]</span></div> +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>One of the first things which Mr. Balfour did, on his +arrival in Washington, was personally to explain to +President Wilson about the so-called "secret treaties." +The "secret treaty" that especially preyed upon Mr. +Wilson's mind, and which led to a famous episode at the +Versailles Conference, was that which had been made with +Italy in 1915, as consideration for Italy's participation in +the war. Mr. Balfour, in telling the President of these +territorial arrangements with Italy, naturally did not +criticise his ally, but it was evident that he regarded the +matter as something about which the United States should +be informed.</p> + +<p>"This is the sort of thing you have to do when you are +engaged in a war," he explained, and then he gave Mr. +Wilson the details.</p> + +<p>Probably the most important information which Mr. +Balfour and the French and Italian Commissions brought +to Washington was the desperate situation of the Allied +cause. On that point not one of the visiting statesmen +or military and naval advisers made the slightest attempt +at concealment. Mr. Balfour emphasized the seriousness +of the crisis in one of his earliest talks with Mr. McAdoo, +Secretary of the Treasury. The British statesman was +especially interested in the financial situation and he therefore +took up this matter at an early date with the Treasury +Department.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Balfour," said Mr. McAdoo, "before we make any +plans of financial assistance it is absolutely necessary that +we know precisely where we stand. The all-important +thing is the question as to how long the war is likely to +last. If it is only to last a few months, it is evident that +we need to make very different arrangements than if it is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-268" id="page2-268"></a>[pg II-268]</span> +to last several years. Just what must we make provision +for? Let us assume that the United States goes in with +all its men and resources—that we dedicate all our money, +our manufacturing plants, our army, our navy, everything +we have got, to bringing the war to an end. How long +will it take?"</p> + +<p>Mr. Balfour replied that it would be necessary to consult +his naval and military advisers before he answered +that question. He said that he would return in a day or +two and make an explicit statement. He did so and his +answer was this: Under these circumstances—that the +United States should make war to the full limit of its +power, in men and resources—the war could not be ended +until the summer or the autumn of 1919. Mr. McAdoo +put the same question in the same form to the French +and Italian Missions and obtained precisely the same +answer.</p> + +<p>Page's papers show that Mr. Balfour, in the early stages +of American participation, regarded the financial situation +as the thing which chiefly threatened the success of +the Allied cause. So much greater emphasis has been +laid upon the submarine warfare that this may at first +seem rather a misreading of Great Britain's peril. Yet +the fact is that the high rate of exchange and the depredatory +U-boat represented almost identically the same +danger. The prospect that so darkened the horizon in +the spring of 1917 was the possible isolation of Great +Britain. England's weakness, as always, consisted in the +fact that she was an island, that she could not feed herself +with her own resources and that she had only about six +weeks' supply of food ahead of her at any one time. If +Germany could cut the lines of communication and so +prevent essential supplies from reaching British ports, +the population of Great Britain could be starved into +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-269" id="page2-269"></a>[pg II-269]</span> +surrender in a very brief time, France would be overwhelmed, +and the triumph of the Prussian cause would +be complete. That the success of the German submarine +campaign would accomplish this result was a fact that the +popular mind readily grasped. What it did not so clearly +see, however, was that the financial collapse of Great +Britain would cut these lines of communication quite as +effectually as the submarine itself. The British were +practically dependent for their existence upon the food +brought from the United States, just as the Allied armies +were largely dependent upon the steel which came from +the great industrial plants of this country. If Great +Britain could not find the money with which to purchase +these supplies, it is quite apparent that they could not be +shipped. The collapse of British credit therefore would +have produced the isolation of the British Isles and led to +a British surrender, just as effectively as would the success +of the German submarine campaign.</p> + +<p>As soon as Bernstorff was sent home, therefore, and the +participation of this country in the war became extremely +probable, Mr. Balfour took up the financial question with +Page.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +March 5, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The inquiries which I have made here about financial +conditions disclose an international situation which is +most alarming to the financial and industrial outlook of +the United States. England has not only to pay her own +war bills, but is obliged to finance her Allies as well. Up +to the present time she has done these tasks out of her +own capital. But she cannot continue her present extensive +purchases in the United States without shipping gold +as payment for them, and there are two reasons why she +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-270" id="page2-270"></a>[pg II-270]</span> +cannot make large shipments of gold. In the first place, +both England and France must keep the larger part of the +gold they have to maintain issues of their paper at par; +and, in the second place, the German U-boat has made the +shipping of gold a dangerous procedure even if they had +it to ship. There is therefore a pressing danger that the +Franco-American and Anglo-American exchange will be +greatly disturbed; the inevitable consequence will be that +orders by all the Allied Governments will be reduced to +the lowest possible amount and that trans-Atlantic trade +will practically come to an end. The result of such a +stoppage will be a panic in the United States. The +world will therefore be divided into two hemispheres, +one of them, our own, will have the gold and the commodities; +the other, Great Britain and Europe, will need these +commodities, but it will have no money with which to +pay for them. Moreover, it will have practically no commodities +of its own to exchange for them. The financial +and commercial result will be almost as bad for the United +States as for Europe. We shall soon reach this condition +unless we take quick action to prevent it. Great Britain +and France must have a credit in the United States which +will be large enough to prevent the collapse of world trade +and the whole financial structure of Europe.</p> + +<p>If the United States declare war against Germany, the +greatest help we could give Great Britain and its Allies +would be such a credit. If we should adopt this policy, +an excellent plan would be for our Government to make a +large investment in a Franco-British loan. Another plan +would be to guarantee such a loan. A great advantage +would be that all the money would be kept in the United +States. We could keep on with our trade and increase it, +till the war ends, and after the war Europe would purchase +food and an enormous supply of materials with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-271" id="page2-271"></a>[pg II-271]</span> +which to reëquip her peace industries. We should thus +reap the profit of an uninterrupted and perhaps an enlarging +trade over a number of years and we should hold +their securities in payment.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, if we keep nearly all the gold and +Europe cannot pay for reëstablishing its economic life, +there may be a world-wide panic for an indefinite period.</p> + +<p>Of course we cannot extend such a credit unless we go +to war with Germany. But is there no way in which our +Government might immediately and indirectly help the +establishment in the United States of a large Franco-British +credit without violating armed neutrality? I do +not know enough about our own reserve bank law to form +an opinion. But these banks would avert such a danger +if they were able to establish such a credit. Danger for +us is more real and imminent, I think, than the public on +either side the Atlantic understands. If it be not averted +before its manifestations become apparent, it will then be +too late to save the day.</p> + +<p>The pressure of this approaching crisis, I am certain, +has gone beyond the ability of the Morgan financial agency +for the British and French governments. The financial +necessities of the Allies are too great and urgent for any +private agency to handle, for every such agency has to +encounter business rivalries and sectional antagonisms.</p> + +<p>It is not improbable that the only way of maintaining +our present preëminent trade position and averting a +panic is by declaring war on Germany. The submarine +has added the last item to the danger of a financial world +crash. There is now an uncertainty about our being +drawn into the war; no more considerable credits can be +privately placed in the United States. In the meantime +a collapse may come.</p> + +<p>PAGE.</p></div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-272" id="page2-272"></a>[pg II-272]</span></div> +<p>Urgent as this message was, it really understated the +desperate condition of British and Allied finances. That +the warring powers were extremely pressed for money +has long been known; but Page's papers reveal for the first +time the fact that they were facing the prospect of bankruptcy +itself. "The whole Allied combination on this +side the ocean are very much nearer the end of their +financial resources," he wrote in July, "than anybody has +guessed or imagined. We only can save them.... +The submarines are steadily winning the war. Pershing +and his army have bucked up the French for the moment. +But for his coming there was more or less danger of a +revolution in Paris and of serious defection in the army. +Everybody here fears that the French will fail before +another winter of the trenches. Yet—the Germans must +be still worse off."</p> + +<p>The matter that was chiefly pressing at the time of the +Balfour visit was the fact that the British balances in the +New York banks were in a serious condition. It should +always be remembered, however, that Great Britain was +financing not only herself, but her Allies, and that the +difficult condition in which she now found herself was +caused by the not too considerate demands of the nations +with which she was allied in the war. Thus by April 6, +1917, Great Britain had overdrawn her account with J.P. +Morgan to the extent of $400,000,000 and had no cash +available with which to meet this overdraft. This obligation +had been incurred in the purchase of supplies, both +for Great Britain and the allied governments; and securities, +largely British owned stocks and bonds, had been +deposited to protect the bankers. The money was now +coming due; if the obligations were not met, the credit of +Great Britain in this country would reach the vanishing +point. Though at first there was a slight misunderstanding +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-273" id="page2-273"></a>[pg II-273]</span> +about this matter, the American Government +finally paid this over-draft out of the proceeds of the first +Liberty Loan. This act saved the credit of the allied +countries; it was, of course, only the beginning of the +financial support that America brought to the allied cause; +the advances that were afterward furnished from the +American Treasury made possible the purchases of food +and supplies in enormous quantities. The first danger +that threatened, the isolation and starvation of Great +Britain, was therefore overcome. It was the joint product +of Page's work in London and that of the Balfour +Commission in the United States.</p> + + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>Until these financial arrangements had been made +there was no certainty that the supplies which were +so essential to victory would ever leave the United States; +this obstruction at the source had now been removed. +But the greater difficulty still remained. The German +submarines were lying off the waters south and west of +Ireland ready to sink the supply ships as soon as they entered +the prohibited zone. Mr. Balfour and his associates +were working also on this problem in Washington; and, +at the same time, Page and Admiral Sims and the British +Admiralty were bending all their energies in London to +obtain immediate coöperation.</p> + +<p>A remark which Mr. Balfour afterward made to Admiral +Sims shows the frightful nature of the problem which was +confronting Great Britain at that time.</p> + +<p>"That was a terrible week we spent at sea in that +voyage to the United States," Mr. Balfour said. "We knew +that the German submarine campaign was succeeding. +Their submarines were destroying our shipping and we +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-274" id="page2-274"></a>[pg II-274]</span> +had no means of preventing it. I could not help thinking +that we were facing the defeat of Great Britain."</p> + +<p>Page's papers show that as early as February 25th he +understood in a general way the disheartening proportions +of the German success. "It is a momentous crisis," +he wrote at that time. "The submarines are destroying +shipping at an appalling rate." Yet it was not until +Admiral Sims arrived in London, on April 9th, that the +Ambassador learned all the details. In sending the Admiral +to England the Navy Department had acted on an +earnest recommendation from Page. The fact that the +American Navy was inadequately represented in the +British capital had long been a matter of embarrassment +to him. The ability and personal qualifications of our +attachés had been unquestioned; but none of them during +the war had been men of high rank, and this in itself +proved to be a constant impediment to their success. +While America was represented by Commanders, Japan, +Italy, and France had all sent Admirals to London. +Page's repeated requests for an American Admiral had so +far met with no response, but the probability that this +country would become involved in the war now gave new +point to his representations. In the latter part of March, +Page renewed his request in still more urgent form, and +this time the President and the Navy Department responded +favourably. The result was that, on April 9th, +three days after the American declaration of war, Admiral +Sims and his flag-lieutenant, Commander Babcock, +presented themselves at the American Embassy. There +was little in the appearance of these men to suggest a violent +naval demonstration against Germany. Both wore +civilian dress, their instructions having commanded them +not to bring uniforms; both were travelling under assumed +names, and both had no more definite orders than to investigate +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-275" id="page2-275"></a>[pg II-275]</span> +the naval situation and cable the results to +Washington. In spite of these attempts at secrecy, the +British had learned that Admiral Sims was on the way; +they rejoiced not only in this fact, but in the fact that +Sims had been chosen, for there was no American naval +officer whose professional reputation stood so high in the +British Navy or who was so personally acceptable to +British officialdom and the British public. The Admiralty +therefore met Admiral Sims at Liverpool, brought him +to London in a special train, and, a few hours after his +arrival, gave him the innermost secrets on the submarine +situation—secrets which were so dangerous that not all the +members of the British Cabinet had been let into them.</p> + +<p>Page welcomed Admiral Sims with a cordiality which +that experienced sea veteran still gratefully remembers. +He at once turned over to him two rooms in the Embassy. +"You can have everything we've got," the Ambassador +said. "If necessary to give you room, we'll turn the whole +Embassy force out into the street." The two men had +not previously met, but in an instant they became close +friends. A common sympathy and a common enthusiasm +were greatly needed at that crisis. As soon as Admiral +Sims had finished his interview with Admiral Jellicoe, he +immediately sought out the Ambassador and laid all the +facts before him. Germany was winning the war. Great +Britain had only six weeks' food supply on hand, and the +submarines were sinking the ships at a rate which, unless +the depredations should be checked, meant an early and +unconditional surrender of the British Empire. Only the +help of the United States could prevent this calamity.</p> + +<p>Page, of course, was aghast: the facts and figures Admiral +Sims gave him disclosed a situation which was even +more desperate than he had imagined. He advised the +Admiral to cable the whole story immediately to Washington. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-276" id="page2-276"></a>[pg II-276]</span> +Admiral Sims at first had some difficulty in obtaining +the Admiralty's consent to doing this, and the +reason was the one with which Page had long been familiar—the +fear, altogether too justified, that the news would +"leak" out of Washington. Of course there was no suspicion +in British naval circles of the good faith of the +Washington officials, but important facts had been sent +so many times under the seal of the strictest secrecy and +had then found their way into the newspapers that there +was a deep distrust of American discretion. Certainly +no greater damage could have been done the allied cause +at that time than to have the Germans learn how successfully +their submarine campaign was progressing. The +question was referred to the Imperial War Council and +its consent obtained. The report, however, was sent to +the Navy Department in the British naval code, and decoded +in the British Embassy in Washington.</p> + +<p>Admiral Sims's message gave all the facts about the +submarine situation, and concluded with the recommendation +that the United States should assemble all floating +craft that could be used in the anti-submarine warfare, +destroyers, tugs, yachts, light cruisers, and similar vessels, +and send them immediately to Queenstown, where they +would do valuable service in convoying merchant vessels +and destroying the U-boats. At that time the American +Navy had between fifty and sixty destroyers that were +patrolling the American coast; these could have been despatched, +almost immediately, to the scene of operations; +but, in response to this request, the Department sent six +to Queentown.</p> + +<p>The next few months were very unhappy ones for +Admiral Sims. He was the representative in London of +one of the world's greatest naval powers, participating in +the greatest war that had ever enlisted its energies, yet his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-277" id="page2-277"></a>[pg II-277]</span> +constant appeals for warships elicited the most inadequate +response, his well-reasoned recommendations for +meeting the crisis were frequently unanswered and at other +times were met with counter-proposals so childish that +they seemed almost to have originated in the brains of +newspaper amateurs, and his urgent pictures of a civilization +rapidly going to wreck were apparently looked upon +with suspicion as the utterances of a man who had been +completely led astray by British guile. To give a fair +idea of Washington's neglect during this period it is only +necessary to point out that, for four months, Admiral +Sims occupied the two rooms in the Embassy directly +above Page's, with Commander Babcock as his only aid. +Sims's repeated requests to Secretary Daniels for an +additional staff went unheeded. Had it not been for the +Admiral's constant daily association with Page and the +comfort and encouragement which the Ambassador gave +him, this experience would have been almost unbearable. +In the latter part of April, the Admiral's appeals to Washington +having apparently fallen on deaf ears, he asked +Page to second his efforts. The Admiral and Commander +Babcock wrote another message, and drove in a motor +car to Brighton, where Page was taking a little rest. The +Admiral did not know just how strong a statement the +Ambassador would care to sponsor, and so he did not make +this representation as emphatic as the judgment of both +men would have preferred.</p> + +<p>The Admiral handed Page the paper, saying that he +had prepared it with the hope that the Ambassador would +sign it and send it directly to President Wilson.</p> + +<p>"It is quite apparent," Admiral Sims said, "that the +Department doesn't believe what I have been saying. +Or they don't believe what the British are saying. They +think that England is exaggerating the peril for reasons +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-278" id="page2-278"></a>[pg II-278]</span> +of its own. They think I am hopelessly pro-British and +that I am being used. But if you'll take it up directly +with the President, then they may be convinced."</p> + +<p>Page put on his spectacles, took the paper, and read it +through. Then, looking over the rim of his glasses in his +characteristic way, he leaned toward Admiral Sims and +said:</p> + +<p>"Admiral, it isn't half strong enough! I think I can +write a better despatch than that, myself! At least let +me try."</p> + +<p>He immediately took a pen and paper and in a few +minutes he had written his own version which he gave +the Admiral to read. The latter was delighted with it +and in a brief time it was on its way to Washington.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +From: Ambassador Page.<br /> +To: Secretary of State.<br /> +Sent: 27 April, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Very confidential for Secretary and President</i></p> + +<p>There is reason for the greatest alarm about the issue +of the war caused by the increasing success of the German +submarines. I have it from official sources that during +the week ending 22nd April, 88 ships of 237,000 tons, allied +and neutral, were lost. The number of vessels unsuccessfully +attacked indicated a great increase in the number +of submarines in action.</p> + +<p>This means practically a million tons lost every month +till the shorter days of autumn come. By that time the +sea will be about clear of shipping. Most of the ships are +sunk to the westward and southward of Ireland. The +British have in that area every available anti-submarine +craft, but their force is so insufficient that they hardly +discourage the submarines.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-279" id="page2-279"></a>[pg II-279]</span> +<p>The British transport of troops and supplies is already +strained to the utmost, and the maintenance of the armies +in the field is threatened. There is food enough here to +last the civil population only not more than six weeks or +two months.</p> + +<p>Whatever help the United States may render at any +time in the future, or in any theatre of the war, our help +is now more seriously needed in this submarine area for +the sake of all the Allies than it can ever be needed again, +or anywhere else.</p> + +<p>After talking over this critical situation with the Prime +Minister and other members of the Government, I can not +refrain from most strongly recommending the immediate +sending over of every destroyer and all other craft that +can be of anti-submarine use. This seems to me the +sharpest crisis of the war, and the most dangerous situation +for the Allies that has arisen or could arise.</p> + +<p>If enough submarines can be destroyed in the next two +or three months, the war will be won, and if we can contribute +effective help immediately, it will be won directly +by our aid. I cannot exaggerate the pressing and increasing +danger of this situation. Thirty or more destroyers +and other similar craft sent by us immediately would very +likely be decisive.</p> + +<p>There is no time to be lost.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +(Signed) PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>This cablegram had a certain effect. The reply came +from Washington that "eventually" thirty-six destroyers +would be sent.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Page's letters of this period are full of the same subject.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-280" id="page2-280"></a>[pg II-280]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +London, May 4, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Dear Mr. President:</p> + +<p>The submarines have become a very grave danger. +The loss of British and allied tonnage increases with the +longer and brighter days—as I telegraphed you, 237,000 +tons last week; and the worst of it is, the British are not +destroying them. The Admiralty publishes a weekly report +which, though true, is not the whole truth. It is +known in official circles here that the Germans are turning +out at least two a week—some say three; and the British +are not destroying them as fast as new ones are turned +out. If merely the present situation continue, the war +will pretty soon become a contest of endurance under +hunger, with an increasing proportion of starvation. Germany +is yet much the worse off, but it will be easily +possible for Great Britain to suffer to the danger point +next winter or earlier unless some decided change be +wrought in this situation.</p> + +<p>The greatest help, I hope, can come from us—our destroyers +and similar armed craft—provided we can send +enough of them quickly. The area to be watched is so +big that many submarine hunters are needed. Early in +the war the submarines worked near shore. There are very +many more of them now and their range is one hundred +miles, or even two hundred, at sea.</p> + +<p>The public is becoming very restive with its half +information, and it is more and more loudly demanding +all the facts. There are already angry threats to change +the personnel of the Admiralty; there is even talk of +turning out the Government. "We must have results, we +must have results." I hear confidentially that Jellicoe +has threatened to resign unless the Salonica expedition is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-281" id="page2-281"></a>[pg II-281]</span> +brought back: to feed and equip that force requires too +many ships.</p> + +<p>And there are other troubles impending. Norway has +lost so many of her ships that she dare not send what are +left to sea. Unarmed they'll all perish. If she arms them, +Germany will declare war against her. There is a plan +on foot for the British to charter these Norwegian ships +and to arm them, taking the risk of German war against +Norway. If war comes (as it is expected) England must +then defend Norway the best she can. And <i>then England +may ask for our big ships to help in these waters</i>. All this +is yet in the future, but possibly not far in the future.</p> + +<p>For the present the only anti-submarine help is the help +we may be able to give to patrol the wide area off Ireland. +If we had one hundred destroyers to send, the job there +could, I am told, be quickly done. A third of that number +will help mightily. At the present rate of destruction +more than four million tons will be sunk before the summer +is gone.</p> + +<p>Such is this dire submarine danger. The English +thought that they controlled the sea; the Germans, that +they were invincible on land. Each side is losing where +it thought itself strongest.</p> + +<p>Admiral Sims is of the greatest help imaginable. Of +course, I gave him an office in one of our Embassy buildings, +and the Admiralty has given him an office also with +them. He spends much of his time there, and they have +opened all doors and all desks and drawers to him. He +strikes me (and the English so regard him) as a man of +admirable judgment—unexcitable and indefatigable. I +hope we'll soon send a general over, to whom the War +Department will act similarly. Hoover, too, must have a +good man here as, I dare say, he has already made known. +These will cover the Navy, the Army, Food, and Shipping. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-282" id="page2-282"></a>[pg II-282]</span> +Perhaps a Censor and an Intelligence (Secret Service) +group ought to come. I mean these for permanent—at +least indefinite—service. Exchange visits by a Congressional +Committee (such as the French and British +make) and by high official persons such as members of +your Cabinet (such also as the French and British make)—you +will have got ideas about these from Mr. Balfour.</p> + +<p>W.H.P.</p></div> + +<p>In the latter part of June Admiral Sims went to Queenstown. +Admiral Bayly, who directed the operation of the +anti-submarine forces there, had gone away for a brief +rest, and Admiral Sims had taken over the command of +both the British and American forces at that point. This +experience gave Admiral Sims a first-hand picture of a +really deplorable situation. The crisis was so desperate +that he made another appeal to Page.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From Admiral William S. Sims</i><br /> +<br /> +Admiralty House, Queenstown,<br /> +June 25, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>My Dear Mr. Page:</p> + +<p>I enclose herewith a letter on the submarine situation<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61" /><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>.</p> + +<p>I think I have made it plain therein that the Allies are +losing the war; that it will be already lost when the loss +of shipping reaches the point where fully adequate supplies +cannot be maintained on the various battle fronts.</p> + +<p>I cannot understand why our Government should hesitate +to send the necessary anti-submarine craft to this side.</p> + +<p>There are at least seventeen more destroyers employed +on our Atlantic coast, <i>where there is no war</i>, not to mention +numerous other very useful anti-submarine craft, including +sea-going tugs, etc.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-283" id="page2-283"></a>[pg II-283]</span> +<p>Can you not do something to bring our Government to +an understanding of how very serious the situation is? +Would it not be well to send another telegram to Mr. +Lansing and the President, and also send them the enclosed +correspondence?</p> + +<p>I am sending this by mail because I may be somewhat +delayed in returning to London.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Very sincerely yours,<br /> +<br /> +Wm. S. Sims.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Page immediately acted on this suggestion.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Most confidential for the Secretary of State and +President only</i></p> + +<p>Sims sends me by special messenger from Queenstown +the most alarming reports of the submarine situation +which are confirmed by the Admiralty here. He says that +the war will be won or lost in this submarine zone within +a few months. Time is of the essence of the problem, and +anti-submarine craft which cannot be assembled in the +submarine zone almost immediately may come too late. +There is, therefore, a possibility that this war may become +a war between Germany and the United States alone. +Help is far more urgently and quickly needed in this submarine +zone than anywhere else in the whole war area.</p> + +<p>Page.</p></div> + +<p>The United States had now been in the war for three +months and only twenty-eight of the sixty destroyers which +were available had been sent into the field. Yet this +latest message of Page produced no effect, and, when +Admiral Sims returned from Queenstown, the two men, +almost in despair, consulted as to the step which they +should take next. What was the matter? Was it that +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-284" id="page2-284"></a>[pg II-284]</span> +Washington did not care to get into the naval war with its +full strength, or was it that it simply refused to believe +the representations of its Admiral and its Ambassador? +Admiral Sims and Page went over the whole situation +and came to the conclusion that Washington regarded +them both as so pro-British that their reports were subject +to suspicion. Just as Page had found that the State +Department, and its "trade advisers," had believed that +the British were using the blockade as a means of destroying +American trade for the benefit of Britain, so now +he believed that Mr. Daniels and Admiral Benson, the +Chief of Naval Operations, evidently thought that Great +Britain was attempting to lure American warships into +European waters, to undergo the risk of protecting British +commerce, while British warships were kept safely in +harbour. Page suggested that there was now only one +thing left to do, and that was to request the British +Government itself to make a statement to President +Wilson that would substantiate his own messages.</p> + +<p>"Whatever else they think of the British in Washington," +he said, "they know one thing—and that is that a +British statesman like Mr. Balfour will not lie."</p> + +<p>Mr. Balfour by this time had returned from America. +The fact that he had established these splendid personal +relations with Mr. Wilson, and that he had impressed the +American public so deeply with his sincerity and fine +purpose, made him especially valuable for this particular +appeal. Page and Admiral Sims therefore went to the +Foreign Office and laid all the facts before him. Their +own statements, Page informed the Foreign Secretary, +were evidently regarded as hysterical and biased by +an unreasoning friendliness to Great Britain. If Mr. +Balfour would say the same things over his own signature, +then they would not be disbelieved.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-285" id="page2-285"></a>[pg II-285]</span></div> +<p>Mr. Balfour gladly consented. He called in Admiral +Jellicoe and asked him to draft a despatch, so that all the +technical facts would be completely accurate. He also +consulted with Sir Edward Carson, the First Lord of the +Admiralty. Then Mr. Balfour put the document in its +final shape and signed it. It was as follows:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>Mr. Balfour to the President</i><br /> +<br /> +June 30, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The forces at present at the disposal of the British Admiralty +are not adequate to protect shipping from submarine +attack in the danger zone round the British Islands. +Consequently shipping is being sunk at a greater rate than +it can be replaced by new tonnage of British origin.</p> + +<p>The time will come when, if the present rate of loss +continues, the available shipping, apart from American +contribution, will be insufficient to bring to this country +sufficient foodstuffs and other essentials, including oil fuel. +The situation in regard to our Allies, France, and Italy, is +much the same.</p> + +<p>Consequently, it is absolutely necessary to add to our +forces as a first step, pending the adoption or completion +of measures which will, it is hoped, eventually lead to the +destruction of enemy submarines at a rate sufficient to +ensure safety of our sea communications.</p> + +<p>The United States is the only allied country in a position +to help. The pressing need is for armed small craft +of every kind available in the area where commerce concentrates +near the British and French coasts. Destroyers, +submarines, gunboats, yachts, trawlers, and tugs +would all give invaluable help, and if sent in sufficient +numbers would undoubtedly save a situation which is +manifestly critical. But they are required now and in +as great numbers as possible. There is no time for delay. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-286" id="page2-286"></a>[pg II-286]</span> +The present method of submarine attack is almost entirely +by torpedo with the submarine submerged. The +gun defense of merchant ships keeps the submarine below +the surface but does no more; offensively against a submerged +submarine it is useless, and the large majority of +the ships torpedoed never see the attacking submarine +until the torpedo has hit the ship<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62" /><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>.</p> + +<p>The present remedy is, therefore, to prevent the submarine +from using its periscope for fear of attack by bomb +or ram from small craft, and this method of defense for the +shipping and offense against the submarine requires small +craft in very large numbers.</p> + +<p>The introduction of the convoy system, provided there +are sufficient destroyers to form an adequate screen to the +convoy, will, it is hoped, minimize losses when it is working, +and the provision of new offensive measures is progressing; +but for the next few months there is only one +safeguard, viz., the immediate addition to patrols of +every small vessel that can possibly be sent to European +waters.</p></div> + +<p>Page, moreover, kept up his own appeal:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +July 5th.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Strictly confidential to the President and the Secretary</i></p> + +<p>The British Cabinet is engaging in a threatening controversy +about the attitude which they should take toward +the submarine peril. There is a faction in the Admiralty +which possesses the indisputable facts and which takes +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-287" id="page2-287"></a>[pg II-287]</span> +a very disheartening view of the situation. This group +insists that the Cabinet should make a confession at least +to us of the full extent of the danger and that it should +give more information to the public. The public does +not feel great alarm simply because it has been kept in +too great ignorance. But the political faction is so far the +stronger. It attempts to minimize the facts, and, probably +for political reasons, it refuses to give these discouraging +facts wide publicity. The politicians urge that it is necessary +to conceal the full facts from the Germans. They +also see great danger in throwing the public into a panic.</p> + +<p>Mr. Lloyd George is always optimistic and he is too +much inclined to yield his judgment to political motives. +In his recent address in Glasgow he gave the public a +comforting impression of the situation. But the facts do +not warrant the impression which he gave.</p> + +<p>This dispute among the political factions is most unfortunate +and it may cause an explosion of public feeling +at any time. Changes in the Cabinet may come in consequence. +If the British public knew all the facts or if +the American people knew them, the present British Government +would probably fall. It is therefore not only the +submarine situation which is full of danger. The political +situation is in a dangerous state also.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +PAGE.<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Wilsford Manor, Salisbury,<br /> +<br /> +July 8, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>Since admirals and generals began to come from home, +they and the war have taken my time so completely, day +and night, that I haven't lately written you many things +that I should like to tell you. I'll try here—a house of a +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-288" id="page2-288"></a>[pg II-288]</span> +friend of ours where the only other guest besides your +mother and me is Edward Grey. This is the first time +I've seen him since he left office. Let me take certain big +subjects in order and come to smaller things later:</p> + +<p>1. The German submarines are succeeding to a degree +that the public knows nothing about. These two things +are true: (a) The Germans are building submarines faster +than the English sink them. In this way, therefore, they +are steadily gaining. (b) The submarines are sinking +freight ships faster than freight ships are being built by +the whole world. In this way, too, then, the Germans are +succeeding. Now if this goes on long enough, the Allies' +game is up. For instance, they have lately sunk so +many fuel oil ships, that this country may very soon be in +a perilous condition—even the Grand Fleet may not have +enough fuel. Of course the chance is that oil ships will +not continue to fall victims to the U-boats and we shall +get enough through to replenish the stock. But this illustrates +the danger, and it is a very grave danger.</p> + +<p>The best remedy so far worked out is the destroyer. +The submarines avoid destroyers and they sink very, +very few ships that are convoyed. If we had destroyers +enough to patrol the whole approach (for, say, 250 miles) +to England, the safety of the sea would be very greatly +increased; and if we had enough to patrol and to convoy +every ship going and coming, the damage would be reduced +to a minimum. The Admiral and I are trying our +best to get our Government to send over 500 improvised +destroyers—yachts, ocean-going tugs—any kind of swift +craft that can be armed. Five hundred such little boats +might end the war in a few months; for the Germans are +keeping the spirit of their people and of their army up +by their submarine success. If that success were stopped +they'd have no other cry half so effective. If they could +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-289" id="page2-289"></a>[pg II-289]</span> +see this in Washington as we see it, they'd do it and do it +not halfway but with a vengeance. If they don't do it, +the war may be indefinitely prolonged and a wholly +satisfactory peace may never be made. The submarine is +the most formidable thing the war has produced—by far—and +it gives the German the only earthly chance he has +to win. And he <i>may</i> substantially win by it yet. That's +what the British conceal. In fact, half of them do not see +it or believe it. But nothing is truer, or plainer. One +hundred thousand submarine chasers next year may be +worth far less than 500 would be worth now, for next year +see how few ships may be left! The mere arming of ships +is not enough. Nearly all that are sunk are armed. The +submarine now carries a little periscope and a big one, +each painted the colour of the sea. You can't see a little +periscope except in an ocean as smooth as glass. It isn't +bigger than a coffee cup. The submarine thus sinks its +victims without ever emerging or ever being seen. As +things now stand, the Germans are winning the war, and +they are winning it on the sea; that's the queer and the +most discouraging fact. My own opinion is that all +the facts ought to be published to all the world. Let the +Germans get all the joy they can out of the confession. +No matter, if the Government and the people of the +United States knew all the facts, we'd have 1,000 improvised +destroyers (yachts, tugs, etc., etc.) armed and over +here very quickly. Then the tide would turn.</p> + +<p>Then there'd be nothing to fear in the long run. For +the military authorities all agree that the German Army is +inferior to the British and French and will be whipped. +That may take a long time yet; but of the result nobody +who knows seems to have any doubt—unless the French +get tired and stop. They have periods of great war weariness +and there is real danger that they may quit and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-290" id="page2-290"></a>[pg II-290]</span> +make a separate peace. General Pershing's presence has +made the situation safe for the moment. But in a little +while something else spectacular and hopeful may be required +to keep them in line.</p> + +<p>Such is an accurate picture of the war as it is now, and +it is a dangerous situation.</p> + +<p>2. The next grave danger is financial. The European +Allies have so bled the English for money that the English +would by this time probably have been on a paper money +basis (and of course all the Allies as well) if we had not +come to their financial aid. And we've got to keep our +financial aid going to them to prevent this disastrous result. +That wouldn't at once end the war, if they had all +abandoned specie payments; but it would be a frightfully +severe blow and it might later bring defeat. That is a real +danger. And the Government at Washington, I fear, +does not know the full extent of the danger. They think +that the English are disposed to lie down on them. They +don't realize the cost of the war. This Government has +bared all this vast skeleton to me; but I fear that Washington +imagines that part of it is a deliberate scare. It's +a very real danger.</p> + +<p>Now, certain detached items:</p> + +<p>Sims is the idol of the British Admiralty and he is doing +his job just as well as any man could with the tools and +the chance that he has. He has made the very best of the +chance and he has completely won the confidence and +admiration of this side of the world.</p> + +<p>Pershing made an admirable impression here, and in +France he has simply set them wild with joy. His coming +and his little army have been worth what a real army +will be worth later. It is well he came to keep the French +in line.</p> + +<p>The army of doctors and nurses have had a similar effect.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-291" id="page2-291"></a>[pg II-291]</span> +<p>Even the New England saw-mill units have caused +a furor of enthusiasm. They came with absolute Yankee +completeness of organization—with duplicate parts of all +their machinery, tents, cooks, pots, and pans, and everything +ship-shape. The only question they asked was: +"Say, where the hell are them trees you want sawed up?" +That's the way to do a job! Yankee stock is made high +here by such things as that.</p> + +<p>We're getting a crowd of Yankee lecturers on the +United States to go up and down this Kingdom. There's +the greatest imaginable curiosity to hear about the United +States in all kinds of society from munition workers +to universities. I got the British Government to write +Buttrick<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63" /><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> to come as its guest, and the Rockefeller Boards +rose to the occasion. He'll probably be along presently. +If he hasn't already sailed when you get this, see him and +tell him to make arrangements to have pictures sent over +to him to illustrate his lectures. Who else could come +to do this sort of a job?</p> + +<p>I am myself busier than I have ever been. The kind +of work the Embassy now has to do is very different from +the work of the days of neutrality. It continues to +increase—especially the work that I have to do myself. +But it's all pleasant now. We are trying to help and no +longer to hinder. To save my life I don't see how the +Washington crowd can look at themselves in a mirror and +keep their faces straight. Yesterday they were bent on +sending everything into European neutral states. The +foundations of civilization would give way if neutral trade +were interfered with. Now, nothing must go in except on +a ration basis. Yesterday it must be a peace without +victory. Now it must be a complete victory, every man +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-292" id="page2-292"></a>[pg II-292]</span> +and every dollar thrown in, else no peace is worth having. +I don't complain. I only rejoice. But I'm glad that +kind of a rapid change is not a part of my record. The +German was the same beast yesterday that he is to-day; +and it makes a simple-minded, straight-minded man +like me wonder which attitude was the (or is the) attitude +of real conviction. But this doesn't bother me now as a +real problem—only as a speculation. What we call History +will, I presume, in time work this out. But History +is often a kind of lie. But never mind that. The only +duty of mankind now is to win. Other things can wait.</p> + +<p>I walked over to Stonehenge and back (about six miles) +with Lord Grey (Sir Edward, you know) and we, like everybody +else, fell to talking about when the war may end. +We know as well as anybody and no better than anybody +else. I have very different moods about it—no convictions. +It seems to me to depend, as things now are, +more on the submarines than on anything else. If we +could effectually discourage them so that the Germans +would have to withdraw them and could no more keep +up the spirit of their people by stories of the imminent +starvation of England, I have a feeling that the hunger +and the war weariness of the German people would lead +them to force an end. But, the more they are called on +to suffer the more patriotic do they think themselves and +they <i>may</i> go on till they drop dead in their tracks.</p> + +<p>What I am really afraid of is that the Germans may, +before winter, offer all that the Western Allies most want—the +restoration of Belgium and France, the return of +Alsace-Lorraine, etc., in the West and the surrender of +the Colonies—provided Austria is not dismembered. That +would virtually leave them the chance to work out their +Middle Europe scheme and ultimately there'd probably +have to be another war over that question. That's the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-293" id="page2-293"></a>[pg II-293]</span> +real eventuality to be feared—a German defeat in the +West but a German victory in the Southeast. Everybody +in Europe is so war weary that such a plan <i>may</i> succeed.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, what Hoover and Northcliffe fear +may come true—that the Germans are going to keep up +the struggle for years—till their armies are practically +obliterated, as Lee's army was. If the Allies were actually +to kill (not merely wound, but actually kill) 5,000 Germans +a day for 300 days a year, it would take about +four years to obliterate the whole German Army. There +is the bare possibility, therefore, of a long struggle yet. +But I can't believe it. My dominant mood these days is +an end within a very few months after the submarines are +knocked out. Send over, therefore, 1,000 improvised +destroyers the next two months, and I'll promise peace +by Christmas. Otherwise I can make no promises. +That's all that Lord Grey and I know, and surely we are +two wise men. What, therefore, is the use in writing +any more about this?</p> + +<p>The chief necessity that grows upon me is that all the +facts must be brought out that show the kinship in blood +and ideals of the two great English-speaking nations. +We were actually coming to believe ourselves that we were +part German and Slovene and Pole and What-not, instead +of essentially being Scotch and English. Hence the unspeakable +impudence of your German who spoke of eliminating +the Anglo-Saxon element from American life! The +truth should be forcibly and convincingly told and repeated +to the end of the chapter, and our national life +should proceed on its natural historic lines, with its +proper historic outlook and background. We can do +something to bring this about.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-294" id="page2-294"></a>[pg II-294]</span></div> +<p>The labour of getting the American Navy into the war +was evidently at first a difficult one, but the determination +of Page and Admiral Sims triumphed, and, by August and +September, our energies were fully engaged. And the +American Navy made a record that will stand everlastingly +to its glory. Without its help the German submarines +could never have been overcome.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58" /><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> The reference is to the attack made in October, 1916, by +the German Submarine U-53, off Nantucket on several British ships. An +erroneous newspaper account said that the <i>Benham</i>, an American +destroyer, had moved in a way that facilitated the operations of the +German submarine. This caused great bitterness in England, until Page +showed the Admiralty a report from the Navy Department proving that the +story was false.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59" /><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> This, of course, is Franklin D. Roosevelt, Assistant +Secretary of the Navy in 1917.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60" /><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> This letter is dated London and was probably begun there. +It is evident, however, that the latter part was written at Brighton, +where the Ambassador was taking a brief holiday.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61" /><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> This was a long document describing conditions in great +detail.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62" /><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> The Navy Department had taken the position that arming +merchantmen was the best protection against the submarine. This +statement was intended to refute this belief.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63" /><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Dr. Wallace Buttrick, President of the General Education +Board, who was sent at this time to deliver lectures throughout Great +Britain on the United States.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-295" id="page2-295"></a>[pg II-295]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIII" id="CHAPTER_XXIII" />CHAPTER XXIII</h2> + +<h3>PAGE—THE MAN</h3> + + +<p>The entrance of America into the war, followed +by the successful promotion of the Balfour visit, +brought a period of quiet into Page's life. These events +represented for him a personal triumph; there were many +things still to be done, it is true, and Page, as always, was +active in advancing the interests that were nearest his +heart; yet the mighty relief that followed the American +declaration was the kind that one experiences after accomplishing +the greatest task of a lifetime. Page's letters +have contained many references to the sense of moral +isolation which his country's policy had forced upon him; +he probably exaggerated his feeling that there was a +tendency to avoid him; this was merely a reflection +of his own inclination to keep away from all but the +official people. He now had more leisure and certainly +more interest in cultivating the friends that he had +made in Great Britain. For the fact is that, during +all these engrossing years, Page had been more than +an Ambassador; by the time the United States entered +the war he had attained an assured personal position +in the life of the British capital. He had long since +demonstrated his qualifications for a post, which, in the +distinction of the men who have occupied it, has few +parallels in diplomacy. The scholarly Lowell, the courtly +Bayard, the companionable Hay, the ever-humorous +Choate, had set a standard for American Ambassadors +which had made the place a difficult one for their successors. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-296" id="page2-296"></a>[pg II-296]</span> +Though Page had characteristics in common +with all these men, his personality had its own distinctive +tang; and it was something new to the political and +social life of London. And the British capital, which is +extremely exacting and even merciless in its demands upon +its important personages, had found it vastly entertaining. +"I didn't know there could be anything so American +as Page except Mark Twain," a British literary man +once remarked; and it was probably this strong American +quality, this directness and even breeziness of speech +and of method, this absence of affectation, this almost +openly expressed contempt for finesse and even for tradition, +combined with those other traits which we like to +think of as American—an upright purpose, a desire to +serve not only his own country but mankind—which +made the British public look upon Page as one of the +most attractive and useful figures in a war-torn Europe.</p> + +<p>There was a certain ruggedness in Page's exterior which +the British regarded as distinctly in keeping with this American +flavour. The Ambassador was not a handsome man. +To one who had heard much of the liveliness of his conversation +and presence a first impression was likely to be +disappointing. His figure at this time was tall, gaunt, and +lean—and he steadily lost weight during his service in +England; his head was finely shaped—it was large, with a +high forehead, his thin gray hair rather increasing its +intellectual aspect; and his big frank brown eyes reflected +that keen zest for life, that unsleeping interest in everything +about him, that ever-working intelligence and sympathy +which were the man's predominant traits. But a very large +nose at first rather lessened the pleasing effects of his other +features, and a rather weather-beaten, corrugated face +gave a preliminary suggestion of roughness. Yet Page +had only to begin talking and the impression immediately +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-297" id="page2-297"></a>[pg II-297]</span> +changed. "He puts his mind to yours," Dr. Johnson +said, describing the sympathetic qualities of a friend, and +the same was true of Page. Half a dozen sentences, +spoken in his quick, soft, and ingratiating accents, +accompanied by the most genial smile, at once converted +the listener into a friend. Few men have ever lived +who more quickly responded to this human relationship. +The Ambassador, at the simple approach of a +human being, became as a man transformed. Tired +though he might be, low in spirits as he not infrequently +was, the press of a human hand at once changed him into +an animated and radiating companion. This responsiveness +deceived all his friends in the days of his last illness. +His intimates who dropped in to see Page invariably +went away much encouraged and spread optimistic reports +about his progress. A few minutes' conversation +with Page would deceive even his physicians. The explanation +was a simple one: the human presence had an +electric effect upon him, and it is a revealing sidelight on +Page's character that almost any man or woman could +produce this result. As an editor, the readiness with +which he would listen to suggestions from the humblest +source was a constant astonishment to his associates. +The office boy had as accessible an approach to Page +as had his partners. He never treated an idea, even a +grotesque one, with contempt; he always had time to +discuss it, to argue it out, and no one ever left his presence +thinking that he had made an absurd proposal. Thus +Page had a profound respect for a human being simply +because he was a human being; the mere fact that a man, +woman, or child lived and breathed, had his virtues and +his failings, constituted in Page's imagination a tremendous +fact. He could not wound such a living creature +any more than he could wound a flower or a tree; +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-298" id="page2-298"></a>[pg II-298]</span> +consequently he treated every person as an important member +of the universe. Not infrequently, indeed, he stormed +at public men, but his thunder, after all, was not very +terrifying; his remarks about such personages as Mr. +Bryan merely reflected his indignation at their policies and +their influence but did not indicate any feeling against the +victims themselves. Page said "Good morning" to his +doorman with the same deference that he showed to Sir +Edward Grey, and there was not a little stenographer in +the building whose joys and sorrows did not arouse in him +the most friendly interest. Some of the most affecting +letters written about Page, indeed, have come from these +daily associates of more humble station. "We so often +speak of Mr. Page," writes one of the Embassy staff—"Findlater, +Short, and Frederick"—these were all English +servants at the Embassy; "we all loved him equally, +and hardly a day passes that something does not remind +us of him, and I often fancy that I hear his laugh, so full +of kindness and love of life." And the impression left +on those in high position was the same. "I have seen +ladies representing all that is most worldly in Mayfair," +writes Mr. Ellery Sedgwick, the editor of the <i>Atlantic +Monthly</i>, "start at the sudden thought of Page's illness, +their eyes glistening with tears."</p> + +<p>Perhaps what gave most charm to this human side was +the fact that Page was fundamentally such a scholarly +man. This was the aspect which especially delighted +his English friends. He preached democracy and Americanism +with an emphasis that almost suggested the back-woodsman—the +many ideas on these subjects that appear +in his letters Page never hesitated to set forth with all due +resonance at London dinner tables—yet he phrased his +creed in language that was little less than literary style, +and illuminated it with illustrations and a philosophy +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-299" id="page2-299"></a>[pg II-299]</span> +that were the product of the most exhaustive reading. +"Your Ambassador has taught us something that we did +not know before," an English friend remarked to an +American. "That is that a man can be a democrat and a +man of culture at the same time." The Greek and Latin +authors had been Page's companions from the days when, +as the holder of the Greek Fellowship at Johns Hopkins, +he had been a favourite pupil of Basil L. Gildersleeve. +British statesmen who had been trained at Balliol, in the +days when Greek was the indispensable ear-mark of a +gentleman, could thus meet their American associate on +the most sympathetic terms. Page likewise spoke a +brand of idiomatic English which immediately put him +in a class by himself. He regarded words as sacred things. +He used them, in his writing or in his speech, with the +utmost care and discrimination; yet this did not result in +a halting or stilted style; he spoke with the utmost ease, +going rapidly from thought to thought, choosing invariably +the one needful word, lighting up the whole with whimsicalities +all his own, occasionally emphasizing a good point +by looking downward and glancing over his eyeglasses, +perhaps, if he knew his companion intimately, now and +then giving him a monitory tap on the knee. Page, in +fact, was a great and incessant talker; hardly anything +delighted him more than a companionable exchange of +ideas and impressions; he was seldom so busy that he +would not push aside his papers for a chat; and he would +talk with almost any one, on almost any subject—his +secretaries, his stenographers, his office boys, and any +crank who succeeded in getting by the doorman—for, in +spite of his lively warnings against the breed, Page did +really love cranks and took a collector's joy in uncovering +new types. Page's voice was normally quiet; though he +had spent all his early life in the South, the characteristic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-300" id="page2-300"></a>[pg II-300]</span> +Southern accents were ordinarily not observable; yet his +intonation had a certain gentleness that was probably an +inheritance of his Southern breeding. Thus, when he +first began talking, his words would ripple along quietly +and rapidly; a characteristic pose was to sit calmly, with +one knee thrown over the other, his hands folded; as his +interest increased, however, he would get up, perhaps +walk across the room, or stand before the fireplace, his +hands behind his back; a large cigar, sometimes unlighted, +at other times emitting huge clouds of smoke, would +oscillate from one side of his mouth to the other; his talk +would grow in earnestness, his voice grow louder, his +words come faster and faster, until finally they would +gush forth in a mighty torrent.</p> + +<p>All Page's personal traits are explained by that one +characteristic which tempered all others, his sense of +humour. That Page was above all a serious-minded man +his letters show; yet his spirits were constantly alert for +the amusing, the grotesque, and the contradictory; like +all men who are really serious and alive to the pathos of +existence, he loved a hearty laugh, especially as he found +it a relief from the gloom that filled his every waking +moment in England. Page himself regarded this ability +to smile as an indispensable attribute to a well-rounded +life. "No man can be a gentleman," he once declared, +"who does not have a sense of humour." Only he who +possessed this gift, Page believed, had an imaginative +insight into the failings and the virtues of his brothers; +only he could have a tolerant attitude toward the stupidities +of his fellows, to say nothing of his own. And humour +with him assumed various shades; now it would flash in +an epigram, or smile indulgently at a passing human +weakness; now and then it would break out into genial +mockery; occasionally it would manifest itself as sheer +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-301" id="page2-301"></a>[pg II-301]</span> +horse-play; and less frequently it would become sardonic +or even savage. It was in this latter spirit that he once +described a trio of Washington statesmen, whose influence +he abhorred as, "three minds that occupy a single vacuum." +He once convulsed a Scottish audience by describing the +national motto of Scotland—and doing so with a broad burr +in his voice that seemed almost to mark the speaker a native +to the heath—as "Liber-r-ty, fra-a-ternity and f-r-r-u-gality." +The policy of his country occasioned many awkward +moments which, thanks to his talent for amiable +raillery, he usually succeeded in rendering harmless. Not +infrequently Page's fellow guests at the dinner table would +think the American attitude toward Germany a not +inappropriate topic for small talk. "Mr. Page," remarked +an exaltedly titled lady in a conversational pause, +"when is your country going to get into the war?" The +more discreet members of the company gasped, but Page +was not disturbed. "Please give us at least ninety days," +he answered, and an exceedingly disagreeable situation was +thus relieved by general laughter.</p> + +<p>On another occasion his repudiation of this flippant +spirit took a more solemn and even more effective form. +The time was a few days before the United States had +declared war. Bernstorff had been dismissed; events +were rapidly rushing toward the great climax; yet the +behaviour of the Washington Administration was still +inspiring much caustic criticism. The Pages were present +at one of the few dinners which they attended in +the course of this crisis; certain smart and tactless guests +did not seem to regard their presence as a bar to many +gibes against the American policy. Page sat through it +all impassive, never betraying the slightest resentment.</p> + +<p>Presently the ladies withdrew. Page found himself +sitting next to Mr. Harold Nicolson, an important official +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-302" id="page2-302"></a>[pg II-302]</span> +in the Foreign Office. It so happened that Mr. Nicolson +and Page were the only two members of the company who +were the possessors of a great secret which made ineffably +silly all the chatter that had taken place during the dinner; +this was that the United States had decided on war +against Germany and would issue the declaration in a +few days.</p> + +<p>"Well, Mr. Nicolson," said Page, "I think that you +and I will drink a glass of wine together."</p> + +<p>The two men quietly lifted their glasses and drank the +silent toast. Neither made the slightest reference to the +forthcoming event. Perhaps the other men present were +a little mystified, but in a few days they understood what +it had meant, and also learned how effectively they had +been rebuked.</p> + +<p>"Is it any wonder," says Mr. Nicolson, telling this +story, "that I think that Mr. Page is perhaps the greatest +gentleman I have ever known? He has only one possible +competitor for this distinction—and that is Arthur Balfour."</p> + +<p>The English newspapers took delight in printing Page's +aphorisms, and several anecdotes that came from America +afforded them especial joy. One went back to the days +when the Ambassador was editor of the <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>. +A woman contributor had sent him a story; like most +literary novices she believed that editors usually rejected +the manuscripts of unknown writers without reading them. +She therefore set a trap for Page by pasting together certain +sheets. The manuscript came back promptly, and, +as the prospective contributor had hoped, these sheets +had not been disturbed. These particular sections had +certainly not been read. The angry author triumphantly +wrote to Page, explaining how she had caught him and +denouncing the whole editorial tribe as humbugs. "Dear +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-303" id="page2-303"></a>[pg II-303]</span> +Madam," Page immediately wrote in reply, "when I +break an egg at breakfast, I do not have to eat the whole +of it to find out that it is bad." Page's treatment of +authors, however, was by no means so acrimonious as this +little note might imply. Indeed, the urbanity and +consideration shown in his correspondence with writers had +long been a tradition in American letters. The remark of +O. Henry in this regard promises to become immortal: +"Page could reject a story with a letter that was so +complimentary," he said, "and make everybody feel so happy +that you could take it to a bank and borrow money on it."</p> + +<p>Another anecdote reminiscent of his editorial days was +his retort to S.S. McClure, the editor of <i>McClure's Magazine</i>.</p> + +<p>"Page," said Mr. McClure, "there are only three great +editors in the United States."</p> + +<p>"Who's the third one, Sam?" asked Page.</p> + +<p>Plenty of stories, illustrating Page's quickness and +aptness in retort, have gathered about his name in England. +Many of them indicate a mere spirit of boyish +fun. Early in his Ambassadorship he was spending a +few days at Stratford-on-Avon, his hostess being an +American woman who had beautifully restored an Elizabethan +house; the garden contained a mulberry tree +which she liked to think had been planted by Shakespeare +himself. The dignitaries of Stratford, learning that +the American Ambassador had reached town, asked +permission to wait upon him; the Lord Mayor, who headed +the procession, made an excellent speech, to which Page +appropriately replied, and several hundred people were +solemnly presented. After the party had left Page +turned to his hostess:</p> + +<p>"Have they all gone?"</p> + +<p>"Yes."</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-304" id="page2-304"></a>[pg II-304]</span></div> +<p>"All?"</p> + +<p>"Yes."</p> + +<p>"Are you sure?"</p> + +<p>"Yes."</p> + +<p>"Then let's take hands and dance around the mulberry +tree!"</p> + +<p>Page was as good as his word; he danced as gaily as the +youngest member of the party, to the singing of the old +English song.</p> + +<p>The great service in St. Paul's Cathedral, in commemoration +of America's entry into the war, has already been +described. A number of wounded Americans, boys whose +zeal for the Allies had led them to enlist in the Canadian +Army, were conspicuous participants in this celebration. +After the solemn religious ceremonies, the Ambassador +and these young men betook themselves for lunch to a +well-known London restaurant. In an interval of the +conversation one of the Americans turned to Page.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Ambassador, there was just one thing wrong +with that service."</p> + +<p>"What was that?"</p> + +<p>"We wanted to yell, and we couldn't."</p> + +<p>"Then why don't you yell now?"</p> + +<p>The boy jumped on a chair and began waving his napkin. +"The Ambassador says we may yell," he cried. +"Let's yell!"</p> + +<p>"And so," said Page, telling the story, "they yelled for +five minutes and I yelled with them. We all felt better +in consequence."</p> + +<p>This geniality, this disposition not to take life too +solemnly, sometimes lightened up the sombre atmosphere +of the Foreign Office itself. "Mr. Balfour went on +a sort of mild rampage yesterday," Page records. "The +British and American navies had come to an arrangement +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-305" id="page2-305"></a>[pg II-305]</span> +whereby the Brazilian ships that are coming over to help +us fight should join the American unit, not the British, +as was at first proposed. Washington telegraphed me +that the British Minister at Rio was blocking the game +by standing out for the first British idea—that the Brazilian +ships should join the British. It turned out in the +conversation that the British Minister had not been +informed of the British-American naval arrangement. +Mr. Balfour sent for Lord Hardinge. He called in one +of the private secretaries. Was such a thing ever heard +of?</p> + +<p>"Did you ever know,' said the indignant Mr. Balfour, +turning to me, 'of such a thing as a minister not even being +informed of his Government's decisions?' 'Yes,' I +said, 'if I ransack my memory diligently, I think I could +find such cases.' The meeting went into laughter!"</p> + +<p>Evidently the troubles which Page was having with his +own State Department were not unfamiliar to British +officialdom.</p> + +<p>Page's letters sufficiently reveal his fondness for Sir +Edward Grey and the splendid relations that existed between +them. The sympathetic chords which the two +men struck upon their first meeting only grew stronger with +time. A single episode brings out the bonds that drew +them together. It took place at a time when the +tension over the blockade was especially threatening. +One afternoon Page asked for a formal interview; he had +received another exceedingly disagreeable protest from +Washington, with instructions to push the matter to a +decision; the Ambassador left his Embassy with a grave +expression upon his face; his associates were especially +worried over the outcome. So critical did the situation +seem that the most important secretaries gathered in the +Ambassador's room, awaiting his return, their nerves +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-306" id="page2-306"></a>[pg II-306]</span> +strung almost to the breaking point. An hour went by +and nothing was heard from Page; another hour slowly +passed and still the Ambassador did not return. The +faces of the assembled staff lengthened as the minutes +went by; what was the Ambassador doing at the Foreign +Office? So protracted an interview could portend only +evil; already, in the minds of these nervous young men, +ultimatums were flying between the United States and +Great Britain, and even war might be hanging in the +balance. Another hour drew out its weary length; the +room became dark, dinner time was approaching, and still +Page failed to make his appearance. At last, when his +distracted subordinates were almost prepared to go in +search of their chief, the Ambassador walked jauntily in, +smiling and apparently carefree. What had happened? +What was to be done about the detained ships?</p> + +<p>"What ships?" asked Page, and then suddenly he remembered. +"Oh, yes—those." That was all right; Sir +Edward had at once promised to release them; it had all +been settled in a few minutes.</p> + +<p>"Then why were you so long?"</p> + +<p>The truth came out: Sir Edward and Page had quickly +turned from intercepted cargoes to the more congenial +subject of Wordsworth, Tennyson, and other favourite +poets, and the rest of the afternoon had been consumed in +discussing this really important business.</p> + +<p>Perhaps Page was not so great a story-teller as many +Americans, but he excelled in a type of yarn that especially +delights Englishmen, for it is the kind that is native to the +American soil. He possessed an inexhaustible stock of +Negro anecdotes, and he had the gift of bringing them +out at precisely the right point. There was one which the +Archbishop of York never tired of repeating. Soon after +America entered the war, the Archbishop asked Page how +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-307" id="page2-307"></a>[pg II-307]</span> +long his country was "in for." "I can best answer that +by telling you a story," said Page. "There were two +Negroes who had just been sentenced to prison terms. As +they were being taken away in the carriage placed at their +disposal by the United States Government, one said to +the other, 'Sam, how long is you in fo'?' 'I guess dat it's +a yeah or two yeahs,' said Sam. 'How long is you in fo'?' +'I guess it's from now on,' said the other darky." "From +now on," remarked the Archbishop, telling this story. +"What could more eloquently have described America's +attitude toward the war?"</p> + +<p>The mention of the Archbishop suggests another of +Page's talents—the aptness of his letters of introduction. +In the spring of 1918 the Archbishop, at the +earnest recommendation of Page and Mr. Balfour, came +to the United States. Page prepared the way by letters +to several distinguished Americans, of which this one, to +Theodore Roosevelt, is a fair sample:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Theodore Roosevelt</i><br /> +<br /> +London, January 16, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. ROOSEVELT:</p> + +<p>The Archbishop of York goes to the United States to +make some observations of us and of our ways and to +deliver addresses—on the invitation of some one of our +church organizations; a fortunate event for us and, I have +ventured to tell him, for him also.</p> + +<p>During his brief stay in our country, I wish him to +make your acquaintance, and I have given him a card +of introduction to you, and thus I humbly serve you +both.</p> + +<p>The Archbishop is a man and a brother, a humble, +learned, earnest, companionable fellow, with most charming +manners and an attractive personality, a good friend of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-308" id="page2-308"></a>[pg II-308]</span> +mine, which argues much for him and (I think) implies also +something in my behalf. You will enjoy him.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +I am, dear Mr. Roosevelt,<br /> +<br /> +Sincerely yours,<br /> +<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Greatly as Page loved England he never ceased to +preach his Americanism. That he preferred his own +country to any other and that he believed that it was its +greatest destiny to teach its institutions to the rest of the +world, Page's letters show; yet this was with him no cheap +spread-eagleism; it was a definite philosophy which the +Ambassador had completely thought out. He never +hesitated to express his democratic opinions in any company, +and only once or twice were there any signs that these +ideas jarred a little in certain strongholds of conservatism. +Even in the darkest period of American neutrality Page's +faith in the American people remained complete. After +this country had entered the war and the apparent slowness +of the Washington Administration had raised certain +questionings, Page never doubted that the people themselves, +however irresolute and lukewarm their representatives +might be, would force the issue to its only logical +end. Even so friendly a man as Mr. Balfour once voiced +a popular apprehension that the United States might +not get into the war with all its strength or might withdraw +prematurely. This was in the early period of our +participation. "Who is going to stop the American +people and how?" Page quickly replied. "I think that +was a good answer," he said, as he looked back at the +episode in the summer of 1918, when hundreds of thousands +of Americans were landing in France every month. +A scrap of his writing records a discussion at a dinner +party on this question: "If you could have a month in any +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-309" id="page2-309"></a>[pg II-309]</span> +time and any country, what time and what country would +you choose?" The majority voted for England in the +time of Elizabeth, but Page's preference was for Athens +in the days of Pericles. Then came a far more interesting +debate: "If you could spend a second lifetime when and +where would you choose to spend it?" On this Page +had not a moment's hesitation: "In the future and in the +U.S.A.!" and he upheld his point with such persuasiveness +that he carried the whole gathering with him. His +love of anything suggesting America came out on all +occasions. One of his English hostesses once captivated +him by serving corn bread at a luncheon. "The American +Ambassador and corn bread!" he exclaimed with all +the delight of a schoolboy. Again he was invited, with +another distinguished American, to serve as godfather at +the christening of the daughter of an American woman +who had married an Englishman. When the ceremony +was finished he leaned over the font toward his fellow +godfather. "Born on July 4th," he exclaimed, "of +an American mother! And we two Yankee godfathers! +We'll see that this child is taught the Constitution of the +United States!"</p> + +<p>One day an American duchess came into Page's office.</p> + +<p>"I am going home for a little visit and I want a passport," +she said.</p> + +<p>"But you don't get a passport here," Page replied. +"You must go to the Foreign Office."</p> + +<p>His visitor was indignant.</p> + +<p>"Not at all," she answered. "I am an American: you +know that I am; you knew my father. I want an American +passport."</p> + +<p>Page patiently explained the citizenship and naturalization +laws and finally convinced his caller that she was now +a British subject and must have a British passport. As +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-310" id="page2-310"></a>[pg II-310]</span> +this American duchess left the room he shook at her a +menacing forefinger.</p> + +<p>"Don't tell me," was the Ambassador's parting shot, +"that you thought that you could have your Duke and +Uncle Sam, too!"</p> + +<p>The judgments which Page passed on men and things +were quick and they were not infrequently wise. One of +these judgments had historic consequences the end of which +cannot even yet be foreseen. On the outbreak of hostilities, +as already related, an American Relief Committee +was organized in London to look out for the interests of +stranded Americans. Page kept a close eye on its operations, +and soon his attention was attracted by the noiseless +efficiency of an American engineer of whom he +had already caught a few fleeting glimpses in the period +of peace. After he had finished his work with the +American Committee, Mr. Herbert C. Hoover began to +make his arrangements to leave for the United States. +His private affairs had been disorganized; he had already +sent his family home, and his one ambition was +to get on the first ship sailing for the United States. +The idea of Belgian relief, or of feeding starving people +anywhere, had never occurred to him. At this moment +an American, Mr. Millard K. Shaler, came from Brussels +and gave the most harrowing account of conditions in +Belgium. Mr. Hoover took Mr. Shaler to Page, who +immediately became sympathetic. The Ambassador arranged +an interview between Mr. Hoover and Sir Edward +Grey, who likewise showed great interest and promised +government support. Soon afterward three Belgians +arrived and described the situation as immediately alarming: +Brussels had only food enough to feed the people for +thirty-six hours; after that, unless help were forthcoming, +the greatest distress would set in. Five men—Page, the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-311" id="page2-311"></a>[pg II-311]</span> +three Belgians, and Mr. Hoover—at once got together at +the American Embassy. Upon the result of that meeting +hung the fate of millions of people. Who before had ever +undertaken a scheme for feeding an entire nation for an +indefinite period? That there were great obstacles in the +way all five men knew; the British Admiralty in particular +were strongly opposed; there was a fear that the food, if +it could be acquired and sent to Belgium, would find its +way to the German Army. Unless the British Government +could be persuaded that this could be prevented, the +enterprise would fail at the start. How could it be +done?</p> + +<p>"There is only one way," said Page. "Some government +must give its guarantee that this food will get to the +Belgian people." "And, of course," he added, "there +is only one government that can do that. It must be the +American Government."</p> + +<p>Mr. Hoover pointed out that any such guarantee involved +the management of transportation; only by controlling +the railroads could the American Government +make sure that this food would reach its destination.</p> + +<p>And that, added Page, involved a director—some one +man who could take charge of the whole enterprise. Who +should it be?</p> + +<p>Then Page turned quickly to the young American.</p> + +<p>"Hoover, you're It!"</p> + +<p>Mr. Hoover made no reply; he neither accepted nor +rejected the proposal. He merely glanced at the clock, +then got up and silently left the room. In a few +minutes he returned and entered again into the discussion.</p> + +<p>"Hoover, why did you get up and leave us so +abruptly?" asked Page, a little puzzled over this behaviour.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-312" id="page2-312"></a>[pg II-312]</span></div> +<p>"I saw by the clock," came the answer—and it was a +story that Page was fond of telling, as illustrating the +rapidity with which Mr. Hoover worked—"that there +was an hour left before the Exchange closed in New York. +So I went out and cabled, buying several millions of +bushels of wheat—for the Belgians, of course."</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>For what is usually known as "society" Page had little +inclination. Yet for social intercourse on a more genuine +plane he had real gifts. Had he enjoyed better health, +week ends in the country would have afforded him welcome +entertainment. He also liked dinner parties but indulged +in them very moderately. He was a member of +many London clubs but he seldom visited any of them. +There were a number of organizations, however, which he +regularly attended. The Society of Dilettanti, a company +of distinguished men interested in promoting the arts and +improving the public taste, which has been continuously +in existence since 1736, enrolling in each generation the +greatest painters and writers of the time, elected Page +to membership. He greatly enjoyed its dinners in the +Banquet Hall of the Grafton Gallery. "Last night," he +writes, describing his initial appearance, "I attended my +first Dilettanti dinner and was inducted, much as a new +Peer is inducted into the House of Lords. Lord Mersey +in the chair—in a red robe. These gay old dogs have had +a fine time of it for nearly 200 years—good wine, high +food, fine satisfaction. The oldest dining society in the +Kingdom. The blue blood old Briton has the art of enjoying +himself reduced to a very fine point indeed." Another +gathering whose meetings he seldom missed was +that of the Kinsmen, an informal club of literary men +who met occasionally for food and converse in the Trocadero +Restaurant. Here Page would meet such congenial +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-313" id="page2-313"></a>[pg II-313]</span> +souls as Sir James Barrie and Sir Arthur Pinero, all of +whom retain lively memories of Page at these gatherings. +"He was one of the most lovable characters I have ever +had the good fortune to encounter," says Sir Arthur +Pinero, recalling these occasions. "In what special +quality or qualities lay the secret of his charm and influence? +Surely in his simplicity and transparent honesty, +and in the possession of a disposition which, without +the smallest loss of dignity, was responsive and affectionate. +Distinguished American Ambassadors will come and +go, and will in their turn win esteem and admiration. But +none, I venture to say, will efface the recollection of Walter +Page from the minds of those who were privileged to +gain his friendship."</p> + +<p>One aspect of Page that remains fixed in the memory of +his associates is his unwearied industry with the pen. +His official communications and his ordinary correspondence +Page dictated; but his personal letters he wrote +with his own hand. He himself deplored the stenographer +as a deterrent to good writing; the habit of dictating, +he argued, led to wordiness and general looseness of +thought. Practically all the letters published in these +volumes were therefore the painstaking work of Page's +own pen. His handwriting was so beautiful and clear +that, in his editorial days, the printers much preferred it +as "copy" to typewritten matter. This habit is especially +surprising in view of the Ambassador's enormous epistolary +output. It must be remembered that the letters +included in the present book are only a selection from +the vast number that he wrote during his five years in +England; many of these letters fill twenty and thirty +pages of script; the labour involved in turning them out; +day after day, seems fairly astounding. Yet with Page +this was a labour of love. All through his Ambassadorship +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-314" id="page2-314"></a>[pg II-314]</span> +he seemed hardly contented unless he had a pen in +his hand. As his secretaries would glance into his room, +there they would see the Ambassador bending over his +desk-writing, writing, eternally writing; sometimes he +would call them in, and read what he had written, never +hesitating to tear up the paper if their unfavourable +criticisms seemed to him well taken. The Ambassador +kept a desk also in his bedroom, and here his most important +correspondence was attended to. Page's all-night +self-communings before his wood fire have already +been described, and he had another nocturnal occupation +that was similarly absorbing. Many a night, after returning +late from his office or from dinner, he would put +on his dressing gown, sit at his bedroom desk, and start +pouring forth his inmost thoughts in letters to the President, +Colonel House, or some other correspondent. His pen +flew over the paper with the utmost rapidity and the +Ambassador would sometimes keep at his writing until +two or three o'clock in the morning. There is a frequently +expressed fear that letter writing is an art of the +past; that the intervention of the stenographer has destroyed +its spontaneity; yet it is evident that in Page +the present generation has a letter writer of the old-fashioned +kind, for he did all his writing with his own hand +and under circumstances that would assure the utmost +freshness and vividness to the result.</p> + +<p>An occasional game of golf, which he played badly, +a trip now and then to rural England—these were +Page's only relaxations from his duties. Though he was +not especially fond of leaving his own house, he was always +delighted when visitors came to him. And the +American Embassy, during the five years from 1913 to +1918, extended a hospitality which was fittingly democratic +in its quality but which gradually drew within its doors +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-315" id="page2-315"></a>[pg II-315]</span> +all that was finest in the intellect and character of +England. Page himself attributed the popularity of his +house to his wife. Mrs. Page certainly embodied the +traits most desirable in the Ambassadress of a great +Republic. A woman of cultivation, a tireless reader, +a close observer of people and events and a shrewd +commentator upon them, she also had an unobtrusive +dignity, a penetrating sympathy, and a capacity for +human association, which, while more restrained and +more placid than that of her husband, made her a helpful +companion for a sorely burdened man. The American +Embassy under Mr. and Mrs. Page was not one of London's +smart houses as that word is commonly understood +in this great capital. But No. 6 Grosvenor Square, +in the spaciousness of its rooms, the simple beauty of its +furnishings, and especially in its complete absence of +ostentation, made it the worthy abiding place of an American +Ambassador. And the people who congregated there +were precisely the kind that appeal to the educated American. +"I didn't know I was getting into an assembly +of immortals," exclaimed Mr. Hugh Wallace, when he +dropped in one Thursday afternoon for tea, and found +himself foregathered with Sir Edward Grey, Henry James, +John Sargent, and other men of the same type. It was +this kind of person who most naturally gravitated to the +Page establishment, not the ultra-fashionable, the merely +rich, or the many titled. The formal functions which the +position demanded the Pages scrupulously gave; but the +affairs which Page most enjoyed and which have left +the most lasting remembrances upon his guests were the informal +meetings with his chosen favourites, for the most +part literary men. Here Page's sheer brilliancy of conversation +showed at its best. Lord Bryce, Sir John Simon, +John Morley, the inevitable companions, Henry James +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-316" id="page2-316"></a>[pg II-316]</span> +and John Sargent—"What things have I seen done at +the Mermaid"; and certainly these gatherings of wits and +savants furnished as near an approach to its Elizabethan +prototype as London could then present.</p> + +<p>Besides his official activities Page performed great services +to the two countries by his speeches. The demands +of this kind on an American Ambassador are always numerous, +but Page's position was an exceptional one; it was +his fortune to represent America at a time when his own +country and Great Britain were allies in a great war. He +could therefore have spent practically all his time in speaking +had he been so disposed. Of the hundreds of invitations +received he was able to accept only a few, but most +of these occasions became memorable ones. In any spectacular +sense Page was not an orator; he rather despised +the grand manner, with its flourishes and its tricks; the +name of public speaker probably best describes his talents +on the platform. Here his style was earnest and conversational: +his speech flowed with the utmost readiness; +it was invariably quiet and restrained; he was never aiming +at big effects, but his words always went home. Of the +series of speeches that stand to his credit in England probably +the one that will be longest remembered is that +delivered at Plymouth on August 4, 1917, the third anniversary +of the war. This not only reviewed the common +history of the two nations for three hundred years, +and suggested a programme for making the bonds tighter +yet, but it brought the British public practical assurances +as to America's intentions in the conflict. Up to +that time there had been much vagueness and doubt; no +official voice had spoken the clear word for the United +States; the British public did not know what to expect +from their kinsmen overseas. But after Page's Plymouth +speech the people of Great Britain looked forward with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-317" id="page2-317"></a>[pg II-317]</span> +complete confidence to the coöperation of the two countries +and to the inevitable triumph of this coöperation.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Knebworth House, Knebworth,<br /> +August 11, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Dear Arthur:</p> + +<p>First of all, these three years have made me tired. I +suppose there's no doubt about that, if there were any +scientific way of measuring it. While of course the strain +now is nothing like what it was during the days of neutrality, +there's yet some strain.</p> + +<p>I went down to Plymouth to make a speech on the anniversary +of the beginning of the war—went to tell them +in the west of England something about relations with +the United States and something about what the United +States is doing in the war. It turned out to be a great +success. The Mayor met me at the train; there was a +military company, the Star Spangled Banner and real +American applause. All the way through the town the +streets were lined with all the inhabitants and more—apparently +millions of 'em. They made the most of it for +five solid days.</p> + +<p>On the morning of August 4th the Mayor gave me an +official luncheon. Thence we went to the esplanade facing +the sea, where soldiers and sailors were lined up for +half a mile. The American Flag was flung loose, the Star +Spangled Banner broke forth from the band, and all the +people in that part of the world were there gathered to see +the show. After all this salute the Mayor took me to the +stand and he and I made speeches, and the background +was a group of dozens of admirals and generals and many +smaller fry. Then I reviewed the troops; then they +marched by me and in an hour or two the show was over.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-318" id="page2-318"></a>[pg II-318]</span> +<p>Then the bowling club—the same club and the same +green as when Drake left the game to sail out to meet the +Armada.</p> + +<p>Then a solemn service in the big church, where the +prayers were written and the hymns selected with reference +to our part in the war.</p> + +<p>Then, of course, a dinner party. At eight o'clock at +night, the Guildhall, an enormous town hall, was packed +with people and I made my speech at 'em. A copy (somewhat +less good than the version I gave them) goes to you, +along with a leader from the <i>Times</i>. They were vociferously +grateful for any assuring word about the United +States. It's strange how very little the provincial Englander +knows about what we have done and mean to do. +They took the speech finely, and I have had good letters +about it from all sorts of people in every part of the Kingdom.</p> + +<p>Then followed five days of luncheons and dinners and +garden parties—and (what I set out to say) I got back to +London last night dead tired. To-day your mother and +I came here—about twenty-five miles from London—for +a fortnight.</p> + +<p>This is Bulwer-Lytton's house—a fine old English place +hired this year by Lady Strafford, whom your mother is +visiting for a fortnight or more, and they let me come +along, too. They have given me the big library, as good +a room as I want—with as bad pens as they can find in +the Kingdom.</p> + +<p>Your mother is tired, too. Since the American Red +Cross was organized here, she has added to her committee +and hospitals. But she keeps well and very vigorous. A +fortnight here will set her up. She enjoyed Plymouth +very much in spite of the continual rush, and it was a rush.</p> + +<p>What the United States is doing looks good and large at +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-319" id="page2-319"></a>[pg II-319]</span> +this distance. The gratitude here is unbounded; but I +detect a feeling here and there of wonder whether we are +going to keep up this activity to the end.</p> + +<p>I sometimes feel that the German collapse <i>may</i> come +next winter. Their internal troubles and the lack of +sufficient food and raw materials do increase. The breaking +point may be reached before another summer. I +wish I could prove it or even certainly predict it. But it is +at least conceivable. Alas, no one can <i>prove</i> anything +about the war. The conditions have no precedents. +The sum of human misery and suffering is simply incalculable, +as is the loss of life; and the gradual and general +brutalization goes on and on and on far past any preceding +horrors.</p> + +<p>With all my love to you and Mollie and the trio,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>And so for five busy and devastating years Page did his +work. The stupidities of Washington might drive him +to desperation, ill-health might increase his periods of +despondency, the misunderstandings that he occasionally +had with the British Government might add to his discouragements, +but a naturally optimistic and humorous +temperament overcame all obstacles, and did its part in +bringing about that united effort which ended in victory. +And that it was a great part, the story of his Ambassadorship +abundantly proves. Page was not the soldier working +in the blood and slime of Flanders, nor the sea fighter +spending day and night around the foggy coast of Ireland, +nor the statesman bending parliaments to his will and +manipulating nations and peoples in the mighty game +whose stake was civilization itself. But history will indeed +be ungrateful if it ever forgot the gaunt and pensive +figure, clad in a dressing gown, sitting long into the morning +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-320" id="page2-320"></a>[pg II-320]</span> +before the smouldering fire at 6 Grosvenor Square, +seeking to find some way to persuade a reluctant and hesitating +President to lead his country in the defense of +liberty and determined that, so far as he could accomplish +it, the nation should play a part in the great assize +that was in keeping with its traditions and its instincts.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-321" id="page2-321"></a>[pg II-321]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIV" id="CHAPTER_XXIV" />CHAPTER XXIV</h2> + +<h3>A RESPITE AT ST. IVES</h3> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +Knebworth House<br /> +Sunday, September,[sic] 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Dear House:</p> + +<p>... By far the most important peace plan or utterance +is the President's extraordinary answer to the Pope<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64" /><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>. +His flat and convincing refusal to take the word of the present +rulers of Germany as of any value has had more effect +here than any other utterance and it is, so far, the best +contribution we have made to the war. The best evidence +that I can get shows also that it has had more effect in +Germany than anything else that has been said by anybody. +That hit the bull's-eye with perfect accuracy; and +it has been accepted here as <i>the</i> war aim and <i>the</i> war +condition. So far as I can make out it is working in Germany +toward peace with more effect than any other deliverance +made by anybody. And it steadied the already unshakable +resolution here amazingly.</p> + +<p>I can get any information here of course without danger +of the slightest publicity—an important point, because +even the mention of peace now is dangerous. All the +world, under this long strain, is more or less off the normal, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-322" id="page2-322"></a>[pg II-322]</span> +and all my work—even routine work—is done with the +profoundest secrecy: it has to be.</p> + +<p>Our energetic war preparations call forth universal admiration +and gratitude here on all sides and nerve up the +British and hearten them more than I know how to explain. +There is an eager and even pathetic curiosity to +hear all the details, to hear, in fact, anything about the +United States; and what the British do not know about the +United States would fill the British Museum. They do +know, however, that they would soon have been obliged +to make an unsatisfactory peace if we hadn't come in when +we did and they freely say so. The little feeling of jealousy +that we should come in and win the war at the end +has, I think, been forgotten, swallowed up in their genuine +gratitude.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sincerely yours,<br /> +<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +<br /> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">London, Sept. 3, 1917.</span><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>... The President has sent Admiral Mayo over to +study the naval situation. So far as I can learn the feeling +at Washington is that the British Navy has done +nothing. Why, it hasn't attacked the German naval bases +and destroyed the German navy and ended the war! +Why not? I have a feeling that Mayo will supplement +and support Sims in his report. Then gradually the naval +men at Washington may begin to understand and they +may get the important facts into the President's head. +Meantime the submarine work of the Germans continues +to win the war, although the government and the people +here and in the United States appear not to believe it. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-323" id="page2-323"></a>[pg II-323]</span> +They are still destroying seventy-five British ships a +month besides an additional (smaller) number of allied +and neutral ships. And all the world together is not +turning out seventy-five ships a month; nor are we all +destroying submarines as fast as the Germans are turning +<i>them</i> out. Yet all the politicians are putting on a cheerful +countenance about it because the Germans are not +starving England out and are not just now sinking passenger +ships. They may begin this again at any time. They +have come within a few feet of torpedoing two of our +American liners. The submarine <i>is</i> the war yet, but nobody +seems disposed to believe it. They'll probably wake +up with a great shock some day—or the war may possibly +end before the destruction of ships becomes positively +fatal.</p> + +<p>The President's letter to the Pope gives him the moral +and actual leadership now. The Hohenzollerns must go. +Somehow the subjects and governments of these Old +World kingdoms have not hitherto laid emphasis on this. +There's still a divinity that doth hedge a king in most +European minds. To me this is the very queerest thing +in the whole world. What again if Germany, Austria, +Spain should follow Russia? Whether they do or not +crowns will not henceforth be so popular. There is an +unbounded enthusiasm here for the President's letter and +for the President in general.</p> + +<p>In spite of certain details which it seems impossible to +make understood on the Potomac, the whole American +preparation and enthusiasm seem from this distance to +be very fine. The <i>people</i> seem in earnest. When I read +about tax bills, about the food regulation and a thousand +other such things, I am greatly gratified. And it proves +that we were right when we said that during the days +of neutrality the people were held back. It all looks +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-324" id="page2-324"></a>[pg II-324]</span> +exceedingly good from this distance, and it makes me +homesick.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Frank N. Doubleday</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy.<br /> +<br /> +[Undated, but written about October I, 1917]<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR EFFENDI:</p> + +<p>... The enormous war work and war help that +everybody seems to be doing in the United States is +heartily appreciated here—most heartily. The English +eat out of our hands. You can see American uniforms +every day in London. Every ship brings them. Everybody's +thrilled to see them. The Americans here have +great houses opened as officers' clubs, and scrumptious +huts for men where countesses and other high ladies hand +out sandwiches and serve ice cream and ginger beer. +Our two admirals are most popular with all classes, from +royalty down. English soldiers salute our officers in the +street and old gentlemen take off their hats when they +meet nurses with the American Red Cross uniform. My +Embassy now occupies four buildings for offices, more +than half of them military and naval. And my own staff, +proper, is the biggest in the world and keeps growing. +When I go, in a little while, to receive the Freedom of the +City of Edinburgh, I shall carry an Admiral or a General +as my aide!</p> + +<p>That's the way we keep a stiff upper lip.</p> + +<p>And Good Lord! it's tiresome. Peace? We'd all give +our lives for the right sort of peace, and never move an +eyelid. But only the wrong sort has yet come within +reach. The other sort is coming, however; for these present +German contortions are the beginning of the end. +But the weariness of it, and the tragedy and the cost. +No human creature was ever as tired as I am. Yet I keep +well and keep going and keep working all my waking +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-325" id="page2-325"></a>[pg II-325]</span> +hours. When it ends, I shall collapse and go home and +have to rest a while. So at least I feel now. And, if I +outlive the work and the danger and the weariness, I'll +praise God for that. And it doesn't let up a single day. +And I'm no worse off than everybody else.</p> + +<p>So this over-weary world goes, dear Effendi; but the +longest day shades at last down to twilight and rest; and +so this will be. And poor old Europe will then not be +worth while for the rest of our lives—a vast grave and +ruin where unmated women will mourn and starvation +will remain for years to come.</p> + +<p>God bless us.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sincerely yours, with my love to all the boys,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Frank N. Doubleday</i><br /> +<br /> +London, November 9, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR EFFENDI:</p> + +<p>... This infernal thing drags its slow length along +so that we cannot see even a day ahead, not to say a week, +or a year. If any man here allowed the horrors of it to +dwell on his mind he would go mad, so we have to skip +over these things somewhat lightly and try to keep the +long, definite aim in our thoughts and to work away distracted +as little as possible by the butchery and by the +starvation that is making this side of the world a shambles +and a wilderness. There is hardly a country on the Continent +where people are not literally starving to death, +and in many of them by hundreds of thousands; and this +state of things is going to continue for a good many years +after the war. God knows we (I mean the American +people) are doing everything we can to alleviate it but +there is so much more to be done than any group of forces +can possibly do, that I have a feeling that we have hardly +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-326" id="page2-326"></a>[pg II-326]</span> +touched the borders of the great problem itself. Of course +here in London we are away from all that. In spite of the +rations we get quite enough to eat and it's as good as it is +usually in England, but we have no right to complain. Of +course we are subject to air raids, and the wise air people +here think that early next spring we are going to be bombarded +with thousands of aeroplanes, and with new kinds +of bombs and gases in a well-organized effort to try actually +to destroy London. Possibly that will come; we must +simply take our chance, every man sticking to his job. +Already the slate shingles on my roof have been broken, +and bricks have been knocked down my chimney; the sky-light +was hit and glass fell down all through the halls, and +the nose of a shrapnel shell, weighing eight pounds, fell just +in front of my doorway and rolled in my area. This is the +sort of thing we incidentally get, not of course from the +enemy directly, but from the British guns in London which +shoot these things at German aeroplanes. What goes up +must come down. Between our own defences and the +enemy, God knows which will kill us first!</p> + +<p>In spite of all this I put my innocent head on my pillow +every night and get a good night's sleep after the bombing +is done, and I thank Heaven that nothing interrupts my +sleep. This, and a little walking, which is all I get time to +do in these foggy days, constitute my life outdoors and +precious little of it is outdoors.</p> + +<p>Then on every block that I know of in London there is +a hospital or supply place and the ambulances are bringing +the poor fellows in all the time. We don't get any gasolene +to ride so we have to walk. We don't get any white +bread so we have to eat stuff made of flour and corn meal +ground so fine that it isn't good. While everybody gets +a little thinner, the universal opinion is that they also get +a little better, and nobody is going to die here of hunger. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-327" id="page2-327"></a>[pg II-327]</span> +We feel a little more cheerful about the submarines than +we did some time ago. For some reason they are not getting +so many ships. One reason, I am glad to believe, is +that they are getting caught themselves. If I could remember +all the stories that I hear of good fighting with +the submarines I could keep you up two nights when I get +home, but in these days one big thing after another crowds +so in men's minds that the Lord knows if, when I get +home, I shall remember anything.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Always heartily yours,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +London, December 3, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>... Some of the British military men in London +are not hopeful of an early end of the war nor even cheerful +about the result. They are afraid of the war-weariness +that overcame Russia and gave Italy a setback. They +say the military task, though long and slow and hard, +can be done if everybody will pull together and keep at +the job without weariness—<i>be done by our help</i>. But they +have fits of fear of France. They are discouraged by the +greater part of Lord Lansdowne's letter<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65" /><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>. I myself do not +set great value on this military feeling in London, for the +British generals in France do not share it. Lord French +once said to me and General Robertson, too, that when +they feel despondent in London, they go to the front and +get cheered up. But it does seem to be a long job. +Evidently the Germans mean to fight to the last man +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-328" id="page2-328"></a>[pg II-328]</span> +unless they can succeed in inducing the Allies to meet them +to talk it over without naming their terms in advance. +That is what Lord Lansdowne favours, and no public outgiving +by any prominent man in England has called forth +such a storm of protest since the war began. I think I +see the genesis of his thought, and it is this: there is +nothing in his letter and there was nothing in the half dozen +or more rather long conversations that I have had with +him on other subjects to show that he has the slightest +conception of democracy as a social creed or as a political +system. He is, I think, the most complete aristocrat +that I have ever met. He doesn't see the war at all as a +struggle between democracy and its opposite. He sees it +merely as a struggle between Germany and the Allies; +and inferentially he is perfectly willing the Kaiser should +remain in power. He is of course a patriotic man and a +man of great cultivation. But he doesn't see the deeper +meaning of the conflict. Add to this defect of understanding, +a long period of bad health and a lasting depression +because of the loss of his son, and his call to the +war-weary ceases to be a surprise.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +I am, dear Mr. President,<br /> +Sincerely yours,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy,<br /> +London, December 23, 1917.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>I sent you a Christmas cable yesterday for everybody. +That's about all I can send in these days of slow mail and +restricted shipping and enormously high prices; and you +gave all the girls each $100 for me, for the babies and +themselves? That'll show 'em that at least we haven't forgotten +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-329" id="page2-329"></a>[pg II-329]</span> +them. Forgotten? Your mother and I are always +talking of the glad day when we can go home and live +among them. We get as homesick as small boys their +first month at a boarding school. Do you remember the +day I left you at Lawrenceville, a forlorn and lonely kid?—It's +like that.</p> + +<p>A wave of depression hangs over the land like a London +fog. And everybody on this tired-out side of the +world shows a disposition to lean too heavily on us—to +depend on us so completely that the fear arises that they +may unconsciously relax their own utmost efforts when we +begin to fight. Yet they can't in the least afford to relax, +and, when the time comes, I dare say they will not. Yet +the plain truth is, the French may give out next year for +lack of men. I do not mean that they will quit, but that +their fighting strength will have passed its maximum and +that they will be able to play only a sort of second part. +Except the British and the French, there's no nation in +Europe worth a tinker's damn when you come to the real +scratch. The whole continent is rotten or tyrannical or +yellow-dog. I wouldn't give Long Island or Moore +County for the whole of continental Europe, with its +kings and itching palms.</p> + +<p>... Waves of depression and of hope—if not of +elation—come and go. I am told, and I think truly, that +waves of weariness come in London far oftener and more +depressingly than anywhere else in the Kingdom. There +is no sign nor fear that the British will give up; they'll +hold on till the end. Winston Churchill said to me last +night: "We can hold on till next year. But after 1918, it'll +be your fight. We'll have to depend on you." I told +him that such a remark might well be accepted in some +quarters as a British surrender. Then he came up to the +scratch: "Surrender? Never." But I fear we need—in +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-330" id="page2-330"></a>[pg II-330]</span> +some practical and non-ostentatious way—now and then +to remind all these European folk that we get no particular +encouragement by being unduly leaned on.</p> + +<p>It is, however, the weariest Christmas in all British +annals, certainly since the Napoleonic wars. The untoward +event after the British advance toward Cambrai +caused the retirement of six British generals and deepened +the depression here. Still I can see it now passing. Even +a little victory will bring back a wave of cheerfulness.</p> + +<p>Depression or elation show equally the undue strain +that British nerves are under. I dare say nobody is entirely +normal. News of many sorts can now be circulated +only by word of mouth. The queerest stories are +whispered about and find at least temporary credence. +For instance: The report has been going around that the +revolution that took place in Portugal the other day was +caused by the Germans (likely enough); that it was a +monarchical movement and that the Germans were going +to put the King back on the throne as soon as the war +ended. Sensation-mongers appear at every old-woman's +knitting circle. And all this has an effect on conduct. +Two young wives of noble officers now in France have just +run away with two other young noblemen—to the scandal +of a large part of good society in London. It is universally +said that the morals of more hitherto good people are +wrecked by the strain put upon women by the absence of +their husbands than was ever before heard of. Everybody +is overworked. Fewer people are literally truthful +than ever before. Men and women break down and fall +out of working ranks continuously. The number of men +in the government who have disappeared from public +view is amazing, the number that would like to disappear +is still greater—from sheer overstrain. The Prime Minister +is tired. Bonar Law in a long conference that Crosby +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-331" id="page2-331"></a>[pg II-331]</span> +and I had with him yesterday wearily ran all round a circle +rather than hit a plain proposition with a clear decision. +Mr. Balfour has kept his house from overwork a few days +every recent week. I lunched with Mr. Asquith yesterday; +even he seemed jaded; and Mrs. Asquith assured me that +"everything is going to the devil damned fast." Some conspicuous +men who have always been sober have taken to +drink. The very few public dinners that are held are +served with ostentatious meagreness to escape criticism. +I attended one last week at which there was no bread, no +butter, no sugar served. All of which doesn't mean that +the world here is going to the bad—only that it moves backward +and forward by emotions; and this is normally a most +unemotional race. Overwork and the loss of Sons and +friends—the list of the lost grows—always make an abnormal +strain. The churches are fuller than ever before. +So, too, are the "parlours" of the fortune-tellers. So +also the theatres—in the effort to forget one's self. There +are afternoon dances for young officers at home on leave: +the curtains are drawn and the music is muffled. More +marriages take place—blind and maimed, as well as the +young fellows just going to France—than were ever celebrated +in any year within men's memory. Verse-writing +is rampant. I have received enough odes and sonnets +celebrating the Great Republic and the Great President +to fill a folio volume. Several American Y.M.C.A. +workers lately turned rampant Pacifists and had to be +sent home. Colonial soldiers and now and then an +American sailor turn up at our Y.M.C.A. huts as full as +a goat and swear after the event that they never did such +a thing before. Emotions and strain everywhere!</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-332" id="page2-332"></a>[pg II-332]</span></div> +<p>In March Page, a very weary man—as these letters +indicate—took a brief holiday at St. Ives, on the coast of +Cornwall. As he gazed out on the Atlantic, the yearning +for home, for the sandhills and the pine trees of North +Carolina, again took possession of his soul. Yet it is evident, +from a miscellaneous group of letters written at this +time, that his mind revelled in a variety of subjects, ranging +all the way from British food and vegetables to the +settlement of the war and from secret diplomacy to literary +style.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Mrs. Charles G. Loring</i><br /> +St. Ives, Cornwall, March 3, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR KITTY:</p> + +<p>Your mother of course needed a rest away from London +after the influenza got done with her; and I discovered that +I had gone stale. So she and I and the golf clubs came +here yesterday—as near to the sunlit land of Uncle Sam +as you can well get on this island. We look across the +ocean—at least out into it—in your direction, but I must +confess that Labrador is not in sight. The place is all +right, the hotel uncommonly good, but it's Greenlandish +in its temperature—a very cold wind blowing. The golf +clubs lean up against the wall and curse the weather. But +we are away from the hordes of people and will have a +little quiet here. It's as quiet as any far-off place by the +sea, and it's clean. London is the dirtiest town in the +world.</p> + +<p>By the way that picture of Chud came (by Col. +Honey) along with Alice Page's adorable little photograph. +As for the wee chick, I see how you are already beginning +to get a lot of fun with her. And you'll have more and +more as she gets bigger. Give her my love and see what +she'll say. You won't get so lonesome, dear Kitty, with +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-333" id="page2-333"></a>[pg II-333]</span> +little Alice; and I can't keep from thinking as well as hoping +that the war will not go on as long as it sometimes +seems that it must. The utter collapse of Russia has +given Germany a vast victory on that side and it may turn +out that this will make an earlier peace possible than would +otherwise have come. And the Germans may be—in +fact, <i>must</i> be, very short of some of the essentials of war +in their metals or in cotton. They are in a worse internal +plight than has been made known, I am sure. I can't keep +from hoping that peace may come this year. Of course, +my guess may be wrong; but everything I hear points in +the direction of my timid prediction.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Bless you and little Alice,<br /> +<br /> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Page's oldest son was building a house and laying out a +garden at Pinehurst, North Carolina, a fact which explains +the horticultural and gastronomical suggestions +contained in the following letter:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Ralph W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Tregenna Castle Hotel,<br /> +St. Ives, Cornwall, England,<br /> +March 4, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<br /> +DEAR RALPH:<br /> +<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Asparagus<br /> +Celery<br /> +Tomatoes<br /> +Butter Beans<br /> +Peas<br /> +Sweet Corn<br /> +Sweet Potatoes<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-334" id="page2-334"></a>[pg II-334]</span> +Squash—the sort you cook in the rind<br /> +Cantaloupe<br /> +Peanuts<br /> +Egg Plant<br /> +Figs<br /> +Peaches<br /> +Pecans<br /> +Scuppernongs<br /> +Peanut-bacon, in glass jars<br /> +Razor-back hams, divinely cured<br /> +Raspberries<br /> +Strawberries<br /> +etc. etc. etc. etc.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>You see, having starved here for five years, my mind, as +soon as it gets free, runs on these things and my mouth +waters. All the foregoing things that grow can be put up +in pretty glass jars, too.</p> + +<p>Add cream, fresh butter, buttermilk, fresh eggs. Only +one of all the things on page one grows with any flavour +here at all—strawberries; and only one or two more +grow at all. Darned if I don't have to confront Cabbage +every day. I haven't yet surrendered, and I never +shall unless the Germans get us. Cabbage and Germans +belong together: God made 'em both the same stinking +day.</p> + +<p>Now get a bang-up gardener no matter what he costs. +Get him started. Put it up to him to start toward the +foregoing programme, to be reached in (say) three years—two +if possible. He must learn to grow these things +absolutely better than they are now grown anywhere on +earth. He must get the best seed. He must get muck +out of the swamp, manure from somewhere, etc. etc. He +must have the supreme flavour in each thing. Let him +take room enough for each—plenty of room. He doesn't +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-335" id="page2-335"></a>[pg II-335]</span> +want much room for any one thing, but good spaces between.</p> + +<p>This will be the making of the world. Talk about fairs? +If he fails to get every prize he must pay a fine for every +one that goes to anybody else.</p> + +<p>How we'll live! I can live on these things and nothing +else. But (just to match this home outfit) I'll order tea +from Japan, ripe olives from California, grape fruit and +oranges from Florida. Then poor folks will hang around, +hoping to be invited to dinner!</p> + +<p>Plant a few fig trees now; and pecans? Any good?</p> + +<p>The world is going to come pretty close to starvation +not only during the war but for five or perhaps ten years +afterward. An acre or two <i>done right</i>—divinely right—will +save us. An acre or two on my land in Moore County—no +king can live half so well if the ground be got ready +this spring and such a start made as one natural-born +gardener can make. The old Russian I had in Garden +City was no slouch. Do you remember his little patch +back of the house? That far, far, far excelled anything +in all Europe. And you'll recall that we jarred 'em and +had good things all winter.</p> + +<p>This St. Ives is the finest spot in England that I've ever +seen. To-day has been as good as any March day you +ever had in North Carolina—a fine air, clear sunshine, a +beautiful sea—looking out toward the United States; +and this country grows—the best golf links that I've ever +seen in the world, and nothing else worth speaking of but—tin. +Tin mines are all about here. Tin and golf are +good crops in their way, but they don't feed the belly of +man. As matters stand the only people that have fit +things to eat now in all Europe are the American troops in +France, and their food comes out of tins chiefly. Ach! +Heaven! In these islands man is amphibious and carnivorous. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-336" id="page2-336"></a>[pg II-336]</span> +It rains every day and meat, meat, meat is the +only human idea of food. God bless us, one acre of the +Sandhills is worth a vast estate of tin mines and golf links +to feed the innards of</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. And cornfield peas, of just the right rankness, +cooked with just the right dryness.</p> + +<p>When I become a citizen of the Sandhills I propose to +induce some benevolent lover of good food to give substantial +prizes to the best grower of each of these things +and to the best cook of each and to the person who serves +each of them most daintily.</p> + +<p>We can can and glass jar these things and let none be +put on the market without the approval of an expert employed +by the community. Then we can get a reputation +for Sandhill Food and charge double price.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +St. Ives, Cornwall,<br /> +<br /> +England, March 8, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>Your letter, written from the University Club, is just +come. It makes a very distinct impression on my mind +which my own conclusions and fears have long confirmed. +Let me put it at its worst and in very bald terms: The +Great White Chief is at bottom pacifist, has always been +so and is so now. Of course I do not mean a pacifist at +any price, certainly not a cowardly pacifist. But (looked +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-337" id="page2-337"></a>[pg II-337]</span> +at theoretically) war is, of course, an absurd way of settling +any quarrel, an irrational way. Men and nations are +wasteful, cruel, pigheaded fools to indulge in it. Quite +true. But war is also the only means of adding to a +nation's territory the territory of other nations which they +do not wish to sell or to give up—the robbers' only way to +get more space or to get booty. This last explains this +war. Every Hohenzollern (except the present Emperor's +father, who reigned only a few months) since Frederick +the Great has added to Prussian and German area of rule. +Every one, therefore, as he comes to the throne, feels an +obligation to make his addition to the Empire. For this +the wars of Prussia with Austria, with Denmark, with +France were brought on. They succeeded and won the +additions that old William I made to the Empire. Now +William II must make <i>his</i> addition. He prepared for more +than forty years; the nation prepared before he came to +the throne and his whole reign has been given to making +sure that he was ready. It's a robber's raid. Of course, +the German case has been put so as to direct attention +from this bald fact.</p> + +<p>Now the philosophical pacifists—I don't mean the cowardly, +yellow-dog ones—have never quite seen the war +in this aspect. They regard it as a dispute about something—about +trade, about more seaboard, about this or +that, whereas it is only a robber's adventure. They want +other people's property. They want money, treasure, +land, indemnities, minerals, raw materials; and they set +out to take them.</p> + +<p>Now confusing this character of the war with some sort +of rational dispute about something, the pacifists try in +every way to stop it, so that the "issue" may be reasoned +out, debated, discussed, negotiated. Surely the President +tried to reach peace—tried as hard and as long as the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-338" id="page2-338"></a>[pg II-338]</span> +people would allow him. The Germans argued away +time with him while they got their submarine fleet built. +Then they carried out the programme they had always +had in mind and had never thought of abandoning. Now +they wish to gain more time, to slacken the efforts of the +Allies, if possible to separate them by asking for +"discussions"—peace by "negotiation." When you are about +to kill the robber, he cries out, "For God's sake, +let's discuss the question between us. We can come to +terms."—Now here's where the danger comes from the +philosophical pacifist—from any man who does not clearly +understand the nature of the war and of the enemy. To +discuss the difference between us is so very reasonable in +sound—so very reasonable in fact if there were a discussable +difference. It is a programme that would always be +in order except with a burglar or a robber.</p> + +<p>The yet imperfect understanding of the war and of the +nature of the German in the United States, especially at +Washington—more especially in the White House—herein +lies the danger.</p> + +<p>... This little rest down here is a success. The +weather is a disappointment—windy and cold. But to +be away from London and away from folks—that's much. +Shoecraft is very good<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66" /><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>. He sends us next to nothing. +Almost all we've got is an invitation to lunch with Their +Majesties and they've been good enough to put that off. +It's a far-off country, very fine, I'm sure in summer, and +with most beautiful golf links. The hill is now so windy +that no sane man can play there.</p> + +<p>We're enjoying the mere quiet. And your mother is +quite well again.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-339" id="page2-339"></a>[pg II-339]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +To Mrs. Charles G. Loring<br /> +St. Ives, Cornwall,<br /> +March 10, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR KITTY:</p> + +<p>A week here. No news. Shoecraft says we've missed +nothing in London. What we came for we've got: your +mother's quite well. She climbs these high hills quite +spryly. We've had a remarkable week in this respect—we +haven't carried on a conversation with any human being +but ourselves. I don't think any such thing has ever +happened before. I can stand a week, perhaps a fortnight +of this now. But I don't care for it for any long period. +At the bottom of this high and steep hill is the quaintest +little town I ever saw. There are some streets so narrow +that when a donkey cart comes along the urchins all have +to run to the next corner or into doors. There is no sidewalk, +of course; and the donkey cart takes the whole +room between the houses. Artists take to the town, and +they have funny little studios down by the water front in +tiny houses built of stone in pieces big enough to construct +a tidewater front. Imagine stone walls made of stone, +each weighing tons, built into little houses about as big as +your little back garden! There's one fellow here (an +artist) whom I used to know in New York, so small has +the world become!</p> + +<p>On another hill behind us is a triangular stone monument +to John Knill. He was once mayor of the town. +When he died in 1782, he left money to the town. If the +town is to keep the money (as it has) the Mayor must once +in every five years form a procession and march up to this +monument. There ten girls, natives of the town, and +two widows must dance around the monument to the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-340" id="page2-340"></a>[pg II-340]</span> +playing of a fiddle and a drum, the girls dressed in white. +This ceremony has gone on, once in five years, all this +time and the town has old Knill's money!</p> + +<p>Your mother and I—though we are neither girls nor +widows—danced around it this morning, wondering what +sort of curmudgeon old John Knill was.</p> + +<p>Don't you see how easily we fall into an idle mood? +Well, here's a photograph of little Alice looking up at +me from the table where I write—a good, sweet face she +has.</p> + +<p>And you'll never get another letter from me in a time +and from a place whereof there is so little to tell.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately, dear Kitty,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +To Ralph W. Page<br /> +Tregenna Castle Hotel,<br /> +St. Ives, Cornwall,<br /> +March 12, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR RALPH:</p> + +<p>Arthur has sent me Gardiner's 37-page sketch of +American-British Concords and Discords—a remarkable +sketch; and he has reminded me that your summer plan +is to elaborate (into a popular style) your sketch of the +same subject. You and Gardiner went over the same +ground, each in a very good fashion. That's a fascinating +task, and it opens up a wholly new vista of our History +and of Anglo-Saxon, democratic history. Much lies +ahead of that. And all this puts it in my mind to write +you a little discourse on <i>style</i>. Gardiner has no style. +He put his facts down much as he would have noted on a +blue print the facts about an engineering project that he +sketched. The style of your article, which has much to +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-341" id="page2-341"></a>[pg II-341]</span> +be said for it as a magazine article, is not the best style +for a book.</p> + +<p>Now, this whole question of style—well, it's the gist +of good writing. There's no really effective writing without +it. Especially is this true of historical writing. Look +at X Y Z's writings. He knows his American history +and has written much on it. He's written it as an Ohio +blacksmith shoes a horse—not a touch of literary value +in it all; all dry as dust—as dry as old Bancroft.</p> + +<p>Style is good breeding—and art—in writing. It consists +of the arrangement of your matter, first; then, more, +of the gait; the manner and the manners of your expressing +it. Work every group of facts, naturally and logically +grouped to begin with, into a climax. Work every group +up as a sculptor works out his idea or a painter, each +group complete in itself. Throw out any superfluous +facts or any merely minor facts that prevent the orderly +working up of the group—that prevent or mar the effect +you wish to present.</p> + +<p>Then, when you've got a group thus presented, go over +what you've made of it, to make sure you've used your +material and its arrangement to the best effect, taking +away merely extraneous or superfluous or distracting facts, +here and there adding concrete illustrations—putting in +a convincing detail here, and there a touch of colour.</p> + +<p>Then go over it for your vocabulary. See that you use +no word in a different meaning than it was used 100 years +ago and will be used 100 years hence. You wish to use +only the permanent words—words, too, that will be understood +to carry the same meaning to English readers in +every part of the world. Your vocabulary must be chosen +from the permanent, solid, stable parts of the language.</p> + +<p>Then see that no sentence contains a hint of obscurity.</p> + +<p>Then go over the words you use to see if they be the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-342" id="page2-342"></a>[pg II-342]</span> +best. Don't fall into merely current phrases. If you +have a long word, see if a native short one can be put in +its place which will be more natural and stronger. Avoid +a Latin vocabulary and use a plain English one—short +words instead of long ones.</p> + +<p>Most of all, use <i>idioms</i>—English idioms of force. Say +an agreement was "come to." Don't say it was "consummated." +For the difference between idioms and a +Latin style, compare Lincoln with George Washington. +One's always interesting and convincing. The other is +dull in spite of all his good sense. How most folk do +misuse and waste words!</p> + +<p>Freeman went too far in his use of one-syllable words. +It became an affectation. But he is the only man I can +think of that ever did go too far in that direction. X—would +have written a great history if he had had the +natural use of idioms. As it is, he has good sense and no +style; and his book isn't half so interesting as it would +have been if he had some style—some proper value of +short, clear-cut words that mean only one thing and that +leave no vagueness.</p> + +<p>You'll get a good style if you practice it. It is in your +blood and temperament and way of saying things. But +it's a high art and must be laboriously cultivated.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours affectionately,<br /> +<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>This glimpse of a changing and chastened England +appears in a letter of this period:</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>The disposition shown by an endless number of such +incidents is something more than a disposition of gratitude +of a people helped when they are hard pressed. All these +things show the changed and changing Englishman. It +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-343" id="page2-343"></a>[pg II-343]</span> +has already come to him that he may be weaker than he +had thought himself and that he may need friends more +than he had once imagined; and, if he must have helpers +and friends, he'd rather have his own kinsmen. He's a +queer "cuss," this Englishman. But he isn't a liar nor +a coward nor any sort of "a yellow dog." He's true, and +he never runs—a possible hero any day, and, when heroic, +modest and quiet and graceful. The trouble with him +has been that he got great world power too easily. In the +times when he exploited the world for his own enrichment, +there were no other successful exploiters. It became an +easy game to him. He organized sea traffic and sea +power. Of course he became rich—far, far richer than +anybody else, and, therefore, content with himself. He +has, therefore, kept much of his mediæval impedimenta, +his dukes and marquesses and all that they imply—his +outworn ceremonies and his mediæval disregard of his +social inferiors. Nothing is well done in this Kingdom +for the big public, but only for the classes. The railway +stations have no warm waiting rooms. The people pace +the platform till the train comes, and milord sits snugly +wrapt up in his carriage till his footman announces the +approach of the train. And occasional discontent is relieved +by emigration to the Colonies. If any man becomes +weary of his restrictions he may go to Australia +and become a gentleman. The remarkable loyalty of +the Colonies has in it something of a servant's devotion +to his old master.</p> + +<p>Now this trying time of war and the threat and danger +of extinction are bringing—have in fact already brought—the +conviction that many changes must come. The +first sensible talk about popular education ever heard here +is just now beginning. Many a gentleman has made up +his mind to try to do with less than seventeen servants +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-344" id="page2-344"></a>[pg II-344]</span> +for the rest of his life since he now <i>has</i> to do with less. +Privilege, on which so large a part of life here rests, is already +pretty well shot to pieces. A lot of old baggage +will never be recovered after this war: that's certain. +During a little after-dinner speech in a club not long ago +I indulged in a pleasantry about excessive impedimenta. +Lord Derby, Minister of War and a bluff and honest +aristocrat, sat near me and he whispered to me—"That's +me." "Yes," I said, "that's you," and the group about +us made merry at the jest. The meaning of this is, they +now joke about what was the most solemn thing in life +three years ago.</p> + +<p>None of this conveys the idea I am trying to explain—the +change in the English point of view and outlook—a +half century's change in less than three years, radical and +fundamental change, too. The mother of the Duke of X +came to see me this afternoon, hobbling on her sticks and +feeble, to tell me of a radiant letter she had received from +her granddaughter who has been in Washington visiting the +Spring Rices. "It's all very wonderful," said the venerable +lady, "and my granddaughter actually heard the President +make a speech!" Now, knowing this lady and +knowing her son, the Duke, and knowing how this girl, +his daughter, has been brought up, I dare swear that three +years ago not one of them would have crossed the street +to hear any President that ever lived. They've simply +become different people. They were very genuine before. +They are very genuine now.</p> + +<p>It is this steadfastness in them that gives me sound hope +for the future. They don't forget sympathy or help or +friendship. Our going into the war has eliminated the +Japanese question. It has shifted the virtual control of +the world to English-speaking peoples. It will bring into +the best European minds the American ideal of service. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-345" id="page2-345"></a>[pg II-345]</span> +It will, in fact, give us the lead and make the English in +the long run our willing followers and allies. I don't +mean that we shall always have plain sailing. But I do +mean that the direction of events for the next fifty or +one hundred years has now been determined.</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2362" id="i2362" /> +<a href="images/2362.jpg"><img src= +"images/2362.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>Lord Robert Cecil, Minister of Blockade, 1916-18,<br /> +Assistant Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1918</b> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2363" id="i2363" /> +<a href="images/2363.jpg"><img src= +"images/2363.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>General John J. Pershing,<br /> +Commander-in-Chief of the American +Expeditionary Force in the Great War</b> +</div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Yet Page found one stolid opposition to his attempts +to establish the friendliest relations between the two peoples. +That offish attitude of the Washington Administration, +to which reference has already been made, did not +soften with the progress of events. Another experience +now again brought out President Wilson's coldness toward +his allies. About this time many rather queer Americans—some +of the "international" breed—were coming to England +on more or less official missions. Page was somewhat +humiliated by these excursions; he knew that his country +possessed an almost unlimited supply of vivid speakers, +filled with zeal for the allied cause, whose influence, if +they could be induced to cross the Atlantic, would put +new spirit into the British. The idea of having a number +of distinguished Americans come to England and tell the +British public about the United States and especially +about the American preparations for war, was one that +now occupied his thoughts. In June, 1917, he wrote his +old friend Dr. Wallace Buttrick, extending an invitation +to visit Great Britain as a guest of the British Government. +Dr. Buttrick made a great success; his speeches drew +large crowds and proved a source of inspiration to the +British masses. So successful were they, indeed, that the +British Government desired that other Americans of +similar type should come and spread the message. In +November, therefore, Dr. Buttrick returned to the +United States for the purpose of organizing such a committee. +Among the eminent Americans whom he persuaded +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-346" id="page2-346"></a>[pg II-346]</span> +to give several months of their time to this work +of heartening our British allies were Mr. George E. Vincent, +President of the Rockefeller Foundation, Mr. Harry Pratt +Judson, President of Chicago University, Mr. Charles +H. Van Hise, President of the University of Wisconsin, +Mr. Edwin A. Alderman, President of the University of +Virginia, Mr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, and Bishop Lawrence +of Massachusetts. It was certainly a distinguished +group, but it was the gentleman selected to be its head +that gave it almost transcendent importance in the eyes +of the British Government. This was ex-President William +H. Taft. The British lay greater emphasis upon +official rank than do Americans, and the fact that an ex-President +of the United States was to head this delegation +made it almost an historic event. Mr. Taft was exceedingly +busy, but he expressed his willingness to give up all +his engagements for several months and to devote his +energies to enlightening the British public about America +and its purposes in the war. An official invitation was +sent him from London and accepted.</p> + +<p>Inasmuch as Mr. Taft was an ex-President and a +representative of the political party opposed to the one +in power, he thought it only courteous that he call upon +Mr. Wilson, explain the purpose of his mission, and obtain +his approval. He therefore had an interview with the +President at the White House; the date was December 12, +1917. As soon as Mr. Wilson heard of the proposed visit +to Great Britain he showed signs of irritation. He at +once declared that it met with his strongest disapproval. +When Mr. Taft remarked that the result of such an enterprise +would be to draw Great Britain and the United States +more closely together, Mr. Wilson replied that he seriously +questioned the desirability of drawing the two countries +any more closely together than they already were. He +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-347" id="page2-347"></a>[pg II-347]</span> +was opposed to putting the United States in a position of +seeming in any way to be involved with British policy. +There were divergencies of purpose, he said, and there were +features of the British policy in this war of which he heartily +disapproved. The motives of the United States in this +war, the President continued, "were unselfish, but the +motives of Great Britain seemed to him to be of a less +unselfish character." Mr. Wilson cited the treaty between +Great Britain and Italy as a sample of British +statesmanship which he regarded as proving this contention. +The President's reference to this Italian treaty +has considerable historic value; there has been much discussion +as to when the President first learned of its +existence, but it is apparent from this conversation with +ex-President Taft that he must have known about it +on December 12, 1917, for President Wilson based his +criticism of British policy largely upon this Italian +convention<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67" /><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>.</p> + +<p>The President showed more and more feeling about the +matter as the discussion continued. "There are too many +Englishmen," he said, "in this country and in Washington +now and I have asked the British Ambassador to have +some of them sent home."</p> + +<p>Mr. Wilson referred to the jealousy of France at the +close relations which were apparently developing between +Great Britain and the United States. This was another +reason, he thought, why it was unwise to make the bonds +between them any tighter. He also called Mr. Taft's +attention to the fact that there were certain elements in +the United States which were opposed to Great Britain—this +evidently being a reference to the Germans and the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-348" id="page2-348"></a>[pg II-348]</span> +Irish—and he therefore believed that any conspicuous +attempts to increase the friendliness of the two countries +for each other would arouse antagonism and resentment.</p> + +<p>As Mr. Taft was leaving he informed Mr. Wilson that +the plan for his visit and that of the other speakers had +originated with the American Ambassador to Great Britain. +This, however, did not improve the President's +temper.</p> + +<p>"Page," said the President, "is really an Englishman +and I have to discount whatever he says about the situation +in Great Britain."</p> + +<p>And then he added, "I think you ought not to go, and +the same applies to the other members of the party. I +would like you to make my attitude on this question known +to those having the matter in charge."</p> + +<p>Despite this rebuff Dr. Buttrick and Mr. Taft were +reluctant to give up the plan. An appeal was therefore +made to Colonel House. Colonel House at once said +that the proposed visit was an excellent thing and that +he would make a personal appeal to Mr. Wilson in the +hope of changing his mind. A few days afterward Colonel +House called up Dr. Buttrick and informed him that +he had not succeeded. "I am sorry," wrote Colonel +House to Page, "that the Buttrick speaking programme +has turned out as it has. The President was decidedly +opposed to it and referred to it with some feeling."</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64" /><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> August 1, 1917, Pope Benedict XV sent a letter to the +Powers urging them to bring the war to an end and outlining possible +terms of settlement. On August 29th President Wilson sent his historic +reply. This declared, in memorable language, that the Hohenzollern +dynasty was unworthy of confidence and that the United States would have +no negotiations with its representatives. It inferentially took the +stand that the Kaiser must abdicate, or be deposed, and the German +autocracy destroyed, as part of the conditions of peace.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65" /><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> On November 29, 1917, the London <i>Daily Telegraph</i> +published a letter from the Marquis of Lansdowne, which declared that +the war had lasted too long and suggested that the British restate their +war aims. This letter was severely condemned by the British press and by +practically all representative British statesmen. It produced a most +lamentable impression in the United States also.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66" /><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Eugene C. Shoecraft, the Ambassador's secretary.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67" /><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> As related in Chapter XXII, page 267, President Wilson was +informed of the so-called "secret treaties" by Mr. Balfour, in the +course of his memorable visit to the White House.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-349" id="page2-349"></a>[pg II-349]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXV" id="CHAPTER_XXV" />CHAPTER XXV</h2> + +<h3>GETTING THE AMERICAN TROOPS TO FRANCE</h3> + + +<p>A group of letters, written at this time, touch upon +a variety of topics which were then engaging the +interest of all countries:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +London, January 19, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>While your letter is still fresh in my mind I dictate +the following in answer to your question about Palestine.</p> + +<p>It has not been settled—and cannot be, I fancy, until +the Peace Conference—precisely what the British will do +with Palestine, but I have what I think is a correct idea +of their general attitude on the subject. First, of course, +they do not propose to allow it to go back into Turkish +hands; and the same can be said also of Armenia and possibly +of Mesopotamia. Their idea of the future of Palestine +is that whoever shall manage the country, or however +it shall be managed, the Jews shall have the same chance +as anybody else. Of course that's quite an advance for +the Jews there, but their idea is not that the Jews should +have command of other populations there or control over +them—not in the least. My guess at the English wish, +which I have every reason to believe is the right guess, +is that they would wish to have Palestine internationalized, +whatever that means. That is to say, that it +should have control of its own local affairs and be a free +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-350" id="page2-350"></a>[pg II-350]</span> +country but that some great Power, or number of Powers, +should see to it that none of the races that live there should +be allowed to impose upon the other races. I don't know +just how such a guarantee can be given by the great +Powers or such a responsibility assumed except by an +agreement among two or three of them, or barely possibly +by the English keeping control themselves; but the control +by the English after the war of the former German +colonies will put such a large task on them that they will +not be particularly eager to extend the area of their +responsibility elsewhere. Of course a difficult problem will +come up also about Constantinople and the Dardanelles. +The Dardanelles must be internationalized.</p> + +<p>I have never been able to consider the Zionist movement +seriously. It is a mere religious sentiment which +will express itself in action by very few people. I have +asked a number of Jews at various times who are in favour +of the Zionist movement if they themselves are going +there. They always say no. The movement, therefore, +has fixed itself in my mind as a Jewish movement in which +no Jew that you can lay your hands on will ever take part +but who wants other Jews to take part in it. Of course +there might be a flocking to Palestine of Jews from Russia +and the adjoining countries where they are not happy, +but I think the thing is chiefly a sentiment and nothing +else. Morgenthau<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68" /><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> is dead right. I agree with him <i>in +toto</i>. I do not think anybody in the United States need +be the least concerned about the Zionist movement because +there isn't a single Jew in our country such a fool +as to go to Palestine when he can stay in the United States. +The whole thing is a sentimental, religious, more or less +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-351" id="page2-351"></a>[pg II-351]</span> +unnatural and fantastic idea and I don't think will ever +trouble so practical a people as we and our Jews are.</p></div> + +<p>The following memorandum is dated February 10, 1918:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>General Bliss<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69" /><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> has made a profound and the best possible +impression here by his wisdom and his tact. The +British have a deep respect for him and for his opinions, +and in inspiring and keeping high confidence in us he is +worth an army in himself. I have seen much of him and +found out a good deal about his methods. He is simplicity +and directness itself. Although he is as active and +energetic as a boy, he spends some time by himself to +think things out and even to say them to himself to see +how his conclusions strike the ear as well as the mind. +He has been staying here at the house of one of our resident +officers. At times he goes to his room and sits long +by the fire and argues his point—out loud—oblivious to +everything else. More than once when he was so engaged +one of his officers has knocked at the door and gone +in and laid telegrams on the table beside him and gone out +without his having known of the officer's entrance. Then +he comes out and tries his conclusion on someone who +enjoys his confidence. And then he stands by it and when +the time comes delivers it slowly and with precision; and +there he is; and those who hear him see that he has thought +the matter out on all sides and finally.</p> + +<p>Our various establishments in London have now become +big—the Embassy proper, the Naval and Army Headquarters, +the Red Cross, the War Trade Board's representatives, +and now (forthwith) the Shipping Board, besides +Mr. Crosby of the Treasury. The volume of work is +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-352" id="page2-352"></a>[pg II-352]</span> +enormous and it goes smoothly, except for the somewhat +halting Army Headquarters, the high personnel of which +is now undergoing a change; and that will now be all right. +I regularly make the rounds of all the Government Departments +with which we deal to learn if they find our men +and methods effective, and the rounds of all our centres +of activity to find whether there be any friction with +the British The whole machine moves very well. For +neither side hesitates to come to me whenever they strike +even small snags. All our people are at work on serious +tasks and (so far as I know) there are now none of those +despicable creatures here who used during our neutrality +days to come from the United States on peace errands +and what-not to spy on the Embassy and me (their inquiries +and their correspondence were catalogued by the +police). I have been amazed at the activity of some of +them whose doings I have since been informed of.</p> + +<p>We now pay this tribute to the submarines—that we +have entered the period of compulsory rations. There is +enough to eat in spite of the food that has gone to feed +the fishes. But no machinery of distribution to a whole +population can be uniformly effective. The British +worker with his hands is a greedy feeder and a sturdy +growler and there will be trouble. But I know no reason +to apprehend serious trouble.</p> + +<p>The utter break-up of Russia and the German present +occupation of so much of the Empire as she wants have +had a contrary effect on two sections of opinion here, as I +interpret the British mind. On the undoubtedly enormously +dominant section of opinion these events have +only stiffened resolution. They say that Germany now +must be whipped to a finish. Else she will have doubled +her empire and will hold the peoples of her new territory +as vassals without regard to their wishes and the war lord +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-353" id="page2-353"></a>[pg II-353]</span> +caste will be more firmly seated than ever before. If her +armies be literally whipped she'll have to submit to the +Allies' terms, which will dislodge her from overlordship over +these new unwilling subjects—and she can be dislodged +in no other way. This probably means a long war, now +that after a time she can get raw materials for war later +and food from Rumania and the Ukraine, etc. This will +mean a fight in France and Belgium till a decisive victory +is won and the present exultant German will is broken.</p> + +<p>The minority section of public opinion—as I judge a +small minority—has the feeling that such an out-and-out +military victory cannot be won or is not worth the price; +and that the enemies of Germany, allowing her to keep her +Eastern accretions, must make the best terms they can +in the East; that there's no use in running the risk of +Italy's defeat and defection before some sort of bargain +could be made about Belgium, Alsace-Lorraine, and Serbia. +Of course this plan would leave the German warlordship +intact and would bring no sort of assurance of a prolonged +peace. It would, too, leave European Russia at least to +German mercy, and would leave the Baltic and the Black +Seas practically wholly under German influence. As for +the people of Russia, there seems small chance for them +in this second contingency. The only way to save them +is to win a decisive victory.</p> + +<p>As matters stand to-day Lord Lansdowne and his +friends (how numerous they are nobody knows) are the +loudest spokesmen for such a peace as can be made. But +it is talked much of in Asquith circles that the time may +come when this policy will be led by Mr. Asquith, in a +form somewhat modified from the Lansdowne formula. +Mr. Asquith has up to this time patriotically supported +the government and he himself has said nothing in public +which could warrant linking his name with an early peace-seeking +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-354" id="page2-354"></a>[pg II-354]</span> +policy. But his friends openly and incessantly +predict that he will, at a favourable moment, take this +cue. I myself can hardly believe it. Political victory +in Great Britain doesn't now lie in that direction.</p> + +<p>The dominant section of opinion is much grieved at +Russia's surrender, but they refuse to be discouraged by it. +They recall how Napoleon overran most of Europe, and the +French held practically none of his conquests after his fall.</p> + +<p>Such real political danger as exists here—if any exists, +of which I am not quite sure—comes not only now mainly +of this split in public opinion but also and to a greater +degree from the personal enemies of the present government. +Lloyd George is kept in power because he is the +most energetic man in sight—by far. Many who support +him do not like him nor trust him-except that nobody +doubts his supreme earnestness to win the war. On all +other subjects he has enemies of old and he makes new +ones. His intense and superb energy has saved him in +two notable crises. His dismissal of Sir William Robertson<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70" /><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> +has been accepted in the interest of greater unity of +military control, but it was a dangerous rapids that he +shot, for he didn't do it tactfully. Yet there's a certain +danger to the present powers in the feeling that some +of them are wearing out. Parliament itself—an old one +now—is thought to have gone stale. Bonar Law is over-worked +and tired; Balfour is often said to be too philosophical +and languid; but, when this feeling seems in danger +of taking definite shape, he makes a clearer statement than +anybody else and catches on his feet. The man of new +energy, not yet fagged, is Geddes<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71" /><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>, whose frankness carries +conviction.</p></div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-355" id="page2-355"></a>[pg II-355]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +London, March 17, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>The rather impatient and unappreciative remarks made +by the Prime Minister before a large meeting of preachers +of the "free" churches about a League of Nations reminds +me to write you about the state of British opinion on that +subject. What Lloyd George said to these preachers is +regrettable because it showed a certain impatience of +mind from which he sometimes suffers; but it is only fair +to him to say that his remarks that day did not express a +settled opinion. For on more than one previous occasion +he has spoken of the subject in a wholly different tone—much +more appreciatively. On that particular day he had +in mind only the overwhelming necessity to win the war—other +things, <i>all</i> other things must wait. In a way this is +his constant mood—the mood to make everybody feel +that the only present duty is to win the war. He has +been accused of almost every defect in the calendar except +of slackness about the war. Nobody has ever doubted +his earnestness nor his energy about <i>that</i>. And the universal +confidence in his energy and earnestness is what +keeps him in office. Nobody sees any other man who can +push and inspire as well as he does. It would be a mistake, +therefore, to pay too much heed to any particular +utterance of this electrical creature of moods, on any subject.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless, he hasn't thought out the project of a +league to enforce peace further than to see the difficulties. +He sees that such a league might mean, in theory +at least, the giving over in some possible crisis the command +of the British Fleet to an officer of some other nationality. +That's unthinkable to any red-blooded son of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-356" id="page2-356"></a>[pg II-356]</span> +these islands. Seeing a theoretical possibility even of +raising such a question, the British mind stops and refuses +to go further—refuses in most cases even to inquire seriously +whether any such contingency is ever likely to come.</p> + +<p>The British Grand Fleet, in fact, is a subject that stands +alone in power and value and in difficulties. It classifies +itself with nothing else. Since over and over again it has +saved these islands from invasion when nothing else could +have saved them and since during this war in particular +it has saved the world from German conquest—as every +Englishman believes—it lies in their reverence and their +gratitude and their abiding convictions as a necessary +and perpetual shield so long as Great Britain shall endure. +If the Germans are thrashed to a frazzle (and we haven't +altogether done that yet) and we set about putting the +world in order, when we come to discuss Disarmament, +the British Fleet will be the most difficult item in the world +to dispose of. It is not only a Fact, with a great and saving +history, it is also a sacred Tradition and an Article of Faith.</p> + +<p>The first reason, therefore, why the British general mind +has not firmly got hold on a league is the instinctive fear +that the formation of any league may in some conceivable +way affect the Grand Fleet. Another reason is the general +inability of a somewhat slow public opinion to take hold +on more than one subject at a time or more than one +urgent part of one subject. The One Subject, of course, +is winning the war. Since everything else depends on that, +everything else must wait on that.</p> + +<p>The League, therefore, has not taken hold on the public +imagination here as it has in the United States. The +large mass of the people have not thought seriously about +it: it has not been strongly and persistently presented to +the mass of the people. There is no popular or general +organization to promote it. There is even, here and there, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-357" id="page2-357"></a>[pg II-357]</span> +condemnation of the idea. The (London) <i>Morning Post</i>, +for example, goes out of its way once in a while to show +the wickedness of the idea because, so it argues, it will involve +the sacrifice, more or less, of nationality. But the +<i>Morning Post</i> is impervious to new ideas and is above all +things critical in its activities and very seldom constructive. +The typical Tory mind in general sees no good in the +idea. The typical Tory mind is the insular mind.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the League idea is understood as a +necessity and heartily approved by two powerful sections +of public opinion—(1) the group of public men who have +given attention to it, such as Bryce, Lord Robert Cecil, +and the like, and (2) some of the best and strongest leaders +of Labour. There is good reason to hope that whenever +a fight and an agitation is made for a League these two +sections of public opinion will win; but an agitation and a +fight must come. Lord Bryce, in the intervals of his work +as chairman of a committee to make a plan for the +reorganization of the House of Lords, which, he remarked to +me the other day, "involves as much labour as a Government +Department," has fits of impatience about pushing +a campaign for a league, and so have a few other men. +They ask me if it be not possible to have good American +public speakers come here—privately, of course, and in +no way connected with our Government nor speaking for +it—to explain the American movement for a League in +order to arouse a public sentiment on the subject.</p> + +<p>Thus the case stands at present.</p> + +<p>Truth and error alike and odd admixtures of them come +in waves over this censored land where one can seldom +determine what is true, before the event, from the +newspapers. "News" travels by word of mouth, and +information that one can depend on is got by personal +inquiry from sources that can be trusted.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-358" id="page2-358"></a>[pg II-358]</span> +<p>There is a curious wave of fear just now about what +Labour may do, and the common gossip has it that there +is grave danger in the situation. I can find no basis for +such a fear. I have talked with labour leaders and I +have talked with members of the government who know +most about the subject. There is not a satisfactory +situation—there has not been since the war began. There has +been a continuous series of labour "crises," and there have +been a good many embarrassing strikes, all of which have +first been hushed up and settled—at least postponed. +One cause of continuous trouble has been the notion held +by the Unions, sometimes right and sometimes wrong, +that the employers were making abnormal profits and +that they were not getting their due share. There have +been and are also other causes of trouble. It was a continuous +quarrel even in peace times. But I can find no +especial cause of fear now. Many of the Unions have had +such advances of wages that the Government has been +severely criticized for giving in. Just lately a large wing +of the Labour Party put forth its war aims which—with +relatively unimportant exceptions—coincide with the best +declarations made by the Government's own spokesmen.</p> + +<p>Of course, no prudent man would venture to make +dogmatic predictions. There have been times when for +brief intervals any one would have been tempted to fear +that these quarrels might cause an unsatisfactory conclusion +of the war. But the undoubted patriotism of the +British workman has every time saved the situation. +While a danger point does lie here, there is no reason to be +more fearful now than at any preceding time when no +especial trouble was brewing. This wave of gossip and +fear has no right to sweep over the country now.</p> + +<p>Labour hopes and expects and is preparing to win the +next General Election—whether with good reason or not +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-359" id="page2-359"></a>[pg II-359]</span> +I cannot guess. But most men expect it to win the +Government at some time—most of them <i>after</i> the war. +I recall that Lord Grey once said to me, before the war +began, that a general political success of the Labour Party +was soon to be expected.</p> + +<p>Another wave which, I hear, has swept over Rome as +well as London is a wave of early peace expectation. The +British newspapers have lately been encouraging this by +mysterious phrases. Some men here of good sense and +sound judgment think that this is the result of the so-called +German "peace offensive," which makes the present +the most dangerous period of the war.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +W.H.P.<br /> +<br /> +<i>To David F. Houston</i><a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72" /><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a><br /> +<br /> +London, March 23, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR HOUSTON:</p> + +<p>It is very kind of you indeed to write so generously +about the British visitors who are invading our sacred +premises, such as the Archbishop of York, and it is good +to hear from you anyhow about any subject and I needn't +say that it is quite a rare experience also. I wish you +would take a little of your abundant leisure and devote it +to good letters to me.</p> + +<p>And in some one of your letters tell me this.—The +British send over men of this class that you have written +about to see us, but they invite over here—and we permit +to come—cranks on prohibition, experts in the investigation +of crime, short-haired women who wish to see how +British babies are reared, peace cranks and freaks of other +kinds<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73" /><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>. Our Government apparently won't let plain, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-360" id="page2-360"></a>[pg II-360]</span> +honest, normal civilians come over, but if a fellow comes +along who wants to investigate some monstrosity then +one half of the Senate, one half of the House of Representatives, +and a number of the executive offices of the Government +give him the most cordial letters. Now there are +many things, of course, that I don't know, but it has been +my fate to have a pretty extensive acquaintance with +cranks of every description in the United States. I +don't think there is any breed of them that didn't haunt +my office while I was an editor. Now I am surely punished +for all my past sins by having those fellows descend +on me here. I know them, nearly all, from past experience +and now just for the sake of keeping the world as +quiet as possible I have to give them time here far out of +proportion to their value.</p> + +<p>Now, out of your great wisdom, I wish you would explain +to me why the deuce we let all this crew come over +here instead of sending a shipload of perfectly normal, +dignified, and right-minded gentlemen. These thug reformers!—Baker +will be here in a day or two and if I can +remember it I am going to suggest to him that he round +them all up and put them in the trenches in France where +those of them who have so far escaped the gallows ought +to be put.</p> + +<p>I am much obliged to have the illuminating statement +about our crops. I am going to show it to certain gentlemen +here who will be much cheered by it. By gracious, +you ought to hear their appreciation of what we are doing! +We are not doing it for the sake of their appreciation, but +if we were out to win it we could not do it better. Down +at bottom the Englishman is a good fellow. He has his +faults but he doesn't get tired and he doesn't suffer spasms +of emotion.</p> + +<p>Give my love to Mrs. Houston, and do sit down and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-361" id="page2-361"></a>[pg II-361]</span> +write me a good long letter—a whole series of them, in +fact.</p> + +<p>Believe me, always most heartily yours,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +WALTER HINES PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2380" id="i2380" /> +<a href="images/2380.jpg"><img src= +"images/2380.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>Lord Robert Cecil, Minister of Blockade, 1916-18,<br /> +Assistant Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1918</b> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<a name="i2381" id="i2381" /> +<a href="images/2381.jpg"><img src= +"images/2381.jpg" width="50%" alt="" title="" /></a><br /> +<b>A silver model of the <i>Mayflower</i>,<br /> +the farewell gift of the Plymouth Council to Mr. Page</b> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Frank L. Polk</i><br /> +<br /> +London, March 22, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. POLK:</p> + +<p>You are good enough to mention the fact that the Embassy +has some sort of grievance against the Department. +Of course it has, and you are, possibly, the only man that +can remove it. It is this: You don't come here to see the +war and this government and these people who are again +saving the world as we are now saving them. I thank +Heaven and the Administration for Secretary Baker's +visit. It is a dramatic moment in the history of the race, +of democracy, and of the world. The State Department +has the duty to deal with foreign affairs—the especial +duty—and yet no man in the State Department has been +here since the war began. This doesn't look pretty and +it won't look pretty when the much over-worked "future +historian" writes it down in a book. Remove that +grievance.</p> + +<p>The most interesting thing going on in the world to-day—a +thing that in History will transcend the war and be +reckoned its greatest gain—is the high leadership of +the President in formulating the struggle, in putting +its aims high, and in taking the democratic lead in the +world, a lead that will make the world over—and in +taking the democratic lead of the English-speaking folk. +Next most impressive to that is to watch the British +response to that lead. Already they have doubled the +number of their voters, and even more important definite +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-362" id="page2-362"></a>[pg II-362]</span> +steps in Democracy will be taken. My aim—and it's +the only way to save the world—is to lead the British +in this direction. They are the most easily teachable +people in our way of thinking and of doing. Of +course everybody who works toward such an aim +provokes the cry from a lot of fools among us who +accuse him of toadying to the English and of "accepting +the conventional English conclusion." They had as +well talk of missionaries to India accepting Confucius +or Buddha. Their fleet has saved us four or five times. +It's about time we were saving them from this bloods +Thing that we call Europe, for our sake and for +theirs.</p> + +<p>The bloody Thing will get us all if we don't fight our +level best; and it's only by <i>our</i> help that we'll be saved. +That clearly gives us the leadership. Everybody sees +that. Everybody acknowledges it. The President authoritatively +speaks it—speaks leadership on a higher level +than it was ever spoken before to the whole world. As +soon as we get this fighting job over, the world procession +toward freedom—our kind of freedom—will begin under +our lead. This being so, can't you delegate the writing of +telegrams about "facilitating the license to ship poppy +seed to McKesson and Robbins," and come over and see +big world-forces at work?</p> + +<p>I cannot express my satisfaction at Secretary Baker's +visit. It was historic—the first member of the Cabinet, +I think, who ever came here while he held office. He +made a great impression and received a hearty welcome.</p> + +<p>That's the only grievance I can at the moment unload +on you. We're passing out of our old era of isolation. +These benighted heathen on this island whom we'll yet +save (since they are well worth saving) will be with us as +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-363" id="page2-363"></a>[pg II-363]</span> +we need them in future years and centuries. Come, help +us heighten this fine spirit.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Always heartily yours,<br /> +<br /> +WALTER HINES PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>P.S. You'd see how big our country looks from a distance. +It's gigantic, I assure you.</p></div> + +<p>The above letter was written on what was perhaps the +darkest day of the whole war. The German attack on +the Western Front, which had been long expected, had +now been launched, and, at the moment that Page was +penning this cheery note to Mr. Polk, the German armies +had broken through the British defenses, had pushed their +lines forty miles ahead, and, in the judgment of many +military men, had Paris almost certainly within their +grasp. A great German gun, placed about seventy miles +from the French capital, was dropping shells upon the +apparently doomed city. This attack had been regarded +as inevitable since the collapse of Russia, which had enabled +the Germans to concentrate practically all their +armies on the Western Front.</p> + +<p>The world does not yet fully comprehend the devastating +effect of this apparently successful attack upon +the allied morale. British statesmen and British soldiers +made no attempt to conceal from official Americans the +desperate state of affairs. It was the expectation that +the Germans might reach Calais and thence invade England. +The War Office discussed these probabilities most +freely with Colonel Slocum, the American military attaché. +The simple fact was that both the French and the British +armies were practically bled white.</p> + +<p>"For God's sake, get your men over!" they urged General +Slocum. "You have got to finish it."</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-364" id="page2-364"></a>[pg II-364]</span></div> +<p>Page was writing urgently to President Wilson to the +same purpose. Send the men and send them at once. +"I pray God," were his solemn words to Mr. Wilson, +"that you will not be too late!"</p> + +<p>One propitious event had taken place at the same time as +the opening of the great German offensive. Mr. Newton +D. Baker, the American Secretary of War, had left +quietly for France in late February, 1918, and had reached +the Western Front in time to obtain a first-hand sight of +the great March drive. No visit in history has ever been +better timed, and no event could have better played into +Page's hands. He had been urging Washington to send +all available forces to France at the earliest possible date; +he knew, as probably few other men knew, the extent to +which the Allies were depending upon American troops to +give the final blow to Germany; and the arrival of Secretary +Baker at the scene of action gave him the opportunity +to make a personal appeal. Page immediately +communicated with the Secretary and persuaded him to +come at once to London for a consultation with British +military and political leaders. The Secretary spent only +three days in London, but the visit, brief as it was, had +historic consequences. He had many consultations with +the British military men; he entered into their plans with +enthusiasm; he himself received many ideas that afterward +took shape in action, and the British Government +obtained from him first-hand information as to the progress +of the American Army and the American determination +to cooperate to the last man and the last dollar. +"Baker went straight back to France," Page wrote to his +son Arthur, "and our whole coöperation began."</p> + +<p>Page gave a dinner to Mr. Baker at the Embassy on +March 23rd—two days after the great March drive had +begun. This occasion gave the visitor a memorable +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-365" id="page2-365"></a>[pg II-365]</span> +glimpse of the British temperament. Mr. Lloyd George, +Mr. Balfour, Lord Derby, the War Secretary, General +Biddle, of the United States Army, and Admiral Sims were +the Ambassador's guests. Though the mighty issues then +overhanging the world were not ignored in the conversation +the atmosphere hardly suggested that the existence of the +British Empire, indeed that of civilization itself, was that +very night hanging in the balance. Possibly it was the +general sombreness of events that caused these British +statesmen to find a certain relief in jocular small talk and +reminiscence. For the larger part of the evening not +a word was said about the progress of the German armies +in France. Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Balfour, seated on +opposite sides of the table, apparently found relaxation in +reviewing their political careers and especially their old-time +political battles. They would laughingly recall occasions +when, in American parlance, they had put each other +"in a hole"; the exigencies of war had now made these two +men colleagues in the same government, but the twenty +years preceding 1914 they had spent in political antagonism. +Page's guests on this occasion learned much political +history of the early twentieth century, and the mutual +confessions of Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Balfour gave +these two men an insight into each others' motives and +manoeuvres which was almost as revealing. "Yes, you +caught me that time," Mr. Lloyd George would say, and +then he would counter with an episode of a political battle +in which he had got the better of Mr. Balfour. The whole +talk was lively and bantering, and accompanied with +much laughter; and all this time shells from that long-distance +gun were dropping at fifteen minute intervals +upon the devoted women and children of Paris and the +Germans were every hour driving the British back in disorder. +At times the conversation took a more philosophic +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-366" id="page2-366"></a>[pg II-366]</span> +turn. Would the men present like to go back twenty-five +years and live their lives all over again? The practically +unanimous decision of every man was that he would +not wish to do so.</p> + +<p>All this, of course, was merely on the surface; despite +the laughter and the banter, there was only one thing which +engrossed the Ambassador's guests, although there were +not many references to it. That was the struggle which +was then taking place in France. At intervals Mr. Lloyd +George would send one of the guests, evidently a secretary, +from the room. The latter, on his return, would +whisper something in the Prime Minister's ear, but more +frequently he would merely shake his head. Evidently +he had been sent to obtain the latest news of the +battle.</p> + +<p>At one point the Prime Minister did refer to the great +things taking place in France.</p> + +<p>"This battle means one thing," he said. "That is a +generalissimo."</p> + +<p>"Why couldn't you have taken this step long ago?" +Admiral Sims asked Mr. Lloyd George.</p> + +<p>The answer came like a flash.</p> + +<p>"If the cabinet two weeks ago had suggested placing +the British Army under a foreign general, it would have +fallen. Every cabinet in Europe would also have fallen, +had it suggested such a thing."</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>Memorandum on Secretary Baker's visit</i></p> + +<p>Secretary Baker's visit here, brief as it was, gave the +heartiest satisfaction. So far as I know, he is the first +member of an American Cabinet who ever came to England +while he held office, as Mr. Balfour was the first +member of a British Cabinet who ever went to the United +States while he held office. The great governments of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-367" id="page2-367"></a>[pg II-367]</span> +the English-speaking folk have surely dealt with one another +with mighty elongated tongs. Governments of +democracies are not exactly instruments of precision. But +they are at least human. But personal and human neglect +of one another by these two governments over so long a +period is an astonishing fact in our history. The wonder +is that we haven't had more than two wars. And it is no +wonder that the ignorance of Englishmen about America +and the American ignorance of England are monumental, +stupendous, amazing, passing understanding. I have +on my mantelpiece a statuette of Benjamin Franklin, +an excellent and unmistakable likeness which was made +here during his lifetime; and the inscription burnt on its +base is <i>Geo. Washington</i>. It serves me many a good turn +with my English friends. I use it as a measure of their +ignorance of us. Of course this is a mere little error of a +statuette-maker, an error, moreover, of a hundred years +ago. But it tells the story of to-day also. If I had to +name the largest and most indelible impression that +has been made on me during my five years' work +here, I should say the ignorance and aloofness of the +two peoples—not an ignorance of big essential facts +but of personalities and temperaments—such as never +occur except between men who had never seen one +another.</p> + +<p>But I was writing about Mr. Baker's visit and I've +got a long way from that. I doubt if he knows himself +what gratification it gave; for these men here have +spoken to me about it as they could not speak to +him.</p> + +<p>Here is an odd fact: For sixty years, so far as I know, +members of the Administration have had personal acquaintance +with some of the men in power in Salvador, +Costa Rica, Venezuela, Peru, etc., etc., and members of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-368" id="page2-368"></a>[pg II-368]</span> +the British Government have had personal acquaintance +with some men in authority in Portugal, Serbia, Montenegro +and Monte Carlo; but during this time (with the +single exception of John Hay) I think no member of any +Administration had a real personal acquaintance while he +held office with any member of the British Government +while he held office, and vice versa—till Mr. Balfour's +visit. Suspicion grows out of ignorance. The longer I +live here the more astonished I become at the fundamental +ignorance of the British about us and of our fundamental +ignorance about them. So colossal is this ignorance that +every American sent here is supposed to be taken in, to +become Anglophile; and often when one undertakes to +enlighten Englishmen about the United States one becomes +aware of a feeling inside the English of unbelief, as +if he said, "Oh, well! you are one of those queer people +who believe in republican government." All this is simply +amazing. Poor Admiral Sims sometimes has a sort +of mania, a delusion that nobody at Washington trusts +his judgment because he said seven or eight years ago +that he liked the English. Yet every naval officer who +comes here, I understand, shares his views about practically +every important naval problem or question. I don't +deserve the compliment (it's a very high one) that some of +my secretaries sometimes pay me when they say that I +am the only man they know who tries to tell the whole +truth to our Government in favour of the Englishman as +well as against him. It is certain that American public +opinion is universally supposed to suspect any American +who tries to do anything with the British lion except to +twist his tail—a supposition that I never believed to be +true.—But it is true that the mutual ignorance is as +high as the Andes and as deep as the ocean. Personal +acquaintance removes it and nothing else will.</p></div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-369" id="page2-369"></a>[pg II-369]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy,<br /> +London, April 7, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>I daresay you remember this epic:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Old Morgan's wife made butter and cheese;<br /> +Old Morgan drank the whey.<br /> +There came a wind from West to East<br /> + And blew Old Morgan away.<br /> +</div> + +<p>I'm Old Morgan and your mother got ashamed of my +wheyness and made the doctor prescribe cream for me. +There's never been such a luxury, and anybody who supposes +that I am now going to get fat and have my cream +stopped simply doesn't know me. So, you see why I'm +intent on shredded wheat biscuits. That's about the best +form of real wheat that will keep. And there's no getting +real wheat-stuff, pure and simple, in any other form.</p> + +<p>There's no use in talking about starving people—except +perhaps in India and China. White men can live on anything. +The English could fight a century on cabbage and +Brussels sprouts. I've given up hope of starving the +Germans. A gut of dogmeat or horse flesh and a potato +will keep them in fighting trim forever. I've read daily +for two years of impending starvation across the Rhine; +but I never even now hear of any dead ones from hunger. +Cold steel or lead is the only fatal dose for them.</p> + +<p>Therefore I know that shredded wheat will carry me +through.</p> + +<p>You'll see, I hope, from the clippings that I enclose +that I'm not done for yet anyhow. Two speeches a day +is no small stunt; and I did it again yesterday—hand +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-370" id="page2-370"></a>[pg II-370]</span> +running; and I went out to dinner afterward. It was a +notable occasion—this celebration of the anniversary of +our coming into the war<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74" /><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>.</p> + +<p>Nobody here knows definitely just what to fear from +the big battle; but everybody fears more or less. It's a +critical time—very. I am told that that long-range +gunning of Paris is the worst form of frightfulness yet +tried. The shells do not kill a great many people. But +their falling every fifteen minutes gets on people's nerves +and they can't sleep. I hear they are leaving Paris in +great numbers. Since the big battle began and the Germans +have needed all their planes and more in France, +they've let London alone. But nobody knows when they +will begin again.</p> + +<p>Nobody knows any future thing about the war, and +everybody faces a fear.</p> + +<p>Secretary Baker stayed with me the two days and three +nights he was here. He made a good impression but he +received a better one. He now knows something about +the war. I had at dinner to meet him:</p> + +<p>Lloyd George, Prime Minister.</p> + +<p>Balfour, Foreign Secretary.</p> + +<p>The Chief of Staff.</p> + +<p>Lord Derby, War Secretary.</p> + +<p>General Biddle, U.S.A., in command in London.</p> + +<p>Admiral Sims, U.S.N.</p> + +<p>The talk was to the point—good and earnest. Baker went +straight back to France and our <i>whole</i> coöperation began. +With the first group of four he had conferences besides +for two days. His coming was an admirable move.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours affectionately,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-371" id="page2-371"></a>[pg II-371]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Ralph W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +London, April 13, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR RALPH:</p> + +<p>Your cheery letters about entertaining governors, +planting trees and shrubbery and your mother's little +orchard give us much pleasure. The Southern Pines +paper brings news of very great damage to the peach crop. +I hope it is much exaggerated. Is it?</p> + +<p>We haven't any news here, and I send you my weekly +note only to keep my record clear. The great battle—no +one talks or thinks of anything else. We have suffered +and still suffer a good deal of fear and anxiety, with real +reason, too. But the military men are reassuring. Yet +I don't know just how far to trust their judgment or to +share their hopes. Certainly this is the most dangerous +situation that modern civilization was ever put in. +If we can keep them from winning any <i>great</i> objective, +like Paris or a channel port, we ought to end the war +this year. If not, either they win or at the least prolong +the war indefinitely. It's a hazardous and trying +time.</p> + +<p>There were never such casualties on either side as now. +Such a bloody business cannot keep up all summer. But before +everybody is killed or a decisive conclusion is reached, +the armies will, no doubt, dig themselves in and take a +period of comparative rest. People here see and feel the +great danger. But the extra effort now <i>may</i> come too +late. Still we keep up good hope. The British are hard +to whip. They never give up. And as for the French +army, I always remember Verdun and keep my courage +up.</p> + +<p>The wounded are coming over by the thousand. We +are incomparably busy and in great anxiety about the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-372" id="page2-372"></a>[pg II-372]</span> +result (though still pretty firm in the belief that the Germans +will lose), and luckily we keep very well.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Ralph W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +London, April 7, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR RALPH:</p> + +<p>There used to be a country parson down in Wake +County who, when other subjects were talked out, always +took up the pleasing topic of saving your soul. That's +the way your mother and I do—with the subject of going +home. We talk over the battle, we talk over the boys, we +talk over military and naval problems, we discuss the +weather and all the babies, and then take up politics, and +talk over the gossip of the wiseacres; but we seldom finish +a conversation without discussing going home. And we +reach just about as clear a conclusion on our topic as the +country parson reached on his. I've had the doctors +going over me (or rather your mother has) as an expert +accountant goes over your books; and I tried to bribe +them to say that I oughtn't to continue my arduous +duties here longer. They wouldn't say any such thing. +Thus that device failed—dead. It looks as if I were +destined for a green old age and no <i>martyr</i> business at +all.</p> + +<p>All this is disappointing; and I don't see what to do but +to go on. I can't keep from hoping that the big battle +may throw some light on the subject; but there's no telling +when the big battle will end. Nothing ends—that's the +trouble. I sometimes feel that the war may never end, +that it may last as the Napoleonic Wars did, for 20 years; +and before that time we'll all have guns that shoot 100 +miles. We can stay at home and indefinitely bombard +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-373" id="page2-373"></a>[pg II-373]</span> +the enemy across the Rhine—have an endless battle at +long range.</p> + +<p>So, we stick to it, and give the peach trees time to grow +up.</p> + +<p>We had a big day in London yesterday—the anniversary +of our entry into the war. I send you some newspaper +clippings about it.</p> + +<p>The next best news is that we have a little actual sunshine—a +very rare thing—and some of the weather is now +almost decent....</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68" /><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Mr. Henry Morgenthau, American Ambassador to Turkey, +1913-16, an American of Jewish origin who opposed the Zionist movement +as un-American and deceptive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69" /><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> American member of the Supreme War Council. Afterward +member of the American Commission to Negotiate Peace.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70" /><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Sir Henry Wilson had recently succeeded Sir William +Robertson as Chief of the Imperial General Staff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71" /><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> First Lord of the Admiralty.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72" /><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Secretary of Agriculture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73" /><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> See Chapter XXIV.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74" /><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> This meeting, on April 6, 1918, was held at the Mansion +House. Page and Mr. Balfour were the chief speakers.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-374" id="page2-374"></a>[pg II-374]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVI" id="CHAPTER_XXVI" />CHAPTER XXVI</h2> + +<h3>LAST DAYS IN ENGLAND</h3> + + +<p>In spite of the encouraging tone of the foregoing +letters, everything was not well with Page. All through +the winter of 1917-1918 his associates at the Embassy had +noticed a change for the worse in his health. He seemed +to be growing thinner; his face was daily becoming more +haggard; he tired easily, and, after walking the short distance +from his house to his Embassy, he would drop listlessly +into his chair. His general bearing was that of a +man who was physically and nervously exhausted. It +was hoped that the holiday at St. Ives would help him; +that he greatly enjoyed that visit, especially the +westward—homeward—outlook on the Atlantic which it gave him, +his letters clearly show; there was a temporary improvement +also in his health, but only a temporary one. The +last great effort which he made in the interest of the common +cause was Secretary Baker's visit; the activities which +this entailed wearied him, but the pleasure he obtained +from the resultant increase in the American participation +made the experience one of the most profitable of his life. +Indeed, Page's last few months in England, though full of +sad memories for his friends, contained little but satisfaction +for himself. He still spent many a lonely evening +by his fire, but his thoughts were now far more pleasurable +than in the old <i>Lusitania</i> days. The one absorbing subject +of contemplation now was that America was "in." +His country had justified his deep confidence. The American +Navy had played a determining part in defeating the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-375" id="page2-375"></a>[pg II-375]</span> +submarine, and American shipyards were turning out +merchant ships faster than the Germans were destroying +them. American troops were reaching France at a rate +which necessarily meant the early collapse of the German +Empire. Page's own family had responded to the call +and this in itself was a cause of great contentment to +a sick and weary man. The Ambassador's youngest +son, Frank, had obtained a commission and was serving +in France; his son-in-law, Charles G. Loring, was +also on the Western Front; while from North Carolina +Page's youngest brother Frank and two nephews +had sailed for the open battle line. The bravery and +success of the American troops did not surprise the +Ambassador but they made his last days in England very +happy.</p> + +<p>Indeed, every day had some delightful experience for +Page. The performance of the Americans at Cantigny +especially cheered him. The day after this battle he and +Mrs. Page entertained Mr. Lloyd George and other guests +at lunch. The Prime Minister came bounding into the +room with his characteristic enthusiasm, rushed up to +Mrs. Page with both hands outstretched and shook hands +joyously.</p> + +<p>"Congratulations!" he exclaimed. "The Americans +have done it! They have met the Prussian guard and +defeated them!"</p> + +<p>Mr. Lloyd George was as exuberant over the achievement +as a child.</p> + +<p>This was now the kind of experience that had become +Page's daily routine. Lively as were his spirits, however, +his physical frame was giving way. In fact Page, though +he did not know it at the time, was suffering from a specific +disease—nephritis; and its course, after Christmas of +1917, became rapid. His old friend, Dr. Wallace Buttrick, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-376" id="page2-376"></a>[pg II-376]</span> +had noted the change for the worse and had attempted to +persuade him to go home.</p> + +<p>"Quit your job, Page," he urged. "You have other big +tasks waiting you at home. Why don't you go back?"</p> + +<p>"No—no—not now."</p> + +<p>"But, Page," urged Dr. Buttrick, "you are going to lay +down your life."</p> + +<p>"I have only one life to lay down," was the reply. "I +can't quit now."</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Mary E. Page</i><a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75" /><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a><br /> +<br /> +London, May 12, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MARY:</p> + +<p>You'll have to take this big paper and this paint brush +pen—it's all the pen these blunt British have. This is to +tell you how very welcome your letter to Alice is—how +very welcome, for nobody writes us the family news and +nothing is so much appreciated. I'll try to call the shorter +roll of us in the same way:</p> + +<p>After a miserable winter we, too, are having the rare +experience of a little sunshine in this dark, damp world of +London. The constant confinement in the city and <i>in +the house</i> (that's the worst of it—no outdoor life or fresh +air) has played hob with my digestion. It's not bad, but +it's troublesome, and for some time I've had the feeling of +being one half well. It occurred to me the other day that +I hadn't had leave from my work for four years, except +my short visit home nearly two years ago. I asked for two +months off, and I've got it. We are going down by the +shore where there is fresh air and where I can live outdoors +and get some exercise. We have a house that we can get +there and be comfortable. To get away from London +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-377" id="page2-377"></a>[pg II-377]</span> +when the weather promises to be good, and to get away +from people seemed a joyous prospect. I can, at any time +I must, come to London in two hours.</p> + +<p>The job's too important to give up at this juncture. +This, then, is the way we can keep it going. I've no such +hard task now as I had during the years of our neutrality, +which, praise God! I somehow survived, though I am +now suffering more or less from the physical effects of +that strain. Yet, since I have had the good fortune to +win the confidence of this Government and these people, I +feel that I ought to keep on now until some more or less +natural time to change comes.</p> + +<p>Alice keeps remarkably well—since her influenza late +in the winter; but a rest away from London is really needed +as much by her as by me. They work her to death. In +a little while she is to go, by the invitation of the Government +and the consent of the King, to christen a new British +warship at Newcastle. It will be named the "Eagle." +Meantime I'll be trying to get outdoor life at Sandwich.</p> + +<p>Yesterday a regiment of our National Army marched +through the streets of London and were reviewed by the +King and me; and the town made a great day of it. While +there is an undercurrent of complaint in certain sections +of English opinion because we didn't come into the war +sooner, there is a very general and very genuine appreciation +of everything we have done and of all that we do. +Nothing could be heartier than the welcome given our +men here yesterday. Nor could any men have made +a braver or better showing than they made. They made +us all swell with pride.</p> + +<p>They are coming over now, as you know, in great +quantities. There were about 8,000 landed here last week +and about 30,000 more are expected this week. I think +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-378" id="page2-378"></a>[pg II-378]</span> +that many more go direct to France than come through +England. On their way through England they do not +come to London. Only twice have we had them here, +yesterday and one day last summer when we had a parade +of a regiment of engineers. For the <i>army</i> London is on a +sidetrack—is an out of the way place. For our navy, of +course, it's the European headquarters, since Admiral +Sims has his headquarters here. We thus see a good +many of our sailors who are allowed to come to London on +leave. A few days ago I had a talk with a little bunch of +them who came from one of our superdreadnaughts in +the North Sea. They had just returned from a patrol +across to the coast of Norway. "Bad luck, bad luck," +they said, "on none of our long patrol trips have we seen +a single Hun ship!"</p> + +<p>About the war, you know as much as I know. There +is a general confidence that the Allies will hold the Germans +in their forthcoming effort to get to Calais or to +Paris. Yet there is an undercurrent of fear. Nobody +knows just how to feel about it. Probably another prodigious +onslaught will be made before you receive this +letter. It seems to me that we can make no intelligent +guess until this German effort is finished in France—no +guess about the future. If the Germans get the French +ports (Calais, for example) the war will go on indefinitely. +If they are held back, it <i>may</i> end next autumn or +winter—partly because of starvation in Germany and partly +because the Germans will have to confess that they can't +whip our armies in France. But, even then, since they +have all Russia to draw on, they may keep going for a long +time. One man's guess is as good as another's.</p> + +<p>One sad thing is certain: we shall at once begin to have +heavy American casualties. Our Red Cross and our +army here are getting hospitals ready for such American +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-379" id="page2-379"></a>[pg II-379]</span> +wounded as are brought over to England—the parts of +our army that are fighting with the British.</p> + +<p>We have a lot of miserable politics here which interfere +with the public feeling. The British politician is a worse +yellow dog than the American—at times he is, at least; +and we have just been going through such a time. Another +such time will soon come about the Irish.</p> + +<p>Well, we have an unending quantity of work and wear—no +very acute bothers but a continuous strain, the +strain of actual work, of uneasiness, of seeing people, of +uncertainty, of great expense, of doubt and fear at times, +of inability to make any plans—all which is only the common +lot now all over the world, except that most persons +have up to this time suffered incomparably worse than we. +And there's nothing to do but to go on and on and on and +to keep going with the stoutest hearts we can keep up till +the end do at last come. But the Germans now (as the +rest of us) are fighting for their lives. They are desperate +and their leaders care nothing for human life.</p> + +<p>The Embassy now is a good deal bigger than the whole +State Department ever was in times of peace. I have +three buildings for offices, and a part of our civil force occupies +two other buildings. Even a general supervision +of so large a force is in itself a pretty big job. The army +and the Navy have each about the same space as the Embassy +proper. Besides, our people have huts and inns and +clubs and hospitals all over the town. Even though there +be fewer vexing problems than there were while we were +neutral, there is not less work—on the contrary, more. +Nor will there be an end to it for a very long time—long +after my time here. The settling of the war and the beginning +of peace activities, whenever these come, will involve +a great volume of work. But I've no ambition to +have these things in hand. As soon as a natural time of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-380" id="page2-380"></a>[pg II-380]</span> +relief shall come, I'll go and be happier in my going than +you or anybody else can guess.</p> + +<p>Now we go to get my digestion stiffened up for another +long tug—unless the Germans proceed forthwith to knock +us out—which they cannot do.</p> + +<p>With my love to everybody on the Hill,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately yours,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Mr. and Mrs. Waldorf Astor—since become Viscount +and Viscountess Astor—had offered the Pages the use of +their beautiful seaside house at Sandwich, Kent, and it +was the proposed vacation here to which Page refers in +this letter. He obtained a six weeks' leave of absence and +almost the last letters which Page wrote from England +are dated from this place. These letters have all the +qualities of Page at his best: but the handwriting is a sad +reminder of the change that was progressively taking place +in his physical condition. It is still a clear and beautiful +script, but there are signs of a less steady hand than the +one that had written the vigorous papers of the preceding +four years.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>Memorandum</i><br /> +<br /> +Sandwich, Kent, Sunday, 19 May, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<p>We're at Rest Harrow and it's a fine, sunny early +spring Carolina day. The big German drive has evidently +begun its second phase. We hear the guns distinctly. +We see the coast-guard aeroplanes at almost any +time o'day. What is the mood about the big battle?</p> + +<p>The soldiers—British and French—have confidence in +their ability to hold the Germans back from the Channel +and from Paris. Yet can one rely on the judgment of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-381" id="page2-381"></a>[pg II-381]</span> +soldiers? They have the job in hand and of course they +believe in themselves. While one does not like in the +least to discount their judgment and their hopefulness, +for my part I am not <i>quite</i> so sure of their ability to make +sound judgments as I wish I were. The chances are in +favour of their success; but—suppose they should have to +yield and give up Calais and other Channel ports? Well, +they've prepared for it as best they can. They have made +provision for commandeering most of the hotels in London +that are not yet taken over—for hospitals for the wounded +now in France.</p> + +<p>And the war would take on a new phase. Whatever +should become of the British and American armies, the +Germans would be no nearer having England than they +now are. They would not have command of the sea. +The combined British and American fleets could keep +every German ship off the ocean and continue the blockade +by sea—indefinitely; and, if the peoples of the two countries +hold fast, a victory would be won at last—at sea.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Ralph W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Rest Harrow, Sandwich, Kent.<br /> +May 19, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR RALPH:</p> + +<p>I felt very proud yesterday when I read T.R.'s good +word in the <i>Outlook</i> about your book<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76" /><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>. If I had written +what he said myself—I mean, if I had written what I +think of the book—I should have said this very thing. +And there is one thing more I should have said, viz.:—All +your life and all my life, we have cultivated the opinion +at home that we had nothing to do with the rest of the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-382" id="page2-382"></a>[pg II-382]</span> +world, nothing to do with Europe in particular—and in +our political life our hayseed spokesmen have said this +over and over again till many people, perhaps most people, +came really to believe that it was true. Now this aloofness, +this utterly detached attitude, was a pure invention +of the shirt-sleeve statesman at home. I have long concluded, +for other reasons as well as for this, that these men +are the most ignorant men in the whole world; more ignorant—because +they are viciously ignorant—than the Negro +boys who act as caddies at Pinehurst; more ignorant than +the inmates of the Morganton Asylum; more ignorant +than sheep or rabbits or idiots. They have been the +chief hindrances of our country—worse than traitors, in +effect. It is they, in fact, who kept our people ignorant +of the Germans, ignorant of the English, ignorant of our +own history, ignorant of ourselves. Now your book, +without mentioning the subject, shows this important +fact clearly, by showing that our aloofness has all been a +fiction. <i>We've been in the world—and right in the middle +of the world—the whole time</i>.</p> + +<p>And our public consciousness of this fact has enormously +slipped back. Take Franklin, Madison, Monroe, Jefferson; +take Hay, Root—and then consider some of our +present representatives! One good result of the war and +of our being in it will be the restoration of our foreign +consciousness. Every one of the half million, or three million, +soldiers who go to France will know more about foreign +affairs than all Congress knew two years ago.</p> + +<p>A stay of nearly five years in London (five years ago +to-day I was on the ship coming here) with no absence +long enough to give any real rest, have got my digestion +wrong. I've therefore got a real leave for two months. +Your mother and I have a beautiful house here that has +been lent to us, right on the Channel where there's nothing +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-383" id="page2-383"></a>[pg II-383]</span> +worth bombing and where as much sunshine and warmth +come as come anywhere in England. We got here last +night and to-day is as fine an early spring day as you ever +had in the Sandhills. I shall golf and try to find me an old +horse to ride, and I'll stay out in the sunshine and try to +get the inside machinery going all right. We may have a +few interruptions, but I hope not many, if the Germans +leave us alone. Your mother has got to go to Newcastle to +christen a new British warship—a compliment the Admiralty +pays her "to bind the two nations closer together" +etc. etc. And I've got to go to Cambridge to receive an +LL.D. for the President. Only such things are allowed +to interrupt us. And we are very much hoping to see +Frank here.</p> + +<p>We are in sound of the battle. We hear the big guns +whenever we go outdoors. A few miles down the beach +is a rifle range and we hear the practice there. Almost +any time of day we can hear aeroplanes which (I presume) +belong to the coast guard. There's no danger of +forgetting the war, therefore, unless we become stone +deaf. But this decent air and sunshine are blessings of +the highest kind. I never became so tired of anything +since I had the measles as I've become of London. +My Lord! it sounded last night as if we had jumped from +the frying pan into the fire. Just as we were about to go +to bed the big gun on the beach—just outside the fence +around our yard—about 50 yards from the house, began +its thundering belch—five times in quick succession, +rattling the windows and shaking the very foundation of +things. Then after a pause of a few minutes, another +round of five shots. Then the other guns all along the +beach took up the chorus—farther off—and the inland +guns followed. They are planted all the way to London—ninety +miles. For about two hours we had this roar +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-384" id="page2-384"></a>[pg II-384]</span> +and racket. There was an air raid on, and there were +supposed to be twenty-five or thirty German planes on +their way to London. I hear that it was the worst raid +that London has had. Two of them were brought down—that's +the only good piece of news I've heard about it. +Well, we are not supposed to be in danger. They fly over +us on the way to bigger game. At any rate I'll take the +risk for this air and sunshine. Trenches and barbed wire +run all along the beach—I suppose to help in case of an +invasion. But an invasion is impossible in my judgment. +Holy Moses! what a world!—the cannon in the big battle +in France roaring in our ears all the time, this cannon at +our door likely to begin action any night and all the rest +along the beach and on the way to London, and this is +what we call rest! The world is upside down, all crazy, +all murderous; but we've got to stop this barbaric assault, +whatever the cost.</p> + +<p>Ray Stannard Baker is spending a few days with us, +much to our pleasure.</p> + +<p>With love to Leila and the babies,</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours affectionately,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Rest Harrow, Sandwich Beach,<br /> +Sandwich, Kent, England.<br /> +May 20, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>... I can't get quite to the bottom of the anti-English +feeling at Washington. God knows, this people +have their faults. Their social system and much else here +is mediæval. I could write several volumes in criticism +of them. So I could also in criticism of anybody else. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-385" id="page2-385"></a>[pg II-385]</span> +But Jefferson's<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77" /><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> letter is as true to-day as it was when he +wrote it. One may or may not have a lot of sentiment +about it; but, without sentiment, it's mere common sense, +mere prudence, the mere instinct of safety to keep close +to Great Britain, to have a decent respect for the good +qualities of these people and of this government. Certainly +it is a mere perversity—lost time—lost motion, +lost everything—to cherish a dislike and a distrust of them—a +thing that I cannot wholly understand. While we are, +I fear, going to have trade troubles and controversies, my +feeling is, on the whole, in spite of the attitude of our official +life, that an increasing number of our people are +waking up to what England has done and is and may be +depended on to do. Isn't that true?</p> + +<p>We've no news here. We see nobody who knows anything. +I am far from strong—the old stomach got tired +and I must gradually coax it back to work. That's +practically my sole business now for a time, and it's a +slow process. But it's coming along and relief from seeing +hordes of people is as good as medicine.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><br /> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +Sandwich, May 24, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>Your speeches have a cumulative effect in cheering up +the British. As you see, if you look over the mass of +newspaper clippings that I send to the Department, or +have them looked over, the British press of all parties and +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-386" id="page2-386"></a>[pg II-386]</span> +shades of opinion constantly quote them approvingly and +gratefully. They have a cumulative effect, too, in clearing +the atmosphere. Take, for instance, your declaration +in New York about standing by Russia. All the +allied governments in Europe wish to stand by Russia, +but their pressing business with the war, near at hand, +causes them in a way to forget Russia; and certainly the +British public, all intent on the German "drive" in France +had in a sense forgotten Russia. You woke them up. +And your "Why set a limit to the American Army?" has +had a cheering effect. As leader and spokesman of the +enemies of Germany—by far the best trumpet-call spokesman +and the strongest leader—your speeches are worth +an army in France and more, for they keep the proper +moral elevation. All this is gratefully recognized here. +Public opinion toward us is wholesome and you have a +"good press" in this Kingdom. In this larger matter, all +is well. The English faults are the failings of the smaller +men—about smaller matters—not of the large men nor of +the public, about large matters.</p> + +<p>In private, too, thoughtful Englishmen by their fears +pay us high tribute. I hear more and more constantly +such an opinion as this: "You see, when the war is over, +you Americans will have much the largest merchant fleet. +You will have much the largest share of money, and England +and France and all the rest of the world will owe you +money. You will have a large share of essential raw materials. +You will have the machinery for marine insurance +and for foreign banking. You will have much the largest +volume of productive labour. And you will know the +world as you have never known it before. What then is +going to become of British trade?"</p> + +<p>The best answer I can give is: "Adopt American +methods of manufacture, and the devil take the hindmost. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-387" id="page2-387"></a>[pg II-387]</span> +There will be for a long time plenty for everybody +to do; and let us make sure that we both play the game +fairly: that's the chief matter to look out for." That's +what I most fear in the decades following the end of the +war—trade clashes.</p> + +<p>The Englishman's pride will be hurt. I recall a speech +made to me by the friendliest of the British—Mr. Balfour +himself: "I confess that as an Englishman it hurts my +pride to have to borrow so much even from you. But I will +say that I'd rather be in your debt than in anybody else's."</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Edward M. House</i><br /> +<br /> +May 27, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR HOUSE:</p> + +<p>... I can write in the same spirit of the Labour +Group which left for home last week. Nobody has been +here from our side who had a better influence than they. +They emphatically stuck by their instructions and took +pleasure, against the blandishments of certain British +Socialists, in declaring against any meeting with anybody +from the enemy countries to discuss "peace-by-negotiation" +or anything else till the enemy is whipped. They +made admirable speeches and proved admirable representatives +of the bone and sinew of American manhood. +They had dead-earnestness and good-humour and hard +horse-sense.</p> + +<p>This sort of visit is all to the good. Great good they +do, too, in the present English curiosity to see and hear +the right sort of frank, candid Americans. Nobody who +hasn't been here lately can form an idea of the eagerness +of all classes to hear and learn about the United States. +There never was, and maybe never will be again, such a +chance to inform the British and—to help them toward a +rights understanding of the United States and our people. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-388" id="page2-388"></a>[pg II-388]</span> +We are not half using the opportunity. There seems to +be a feeling on your side the ocean that we oughtn't to +send men here to "lecture" the British. No typical, +earnest, sound American who has been here has "lectured" +the British. They have all simply told facts and instructed +them and won their gratitude and removed misconceptions. +For instance, I have twenty inquiries a +week about Dr. Buttrick. He went about quietly during +his visit here and talked to university audiences and to +working-men's meetings and he captured and fascinated +every man he met. He simply told them American facts, +explained the American spirit and aims and left a grateful +memory everywhere. Buttrick cost our Government +nothing: he paid his own way. But if he had cost as much +as a regiment it would have been well spent. The people +who heard him, read American utterances, American history, +American news in a new light. And most of his talk +was with little groups of men, much of it even in private +conversation. He did no orating or "lecturing." A +hundred such men, if we had them, would do more for a +perfect understanding with the British people than anything +else whatsoever could do.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours sincerely,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Arthur W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Sandwich, May 27, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR ARTHUR:</p> + +<p>... I do get tired—my Lord! how tired!—not of +the work but of the confinement, of the useless things I +have to spend time on, of the bad digestion that has overtaken +me, of London, of the weather, of absence from you +all—of the general breaking up of the world, of this mad +slaughter of men. But, after all, this is the common lot +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-389" id="page2-389"></a>[pg II-389]</span> +now and I am grateful for a chance to do what I can. +That's the true way to look at it.</p> + +<p>... Worry? I don't worry about anything except +the war in general and this mad world so threatened by +these devil barbarians. And I have a feeling that, when +we get a few thousand flying machines, we'll put an end +to that, alas! with the loss of many of our brave boys. I +hear the guns across the channel as I write—an unceasing +boom! boom! boom! That's what takes the stuff out of +me and gets my inside machinery wrong. Still, I'm gradually +getting even that back to normal. Golf and the +poets are fine medicine. I read Keats the other day, with +entire forgetfulness of the guns. Here we have a comfortable +house, our own servants (as many as we need), a +beautiful calm sea, a perfect air and for the present ideal +weather. There's nobody down here but Scottish soldiers. +We've struck up a pleasant acquaintance with +them; and some of the fellows from the Embassy come +down week ends. Only the murderous guns keep their +eternal roar.</p> + +<p>Thanks, thanks, a thousand thanks, old man. It'll all +work out right.</p> + +<p>... I look at it in this way: all's well that ends well. +We are now doing our duty. That's enough. These +things don't bother me, because doing our duty now is +worth a million years of past errors and shortcomings.</p> + +<p>Your mother's well and spry—very, and the best company +in the world. We're having a great time.</p> + +<p>Bully for the kids! Kiss 'em for me and Mollie too.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Make Shoecraft tell you everything. He's one of the +best boys and truest in the world.</p> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-390" id="page2-390"></a>[pg II-390]</span></div> +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Ralph W. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Rest Harrow, Sandwich, Kent.<br /> +June 7, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR RALPH:</p> + +<p>... I have all along cherished an expectation of +two things—(1) That when we did get an American Army +by conscription, if it should remain at war long enough to +learn the game, it would become the best army that the +world ever saw, for the simple reason that its ranks would +contain more capable men than any other country has +ever produced. The proof of this comes at once. Even +our new and raw troops have astonished the veterans of +the French and British armies and (I have no doubt) of +the German Army also. It'll be our men who will whip +the Germans, and there are nobody else's men who could +do it. We've already saved the Entente from collapse +by our money. We'll save the day again by our fighting +men. That is to say, we'll save the world, thank God; and +I fear it couldn't have been saved in any other way. (2) +Since the people by their mood command and compel +efficiency, the most efficient people will at last (as recent +events show) get at the concrete jobs, in spite of anybody's +preferences or philosophy. And this seems at last +to be taking place. What we have suffered and shall +suffer is not failure but delays and delays and bunglings. +But they've got to end by the sheer pressure of the people's +earnestness. These two things, then, are all to the good.</p> + +<p>I get the morning papers here at noon. And to-day I +am all alone. Your mother went early on her journey +to launch a British battleship. I haven't had a soul to +speak to all day but my servants. At noon, therefore, I +was rather eager for the papers. I saw at a glance that +a submarine is at work off the New Jersey coast! It's an +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-391" id="page2-391"></a>[pg II-391]</span> +awful thing for the innocent victims, to be drowned. But +their deaths have done us a greater service than 100 times as +many lives lost in battle. If anybody lacked earnestness +about the war, I venture to guess that he doesn't lack it any +longer. If the fools would now only shell some innocent +town on the coast, the journey to Berlin would be shortened.</p> + +<p>If the Germans had practised a chivalrous humanity in +their war for conquest, they'd have won it. Nothing on +earth can now save them; for the world isn't big enough to +hold them and civilized people. Nor is there any room +for pacifists till this grim business is done.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Affectionately,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>The last piece of writing from Sandwich is the following +memorandum:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sandwich, Kent.<br /> +June 10, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The Germans continue to gain ground in France—more +slowly, but still they gain. The French and British papers +now give space to plans for the final defense—the desperate +defense—of Paris. The Germans are only forty +miles away. Slocum, military attaché, thinks they will +get it and he reports the same opinion at the War Office—because +the Germans have taken such a large number of +guns and so much ammunition. Some of these guns were +meant for the American troops, and they cannot now be +replaced in time if the German advance continues. But +I do not know enough facts at first hand to form an opinion. +But, if Paris be taken, the war will go on a long time—unless +the English-speaking rulers make a compromise. +And, then, in another form—and forms—it'll go on indefinitely.—There +has been no more perilous or uncertain +or anxious time than now.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-392" id="page2-392"></a>[pg II-392]</span> +<p>The United States too late, too late, too late: what if it +should turn out so?</p></div> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>But it did not turn out so. Even while Page was penning +these lines great events were taking place in France +and the American troops were having a large share in +them. In June the Americans stopped the German +troops at Belleau Wood—a battle which proved the mettle +of these fresh levies not only for the benefit of the Germans +but of the Allies as well. Thus Page had the great satisfaction +of returning to London while the city was ringing +with the praise of these achievements. He found that +the atmosphere had materially changed since he had last +been in the British capital; when he had left for Sandwich +there had been a general expectation that the Germans +would get Paris or the Channel ports; now, however, there +was every confidence of victory. Greatly as Page rejoiced +over the new prospect, however, the fight at +Belleau Wood brought him his last great sorrow. His +nephew, Allison M. Page, of Aberdeen, North Carolina, +the son of his youngest brother, Frank, lost his life in that +engagement. At first the young man was reported +"missing"; the investigation set afoot by the Ambassador +for some time brought no definite information. One of +the most pathetic of Page's papers is a brief note addressed +by him to Allison Page, asking him for news: "It's been +a long time since we heard from you," Page wrote his +nephew. "Write how it goes with you. Affectionately, +Uncle Wat." After travelling over a considerable +part of France, this note found its way back to the Embassy. +The boy—he was only 19—had been killed in +action near Belleau Wood, on June 25th, while leading +his detachment in an attack on a machine gun. Citations +and decorations for gallantry in action were given posthumously +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-393" id="page2-393"></a>[pg II-393]</span> +by General Pershing, Marshal Pétain, Major-General +Omar Bundy, and Major-General John A. LeJeune.</p> + +<p>And now the shadows began to close in rapidly on +Page. In early July Major Frank C. Page, the Ambassador's +youngest son, came over from France. A brief +glance at his father convinced him that he was dying. +By this time the Ambassador had ceased to go to the Chancery, +but was transacting the most imperative business +propped up in a chair at home. His mind was possessed +by two yearnings: one was to remain in London until +the end of the war, the other was to get back to his +childhood home in North Carolina. Young Page urged +his father to resign, but the weary invalid insisted on +sticking to his post. On this point it seemed impossible +to move him. Knowing that his brother Arthur had +great influence with his father, Frank Page cabled, asking +him to come to England immediately. Arthur took the +first boat, reaching London late in July.</p> + +<p>The Ambassador's two sons then gently pressed upon +their father the fact that he must resign. Weak as he +was, the Ambassador was still obdurate.</p> + +<p>"No," he said. "It's quitting on the job. I must see +the war through. I can't quit until it's over."</p> + +<p>But Sir William Osler, Page's physician and devoted +friend, exercised his professional authority and insisted on +the resignation. Finally Page consented.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To the President</i><br /> +<br /> +American Embassy, London,<br /> +August 1, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>I have been struggling for a number of months against +the necessity to write you this note; for my doctors now +advise me to give up all work for a period—my London +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-394" id="page2-394"></a>[pg II-394]</span> +doctor says for six months. I have a progressive digestive +trouble which does not yield to the usual treatment. It's +the war, five London winters, and the unceasing labour +which is now the common lot. I am ashamed to say that +these have brought me to something near a breakdown. +I have had Sir William Osler as well as two distinguished +London physicians for several months. The digestive +trouble has brought other ills in its train; and I am assured +that they will yield to freedom from responsibility and +complete rest for a time in a dry, warm climate and that +they are not likely to yield to anything else.</p> + +<p>I see nothing else to do then but to bow to the inevitable +and to ask you to be kind enough to relieve me and to accept +my resignation to take effect as soon as I can go to +Washington and make a somewhat extended report on +the work here, which, I hope, will be of some use to the +Department; and I ought to go as soon as possible—say, +in September. I cannot tell you how great my disappointment +is that this request has become necessary.</p> + +<p>If the world and its work were so organized that we +could do what we should like to do, I should like a leave +of absence till winter be broken and then to take up my +duties here again till the war end. But that, of course, is +impracticable. And it is now a better time to change +Ambassadors than at any time since the war began. My +five years' service has had two main phases—the difficult +period of our neutrality and the far easier period since we +came into the war. But when the war ends, I fear that +there will be again more or less troublesome tasks arising +out of commercial difficulties.</p> + +<p>But for any reasonable period the Embassy's work fortunately +can now go on perfectly well with Mr. Laughlin +as Chargé—until my successor can get here. The Foreign +Office like him, he is <i>persona grata</i> to all other Departments +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-395" id="page2-395"></a>[pg II-395]</span> +of the Government, and he has had a long experience; and +he is most conscientious and capable. And the organization +is in excellent condition.</p> + +<p>I venture to ask you to have a cable message sent to me +(to be deciphered by me alone). It will require quite a +little time to pack up and to get away.</p> + +<p>I send this, Mr. President, with more regret than I can +express and only after a struggle of more than six months +to avoid it.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours sincerely,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Arthur Page took his father to Banff, in Scotland, +for a little rest in preparation for the voyage. From this +place came Page's last letter to his wife:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>To Mrs. Page</i><br /> +<br /> +Duff House, Banff, Scotland.<br /> +Sunday, September 2, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR:</p> + +<p>... I've put the period of our life in London, in my +mind, as closed. That epoch is ended. And I am glad. +It was time it ended. My job (<i>that</i> job) is done. From +the letters that Shoecraft has sent me and from what the +papers say, I think I couldn't have ended it more happily—or +at a better time. I find myself thinking of the winter +down South—of a Thanksgiving Day dinner for the older +folks of our family, of a Christmas tree for the kids, of +frolics of all sorts, of Rest, of some writing (perhaps not +much), going over my papers with Ralph—that's what he +wants, you know; etc., etc., etc.—</p> + +<p>And I've got to eat more. I myself come into my thinking +and planning in only two ways—(1) I'm going to have +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-396" id="page2-396"></a>[pg II-396]</span> +a suit like old Lord N.'s and (2) I'm going to get all the +good things to eat that there are!</p> + +<p>Meantime, my dear, how are you? Don't you let this +getting ready wear you out. Let something go undone +rather. Work Miss Latimer and the boys and the moving +and packing men, and Petherick and the servants. +Take it very easy yourself.</p> + +<p>Nine and a half more days here—may they speed swiftly. +Comfortable as I am, I'm mortal tired of being away from +you—dead tired.</p> + +<p>Praise God it's only 9-1/2 days. If it were 9-3/4, I should +not stand it, but break for home prematurely.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours, dear Allie, with all my love,<br /> +W.H.P.<br /> +</div> + +<p>On August 24th came the President's reply:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I have received your communication of August 1st. It +caused me great regret that the condition of your health +makes it necessary for you to resign. Under the circumstances +I do not feel I have the right to insist on such a +sacrifice as your remaining in London. Your resignation +is therefore accepted. As you request it will take effect +when you report to Washington. Accept my congratulations +that you have no reason to fear a permanent impairment +of your health and that you can resign knowing +that you have performed your difficult duties with distinguished +success.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +WOODROW WILSON.<br /> +</div> + +<p>The news of Page's resignation inspired tributes from +the British press and from British public men such as have +been bestowed upon few Americans. The London <i>Times</i> +headed its leader "A Great Ambassador" and this note +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-397" id="page2-397"></a>[pg II-397]</span> +was echoed in all sections of Great Britain. The part of +Page's career which Englishmen chiefly recalled was his +attitude during the period of neutrality. This, the newspapers +declared, was Page's great contribution to the cause. +The fact that it had had such far-reaching influences on history +was the one especially insisted on. His conciliatory +and skillful behaviour had kept the United States and Great +Britain friends at a time when a less tactful ambassador +might easily have made them enemies; the result was that, +when the time came, the United States could join forces +against the common enemy, with results that were then +daily unfolding on the battlefields of France. "I really +believe," wrote the Marquess of Crewe, "that there were +several occasions when we might have made it finally impossible +for America to join us in the war; that these +passed by may have been partly due to some glimmering +of common sense on our part, with Grey as its main exponent; +but it was more largely owing to your patience and +courtesy and to the certainty which the Foreign Office +always enjoyed that its action would be set before the +Secretary of State in as favourable a light as it conscientiously +could be." That, then, was Page's contribution to +the statesmanship of this crisis—that of holding the two +countries together so that, when the time came, the +United States could join the Allies. A mass of private +letters, all breathing the same sentiment, began to pour in +on Page. There was hardly an illustrious name in Great +Britain that was not represented among these leave-takings. +As illustrating the character and spirit animating +them, the following selections are made:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>From the King</i></p> + +<p>The information communicated to me yesterday +through Mr. Laughlin of Your Excellency's resignation of +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-398" id="page2-398"></a>[pg II-398]</span> +the Post of Ambassador and the cause of this step fill me +with the keenest regret. During your term of office in +days of peace and of war your influence has done much to +strengthen the ties of friendship and good-will which +unite the two English-speaking nations of the world. I +trust your health will soon be restored and that we may +have the pleasure of seeing you and Mrs. Page before your +departure.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +GEORGE R.I.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From the Prime Minister</i><br /> +<br /> +10, Downing Street, Whitehall, S.W. 1.<br /> +30th August, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR AMBASSADOR:</p> + +<p>It is with the deepest regret that my colleagues and I +have received the news that you have been forced by ill +health to resign your office and that the President has +consented to your relinquishing your ambassadorial +duties. We are sorry that you are leaving us, all the more +because your tenure of office has coincided with one of the +greatest epochs in the history of our two countries and +of the world, and because your influence and counsel +throughout this difficult time have been of the utmost +value to us all.</p> + +<p>The power for good or evil which can be exerted by the +occupant of your high position is at all times necessarily +very great. That our peoples are now fighting side by +side in the cause of human freedom and that they are +manifesting an ever growing feeling of cordiality to one +another is largely attributable to the exceptional wisdom +and good-will with which you have discharged your duties. +For the part you have played during the past five years in +bringing about this happy result we owe you our lasting +gratitude.</p> + +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-399" id="page2-399"></a>[pg II-399]</span> +<p>May I add that while you have always firmly presented +the point of view of your own country, you have succeeded +in winning, not only the respect and admiration of official +circles, but the confidence, and I can say without hesitation, +the affection of all sections of our people? It will be +with universal regret that they will learn that, owing to +the strain of the great responsibilities you have borne, +you are no longer to remain among us. I earnestly +trust that a well-earned rest will speedily restore you to +complete health, and that you have many years of public +service still in store for you.</p> + +<p>I should like also to say how much we shall miss Mrs. +Page. She has won a real place in all our hearts. Through +her unfailing tact, her genuine kindliness, and her unvarying +readiness to respond to any call upon her time and +energy, she has greatly contributed to the success of your +ambassadorship.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Ever sincerely,<br /> +D. LLOYD GEORGE.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +<i>From Viscount Grey of Fallodon</i><br /> +<br /> +Glen Innerleithen, Scotland.<br /> +September 2, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>DEAR MR. PAGE:</p> + +<p>I have been out of touch with current events for a few +days, but yesterday I read the two articles in the <i>Times</i> +on your retirement. I am very grieved to think that you +are going. There was not a word of eulogy in the <i>Times</i> +articles that was not under rather than over-stated, and +reflecting thus I thought how rare it is in public life to have +an occasion that justifies the best that can be said. But it +is so now, and I am filled with deep regret that you are +going and with deep gratitude that you came to us and +were here when the war broke out and subsequently. If +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-400" id="page2-400"></a>[pg II-400]</span> +the United States had been represented here by any one +less decided as to the right and wrong of the war and less +firm and courageous than yourself, the whole of the relations +between your country and ours would have been +in peril. And if the two countries had gone apart instead +of coming together the whole fate of the world would be +very different from what I hope it will now be.</p> + +<p>I have often thought that the forces behind public +affairs are so tremendous that individuals have little real, +even when much apparent, influence upon the course of +events. But in the early years of the war I think everything +might have gone wrong if it had not been that certain +men of strong moral conviction were in certain places. +And you were preëminently one of these. President +Wilson I am sure was another, though I know him only +through you and Colonel House and his own public utterances. +Even so your influence must have counted in his +action, by your friendship with him as well as by the fact +of your being the channel through which communications +passed between him and us.</p> + +<p>I cannot adequately express what it was to me personally +in the dark days of 1914, 1915, and 1916 to know +how you felt about the great issues involved in the war.</p> + +<p>I go to Fallodon at the end of this week and come to +London the first week of September—if you and Mrs. +Page have not left by then I hope I may see you. I long +to do so before you go. I wish you may recover perfect +health. My eyesight continues to fail and I shall soon +be absolutely dependent upon other eyes for reading +print. Otherwise I feel as well as a schoolboy, but it is +depressing to be so well and yet so crippled in sight.</p> + +<p>Please do not trouble to answer this letter—you must +have too many letters of the kind to be able to reply to +them separately—but if there is a chance of my seeing +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-401" id="page2-401"></a>[pg II-401]</span> +you before you go please let me have a message to say +when and where.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Yours sincerely,<br /> +GREY OF F.<br /> +</div> + +<p>A few months before his resignation Page had received +a letter from Theodore Roosevelt, who was more familiar +than most Americans with Page's work in London. This +summed up what will be probably the judgment of history +upon his ambassadorship. The letter was in reply to one +written to the Ex-President, asking him to show hospitality +to the Archbishop of York<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78" /><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>, who was about to visit the +United States.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"> +(Office of the Metropolitan Magazine)<br /> +342 Fourth Ave., New York,<br /> +March 1st, 1918.<br /> +</div> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>MY DEAR MR. AMBASSADOR:</p> + +<p>I am very much pleased with your letter, and as soon +as the Archbishop arrives, he will be addressed by me +with all his titles, and I will get him to lunch with me or +dine with me, or do anything else he wishes! I shall do it +for his own sake, and still more, my dear fellow, I shall do +it for the sake of the Ambassador who has represented +America in London during these trying years as no other +Ambassador in London has ever represented us, with the +exception of Charles Francis Adams, during the Civil +War.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Faithfully yours,<br /> +THEODORE ROOSEVELT.<br /> +</div> + +<p>The seriousness of Page's condition was not understood +in London; consequently there were many attempts to do +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-402" id="page2-402"></a>[pg II-402]</span> +him honour in which he was unable to participate. Custom +demands that a retiring Ambassador shall go to +Windsor Castle to dine and to sleep; but King George, +who was very solicitous about Page's health, offered to +spare the Ambassador this trip and to come himself to +London for this leave-taking. However, Page insisted on +carrying out the usual programme; but the visit greatly +tired him and he found it impossible personally to take +part in any further official farewells. The last ceremony +was a visit from the Lord Mayor and Council of Plymouth, +who came to the Ambassador's house in September to present +the freedom of the city. Ever since Page's speech of +August 4, 1917, Plymouth had been planning to do him this +honour; when the Council heard that the Ambassador's +health would make it impossible for him to visit Plymouth, +they asked if they might not come to London. The proceeding +was most impressive and touching and the Ambassador's +five-minute speech, the last one which he made in +England, had all his old earnestness and mental power, +though the physical weakness of the man saddened everybody +present. The Lord Mayor presented the freedom +of the ancient borough in a temporary holder, explaining +that a more permanent receptacle would follow the Ambassador +to America. When this arrived, it proved to be +a beautiful silver model of the <i>Mayflower</i>. Certainly +there could have been no more appropriate farewell gift +to Page from the English town whose name so closely +links the old country with the United States.</p> + +<p>The last scene took place at Waterloo Station. Sir +Arthur Walsh came representing the King, while Mr. +Balfour, Lord Robert Cecil, and other ministers represented +the cabinet. The Government had provided a +special railway carriage, and this was stationed at a convenient +place as Page's motor drew up. So weak was +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-403" id="page2-403"></a>[pg II-403]</span> +the Ambassador that it was with difficulty that his companions, +the ever devoted Mr. Laughlin, on one side, and +Page's secretary, Mr. Shoecraft, on the other, succeeded +in supporting him to his chair. Mr. Balfour, Lord Robert +Cecil and the others then entered the carriage, and, +with all that sympathetic dignity in which Englishmen +of this type excel, said a few gracious and affectionate +words of good-bye. They all stood, with uncovered heads, +as the train slowly pulled out of the station, and caught +their final glimpse of Page as he smiled at them and +faintly waved his hand.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Perhaps the man most affected by this leave-taking was +Mr. Balfour. He knew, as did the others, that that frail +and emaciated figure had been one of the greatest friends +that Britain had had at the most dreadful crisis in her +history. He has many times told of this parting scene +at Waterloo Station and always with emotion.</p> + +<p>"I loved that man," he once said to an American friend, +recalling this event. "I almost wept when he left England."</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75" /><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Of Aberdeen, N.C., the Ambassador's sister.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76" /><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> "Dramatic Moments in American Diplomacy," by Ralph W. +Page, 1918.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77" /><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> The reference is to a letter written in 1823 by Thomas +Jefferson to President Monroe at the time when the Holy Alliance was +threatening the independence of South America. "With Great Britain," +Jefferson wrote, "we should most sedulously cherish a cordial friendship +and nothing would tend more to knit our affections than to be fighting +once more, side by side, in the same cause."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78" /><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> See Vol. II, page 307.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-404" id="page2-404"></a>[pg II-404]</span></div> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVII" id="CHAPTER_XXVII" />CHAPTER XXVII</h2> + +<h3>THE END</h3> + + +<p>Page came home only to die. In fact, at one +time it seemed improbable that he would live to +reach the United States. The voyage of the <i>Olympic</i>, on +which he sailed, was literally a race with death. The +great-hearted Captain, Sir Bertram Hayes, hearing of the +Ambassador's yearning to reach his North Carolina home, +put the highest pressure upon his ship, which almost +leaped through the waves. But for a considerable part of +the trip Page was too ill to have much consciousness of his +surroundings. At times he was delirious; once more he +lived over the long period of "neutrality"; again he was +discussing intercepted cargoes and "notes" with Sir +Edward Grey; from this his mind would revert to his +English literary friends, and then again he was a boy in +North Carolina. The <i>Olympic</i> reached New York more +than a day ahead of schedule; Page was carried down the +gangplank on a stretcher, propped up with pillows; and +since he was too weak then to be taken to his Southern +home, he was placed temporarily in St. Luke's Hospital. +Page arrived on a beautiful sunshiny October day; Fifth +Avenue had changed its name in honour of the new Liberty +Loan and had become the "Avenue of the Allies"; each +block, from Forty-second Street north, was decorated with +the colours of one of the nations engaged in the battle +against Germany; the street was full of Red Cross workers +and other picturesquely clad enthusiasts selling Liberty +Bonds; in its animated beauty and in its inspiring significance +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-405" id="page2-405"></a>[pg II-405]</span> +it formed an appropriate setting for Page's homecoming.</p> + +<p>The American air seemed to act like a tonic on Page; +in a short time he showed such improvement that his recovery +seemed not impossible. So far as his spirits and +his mind were concerned, he became his old familiar self. +He was able to see several of his old friends, he read +the newspapers and discussed the international situation +with his customary liveliness. With the assistance of +his daughter, Mrs. Loring, he even kept track of his +correspondence. Evidently the serious nature of his +illness was not understood, for invitations to speak +poured in from all quarters. Most of these letters Mrs. +Loring answered, but there was one that Page insisted +on attending to himself. The City of Cleveland was +organizing some kind of a meeting dedicated to closer relations +with Great Britain, and the Mayor wrote Page asking +him to speak. The last thing which Page wrote with +his own hand was his reply to this invitation; and it is an +impressive fact that his final written word should have dealt +with the subject that had been so close to his heart for the +preceding five years.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><i>To Harry L. Davis, Mayor of Cleveland, Ohio</i></p> + +<p>I deeply regret my health will not permit me to attend +any public function for some time to come; for I deeply +appreciate your invitation on behalf of the City of Cleveland +for the meeting on December 7th, and have a profound +sympathy with its purpose to bring the two great +English-speaking worlds as close together as possible, +so that each shall thoroughly understand the courage +and sacrifice and ideals of the other. This is the greatest +political task of the future. For such a complete and +lasting understanding is the only basis for the continued, +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-406" id="page2-406"></a>[pg II-406]</span> +progress of civilization. I am proud to be associated in +your thought, Mr. Mayor, with so fitting and happy an occasion, +and only physical inability could cause absence.</p></div> + +<div class="blockquot"> +Sincerely,<br /> +WALTER H. PAGE.<br /> +</div> + +<p>Page's improvement was only temporary; a day or two +after this letter was written he began to sink rapidly; it +was therefore decided to grant his strongest wish and take +him to North Carolina. He arrived in Pinehurst on +December 12th, so weak that his son Frank had to carry +him in his arms from the train.</p> + +<p>"Well, Frank," said Page, with a slightly triumphant +smile, "I did get here after all, didn't I?"</p> + +<p>He lingered for a few days and died, at eight o'clock in +the evening, on December 21st, in his sixty-fourth year. +He suffered no pain. He was buried in the Page family +plot in the Bethesda Cemetery near Aberdeen.</p> + +<p>He was as much of a war casualty as was his nephew +Allison Page, who lost his life with his face to the German +machine guns in Belleau Wood.</p> + + +<p>THE END</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-407" id="page2-407"></a>[pg II-407]</span></div> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX" />APPENDIX</h2> + +<p>SCRAPS FROM UNFINISHED DIARIES</p> + + +<p>Page was not methodical in keeping diaries. His +documents, however, reveal that he took many +praiseworthy resolutions in this direction. They include +a large number of bulky books, each labelled "Diary" +and inscribed with the year whose events were to be recorded. +The outlook is a promising one; but when the +books are opened they reveal only fragmentary good intentions. +Entries are kept up for a few days, and then +the work comes to an end. These volumes contain many +scraps of interesting writing, however, which are worth +preserving; some of them are herewith presented in haphazard +fashion, with no attempt at order in subject matter.</p> + + +<p>1913</p> + +<p>PETHERICK</p> + +<p>Petherick: may he be immortal; for he is a man +who has made of a humble task a high calling; and +without knowing it he has caused a man of a high calling +to degrade it to a mean level. Now Petherick is a humble +Englishman, whose father many years ago enjoyed the +distinction of carrying the mail pouch to and from the +post office for the American Embassy in London. As +father, so son. Petherick succeeded Petherick. In this +remote period (<i>the</i> Petherick must now be 60) Governments +had "despatch agents," men who distributed mail +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-408" id="page2-408"></a>[pg II-408]</span> +and whatnot, sent it on from capital to capital—were +a sort of general "forwarding" factotums. The office +is really out of date now. Telegraph companies, express +companies, railway companies, the excellent mail service +and the like out-despatch any conceivable agent—except +Petherick. Petherick has qualities that defy change, +such as an unfailing courtesy, a genuine joy in serving +his fellows, the very genius of helpfulness. Well, since a +governmental office once established acquires qualities +of perpetuity, three United States despatch agents have +survived the development of modern communication, one +in London, one in New York, and the third (I think) in +San Francisco. At any rate, the London agent remains.</p> + +<p>Now in the beginning the London despatch agent was a +mail messenger (as I understand) for the Embassy. He +still takes the pouch to the post office, and brings it back. +In ordinary times, that's all he does for the Embassy, for +which his salary of about —— is paid by the State Department—too +high a salary for the labour done, but none +too high for the trustworthy qualities required. If this +had been all that Petherick did, he would probably have +long ago gone to the scrap heap. It is one mark of a man +of genius that he always makes his job. So Petherick. +The American Navy came into being and parts of it come +to this side of the world. Naval officers need help when +they come ashore. Petherick was always on hand with +despatches and mail for them, and Petherick was a handy +man. Did the Captain want a cab? Petherick had one +waiting. Did the Captain want rooms? Such-and-such +a hotel was the proper one for him. Rooms were engaged. +Did the Captain's wife need a maid? Petherick had +thought of that, too. Then a Secretary from some continental +legation wished to know a good London tailor. +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-409" id="page2-409"></a>[pg II-409]</span> +He sought Petherick. An American Ambassador from +the continent came to London. London yielded Petherick +for his guidance and his wants. Petherick became omni-present, +universally useful—an American institution in +fact. A naval officer who had been in Asiatic waters was +steaming westward to the Mediterranean. His wife and +three babies came to London, where she was to meet her +husband, who was to spend several weeks here. A telegram +to Petherick: they needed to do nothing else. When +the lady arrived a furnished flat, a maid and a nurse and +a cook and toys awaited her. When her husband arrived, +a pair of boots awaited him from the same last that his +last pair had been made on, in London, five years before. +At some thoughtful moment $1,000 was added +to Petherick's salary by the Navy Department; and a +few years ago a handsome present was made to Petherick +by the United States Naval Officers all over the +world.</p> + +<p>But Petherick, with all his virtues, is merely an Englishman, +and it is not usual for an Englishman to hold a +$3,000 office under appointment from the United States +Government. The office of despatch agent, therefore, +has been nominally held by an American citizen in +London. This American citizen for a good many years +has been Mr. Crane, a barrister, who simply turns over +the salary to Petherick; and all the world, except the +Secretary of State, knows that Petherick is Petherick and +there is none other but him.</p> + +<p>Now comes the story: Mr. Bryan, looking around the +world for offices for his henchmen, finds that one Crane +has been despatch agent in London for many years, and +he writes me a personal and confidential letter, asking +if this be not a good office for some Democrat!</p> + +<p>I tell the story to the Naval Attaché! He becomes +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-410" id="page2-410"></a>[pg II-410]</span> +riotous. He'll have to employ half a dozen clerks to do +for the Navy ill what Petherick does well with ease, if he's +removed. Life would not be worth living anyhow. I +uncover Petherick to the Secretary and show him in his +glory. It must be said to the Secretary's credit that he +has said nothing more about it. Petherick, let us hope, +will live forever. The Secretary's petty-spoils mind now +works on grand plans for Peace, holy Peace, having unsuccessfully +attacked poor Petherick. And Petherick +knows nothing about it and never dreams of an enemy in +all the world, and in all naval and diplomatic life he has +only fast friends. If Mr. Bryan had removed him, he +might have made a temporary friend of one Democrat +from Oklahoma, and lasting enemies of all that Democrat's +rivals and of the whole naval and diplomatic service.</p> + + +<p><i>November, 1914.</i></p> + +<p>We have to get away from it—or try to—a minute at a +time; and the comic gods sometimes help us. Squier<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79" /><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> has +a junior officer here to hold his desk down when he's gone. +He's a West Point Lieutenant with a German name. +His study is ordnance. A new kind of bomb gives him +the same sort of joy that a new species would have given +Darwin. He was over in France—where the armies had +passed to and from Paris—and one day he found an unexploded +German bomb of a new sort. The thing weighed +half a ton or thereabouts, and it was loaded. Somehow +he got it to London—I never did hear how. He wrapped +it in blankets and put it under his bed. He went out of +town to study some other infernal contraption and the +police found this thing under his bed. The War Office +took it and began to look for him—to shoot him, the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-411" id="page2-411"></a>[pg II-411]</span> +bomb-harbouring German! They soon discovered, of +course, that he was one of our men and an officer in the +United States Army. Then I heard of it for the first +time. Here came a profuse letter of apology from the +Government; they had not known the owner was one of +my attachés. Pardon, pardon—a thousand apologies. +But while this letter was being delivered to me one of the +under-secretaries of the Government was asking one of +our secretaries, "In Heaven's name, what's the Ambassador +going to do about it? We have no right to molest +the property of one of your attachés, but this man's room +is less than 100 yards from Westminster Abbey: it might +blow up half of London. We can't give the thing back +to him!" They had taken it to the Duck Pond, wherever +that is. About that time the Lieutenant came back. +His pet bomb gone—what was I going to do about it?</p> + +<p>The fellow actually wanted to bring it to his office in +the Embassy!</p> + +<p>"Look here, Lieutenant, besides the possibility of blow-up +this building and killing every mother's son of us, consider +the scandal of the American Embassy in London +blown up by a German bomb. That would go down in +the school histories of the United States. Don't you see?" +No, he didn't see instantly—he does so love a bomb! I +had to threaten to disown him and let him be shot before +he was content to go and tell them to unload it—he <i>would</i> +have it, unloaded, if not loaded.</p> + +<p>Well, I had to write half a dozen letters before the thing +was done for. He thinks me a chicken-livered old coward +and I know much more about him than I knew before; +and we are at peace. The newspapers never got the +story, but his friends about town still laugh at him for +trying first to blow up Westminster Abbey and then his +own Ambassador. He was at my house at dinner the +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-412" id="page2-412"></a>[pg II-412]</span> +other night and one of the ladies asked him: "Lieutenant, +have you any darling little pet lyddite cartridges in your +pocket?" Think of a young fellow who just loves bombs! +Has loaded bombs for pets! How I misspent my youth!</p> + + +<p><i>February, 1915.</i></p> + +<p>This is among the day's stories: The British took a ship +that had a cargo of 100,000 busts of Von Hindenburg—filled +with copper.</p> + +<p>Another: When Frederick Watts was painting Lord +Minto he found it hard to make the portrait please him. +When he was told that Lord Minto liked it and Lady +Minto didn't and that So-and-So praised it, he exclaimed: +"I don't care a d—n what anyone thinks about it—except +a fellow named Sargent."</p> + +<p>And the King said (about the wedding<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80" /><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>): "I have the +regulation of the dress to be worn at all functions in the +Chapel Royal. I, therefore, declare that the American +Ambassador may have any dress worn that he pleases!"</p> + +<p>E.M. House went to Paris this morning, having no +peace message from this Kingdom whatever. This kind +of talk here now was spoken of by the Prime Minister the +other day "as the twittering of a sparrow in a tumult +that shakes the world."</p> + +<p>Lady P. remarked to me to-day, as many persons do, +that I am very fortunate to be Ambassador here at this +particular time. Perhaps; but it isn't easy to point out +precisely wherein the good fortune consists. This much +is certain: it is surely a hazardous occupation now. Henry +James remarked, too, that nobody could afford to miss +the experience of being here—nobody who could be here. +Perhaps true, again; but I confess to enough shock and +horror to keep me from being so very sure of that. Yet +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-413" id="page2-413"></a>[pg II-413]</span> +no other phenomenon is more noticeable than the wish +of every sort of an American to be here. I sometimes +wonder whether the really well-balanced American does. +Most of them are of the overwrought and excitable kinds.</p> + +<p>A conservative lady, quite conscientious, was taken +down to dinner by Winston Churchill. Said she, to be +quite frank and fair: "Mr. Churchill, I must tell you that +I don't like your politics. Yet we must get on together. +You may say, if you like, that this is merely a matter of +personal taste with me, as I might not like your—well, +your moustache." "I see no reason, Madam, why you +should come in contact with either."</p> + +<p>My talk with Bonar Law: He was disposed to believe +that if England had declared at once that she would go +to war with Germany if France was attacked, there would +have been no war. Well, would English opinion, before +Belgium was attacked, have supported a government +which made such a declaration?</p> + +<p>Mr. Bonar Law thinks that President Wilson ought to +have protested about Belgium.</p> + +<p>He didn't agree with me that much good human material +goes to waste in this Kingdom for lack of opportunity. +(That's the Conservative in him.)</p> + + +<p><i>Friday, April 30, 1915.</i></p> + +<p>Sir Edward Grey came to tea to talk with Mr. House +and me—little talk of the main subject (peace), which is +not yet ripe by a great deal. Sir Edward said the Germans +had poisoned wells in South Africa. They have +lately used deadly gases in France. The key to their mind +says Sir Edward, is this—they attribute to other folk +what they are thinking of doing themselves.</p> + +<p>While Sir Edward was here John Sargent came in and +brought Katharine the charcoal portrait of her that he +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-414" id="page2-414"></a>[pg II-414]</span> +had made—his present to her for her and Chud to give +to W.A.W.P.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81" /><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and me. A very graceful and beautiful +thing for him to do.</p> + + +<p><i>April 30, 1915.</i></p> + +<p>Concerning Peace: The German civil authorities want +peace and so does one faction of the military party. +But how can they save their face? They have made +their people believe that they are at once the persecuted +and the victorious. If they stop, how can +they explain their stopping? The people might rend +them. The ingenious loophole discovered by House is—mere +moonshine, viz., the freedom of the seas in war. +That is a one-sided proposition unless they couple with +it the freedom of the land in war also, which is nonsense. +Nothing can be done, then, until some unfavourable military +event brings a new mind to the Germans. Peace +talk, therefore, is yet mere moonshine. House has been +to Berlin, from London, thence to Paris, then back to +London again—from Nowhere (as far as peace is concerned) +to Nowhere again.</p> + + +<p><i>May 3, 1915.</i></p> + +<p>Why doesn't the President make himself more accessible? +Dismiss X and get a bigger man? Take his cabinet +members really into his confidence? Everybody who +comes here makes these complaints of him!</p> + +<p>We dined to-night at Y's. Professor M. was there, etc. +He says we've got to have polygamy in Europe after the +war to keep the race up.</p> + + +<p><i>Friday, May 21, 1915.</i></p> + +<p>Last night the Italian Parliament voted to give the +Government war-powers; and this means immediate war +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-415" id="page2-415"></a>[pg II-415]</span> +on the side of the Allies. There are now eight nations +fighting against Germany, Austria, and Turkey; viz., +Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Japan, Belgium, +Serbia, Montenegro. And it looks much as if the United +States will be forced in by Germany.</p> + +<p>The British Government is wrestling with a very grave +internal disruption—to make a Coalition Government. +The only portfolios that seem absolutely secure are the +Prime Minister's and the Foreign Secretary's (Sir Edward +Grey's)—for which latter, many thanks. The two-fold +trouble is—(1) a difference between Churchill (First Lord +of the Admiralty) and Lord Fisher—about the Dardanelles +campaign and (I dare say) other things, and (2) Lord +Kitchener's failure to secure ammunition—"to organize +the industries of the Kingdom." Some even declare K. +of K. (they now say Kitchener of Kaos) is a general colossal +failure. But the prevailing opinion is that his raising +of the new army has been good work but that he has failed +with the task of procuring munitions. As for Churchill, +he's too restless and erratic and dictatorial and fussy and +he runs about too much. I talked with him at dinner last +night at his mother's. He slips far down in his chair and +swears and be-dams and by-Gods his assertions. But his +energy does interest one. An impromptu meeting in the +Stock Exchange to-day voted confidence in K. of K. and +burned up a copy of the <i>Daily Mail</i>, which this morning +had a severe editorial about him.</p> + +<p>Washington, having sent a severe note to Germany, is +now upbraided for not sending another to England, to +match and pair it. That's largely German influence, but +also the Chicago packers and the cotton men. These +latter have easy grievances, like the Irish. The delays of +the British Government are exasperating, but they are +really not so bad now as they have been. Still, the President +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-416" id="page2-416"></a>[pg II-416]</span> +can be influenced by the criticism that he must +hit one side every time he hits the other, else he's not +neutral! I am working by every device to help the situation +and to prevent another note. I proposed to-day +to Sir Edward Grey that his Government make an immediate +advance payment on the cotton that it proposes +to buy.</p> + +<p>Unless Joffre be a man of genius—of which there are +some indications—and unless French also possibly have +some claim to this distinction and <i>perhaps</i> the Grand +Duke Nikolas, there doesn't yet seem to be a great man +brought forth by the war. In civil life, Sir Edward Grey +comes to a high measure. As we yet see it from this +English corner of the world, no other statesman now ranks +with him.</p> + + +<p><i>March 20, 1916.</i></p> + +<p>I am sure I have the best secret service that could be +got by any neutral. I am often amazed at its efficiency. +It is good because it is not a secret—certainly not a spy +service at all. It is all aboveboard and it is all done by +men of high honour and good character—I mean the +Embassy staff. Counting the attachés there are about +twenty good men, every one of whom moves in a somewhat +different circle from any other one. Every one cultivates +his group of English folk, in and out of official life, +and his group in the diplomatic corps. There isn't a week +but every man of them sees his particular sources of +information—at their offices, at the Embassy, at luncheon, +at dinner, at the clubs—everywhere. We all take every +possible occasion to serve our friends and they serve us. +The result is, I verily believe, that we hear more than any +other group in London. These young fellows are all keen +as razors. They know when to be silent, too; and they +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-417" id="page2-417"></a>[pg II-417]</span> +are trusted as they deserve to be. Of course I see them, +singly or in pairs, every day in the regular conduct of the +work of the Embassy; and once a week we all meet together +and go over everything that properly comes before so +large a "cabinet" meeting. Thus some of us are on +confidential terms with somebody in every department +of the Government, with somebody in every other Embassy +and Legation, with all the newspapers and correspondents—even +with the censors. And the wives of those +that are married are abler than their husbands. They are +most attractive young women—welcome everywhere—and +indefatigable. Mrs. Page has them spend one afternoon +a week with her, rolling bandages; and that regular +meeting always yields something else. They come to my +house Thursday afternoons, too, when people always +drop in to tea-visitors from other countries, resident +Americans, English—everybody—Sometimes one hundred.</p> + +<p>Nobody in this company is a "Spy"—God forbid! I +know no more honourable or attractive group of ladies and +gentlemen. Yet can conceive of no organization of spies +who could find out as many things. And the loyalty of +them all! Somebody now and then prefaces a revelation +with the declaration, "This is in strict confidence—absolutely +nobody is to hear it." The answer is—"Yes, only, +you know, I have no secrets from the Ambassador: no +member of his staff can ever have."—Of course, we get +some fun along with our tragedies. If I can find time, for +instance, I am going to write out for House's amusement +a verbatim report of every conversation that he held in +London. It has all come to me—from what he said to the +King down; and it all tallies with what House himself +told me. He went over it all himself to me the other day +at luncheon.—I not only believe—I am sure—that in this +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-418" id="page2-418"></a>[pg II-418]</span> +way I do get a correct judgment of public feeling and +public opinion, from Cabinet Ministers to stock-brokers.</p> + + +<p><i>December 11, 1916.</i></p> + +<p>The new Government is quite as friendly to us in its +intentions as the old, and much more energetic. The old +Government was a spent force. Mr. Balfour is an agreeable +man to deal with, with a will to keep our sympathy, +unless the dire need of ships forces him to unpleasantness. +The Prime Minister is—American in his ways. Lord +Robert has the old Cecil in him, and he's going to maintain +the blockade at any cost that he can justify to himself +and to public opinion, and the public opinion is with him. +They are all eager to have American approval—much +more eager, I think, than a large section of public opinion, +which has almost ceased to care what Americans think +or do. The more we talk about peace, the more they +think about war. There is no vindictiveness in the +English. They do not care to do hurt to the German +people: they regard them as misguided and misled. But +no power on earth can stop the British till the German +military caste is broken—that leadership which attacked +Belgium and France and would destroy England. Balfour, +Lloyd George, the people, the army and the navy +are at one in this matter, every labouring man, everybody, +except a little handful of Quakers and professors and Noel +Buxton. I think I know and see all the peace men. They +feel that they can talk to me with safety. They send me +their pamphlets and documents. I think that all of them +have now become warlike but three, and one of them is a +woman. If you meet a woman you know on the street +and express a sympathy on the loss of her second son, she +will say to you, "Yes, he died in defence of his country. +My third son will go next week. They all die to save +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-419" id="page2-419"></a>[pg II-419]</span> +us." Doubtless she sheds tears in private. But her eyes +are dry in public. She has discarded her luxuries to put +money in the war loan. Say "Peace" to her? She would +insult you.</p> + + +<p><i>May 10, 1917.</i></p> + +<p>We dined at Lambeth Palace. There was Lord Morley, +whom I had not seen since his long illness—much reduced +in flesh, and quite feeble and old-looking. But his mind +and speech were most alert. He spoke of Cobden favouring +the Confederate States because the constitution of the +Confederacy provided for free trade. But one day Bright +informed Cobden that he was making the mistake of his +life. Thereafter Cobden came over to the Union side. +This, Morley heard direct from Bright.</p> + +<p>The Archbishop spoke in high praise of Charnwood's +Lincoln—was surprised at its excellence, etc. +Geoffrey Robinson<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82" /><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> asked who wrote the <i>Quarterly</i> +articles in favour of the Confederacy all through the war—was +it Lord Salisbury? Nobody knew.</p> + +<p>The widow of the former Archbishop Benson was there—the +mother of all the Bensons, Hugh, A.C., etc., etc.—a +remarkable old lady, who talked much in admiration of +Balfour.</p> + +<p>The Bishop of—Winchester(?)—was curious to know +whether the people in the United States really understood +the Irish question—the two-nation, two-religion aspect +of the case. I had to say no!</p> + +<p>There is an orphan asylum founded by some preceding +Archbishop, by the sea. The danger of bombardment +raised the question of safety. The Archbishop ordered +all the children (40) to be sent to Lambeth Palace. We +dined in a small dining room: "The children," Mrs. Davidson +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-420" id="page2-420"></a>[pg II-420]</span> +explained, "have the big dining room." Each child +has a lady as patroness or protector who "adopts" her, +i.e., sees that she is looked after, etc. Some of the ladies +who now do this were themselves orphans!</p> + +<p>At prayers as usual at 10 o'clock in the chapel where +prayers have been held every night—for how many centuries?</p> + +<p>At lunch to-day at Mr. Asquith's—Lord Lansdowne +there; took much interest in the Knapp farm work while +I briefly explained.</p> + +<p>Lord Morley said to Mrs. Page he had become almost a +Tolstoyan—Human progress hasn't done much for mankind's +happiness, etc. Look at the war—by a "progressive" +nation. Now the mistake here is horn of a class-society, +a society that rests on privilege. "Progress," +has done everything (1) in liberating men's minds and +spirits in the United States. This is the real gain; (2) +in arraying all the world <i>against</i> Germany.</p> + + +<p><i>Tuesday, January 22, 1918.</i></p> + +<p>Some days bring a bunch of interesting things or men. +Then there sometimes come relatively dull days—not +often, however. To-day came:</p> + +<p>General Tasker H. Bliss, Chief-of-Staff, now 64—the +wisest (so I judge) of our military men, a rather wonderful +old chap. He's on his way to Paris as a member of the +Supreme War Council at Versailles. The big question +he has struck is: Shall American troops be put into the +British and French lines, in small groups, to fill up the +gaps in those armies? The British have persuaded him +that it is a military necessity. If it were less than a +necessity, it would, of course, be wrong—i.e., it would cut +across our national pride, force our men under another +flag, etc. It is not proposed to deprive Pershing of his +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-421" id="page2-421"></a>[pg II-421]</span> +command nor even of his army. The plan is to bring over +troops that would not otherwise now come and to lend +these to the British and French armies, and to let Pershing +go on with his army as if this hadn't been done. Bliss is +inclined to grant this request on condition the British +bring these men over, equip and feed them, etc. He +came in to ask me to send a telegram for him to-morrow +to the President, making this recommendation. But on +reflection he decided to wait till he had seen and heard the +French also, who desire the same thing as the British.</p> + +<p>General Bliss is staying with Major Warburton; and +Warburton gave me some interesting glimpses of him. +A telegram came for the General. Warburton thought +that he was out of the house and he decided to take it +himself to the General's room. He opened the door. +There sat the General by the fire talking to himself, +wrapped in thought. Warburton walked to the middle +of the room. The old man didn't see him. He decided +not to disturb him, for he was rehearsing what he proposed +to say to the Secretary of State for War or to the Prime +Minister—getting his ears as well as his mind used to +it. Warburton put the telegram on the table near the +General, went out, and wasn't discovered.</p> + +<p>Several nights, he sat by the fire with Warburton and +began to talk, again rehearsing to himself some important +conclusions that he had reached. Every once in a while +he'd look up at Warburton and say: "Now, what do you +think of that?"</p> + +<p>That's an amazing good way to get your thought clear +and your plans well laid out. I've done it myself.</p> + +<p>I went home and Kipling and Carrie<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83" /><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> were at lunch with +us. Kipling said: "I'll tell you, your coming into the war +made a new earth for me." He is on a committee to see +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-422" id="page2-422"></a>[pg II-422]</span> +that British graves are properly marked and he talked +much about it. I could not help thinking that in the back +of his mind there was all the time thought of his own dead +boy, John.</p> + +<p>Then in the afternoon Major Drain brought the copy of +a contract between the United States Government and +the British to build together 1500 tanks ($7,500,000). +We took it to the Foreign Office and Mr. Balfour and I +signed it. Drain thinks that the tanks are capable of +much development and he wishes our army after the war +to keep on studying and experimenting with and improving +such machines of destruction. Nobody knows what +may come of it.</p> + +<p>Then I dined at W.W. Astor's (Jr.) There were Balfour, +Lord Salisbury, General and Lady Robertson, Mrs. +Lyttleton and Philip Kerr.</p> + +<p>During the afternoon Captain Amundsen, Arctic explorer +came in, on his way from Norway to France as the +guest of our Government, whereafter he will go to the +United States and talk to Scandinavian people there.</p> + +<p>That's a pretty good kind of a full day.</p> + + +<p><i>April, 19, 1918.</i></p> + +<p>Bell<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84" /><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>, and Mrs. Bell during the air raid took their little +girl (Evangeline, aged three) to the cellar. They told +her they went to the cellar to hear the big fire crackers. +After a bomb fell that shook all Chelsea, Evangeline +clapped her hands in glee. "Oh, mummy, what a <i>big</i> +fire cracker!"</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><p class="center">FOOTNOTES:</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79" /><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Colonel (now Major General) George O. Squier, Military +Attaché at the American Embassy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80" /><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> The wedding of Mr. Page's daughter at the Chapel Royal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81" /><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Mrs. Page.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82" /><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Editor of the London <i>Times</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83" /><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Mrs. Kipling.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84" /><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Mr. Edward Bell, Second Secretary of the American +Embassy.</p></div> +</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-423" id="page2-423"></a>[pg II-423]</span></div> +<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX" />INDEX</h2> + +<div><span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-425" id="page2-425"></a>[pg II-425]</span></div> +<div> +<i>Age</i>, Louisville, connection with, I 32<br /> +<br /> +Aid to stranded Americans in Europe on outbreak of war, I 304, 307, 329<br /> +<br /> +<i>Alabama</i> claims, the framed check for, in British Foreign Office,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 390, II 78</span><br /> +<br /> +Alderman, Dr. Edwin A., early efforts in behalf of public education,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 73, 78;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">stricken with tuberculosis, but recovers health, I 120;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on committee to lecture in England, II 346.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters to</i>: expressing fear and hope of Wilson, I 121;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on meeting of the Southern and the General Education Boards, I 125;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">after Wilson's inauguration, I 128;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">while enroute to port as Ambassador, I 129;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on changed world conditions, II 142</span><br /> +<br /> +Ambassador, some activities of an, I 159;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as a preventer of calamities, I 166</span><br /> +<br /> +America and Great Britain, only free countries in the world, II 121<br /> +<br /> +American Government, slight regard for by British, I 145, 152, 190, II 153;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">strong feeling against uncourteous Notes of, II 74;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on handling of <i>Lusitania</i> case, II 79;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on being under German influence, II 80, 97</span><br /> +<br /> +American Luncheon Club, could not adhere to neutrality, II 230<br /> +<br /> +American Navy, its aid in combatting the submarine, II 294<br /> +<br /> +American supremacy, a before-the-war prophecy, I 144;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">why the British will acknowledge, I 170</span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Ancona</i>, torpedoed, II 79 <i>note</i><br /> +<br /> +Anderson, Chandler P., counsel for Committee for relief of stranded<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Americans, I 307;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">backs up Ambassador in neutrality letter to Wilson, I 373;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives reasons why unwise to demand adoption of Declaration of London,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 387</span><br /> +<br /> +Anglo-American-German "pact," planned by Wilson and House, I 281<br /> +<br /> +Anglomania, charged against ambassadors, I 257<br /> +<br /> +Anti-Imperialists, protest declaration of war against Spain, I 62<br /> +<br /> +<i>Arabic</i>, sinking of, thought surely to bring on war, II 26<br /> +<br /> +Arbitration Treaty, renewal of, I 285;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">significance of Germany's refusal to sign, I 294</span><br /> +<br /> +Archbold, John D., attempts to explain Foraker letters, I 88<br /> +<br /> +Archibald, James, trapped by British secret service, II 101<br /> +<br /> +Asquith, H.H., opposition to the House of Lords, I 137;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at state dinner to King Christian, I 167;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hint to, on Mexican situation, I 185;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conciliatory remarks at Guildhall banquet, I 210;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explains Dardanelles preparations, I 430;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his ministry suspected of pacifist or "defeatist" tendencies, I 430;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aged by the war, II 141;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conversation with, regarding Casement case, and relations between</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Great Britain and America, II 168;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to discuss Wilson's peace note, II 207;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in House of Commons speech welcomes America as ally, II 230;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inclined toward seeking peace, II 353</span><br /> +<br /> +Astor, Mr. and Mrs. Waldorf, at the home of, II 380<br /> +<br /> +<i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, editor of, I 53<br /> +<br /> +Atlantic Ocean, a blessing to America, I 162, 170, 310; II 117<br /> +<br /> +Austrian Embassy, left in charge of American Ambassador, I 305, 321;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties incident to, I 345</span><br /> +<br /> +Aycock, Gov. Charles B., efforts in educational reform, I 85;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commendatory letter from, I 86</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Babcock, Commander, arrival in England, II 274<br /> +<br /> +Bacon, Senator Augustus O., declared he would have blocked Page's<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ambassadorship had he known he was author of "The Southerner,"</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 93, 226</span><br /> +<br /> +Baker, Secretary Newton D., sees the war at first-hand, II 364;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dinner at Embassy to, II 364, 370;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page's memorandum of his visit, II 366</span><br /> +<br /> +Baker, Ray Stannard, visit at Sandwich, II 384<br /> +<br /> +Balfour, aged by the war, II 141;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">drafts reply to Wilson's peace note, II 212;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reply to question how best America could help, II 219;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the disposition of the German colonies, II 246;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">friendliness toward United States averts crisis in Venezuela dispute,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 249;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">much concerned at feeling toward British in the United States, II 251;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his home life, II 257;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conference with Bonar Law and, over financial help from America, II 261;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">satisfactory conference with Mr. Polk over blacklist and blockade,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 265;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explains "secret</span><br /> +treaties" to President Wilson, II 267;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-426" id="page2-426"></a>[pg II-426]</span> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conference with McAdoo on financial situation, II 267;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends dispatch to President Wilson substantiating previous reports</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Page and Sims on submarine peril which were not taken seriously,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 284;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">indignant over misunderstanding with Brazilian Navy, II 304;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Embassy dinner to Secretary Baker, II 365, 370;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at train to bid good-bye, II 402;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">most affected at leave-taking, 403</span><br /> +<br /> +Balfour Mission to the United States, II 249 <i>et seq.</i><br /> +<br /> +Barclay, Esther, Mr. Page's maternal grandmother, I 6<br /> +<br /> +Bayard, Thomas F., accused of Anglomania while Ambassador, I 257<br /> +<br /> +Beckendorff, Count, talk with, II 82<br /> +<br /> +Belgium, violation of, the cause of Great Britain's participation in<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the war, I 315;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sending food supplies to aid starving, I 346</span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Benham</i>, misunderstanding over American destroyer's action during<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">submarine operations off Nantucket, II 253</span><br /> +<br /> +Benton, William S., Englishman, murdered in Mexico, I 285<br /> +<br /> +Beresford, Lord Charles, complains of attitude of Foreign Office in<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pacifying America, I 365;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes speech in House of Lords on attitude of U.S. Destroyer</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Benham</i>, II 253</span><br /> +<br /> +Bernstorff, Count von, objectionable activities of, I 335;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts to secure intercession of the United States toward peace, I 403;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Speyer dinner, I 404;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">instructed to start propaganda for "freedom of the seas," I 436;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives pledge that liners would not be submarined without warning,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 30 <i>note</i>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">thought in England to dominate our State Department, II 80;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cable proposing suspending of submarine war, II 149;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">threatens President Wilson with resumption of submarine sinkings</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unless he moves for peace, II 200;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">news of his dismissal received in London, II 215</span><br /> +<br /> +Bethmann-Hollweg, not seen by Colonel House, I 289;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tells King of Bavaria peace must be secured, II 181</span><br /> +<br /> +Biddle, General, at the Embassy dinner to Secretary Baker, II 365, 370<br /> +<br /> +Bingham School, studies and environment at, I 16;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">selected for honour prize by Ambassador, I 17</span><br /> +<br /> +Blacklist, feeling in America over the, II 184;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conditions change on American entry into war, II 264, 265, 266</span><br /> +<br /> +Blanquet, General, in Mexican uprising, I 175<br /> +<br /> +Bliss, General Tasker, wisdom and tact impress the Allies, II 351<br /> +<br /> +Blockade, British, compared to our blockade in Civil War, II 55 <i>et seq.</i>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the American Note protesting against, II 69</span><br /> +<br /> +Blockade, strong feeling in America against, II 184<br /> +<br /> +Bolling, Thomas, at President Wilson's luncheon, II 171<br /> +<br /> +Bones, Miss, at President Wilson's luncheon, II 171<br /> +<br /> +Boy-Ed, dismissal of, II 108<br /> +<br /> +Brazilian Navy, ships join American unit in European waters, II 304<br /> +<br /> +Breitung, E.N., makes test case with <i>Dacia</i> registry, I 393<br /> +<br /> +British Navy League, activity in keeping up the navy, I 284<br /> +<br /> +Bryan, William Jennings, uncomplimentary editorial on, in <i>World's Work</i>, I 87;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward concession holders in Mexico, I 181;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to consider intervention in Mexico, I 193;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">an increasing lack of confidence in, I 193;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tirade against British, to Sir William Tyrrell, I 202,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">to Col. House, I 206;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Asquith's opinion of, 236;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page's appeal to Colonel House that he be kept out of Europe, I 235, 236;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regards Ambassador as un-neutral, I 362;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insists that Great Britain adopt the Declaration of London, I 373, 377;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interested in the Straus peace proposal, I 407;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resignation after <i>Lusitania</i> notes, II 6;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposes going to England and Germany to try peace negotiations, II 12</span><br /> +<br /> +Bryan, comments on his political activity but diplomatic laxity,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 194, 225, 236;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crank once, crank always, II 27;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">democratic party wrecked by his long captaincy, II 190</span><br /> +<br /> +Bryce, Lord, hopeless of the two countries ever understanding one<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">another, II 39;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">concern at our trivial notes, II 67;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conversation with, on misunderstandings between America and Great</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Britain, and the peace settlement, II 165;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">depressed at tenor of Wilson's note proposing peace, sends him</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal letter, II 207;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in House of Lords speech welcomes America as ally, II 230;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">frequent visitor at the Embassy, II 315;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward a League of Nations, II 357</span><br /> +<br /> +Burns, John, resigns from British Cabinet on declaration of war, I 316<br /> +<br /> +Buttrick, Dr. Wallace, intimacy with, I 85;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts in building up Southern agriculture, I 94;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in hookworm eradication, I 99;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lectures on the United States throughout Great Britain, II 291;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his speeches a source of inspiration to British masses, II 345;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asked to organize a committee of Americans to extend the work, II 345;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">informed by Colonel House of Wilson's disapproval, II 348;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">warns Page of breakdown if he does not at once return to America, II 375;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">beneficial effects of his lectures, II 388</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-427" id="page2-427"></a>[pg II-427]</span> +Canterbury, Archbishop of, in House of Lords speech welcomes America as<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ally, II 231;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on gratitude shown to America, II 245</span><br /> +<br /> +Carden, Sir Lionel Edward Gresley, his being sent to Mexico, a British<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mistake, I 187;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">anti-American propaganda in Cuba, I 196;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as British Minister to Mexico shows great hostility to the United</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">States, I 197;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">formally advises Huerta to abdicate, I 209;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page's part in recall from Mexican post, I 215 <i>et seq.</i></span><br /> +<br /> +Carlyle, Thomas, new letters from, discovered in Canada, I 60<br /> +<br /> +Carnegie, Andrew, visit to, at Skibo, I 142<br /> +<br /> +Carranza, Venustiano, thought by Wilson to be a patriot, I 227, 228<br /> +<br /> +Carson, Sir Edward, resists the Home Rule Bill, I 137;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Bonar Law dinner, II 119;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tells Lloyd George submarines must be settled before Irish question,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 260</span><br /> +<br /> +Casement, Sir Roger, trial and conviction inspire movement from<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Irish-Americans resulting in Senate resolution, II 166</span><br /> +<br /> +Cecil, Lord Robert, incident of the "Boston Tea Party," I 392;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">receives German proposal from Page as "German Ambassador," II 201;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letters to Sir C. Spring Rice on Germany's peace proposal, II 201, 202;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page's interview with to explain Wilson's peace communication, II 208;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at train to bid good-bye, II 402</span><br /> +<br /> +Chamberlain, Senator, presents petition demanding Ambassador's removal,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 259;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands Senate be furnished with copy of Panama tolls speech, I 260</span><br /> +<br /> +Chancery, removal of, to better quarters, I 341<br /> +<br /> +Children, crusade for education of, I 72<br /> +<br /> +China case, the, satisfactorily settled, II 154, 155<br /> +<br /> +Choate, Joseph H., understanding of Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, I 242;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of Anglomania while Ambassador, I 257</span><br /> +<br /> +Christian, King, royal reception to, I 167<br /> +<br /> +Christmas in England, 1915, II 103<br /> +<br /> +Churchill, Winston, proposal for naval holiday, I 277, 278, 279, 298<br /> +<br /> +Civil War, first contact with, I 1;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his father's attitude toward, I 5;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">early recollections of Sherman's invasion, II 10;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the aftermath, I 13</span><br /> +<br /> +Clark, Champ, opponent of repeal of Panama Tolls Bill, I 264<br /> +<br /> +Cleveland, President, an influence in formation of ideals, I 40;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conversation with, I 40</span><br /> +<br /> +Cotton, the question of contraband, I 267<br /> +<br /> +Country Life Commission, appointed on, by President Roosevelt, I 89<br /> +<br /> +Court, presentations at, I 156, 172<br /> +<br /> +Courtesies in diplomatic intercourse, necessity for, I 147, 190<br /> +<br /> +Cowdray, Lord, head of British oil concessions in Mexico, I 181;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">withdraws request for Colombian oil concession, I 217;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">long talk with on intervention in Mexico, I 225;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">great monetary loss in giving up oil concessions, I 227</span><br /> +<br /> +Cradock, Admiral, does not approve American policy toward Mexico, I 230<br /> +<br /> +Crewe, Marquis of, on Page's tact as Ambassador, II 397<br /> +<br /> +Criticisms and attacks on Ambassador Page;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the "knee-breeches" story, I 133;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Hearst papers watching for opportunity, I 149, 261;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">furor over "English-led and English-ruled" phrase, I 258;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">speech before Associated Chambers of Commerce, on Panama tolls, I 259</span><br /> +<br /> +Cuba, a problem, I 176<br /> +<br /> +Curzon, Lord, in House of Lords speech welcomes America as ally, II 230<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<i>Dacia</i> incident, the, a serious crisis averted, I 392, II 4<br /> +<br /> +Daniels, Josephus, protest made against his appointment to<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Secretaryship of Navy, I 119</span><br /> +<br /> +Dardanelles:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Asquith explains preparations, I 430</span><br /> +<br /> +Daughters of the Confederacy, considered not helpful to Southern<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regeneration, I 44</span><br /> +<br /> +Davis, Harry L., Mayor of Cleveland, letter to, expressing regret at<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not being able to attend meeting for purpose of bringing England and</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">America closer together, II 405</span><br /> +<br /> +Davis, Jefferson, call on, I 37<br /> +<br /> +Declaration of London, Bryan insists on adoption by Great Britain,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 373, 377;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">history of the articles, I 375;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the solution of the difficulty, I 385</span><br /> +<br /> +Declaration of War, America's, and its effect in Great Britain, II 230 <i>et seq.</i><br /> +<br /> +Delcassé, Kaiser makes proposal to, to join in producing "complete<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">isolation" of the United States, II 192</span><br /> +<br /> +De Kalb, Courtney, congratulations from, I 59<br /> +<br /> +Dent, J.M., loses two sons in the war, II 111;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opinion of Asquith, II 116</span><br /> +<br /> +Depression in England, the dark days of the war, II 64, 81, 94<br /> +<br /> +Derby, Lord, "excessive impedimenta," II 344;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Embassy dinner to Secretary Baker, I 365, 370</span><br /> +<br /> +Dernburg, Bernhard, instructed to start propaganda for "freedom of the<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seas," I 436</span><br /> +<br /> +Desart, Earl of, formulates Declaration of London, I 375<br /> +<br /> +Diaz, Porfirio, authority maintained by genius and force, I 175<br /> +<br /> +Dilettanti, Society of, dinners at, II 312<br /> +<br /> +Doubleday, Frank N., joins in publishing venture with S.S. McClure,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 64;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">the Harper experiment, I 65;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-428" id="page2-428"></a>[pg II-428]</span> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">has "business" visit from a politician, I 88</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters to</i>: impressions of England, I 138;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">anent the Christmas holidays, etc., I 164;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Christmas letter, 1915, II 110;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">impressions of Europeans, II 132;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on America's programme after declaration of war, II 224;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on wartime conditions and duties, II 240;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the good showing of the Americans in war preparation, II 324;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">depressed at long continuation and horrors of the war, II 325</span><br /> +<br /> +Doubleday, Page & Co., founding of the firm, I 66;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attains great influence and popularity, I 86</span><br /> +<br /> +Dumba, Dr. Constantin, given his passports, II 30 <i>note</i><br /> +<br /> +Duncan, Dr., president of Randolph-Macon College, I 20<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Education:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts in behalf of Southern child, I 72;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">church system declared a failure, I 78;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organization of Southern Educational Conference, I 83;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Southern Education Board organized, I 84;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">General Education Board founded by John D. Rockefeller, I 84;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the South's awakening, I 85</span><br /> +<br /> +England, why unprepared for war, II 35;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">changed and chastened, II 342</span><br /> +<br /> +Englishwoman's letter from Berlin giving Germany's intentions toward<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">England, America, and the world, I 347</span><br /> +<br /> +"English-led and English-ruled," furor over phrase, I 258<br /> +<br /> +"Excoriators," disregarded, I 80-83<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Falkenhayn, cynical toward proposals of Colonel House, I 289<br /> +<br /> +Farming, love of, and home in South, I 115, 127, 128<br /> +<br /> +Field, Eugene, succeeds to desk of, on St. Joseph <i>Gazette</i>, I 36<br /> +<br /> +Fisher, Lord, remark that Balfour was "too much of a gentleman" for<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">First Lord of the Admiralty, II 101</span><br /> +<br /> +Flexner, Dr. Abraham, cites Page as greatest educational statesman, I 85<br /> +<br /> +Flexner, Dr. Simon, interested in hookworm campaign, I 100<br /> +<br /> +Foraker, Senator Joseph B., career destroyed by exposure of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Archbold-Standard Oil letters, I 88</span><br /> +<br /> +Forbes, Cameron, fails to see President Wilson on his return from<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Philippines, II 174</span><br /> +<br /> +Ford, Henry, the venture in the peace ship, II 110 <i>note</i><br /> +<br /> +Forgotten Man, The, address at Greensboro, I 74<br /> +<br /> +<i>Forum</i>, The, made of great influence and a business success,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">under editorship, I 49</span><br /> +<br /> +Fosdick, Harry Emerson, on proposed committee to lecture in England, II 346<br /> +<br /> +Fowler, Harold, in London, I 134;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent to Belgium, I 338;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enlists in British Army, I 358</span><br /> +<br /> +France, not in favour of England reducing naval programme, I 284;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a gift of a billion dollars to, proposed, II 218</span><br /> +<br /> +"Freedom of the seas," Colonel House's proposed reform, I 435<br /> +<br /> +French, Field Marshal Sir John, informs Page of undiplomatic methods of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">State Departments in peace proposals, I 425, 427;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aged by the war, II 141</span><br /> +<br /> +Frost, W.G., writes for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 60<br /> +<br /> +Fryatt, Captain, execution of, hardens British people to fight to<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">finish, II 182</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Garfield, President, assassination deplored throughout the South, I 39<br /> +<br /> +Gates, Dr. Frederick T., interested in hookworm campaign, I 99<br /> +<br /> +Gaunt, Captain, sends news from Washington of Bernstorff's dismissal,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 215</span><br /> +<br /> +General Education Board, organized by John D. Rockefeller, I 84;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assists Dr. Knapp in agricultural demonstration work, I 96</span><br /> +<br /> +George V, received by, I 135;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">very likeable, I 157;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">overwrought condition in speaking with Page on declaration of war, I 309;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">much distressed at tenor of Wilson's note proposing peace, II 207;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as a "human being," II 235;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">night spent with, II 236, 240;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">luncheon to General Pershing, II 237;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">telegram of regret at resignation of Mr. Page and ill-health that</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">occasioned it, II 397</span><br /> +<br /> +German Embassy, left in charge of American Ambassador, I 306;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties incident to, I 306, 345, 359</span><br /> +<br /> +Germany:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ridicules idea of naval holiday, I 279;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">would have been victorious in World War had she signed arbitration</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treaty with United States, I 294;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts to embroil the United States and Great Britain, I 393, 400;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">move for peace, 1916, II 179</span><br /> +<br /> +Germany, travels in, in 1877, I 30<br /> +<br /> +Gildersleeve, Professor, Basil L., at Johns Hopkins University<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 24, 25;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page a favourite pupil of, in Greek, II 299</span><br /> +<br /> +Gilman, Daniel Coit, constructive work as president of Johns Hopkins<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">University, I 23</span><br /> +<br /> +Godkin, E.L., writes for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 60<br /> +<br /> +Grady, Henry, kindness of, I 34, 37<br /> +<br /> +Great Britain and the United States only free countries in the world,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 121</span><br /> +<br /> +Great Britain's participation in the war, the cause of, I 315<br /> +<br /> +Greek, proficiency in, I 21, 24, 25, 30; II 299<br /> +<br /> +Grey, Lord, ex-Governor-General of Canada, I 150<br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-429" id="page2-429"></a>[pg II-429]</span> +Grey, Sir Edward, credentials presented to, I 135;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">high regard for, I 150;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">his fairness facilitates diplomatic business, I 155;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">talks with on Mexican situation, I 184, 185, 188, 199;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">informed as to Carden's activities, I 219, 220;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">asked to meet Colonel House at luncheon, I 245;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">note to Sir C. Spring Rice on Wilson's address to Congress on</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Tolls Bill, I 254;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">criticized for "bowing too low to the Americans," I 261;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">depressed at extent of Anglophobia in the United States, I 266;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">evinces satisfaction at clearing up of problems, I 285;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">weeps as he informs Page of ultimatum to Germany, I 309, 315;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">"subservience" to American interests, I 364;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">accepts Declaration of London with modifications, I 384;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">joking over serious affairs, I 390;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">welcomes Page's solution of the <i>Dacia</i> tangle, I 394;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">letter to Sir Cecil Spring Rice regarding Speyer-Straus peace</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">proposal, I 408;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">states war could be ended more quickly if America ceased protests</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">against seizure of contraband, I 421;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">talk on detained shipping and Wordsworth poems, II 103;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">"a God's mercy for a man like him at his post," II 118;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">aged by the war, II 141;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">satisfactory settlement of the <i>China</i> case, II 155;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">speech in House of Commons on Peace, II 157;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">nothing but praise heard of him, II 159;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">memorandum of conversation with, on conditions of peace, II 160;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">receives Senate Resolution asking clemency for Sir Roger Casement,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">II 167;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">forced to resign, because he refused to push the blockade and risk</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">break with America, II 233;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">guest with Mr. and Mrs. Page at Wilsford Manor, II 288;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">walk to Stonehenge with, II 292;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">serious blockade questions give way to talks on poets, II 305;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">promises government support of Belgian Relief plan, II 310;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">frequent visitor at the Embassy, II 315</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters from</i>: congratulations on Wilson's address to Congress</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">advising declaration of war, II 234;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">expressing grief at Page's departure and citing his great help, II 400</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Haldane, Viscount, at Thanksgiving Dinner of the American Society, I 213;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discussion with Von Tirpitz as to relative sizes of navies, I 278;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">knew that Germany intended war, II 35</span><br /> +<br /> +Hall, Admiral William Reginald, brings news of Bernstorff's dismissal,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 215</span><br /> +<br /> +Hanning, Mrs. Robert, sister of Thomas Carlyle, I 60<br /> +<br /> +Harcourt, Right Honourable Lewis, eulogizes work of International<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Health Board, I 101</span><br /> +<br /> +Harden, Maximilian, says Germany must get rid of its predatory<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">feudalism, II 193</span><br /> +<br /> +Harper & Brothers, difficulties of, I 64<br /> +<br /> +Harrow, visit to, and talk to schoolboys, I 17<br /> +<br /> +Harvey, George, succeeds Page as editor of Harper's, I 66<br /> +<br /> +Hay, John, understanding of Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, I 242;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accused of Anglomania while Ambassador, I 257</span><br /> +<br /> +Hays, Sir Bertram, captain of the <i>Olympic</i>, races ship to hasten<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page's homecoming, II 404</span><br /> +<br /> +Hearst, William Randolph, used by Germans in their peace propaganda,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 410, 411</span><br /> +<br /> +Hearst papers, antagonism of, I 149, 256, 264, 286<br /> +<br /> +<i>Hesperian</i>, submarined in violation of Bernstorff's pledges, II 30<br /> +<br /> +Hewlett, Maurice, his son among the missing, II 115<br /> +<br /> +Home Rule Bill, Carson threatens resistance to, I 137;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"division" in house of Lords, I 138</span><br /> +<br /> +Hookworm eradication, efforts in, I 98<br /> +<br /> +Hoover, Charles L., war relief work while American Consul at Carlsbad,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 334</span><br /> +<br /> +Hoover, Herbert C., relief work at beginning of war, I 333;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">selected by Page for Belgian Relief post, II 310</span><br /> +<br /> +House, Colonel Edward M., wires Page to come North, expecting to offer<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Secretaryship of Interior, I 118;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">transmits offer of Ambassadorship, I 130;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on Cowdray and Carden, I 218, 220;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">meets Sir Edward Grey to talk over Panama Tolls question, I 246;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">mission to the Kaiser a disappointment, I 289;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">no success in France, I 297;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">fancied security in England, thinks his mission unnecessary, I 298;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">telegrams, to and from Wilson on proffering good offices to avert</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">war, I 317, 318;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">declares bill admitting foreign ships to American registry "full of</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">lurking dangers," I 392;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">declares America will declare war on Germany after <i>Lusitania</i></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">sinking, II 2;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">sees "too proud to fight" poster in London, II 6;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">recommends Page's appointment as Secretary of State, II 11;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">fails to alter Wilson's opposition to Taft Committee visiting</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">England, I 348</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters from</i>: reporting progress in Panama Tolls matter, I 253;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">plans to visit Kaiser and bring about naval holiday between nations,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">I 277;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">cites further plans for visiting Germany, I 281;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">respecting proposed trip to Germany, I 285, 286,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 3em;">en route, I 288;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">note from Berlin, I 296;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">from Paris, I 297;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the outbreak of the war, I 299;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">transmitting Wilson's warning to adhere more strictly to neutrality,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">I 362;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">explains the toning down of demands that Declaration of London be</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">adhered to, I 378;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on German peace proposals, and giving his ideas for a settlement,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">I 413;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">proposing that Wilson start peace parleys, I 416;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">thinks Germany ready for peace proposals, I 424, 425;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">decides to visit combatants in interests of peace, I 425, 429;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-430" id="page2-430"></a>[pg II-430]</span> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">talks in Berlin with Zimmermann and others regarding peace parleys,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">I 432, 433, 434;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on appointment of Lansing to succeed Bryan, II 11;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on Bryan's intentions of going to England and Germany to try peace</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">negotiations, II 12;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">reporting success of Balfour Mission, II 263</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters to</i>: comparing the Civil War with the World War, I 5;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the Mexican situation, I 189;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">asked personally to deliver memorandum to President on intervention</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">in Mexico, I 194;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on visit of Sir William Tyrrell to the United States, I 201;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">letters to Page on Mexican situation, I 205, 206;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on Mexican question, I 210, 211;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on Lord Cowdray and oil concessions in Mexico, etc., I 216;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">protesting publication of secret information respecting Carden, I 223;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">suggesting intervention in Mexico, I 230;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on serious disadvantage in not having suitable Embassy, I 233;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on rashness of Bryan's visit to Europe, I 235;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">appeal for attention to cables and letters by State Department, I 239;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on necessity of repeal of Panama Tolls Bill, I 247;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the prevention of wars, I 270;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">asked to further plan to have Wilson visit England, as a</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">preventative of European war, I 275;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">favouring alliance of English-speaking peoples, I 282;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on French protest against reduction of British naval programme, I 283;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">transmitting pamphlets on "federation" and disarmament, I 284;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">told he will have no effect on Kaiser, I 287;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">reply to note as to prevention of the war, I 300;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">describing conditions in second month of the war, I 327;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the horrors of war, and the settlement, I 340;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on difficulties of Sir Edward Grey with Army and Navy officers in</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">releasing American cargoes, I 365;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on evil of insisting on Declaration of London adoption, I 380;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">regarding the Straus peace proposal, I 410;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">explaining there can be no premature peace, I 417;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on harmlessness of Bryan on proposed peace visit and cranks in</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">general, II 13;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">commenting on slowness of Wilson in <i>Lusitania</i> matter, II 26;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on sinking of <i>Arabic</i>, II 27;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">not interested in "pleasing the Allies," II 28;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on Dumba's intrigues, and Wilson's "watchful waiting and nothing</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">doing," II 30, 31, 37, 38;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the lawyer-like attitude of the State Department, II 54;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">the best peace programme—the British and American fleets, II 69;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on uncourteous notes from State Department, II 72;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on British adherence to the blockade, and an English Christmas,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">1915, II 103;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the conditions of peace and the German militarism, II 134, 157;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on prophecy as to ending the war by dismissal of Bernstorff, II 197;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the beneficial visit of the Labour Group and others, II 387</span><br /> +<br /> +Houston, David F., suggested to Wilson for Secretary of Agriculture,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 114; has proper perspective of European situation, II 176</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters to</i>: impressions of diplomatic life, II 151;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">suggesting vigorous action of Administration in prosecuting the war,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">II 226;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on American cranks being sent to England, others prevented, II 359</span><br /> +<br /> +Houston, Herbert S., letters to, giving impressions of England, I 139<br /> +<br /> +Huerta, General Victoriano, seizes presidency of Mexico, I 175;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude of Great Britain and the United States toward recognition,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 180;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">an epochal figure, I 183;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rejects proposals submitted by Lind, I 193;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proclaims himself dictator, I 197</span><br /> +<br /> +Huxley, Thomas H., delivers address at opening of Johns Hopkins<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">University, I 25</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +International Health Commission, endowed by John D. Rockefeller, I 100;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coöperation by British Government, I 101</span><br /> +<br /> +Irish Question, the, British difficulties with, I 159;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cause of feeling against British in the United States, II 251;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wilson requests Great Britain to settle, II 255;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lloyd George striving for solution, II 259</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +James, Henry, frequent visitor at the Embassy, II 315<br /> +<br /> +Jeanes Board, appointment to, I 89<br /> +<br /> +Jellicoe, Admiral Sir John, vigilance in war time, I 335;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">after battle of Jutland, II 141;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reply to question how best America could help, II 219;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">drafts dispatch explaining seriousness of submarine situation which</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Balfour sends to President Wilson, II 285</span><br /> +<br /> +Johns Hopkins University, teaching on new lines, I 23<br /> +<br /> +Johnston, Miss Mary, noted serial of, in <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 56, 61<br /> +<br /> +Judson, Harry Pratt, on proposed Committee to lecture in England, II 346<br /> +<br /> +Jusserand, opinion of the Straus peace proposal, I 407<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Keller, Helen, persuaded to write "Story of My Life," I 90<br /> +<br /> +Kent, Mr., forms American Citizens Relief Committee in London at<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">outbreak of war, I 304, 307</span><br /> +<br /> +Kerr, Philip, conversation with on future relations of the United<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">States and Great Britain, II 84</span><br /> +<br /> +Kipling, Rudyard, loses his son in the war, II 115<br /> +<br /> +Kitchener, Lord, speech in House of Lords a disappointment, II 96;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">criticism of, II 120;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-431" id="page2-431"></a>[pg II-431]</span> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Memorandum after attending service in memory of, II 140</span><br /> +<br /> +Knapp, Dr. Seaman A., his "Demonstration Work" in Southern agriculture,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 95;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his funeral, I 96</span><br /> +<br /> +Kropotkin, Prince Peter, writes Memoirs for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 61<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Lane, Secretary Franklin, comment on feeling against British for<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conduct in Huerta affair, I 198</span><br /> +<br /> +Lansdowne, Marquis of, letter favouring premature peace severely<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">criticized, II 327, 353</span><br /> +<br /> +Lansing, Robert, regards Ambassador as un-neutral, I 362;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a lawyer, not a statesman, I 369;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insistence that Great Britain adopt Declaration of London, I 378 <i>et seq.</i>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude of lawyer, not statesman, II 53;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arguments against British blockade, II 62;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mind running on "cases", not diplomacy, II 176;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">answers Page's letter of resignation, transmitting President Wilson's</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">request to reconsider and stay at his post, II 199</span><br /> +<br /> +Lassiter, General, encouraged on trip to the front, II 245<br /> +<br /> +Laughlin, Irwin, First Secretary of the Embassy, I 133;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">requested to ascertain Great Britain's attitude toward recognition of</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Huerta, I 180;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tells Colonel House he will have no success with Kaiser, I 285;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Germany's intentions toward America, I 351 <i>note</i>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as to depressing effect of the war on Page, I 357;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">backs up Ambassador in neutrality letter to Wilson, I 373;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gives opinion that persistence is unwise in demanding acceptance of</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Declaration of London, I 387;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wilson's comment to, on Page's letters, II 22;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">diplomatically presents to Sir Edward Grey the Senate Resolution</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asking clemency' for Casement, II 167;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letters from, on occasion of Germany's 1916 peace movement, II 180;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commended to President Wilson in letter of resignation, II 394</span><br /> +<br /> +Law, Ponar, gives depressing news from the Balkans, II 104;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dinner with, II 119;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reply to question how best America could help, II 219;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conference with Balfour and, over financial help from America, II 261</span><br /> +<br /> +Lawrence, Bishop, on proposed committee to lecture in England, II 346<br /> +<br /> +Leadership of the world, American, II 105, 110, 145, 254<br /> +<br /> +League to Enforce Peace, Page's opinion of, II 144;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sir Edward Grey in sympathy with objects of, II 163;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lord Bryce, remarks as to favourable time for setting up such a</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">league, II 165</span><br /> +<br /> +Leaks in diplomatic correspondence, gravity of,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 147, 148, 151, 222, 223, 224, 235, II 7, 276</span><br /> +<br /> +Lichnowsky, German Ambassador at London, almost demented at breaking<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">out of the war, I 306, 309, 315;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">places blame for war on Germany, I 322</span><br /> +<br /> +Lincoln, Abraham, monument to, erected at Westminster, I 274<br /> +<br /> +Lind, John, failure of mission to Mexico, I 193<br /> +<br /> +Literary style and good writing, advice on, II 341<br /> +<br /> +Lloyd George, his taxing of the aristocracy, I 137;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">landowners fear of, I 158;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at state dinner to King Christian, I 167;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the necessity of reducing navy programme, I 283;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">holding up under strain of war, II 83;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aged by the war, II 141;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in House of Commons speech welcomes America as ally, II 230;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">has the touch of genius in making things move, II 259;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">working for solution of Irish question, II 259;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">too optimistic regarding submarine situation, II 287;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his energy keeps him in power, II 354;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Embassy dinner to Secretary Baker, II 365, 370;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">congratulates Mr. and Mrs. Page on American success at Cantigny, II 375;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter expressing sorrow at Mr. and Mrs. Page's departure and</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reviewing their good work, II 398</span><br /> +<br /> +Loring, Charles G., marries Miss Katharine Page, II 87;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in service on western front, II 375</span><br /> +<br /> +Loring, Mrs. Charles G., letters to, on travelling-and staying at home,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 88;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">autumn, gardens, family, and war news, II 92;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christmas letter, 1915, II 117;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">from St. Ives, II 332, 339</span><br /> +<br /> +Lowell, James Russell, accused of Anglomania while Ambassador, I 257<br /> +<br /> +<i>Lusitania</i>, torpedoed, I 436;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bulletins of the tragedy received at the dinner given in honour of</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Colonel and Mrs. House, II 1;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">distress and disillusionment of the Wilson notes, II 6</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Madero, Francisco, overthrown as president of Mexico, and assassinated,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 175</span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Mayflower</i> Pilgrims, dedication of monument to, at Southampton, I 258<br /> +<br /> +Mayo, Admiral, sent to Europe to study naval situation, II 322<br /> +<br /> +McAdoo, Secretary, conference with Balfour Mission on financial<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">situation, II 267</span><br /> +<br /> +McClure, S.S., joins forces with F.N. Doubleday, I 64;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Harper experiment, I 65;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">anecdote of, II 303</span><br /> +<br /> +McCrary, Lieut.-Commander, on Committee for relief of stranded<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Americans, 307</span><br /> +<br /> +McIver, Dr. Charles D., educational statesman, I 73, 74, 78;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as the character, Professor Billy Bain, in "The Southerner," I 93</span><br /> +<br /> +McKinley Administration endorsed on measures against Spain, by<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 63</span><br /> +<br /> +Mary, Queen, received by, I 136<br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-432" id="page2-432"></a>[pg II-432]</span> +Mensdorf, Austrian Ambassador, marooned in London, at outbreak of war.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 305, 309;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the war a tragedy to, I 321</span><br /> +<br /> +Mersey, Lord, comments on the tariff, I 150;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at dinner of Dilettanti Society, II 312</span><br /> +<br /> +Mexico, "policy and principle" in, I 175 <i>et seq.</i>;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties of self-government, II 177;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">progress due to foreign enterprise, I 178;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the problem of oil concessions, I 179, 181;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intervention believed by Page the only solution,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 188, 193, 194, 200, 230, 273</span><br /> +<br /> +Mims, Professor Edwin, letter to, on attacks of Southern theologians, I 80<br /> +<br /> +Monroe Doctrine, the Kaiser's proposal to smash it, II 192<br /> +<br /> +Moore, John Bassett, suggestion that he be put in charge of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">American-British affairs, I 239</span><br /> +<br /> +Morley, John, at state dinner to King Christian, I 167;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resigns from British cabinet on declaration of war, I 316;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visitor at the Embassy, II 315</span><br /> +<br /> +Morley, Lord, on reforms, I 141<br /> +<br /> +Morgan, J.P., account of Allies with, greatly overdrawn at time of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">America's entrance into war, II 272;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">this paid by proceeds of Liberty Loans, II 273</span><br /> +<br /> +Morgan, J.P. & Co., in control of Harper & Brothers, I 64<br /> +<br /> +"Mummy" theme applied to the unawakened South, I 45, 75<br /> +<br /> +Munitions, American, importance of to the Allies, I 368<br /> +<br /> +Munsterberg, Prof. Hugo, pro-German activities of, I 335<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Navy Department, ignores urgent recommendations of Admiral Sims that<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destroyers be sent, II 276, 284</span><br /> +<br /> +Negro, the, the invisible "freedom", I 12;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">wrong leadership after the Civil War, I 14;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fails to take advantage of university education during</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Reconstruction, I 18</span><br /> +<br /> +Negro education, and industrial training advocated, I 43<br /> +<br /> +Neutrality, strictly observed, I 358, 360;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the mask of, II 230</span><br /> +<br /> +New York <i>Evening Post</i>, connection with, I 48<br /> +<br /> +New York <i>World</i>, correspondent for, at Atlanta Exposition, I 34;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on editorial staff, I 35</span><br /> +<br /> +Northcliffe, Lord, illness from worry, II 66;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"saving the nation from its government", II 116;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude on Wilson's peace note, II 207</span><br /> +<br /> +Norway, shipping destroyed by submarines, II 281<br /> +<br /> +Nicolson, Harold, the silent toast with, II 301<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Ogden, Robert C., organizes Southern Educational Conference, I 83;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">after twenty years of zealous service, I 126</span><br /> +<br /> +O'Gorman, Senator, active in Panama Tolls controversy, I 243, 283<br /> +<br /> +"O. Henry," on Page's "complimentary" rejection of manuscripts, II 303<br /> +<br /> +Osler, Sir William, Page's physician, insists on the return home, II 393<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Pacifism, work of the "peace spies," II 210<br /> +<br /> +Pact of London, binding the Allies not to make a separate peace, I 409 <i>note</i><br /> +<br /> +Page, Allison Francis, a builder of the commonwealth, I 4;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward slavery and the Civil War, I 5;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ruined by the war, I 13</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Allison M., falls at Belleau Wood, II 392, 406<br /> +<br /> +Page, Anderson, settles in Wake County, N.C., I 4<br /> +<br /> +Page, Arthur W., Delcassé in conversation with tells of Kaiser's<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposal to join in producing "complete isolation" of the United</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">States, II 192;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">called to London in hopes of influencing his father to resign and</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">return home before too late, II 393</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters to</i>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the motor trip to Scotland, I 142;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on conditions in second month of the war, I 335;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a national depression and the horrors of war, I 344;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">emotions after <i>Lusitania</i> sinking, II 5;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the tendency toward fads and coddling, II 10;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the future relations of the United States and Great Britain, II 84;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the vicissitudes of the "German Ambassador to Great Britain," 1190;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christmas letter, 1915, II 121;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the attitude in the United States toward Germany, II 129;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the effect of the war on future of America, and the world, II 217;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">never lost faith in American people, II 223;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on America's entrance into the war, II 238;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on grave conditions, submarine and financial, II 287;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the occasion of the Plymouth speech, and the receptions, II 317;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Administration's lack of confidence in British Navy, Wilson's</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reply to Pope, etc., II 322;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christmas letter, 1917, depicting a war-weary world, II 328;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on pacifists-from the President down, II 337;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">views on Palestine, II 350;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on personal diet, and the benefit of Secretary Baker's visit, II 369;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the anti-English feeling at Washington, II 385;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">while resting at Sandwich, II 388</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Mrs. Catherine, mother and close companion, I 7;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christmas letter to, I 8</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Frank C. in London, I 134;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">with his father in Rowsley when news of <i>Arabic</i> sinking was</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">received, II 26;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in service with American troops, II 375;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">realizes his father is failing fast and insists on his returning home,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 393</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Letters to</i>: on building up the home farm, and the stress of war, I 353;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christmas letter, 1915, II 121</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-433" id="page2-433"></a>[pg II-433]</span> +Page, Henry A., letters to, stating a government might be neutral, but<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">no <i>man</i> could be, I 361;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on illusions as to neutrality and the peace proposals, II 152</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Miss Katharine A., arrival in London, I 134;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">married in the chapel Royal, II 87;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i>, Loring, Mrs. Charles G.</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Lewis, leaves Virginia to settle in North Carolina, I 3<br /> +<br /> +Page, Logan Waller, has proper perspective of European situation, II 176<br /> +<br /> +Page, Mary E., letter to, II 376<br /> +<br /> +Page, Ralph W., letters to;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impressions of London life, I 161;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on wartime conditions, I 352;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christmas letter, 1915, II 121;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on longings for fresh Southern vegetables and fruits and farm life,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 335;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on style and good writing, II 340;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the big battle, etc., II 371, 372;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in praise of book on American Diplomacy, II 381;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on success of our Army and Navy, II 390</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Mrs. Ralph W., Christmas letter to, 163<br /> +<br /> +Page, Robert N., letters to, impressions of social London, I 153<br /> +<br /> +Page, Thomas Nelson, Colonel House confers with in regard to peace<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">parleys, I 434</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Walter Hines, impressions of his early life, 1;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">family an old one in Virginia and North Carolina, 3;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">maternal ancestry, 6;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">close sympathy between mother and son, 8, 11;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">birthplace, and date of birth, 9;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recollections of the Civil War, 10;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">finds a market for peaches among Northern soldiers, 14;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boyhood and early studies, 16;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">intense ambition, 20;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Greek Fellowship at Johns Hopkins University, 24;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renewed for the next year, 27;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">early prejudices against Yankees, 28;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">travels in Germany, 1877, 30;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lectures on Shakespeare, 30;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">teacher of English at Louisville, Ky., 32;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enters journalism, 32;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">experience with Louisville <i>Age</i>, 32;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reporter on, then editor of, <i>Gazette</i>, at St. Joseph, Mo., 33;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a free lance, 34;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">correspondent for N.Y. <i>World</i> at Atlanta Exposition, 34;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the staff of N.Y. <i>World</i>, 35;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">married, 37;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first acquaintance with Woodrow Wilson, 37;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Americanism fully developed, 40;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regard for President Cleveland, 40;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">founds <i>State Chronicle</i> at Raleigh, 42;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a breaker of images—of the South, 44;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the "mummy letters," 45;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">instrumental in establishment of State College, Raleigh, 47;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">with N.Y. <i>Evening Post</i>, 48;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes the <i>Forum</i> of great influence and a business success, 49;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a new type of editor, 50;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">editor of <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, 53;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discovers unpublished letters of Thomas Carlyle, 60;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward Spanish American War, 62;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Harper experiment, 65;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">joins in founding Doubleday, Page & Co., 66;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his policy for the <i>World's Work</i>, 66;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">public activities, 72;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in behalf of education, 72;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his address, "The Forgotten Man," 74;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Creed of Democracy, 78;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">work with General Education Board, 85;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">independence as an editor, 87;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">severely criticizes John D. Archbold for Foraker bribery, 88;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed by Roosevelt on Country Life Commission, 89;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">other public services, 89;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">author of "the Southerner" 90;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">activities in behalf of Southern agriculture and Hookworm</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">eradication, 94;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his interest in Wilson's candidacy and election, 102, <i>et seq.</i>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discourages efforts to have him named for Cabinet position, 113;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">why he was not named, 118;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protests against appointment of Daniels, 119;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">love for farming, 127, 128;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offered Ambassadorship, 130;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impressions of London and the Embassy, 132, 144;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impressions of Scotland, 142;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">handling of the Mexican situation, 183;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">belief in intervention in Mexico, 193, 194;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">complimented by President Wilson, Bryan, and Sir William Tyrrell, 208;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his part in the removal of Sir Lionel Carden from Mexican post, 215;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commended by Wilson, 219, 221;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suggested for Secretary of Agriculture, 232, 286;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">why he wished to remain in London, 240;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">work in behalf of Panama Tolls Bill repeal, 244;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assailed for certain speeches, 258, 259;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposed to including Germany in international alliance, favouring</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">understanding between English-speaking peoples, 282;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties at outbreak of the war, 301 <i>et seq.</i>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asked to take over Austrian Embassy, 305, German Embassy, 306;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">varied duties of war time, 337;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties in charge of German and Austrian and Turkish embassies, 345;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relief work in starving Belgium, 346;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ageing under the strain and the depressing environment, 357;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties of maintaining neutrality, 358;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">warned from Washington, 362;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tactful handling of the demands that Declaration of London be</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopted, 370, 373;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">writes Colonel House that he will resign if demands are insisted on, 383;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorandum of the affair, 385;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his solution of the <i>Dacia</i> puzzle, 394;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward a premature peace, 417;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">learns through General French of the undiplomatic methods of State</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Department in peace proposals, 425, 427</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">VOL. II</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Humiliations from Washington's failure to meet the situation, 5;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">remarks on Bryan's resignation, 10;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">considered for appointment as Secretary of State, 11;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his feeling toward policies of Wilson, 18;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">boldness of his criticism, 21;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wilson and Lansing express anxiety that he may resign, 24;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">describes Zeppelin attack on London, 34, 38;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Christmas in England, 1915, 103;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">perplexed at attitude of the United States, 128;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-434" id="page2-434"></a>[pg II-434]</span> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his impressions of Europeans, 132;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summoned to Washington, 148;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorandum of his visit to Washington, 171;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Impressions of President Wilson, 172;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">waits five weeks before obtaining interview, 183;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disappointing interview at Shadow Lawn, 184;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter of resignation seat to Wilson, 189;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the reply, 199;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">delivers Germany's peace proposal to Lord Robert Cecil, 201;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">comments to Secretary of State on "insulting words" of President</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wilson's peace proposal, 207;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">implores Wilson to leave out the "peace without victory" phrase</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">from his speech, 213;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">learns of Bernstorff's dismissal, 215;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorandum of his final judgment of Wilson's foreign policy to</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">April 1, 1917, 222;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorandum written on April 3, the day after Wilson advised Congress</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to declare war, 228;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on friendly footing with King George, 234;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">joins with Admiral Sims in trying to waken the Navy Department to</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">seriousness of the submarine situation, 278;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page—the man, 295-320;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">moves for relief of Belgium, 310,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and delegates Hoover, 311;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Speech at Plymouth, 316;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">goes to St. Ives for brief rest, 332;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">heatedly referred to as "really an Englishman" by President Wilson, 348;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorandum on Secretary Baker's visit, 366;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failing health, 374;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resignation in obedience to physicians orders, 393;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">representatives from King, and Cabinet at train to bid good-bye, 402;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rallies somewhat on arrival in America, 405;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the end—at home, 406</span><br /> +<br /> +Page, Walter H. Jr., Christmas letter from his "granddaddy," II 124<br /> +<br /> +Page, Mrs. Walter H., arrival in London, I 134;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plays part in diplomacy, I 215, 224, 226;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her great help to the Ambassador, II 315;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the last letter, II 395</span><br /> +<br /> +Palestine and Zionism, views on, II 351<br /> +<br /> +Panama Tolls, a wrong policy, I 190;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sir William Tyrrell's talk with President Wilson, I 207, 209</span><br /> +<br /> +Panama Tolls Bill, Wilson writes of hopes for repeal, I 222;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repeal of, I 232 <i>et seq.</i>, the bill a violation of solemn treaties, I 242;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the contest before Congress, I 255</span><br /> +<br /> +Paris, capture of city thought inevitable, I 401<br /> +<br /> +Parliament, holds commemorative sessions in honour of America's<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">participation in the war, II 230</span><br /> +<br /> +Pasha, Tewfik, leaves Turkish Embassy in charge of American<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ambassador, I 345</span><br /> +<br /> +Peace, Germany's overtures, I 389;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">her first peace drives, I 398;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wilson's note to warring powers, received with surprise and</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">irritation, II 205</span><br /> +<br /> +"Peace without Victory" speech, of President Wilson, and its<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reception in Great Britain, II 212</span><br /> +<br /> +Peace Centennial, plans being formed for, I 236, 274<br /> +<br /> +Pershing, General, at luncheon with King George, II 237;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his presence of moral benefit to French Army, II 290</span><br /> +<br /> +Philippines, a problem, I 176<br /> +<br /> +Pinero, Sir Arthur, reminiscences of Page at Dilettante gatherings, II 313<br /> +<br /> +Plymouth, Mayor and Council, present the freedom of the city, II 402<br /> +<br /> +Plymouth Speech, inspires confidence in American coöperation, II 316<br /> +<br /> +Polk, Frank L., invited by British Foreign Office to consultation in<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">England, II 248;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"could not be spared from his desk," II 256</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Letter from</i>: on wonderful success of Balfour Mission, II 263</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Letters to</i>: on Balfour and his Mission to the United States, II 252;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on Secretary Baker's visit, II 361</span><br /> +<br /> +Price, Thomas R., noted professor at Randolph-Macon, I 22<br /> +<br /> +Probyn, Sir Dighton, calls at Embassy, I 339<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Raboteau, John Samuel, Mr. Page's maternal grandfather, I 6<br /> +<br /> +Randolph-Macon College, studies at, I 20<br /> +<br /> +Rawnsley, Rev. Hardwicke Drummond, a subject of conversation, I 149<br /> +<br /> +Rayleigh, Lady, political ability, II 257, 258<br /> +<br /> +Rayleigh, Lord Chancellor of Cambridge University, II 145<br /> +<br /> +Reconstruction, more agonizing than war, I 14;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">effects of, upon State University, I 18</span><br /> +<br /> +Reed, John, account of Mexican conditions influences Wilson's policy, I 228<br /> +<br /> +Religion, deepest reverence for, I 80<br /> +<br /> +Rüs, Jacob, writes for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 60<br /> +<br /> +Rockefeller, John D., organizes General Education Board, I 84;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">publication of Reminiscences, I 88;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">founds Hookworm Commission and International Health Commission, I 100</span><br /> +<br /> +Roosevelt, Theodore, writes for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 60;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints Country Life Commission, I 89</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Letter to</i>: introducing the Archbishop of York, II 307</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Letter from</i>: praising the Ambassador's services, II 401</span><br /> +<br /> +Root, Elihu, understanding of Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, I 242<br /> +<br /> +Rose, Dr. Wickliffe, dinner to, in London, as head of International<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Health Board, I 101;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hookworm work, I 127</span><br /> +<br /> +Round Table, The, organization for study of political subjects, II 84;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Round Table, The</i>, organ of above, a quarterly publication, II 84, 105</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-435" id="page2-435"></a>[pg II-435]</span> +Royal Institution of Great Britain, address before, I 191<br /> +<br /> +Royce, Josiah, associate at Johns Hopkins, I 25<br /> +<br /> +Russian Collapse, effect on the Allies, II 353<br /> +<br /> +Rustem Bey, Turkish Ambassador, given passports, II 49 <i>note</i><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +St. Ives, Cornwall, seeking rest at, II 332<br /> +<br /> +St. Joseph <i>Gazelle</i>, connection with, I 33, 37,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">succeeds to Eugene Field's desk, on I 36</span><br /> +<br /> +Sackville-West, Sir Lionel, handed his passports by Cleveland, II 33 <i>note</i><br /> +<br /> +Sargent, John, frequent visitor at the Embassy, II 315<br /> +<br /> +Saw-mill units, favourable reception of, II 291<br /> +<br /> +Sayre, Mr. and Mrs., hearty reception in London, I 213, 222, 275<br /> +<br /> +Schrippenfest, celebration of, in Berlin, I 291<br /> +<br /> +Schwab, Charles M., supplying war material to Allies, I 341<br /> +<br /> +Scotland, impressions of, I 142<br /> +<br /> +Scudder, Horace E., succeeded as editor of <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 53<br /> +<br /> +Secret treaties, explained to President Wilson by Mr. Balfour, II 267<br /> +<br /> +Sedgwick, Ellery, recollections of Mr. Page, as editor of <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 55;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the high regard in which Page was held, II 298</span><br /> +<br /> +Shakespeare, lectures on, I 30<br /> +<br /> +Sharp, Ambassador, his mention of peace resented by the French, I 389;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at President Wilson's luncheon, II 171</span><br /> +<br /> +Sherman's army, cavalry troop camp at Page home, ransack, and destroy<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">contents, I 10</span><br /> +<br /> +Shoecraft, Mr., receives news of Bernstorff's dismissal, II 215<br /> +<br /> +Sihler, Prof. E.G., reminiscences of Page at Johns Hopkins, I 27<br /> +<br /> +Simon, Sir John, frequent visitor at the Embassy, II 315<br /> +<br /> +Sims, Admiral, with Ambassador Page, dines with Lord Beresford, II 254;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">advised of terrible submarine situation, II 273, 275;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrival and welcome in England, II 274;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recommendations ignored by Washington, II 276;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">backed up by Page in strong dispatch, II 278;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">praised in letter to Wilson, II 281;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in command of both English and American naval forces at Queenstown,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 282;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letters from, on submarine situation, II 282;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in high regard with British Admiralty, II 290;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Embassy dinner to Secretary Baker, II 365, 370</span><br /> +<br /> +Shaler, Millard, reports on destitution in Belgium, II 310<br /> +<br /> +Skinner, Consul-General, on Committee for relief of stranded<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Americans, I 307</span><br /> +<br /> +Slocum, Colonel, urged to hasten arrival of American troops, II 363<br /> +<br /> +Smith, C. Alphonso, an exchange professor to Germany, II 145<br /> +<br /> +Smith, Senator Hoke, "friendly deportation" of, suggested, II 17;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">campaign against British Blockade, II 56, 61, 63;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urging embargo on shipments to Allies, II 211</span><br /> +<br /> +South, the, efforts in behalf of, I 38, 43, 74;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">three "ghosts" which prevent progress, I 91</span><br /> +<br /> +Southampton speech, press comments on, I 41<br /> +<br /> +Southern Education Board, active work with, I 84<br /> +<br /> +Southern Educational Conference, organization of, I 83<br /> +<br /> +"Southerner, The," only effort at novel writing, I 90<br /> +<br /> +Spanish-American War, attitude toward, I 62<br /> +<br /> +Speyer, James, connected with German peace move, I 403<br /> +<br /> +Spring Rice, Sir Cecil, notifies Washington of British change of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward recognition of Huerta, I 181;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">confidentially consulted by Cot. House regarding demands that</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Declaration of London be adopted, I 379;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">notifies Washington that <i>Dacia</i> would be seized, I 393;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opinion of Straus peace proposal, I 407;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letters from Lord Robert Cecil on Germany's peace proposal, II 201, 202</span><br /> +<br /> +Squier, Colonel, American military attaché in London at outbreak of the<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">war, I 301</span><br /> +<br /> +Standard Oil Co., editorial against, in Archbold-Foraker scandal,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 88</span><br /> +<br /> +<i>State Chronicle</i>, connection with, I 42;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">editorially a success, I 48</span><br /> +<br /> +State College, Raleigh, N.C., instrumental in establishment of,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 47, 48</span><br /> +<br /> +State Department, leaks of diplomatic correspondence through,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 147, 148, 151, 223, 224</span><br /> +<br /> +State Dept., ignores official correspondence,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 94, 213, 219, 224, 225, 232, 238, 239, II 7, 55, 217, 253;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not properly organized and conducted, II 8;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">trivial demands and protests, II 54, 68;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">uncourteous form of Notes, I 72</span><br /> +<br /> +Stiles, Dr. Charles W., discovers hookworm, I 98;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">work in combatting, I 127</span><br /> +<br /> +Stone, Senator William J., spokesman of pro-German cause, I 380<br /> +<br /> +Stovall, Pleasant A., Colonel House confers with, regarding peace<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">parleys, I 434</span><br /> +<br /> +Straus, Oscar S., used as a tool in German peace propaganda,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 389, 403 <i>et seq.</i></span><br /> +<br /> +Submarine sinkings, Germany threatens to resume, unless Wilson moves<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for peace, II 200;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">German military chieftains at Pless conference decide to resume</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unrestricted warfare, II 212;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the most serious problem at time of American entry into war,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 273, 275, <i>et seq.</i></span><br /> +<br /> +Sulgrave Manor, ancestral home of the Washingtons, restoration and<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preservation, I 274;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-436" id="page2-436"></a>[pg II-436]</span> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plan to have President Wilson at dedication of, I 274, 275, II 248</span><br /> +<br /> +<i>Sussex</i> "pledge", a peace move of Germany, II 150<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Taft, William H., fails in having Carden removed from Cuba,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 196, 215, 219;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accepts British invitation to head delegation explaining America's</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">purposes in the war, II 346;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wilson's strong disapproval interferes with the project, II 347</span><br /> +<br /> +Tariff Commission, travelling with, for N.Y. <i>World</i>, I 35<br /> +<br /> +Teaching democracy to the British Government, I 187, 211<br /> +<br /> +<i>Tennessee</i>, sent to England on outbreak of war with gold for<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relief of stranded Americans, I 307</span><br /> +<br /> +Thayer, William Roscoe, disappointed in policy of the <i>World's Work</i>, I 66;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter to, in explanation, I 67</span><br /> +<br /> +Tillett, Wilbur Fisk, friend at Randolph-Macon College, I 20<br /> +<br /> +Towers, Lieutenant, shown remnant of torpedo from <i>Hesperian</i>, II 40<br /> +<br /> +Trinity College, studies at, I 19<br /> +<br /> +Turkish Embassy left in charge of American Ambassador, I 346<br /> +<br /> +Tyrrell, Sir William, significance of his visit to the United States,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 201;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unsatisfactory consultation with Bryan, I 202;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explains to President Wilson the British policy toward Mexico,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 204, 207;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conversation with Colonel House, I 206;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Colonel House informs him of plan to visit Kaiser in behalf of</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">naval holiday plan, I 277;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">advises House not to stop in England on way to Germany, I 289;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expresses relief on withdrawal of demands that Declaration of</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">London be adopted, I 387;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">comment on Dumba's dismissal, and Bernstorff, II 101</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Underwood Tariff Bill, impressions of in Great Britain, 150, 172<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Van Hise, on proposed committee to lecture in England, II 346<br /> +<br /> +Vanderlip, Frank A., at the Speyer "peace dinner", I 404<br /> +<br /> +Villa, Pancho, thought by Wilson to be a patriot, I 227, 228<br /> +<br /> +Vincent, George, on proposed committee to lecture in England, II 346<br /> +<br /> +Von Jagow, offers no encouragement to Colonel House's proposals, I 289<br /> +<br /> +Von Papen, dismissal of, II 108<br /> +<br /> +Von Tirpitz, discussion with Viscount Haldane as to relative sizes of<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">navies, I 278;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hostile to Colonel House's proposals, I 289</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Waechter, Sir Max, efforts for "federation" and disarmament, I 284<br /> +<br /> +"Waging neutrality", policy of, I 362<br /> +<br /> +Wallace, Henry, letters to:<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Wilson's candidacy, I 105;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on backing up new Secretary of Agriculture, etc., I 115</span><br /> +<br /> +Wallace, Hugh C., accompanies Colonel House to Europe, I 288;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">joins "assemblage of immortals" at Embassy, II 315</span><br /> +<br /> +Walsh, Sir Arthur, Master of the Ceremonies, I 135;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at train to bid good-bye, II 402</span><br /> +<br /> +Walsh, Senator Thomas, anti-English attitude, II 61<br /> +<br /> +War, American efforts to prevent the, I 270 <i>et seq.</i><br /> +<br /> +War, memorandum at outbreak of the, I 301<br /> +<br /> +Washington, Booker T., writes for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 60;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">induced to write "Up From Slavery", I 90</span><br /> +<br /> +Wantauga Club, activities of the, I 47;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">crusade for education of Southern child, 73</span><br /> +<br /> +Wheeler, Benjamin Ide, gives Colonel House information of conditions<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Germany, I 281</span><br /> +<br /> +White, Henry, understanding of Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, I 242<br /> +<br /> +White, William Allen, writes for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 60<br /> +<br /> +Whitlock, Brand, eulogized, I 334<br /> +<br /> +Willard, Joseph E., Colonel House confers with, in regard to peace<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">parleys, I 434</span><br /> +<br /> +Williams, Senator John Sharp, demonstrates blockade against Germany<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not an injury to cotton-producing states, II 63</span><br /> +<br /> +Wilhelm II, nullifies Hague Conferences, I 280;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Colonel House disappointed in mission to, I 289;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">derides American arbitration treaty, I 294;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Colonel House's impressions of, I 295;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">asks President Wilson to transmit peace offer to Great Britain, I 426;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes proposal to Delcassé to join in producing "complete isolation"</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of the United States, II 192</span><br /> +<br /> +Wilson, Miss Willia Alice, married to Page, I 37<br /> +<br /> +Wilson, Dr. William, father of Mrs. Page, I 37<br /> +<br /> +Wilson, Sir Henry, succeeds Sir William Robertson as Chief of Imperial<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">General Staff, II 354 <i>note</i></span><br /> +<br /> +Wilson, Woodrow, first acquaintance with, I 37;<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">writes for <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, I 60;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page greatly interested in his candidacy and election, I 102, <i>et seq.</i>;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Colonel House introduced to, I 107;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorandum of interview with, soon after election, I 110;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offers Ambassadorship, I 130;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward recognition of Huerta, I 180;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">formulates new principle for dealing with Latin American republics,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 182;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to consider intervention in Mexico, I 193;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suggestion that he officially visit Sulgrave Manor, the ancestral</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">home of the Washingtons, I 195;</span><br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="page2-437" id="page2-437"></a>[pg II-437]</span> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explains attitude on Panama Toll question to Sir William Tyrrell, I 207;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expresses gratification in way Page has handled Mexican situation, I 208;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter giving credit for Carden's recall from Mexico, and for</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">constructive work, I 221;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">addresses Congress asking repeal of Panama Tolls Bill, I 253;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plan to visit England on occasion of restoration of Sulgrave Manor,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">1274, 275, II 248;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">requested by resolution of the Senate to proffer his good offices</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for mediation between Austria and Serbia, I 317;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">telegrams to and from Colonel House on proffering good offices to</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">avert war, I 317, 318;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">message to King George proffering good offices to avert war, I 320;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">neutrality letter to the Senate, I 360;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">desires to start peace parleys, I 416;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">insists on pressing the issue, I 423;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the "Too proud to fight" speech derided and denounced in England, II 6;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Lusitania</i> notes, II 6;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Page's feeling toward policies of, II 8;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appreciation of Page letters, II 22;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">peace activities after Sussex "pledge", II 148;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reply to the German note concerning the submarine cessation,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">II 150, 156;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reluctant to speak on foreign matters with his ambassadors, II 171, 172;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">lived too much alone, no social touch, II 173;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">addresses Congress on threatened railroad strike, II 172;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to send high ranking officers as military attachés, II 177;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with Ambassador Page at Shadow Lawn, II 185;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends peace communication to all the warring Powers, II 204;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reception in Great Britain of the "Peace without Victory" speech, II 212;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">answer to the Pope's peace proposal, II 321, 323;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coldness toward the Allies, II 345;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his strong disapproval of closer relations with Great Britain,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevents visit of Taft and noted committee, II 346</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;"><i>Letters from</i>:</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on "mistaken" opinion of British critics of Carranza and Villa,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I 227, 228;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expressing gratitude and regard of and hopes for repeal of Toll</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bill, I 254;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regarding the criticized speeches, I 262, 265;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reply to proposal to visit England, I 276;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acceptance of Page's resignation, II 396</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;"><i>Letters to</i>:</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">congratulations and suggestions on Election Day, I 108;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as to best man for Secretary of Agriculture, I 114;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impressions of the British people, I 144;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on royal reception to King Christian of Denmark, I 167;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Mexican situation, I 184, 185, 188;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorandum sent through Colonel House on intervention in Mexico, I 194;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on feeling in England toward Panama Tolls question, I 248;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recapitulating events bringing the two countries more in unity, I 251;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">explanation of speech before Associated Chambers of Commerce, I 260, 263;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suggests speech attacking Anglophobia, I 264;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the outbreak of war, I 303;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on German atrocities, I 325;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on agreement of nations not to make peace separately, etc., I 338;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts to enlighten on the real nature of the war, I 370;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"Rough notes toward an explanation of the British feeling toward the</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">United States," I 373;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on liability of Paris being captured and German peace drive being</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">launched, I 401;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on feeling of English toward American inaction after <i>Lusitania</i></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">notes, II 40, 41, 43, 44, 45;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">told that if he broke diplomatic relations with Germany he would end</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the war, II 51;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the military situation, fall of 1915, and the loss of American</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prestige, II 94;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">while waiting for interview sends notes of conversations with Lord</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grey and Lord Bryce, II 183;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter of resignation—with some great truths, II 190;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regarding success of Balfour Mission, etc., II 256;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on financial situation among the Allies and the necessity of</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">American assistance, II 269;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on seriousness of submarine situation, II 280, 283, 286;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on slow progress of war and comments on Lord Lansdowne's peace</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter, II 327;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on British opinion on subject of League of Nations, II 355;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the cheering effect of his war speeches and letters, II 385;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the resignation in obedience to physician's orders, II 393</span><br /> +<br /> +Wilson Doctrine, the, I 217<br /> +<br /> +Wood, Gen. Leonard, methods in Cuba an object lesson, I 177<br /> +<br /> +<i>World's Work</i>, founding of, I 66<br /> +<br /> +Worth, Nicholas, nom de plume in writing "The Southerner", I 90<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +York, Archbishop of, letter commending him to Roosevelt, II 401<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +Zeppelin attack on London, II 34, 38<br /> +<br /> +Zionism, view of, II 350<br /> +<br /> +Zimmermann, German under Foreign Secretary in communication with<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Colonel House regarding peace proposals to Great Britain, I 426;</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">talk with House on peace terms, I 432</span><br /> +<br /> +Zimmermann, says Germany must apply for armistice, II 182<br /> +<br /> +Zimmermann-Mexico telegram influence on the United States declaration<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of war, II 214.</span><br /> +</div> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Letters of Walter H. +Page, Volume II, by Burton J. 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