diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/16847.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/16847.txt | 30994 |
1 files changed, 30994 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/old/16847.txt b/old/16847.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..53c9bc4 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/16847.txt @@ -0,0 +1,30994 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical +Sketch, Vol. 3 (of 3), by Charles Eliot + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical Sketch, Vol. 3 (of 3) + +Author: Charles Eliot + +Release Date: October 10, 2005 [EBook #16847] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HINDUISM AND BUDDHISM *** + + + + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Sankar Viswanathan, and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +Transcriber's Note: + +Volume 1 may be found at https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/5/2/5/15255/ + +Volume 2 may be found at https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/5/4/16546/ + + Excerpts from the Preface to the book from Volume 1, + regarding the method of transcription used. + + "In the following pages I have occasion to transcribe words + belonging to many oriental languages in Latin characters. + Unfortunately a uniform system of transcription, applicable + to all tongues, seems not to be practical at present. It was + attempted in the Sacred Books of the East, but that system + has fallen into disuse and is liable to be misunderstood. It + therefore seems best to use for each language the method of + transcription adopted by standard works in English dealing + with each, for French and German transcriptions, whatever + their merits may be as representations of the original + sounds, are often misleading to English readers, especially + in Chinese. For Chinese I have adopted Wade's system as used + in Giles's Dictionary, for Tibetan the system of Sarat + Chandra Das, for Pali that of the Pali Text Society and for + Sanskrit that of Monier-Williams's Sanskrit Dictionary, + except that I write s instead of s. Indian languages however + offer many difficulties: it is often hard to decide whether + Sanskrit or vernacular forms are more suitable and in + dealing with Buddhist subjects whether Sanskrit or Pali + words should be used. I have found it convenient to vary the + form of proper names according as my remarks are based on + Sanskrit or on Pali literature, but this obliges me to write + the same word differently in different places, e.g. + sometimes Ajatasatru and sometimes Ajatasattu, just as in a + book dealing with Greek and Latin mythology one might employ + both Herakles and Hercules. Also many Indian names such as + Ramayana, Krishna, nirvana have become Europeanized or at + least are familiar to all Europeans interested in Indian + literature. It seems pedantic to write them with their full + and accurate complement of accents and dots and my general + practice is to give such words in their accurate spelling + (Ramayana, etc.) when they are first mentioned and also in + the notes but usually to print them in their simpler and + unaccented forms. I fear however that my practice in this + matter is not entirely consistent since different parts of + the book were written at different times." + + +LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS +[From Volume 1] + +The following are the principal abbreviations used: + +Ep. Ind. Epigraphia India. + +E.R.E. Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (edited by Hastings). + +I.A. Indian Antiquary. + +J.A. Journal Asiatique. + +J.A.O.S. Journal of the American Oriental Society. + +J.R.A.S. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. + +P.T.S. Pali Text Society. + +S.B.E. Sacred Books of the East (Clarendon Press). + + Volume 3 has a number of words in Chinese. These are + represented by the notation [Chinese: ] in the text files. In + html the words are included as image files. + + + + + HINDUISM AND BUDDHISM + + AN HISTORICAL SKETCH + + + + + BY + SIR CHARLES ELIOT + + + In three volumes + VOLUME III + + + + + + ROUTLEDGE & KEGAN PAUL LTD + Broadway House, 68-74 Carter Lane, + London, E.C.4. + + 1921 + + + + _First published_ 1921 + _Reprinted_ 1954 + _Reprinted_ 1957 + _Reprinted_ 1962 + + + + PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY + LUND HUMPHRIES + LONDON-BRADFORD + + + + + +CONTENTS + + +BOOK VI + + +BUDDHISM OUTSIDE INDIA + +CHAPTER + +XXXIV. EXPANSION OF INDIAN INFLUENCE + +XXXV. CEYLON + +XXXVI. BURMA + +XXXVII. SIAM + +XXXVIII. CAMBOJA + +XXXIX. CHAMPA + +XL. JAVA AND THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO + +XLI. CENTRAL ASIA + +XLII. CHINA. INTRODUCTORY + +XLIII. CHINA (_continued_). HISTORY + +XLIV. CHINA (_continued_). THE CANON + +XLV. CHINA (_continued_). SCHOOLS OF CHINESE BUDDHISM + +XLVI. CHINA (_continued_). CHINESE BUDDHISM AT THE PRESENT DAY + +XLVII. KOREA + +XLVIII. ANNAM + +XLIX. TIBET. INTRODUCTORY + +L. TIBET (_continued_). HISTORY + +LI. TIBET (_continued_). THE CANON + +LII. TIBET (_continued_). DOCTRINES OF LAMAISM + +LIII TIBET (_continued_). SECTS + +LIV. JAPAN + + + + +BOOK VII + +MUTUAL INFLUENCE OF EASTERN AND WESTERN RELIGIONS + + +LV. INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA + +LVI. INDIAN INFLUENCE IN THE WESTERN WORLD + +LVII. PERSIAN INFLUENCE IN INDIA + +LVIII. MOHAMMEDANISM IN INDIA + + +INDEX + + + + + +BOOK VI + +BUDDHISM OUTSIDE INDIA + + + + +CHAPTER XXXIV + +EXPANSION OF INDIAN INFLUENCE + +INTRODUCTORY + + +The subject of this Book is the expansion of Indian influence +throughout Eastern Asia and the neighbouring islands. That influence +is clear and wide-spread, nay almost universal, and it is with justice +that we speak of Further India and the Dutch call their colonies +Neerlands Indie. For some early chapters in the story of this +expansion the dates and details are meagre, but on the whole the +investigator's chief difficulty is to grasp and marshal the mass of +facts relating to the development of religion and civilization in this +great region. + +The spread of Hindu thought was an intellectual conquest, not an +exchange of ideas. On the north-western frontier there was some +reciprocity, but otherwise the part played by India was consistently +active and not receptive. The Far East counted for nothing in her +internal history, doubtless because China was too distant and the +other countries had no special culture of their own. Still it is +remarkable that whereas many Hindu missionaries preached Buddhism in +China, the idea of making Confucianism known in India seems never to +have entered the head of any Chinese. + +It is correct to say that the sphere of India's intellectual conquests +was the East and North, not the West, but still Buddhism spread +considerably to the west of its original home and entered Persia. +Stein discovered a Buddhist monastery in "the terminal marshes of the +Helmund" in Seistan[1] and Bamian is a good distance from our +frontier. But in Persia and its border lands there were powerful state +religions, first Zoroastrianism and then Islam, which disliked and +hindered the importation of foreign creeds and though we may see some +resemblance between Sufis and Vedantists, it does not appear that the +Moslim civilization of Iran owed much to Hinduism. + +But in all Asia north and east of India, excluding most of Siberia but +including the Malay Archipelago, Indian influence is obvious. Though +primarily connected with religion it includes much more, such as +architecture, painting and other arts, an Indian alphabet, a +vocabulary of Indian words borrowed or translated, legends and +customs. The whole life of such diverse countries as Tibet, Burma, and +Java would have been different had they had no connection with India. + +In these and many other regions the Hindus must have found a low state +of civilization, but in the Far East they encountered a culture +comparable with their own. There was no question of colonizing or +civilizing rude races. India and China met as equals, not hostile but +also not congenial, a priest and a statesman, and the statesman made +large concessions to the priest. Buddhism produced a great +fermentation and controversy in Chinese thought, but though its +fortunes varied it hardly ever became as in Burma and Ceylon the +national religion. It was, as a Chinese Emperor once said, one of the +two wings of a bird. The Chinese characters did not give way to an +Indian alphabet nor did the Confucian Classics fall into desuetude. +The subjects of Chinese and Japanese pictures may be Buddhist, the +plan and ornaments of their temples Indian, yet judged as works of art +the pictures and temples are indigenous. But for all that one has only +to compare the China of the Hans with the China of the T'angs to see +how great was the change wrought by India. + +This outgrowing of Indian influence, so long continued and so wide in +extent, was naturally not the result of any one impulse. At no time +can we see in India any passion of discovery, any fever of conquest +such as possessed Europe when the New World and the route to the East +round the Cape were discovered. India's expansion was slow, generally +peaceful and attracted little attention at home. Partly it was due to +the natural permeation and infiltration of a superior culture beyond +its own borders, but it is equally natural that this gradual process +should have been sometimes accelerated by force of arms. The Hindus +produced no Tamerlanes or Babers, but a series of expeditions, spread +over long ages, but still not few in number, carried them to such +distant goals as Ceylon, Java and Camboja. + +But the diffusion of Indian influence, especially in China, was also +due to another agency, namely religious propaganda and the deliberate +despatch of missions. These missions seem to have been exclusively +Buddhist for wherever we find records of Hinduism outside India, for +instance in Java and Camboja, the presence of Hindu conquerors or +colonists is also recorded.[2] Hinduism accompanied Hindus and +sometimes spread round their settlements, but it never attempted to +convert distant and alien lands. But the Buddhists had from the +beginning the true evangelistic temper: they preached to all the world +and in singleness of purpose: they had no political support from +India. Many as were the charges brought against them by hostile +Confucians, it was never suggested that they sought political or +commercial privileges for their native land. It was this simple +disinterested attitude which enabled Buddhism, though in many ways +antipathetic to the Far East, to win its confidence. + +Ceylon is the first place where we have a record of the introduction +of Indian civilization and its entry there illustrates all the +phenomena mentioned above, infiltration, colonization and propaganda. +The island is close to the continent and communication with the Tamil +country easy, but though there has long been a large Tamil population +with its own language, religion and temples, the fundamental +civilization is not Tamil. A Hindu called Vijaya who apparently +started from the region of Broach about 500 B.C. led an expedition to +Ceylon and introduced a western Hindu language. Intercourse with the +north was doubtless maintained, for in the reign of Asoka we find the +King of Ceylon making overtures to him and receiving with enthusiasm +the missionaries whom he sent. It is possible that southern India +played a greater part in this conversion than the accepted legend +indicates, for we hear of a monastery built by Mahinda near +Tanjore.[3] But still language, monuments and tradition attest the +reality of the connection with northern India. + +It is in Asoka's reign too that we first hear of Indian influence +spreading northwards. His Empire included Nepal and Kashmir, he +sent missionaries to the region of Himavanta, meaning apparently the +southern slopes of the Himalayas, and to the Kambojas, an ambiguous +race who were perhaps the inhabitants of Tibet or its border lands. +The Hindu Kush seems to have been the limit of his dominions but +tradition ascribes to this period the joint colonization of Khotan +from India and China. + +Sinhalese and Burmese traditions also credit him with the despatch of +missionaries who converted Suvarnabhumi or Pegu. No mention of this +has been found in his own inscriptions, and European critics have +treated it with not unnatural scepticism for there is little +indication that Asoka paid much attention to the eastern frontiers of +his Empire. Still I think the question should be regarded as being +_sub judice_ rather than as answered in the negative. + +Indian expeditions to the East probably commenced, if not in the reign +of Asoka, at least before our era. The Chinese Annals[4] state that +Indian Embassies reached China by sea about 50 B.C. and the Questions +of Milinda allude to trade by this route: the Ramayana mentions Java +and an inscription seems to testify that a Hindu king was reigning in +Champa (Annam) about 150 A.D. These dates are not so precise as one +could wish, but if there was a Hindu kingdom in that distant region in +the second century it was probably preceded by settlements in nearer +halting places, such as the Isthmus of Kra[5] or Java, at a +considerably anterior date, although the inscriptions discovered there +are not earlier than the fifth century A.D. + +Java seems to have left some trace in Indian tradition, for instance +the proverb that those who go to Java do not come back, and it may +have been an early distributing centre for men and merchandize in +those seas. But Ligor probably marks a still earlier halting place. It +is on the same coast as the Mon kingdom of Thaton, which had +connection with Conjevaram by sea and was a centre of Pali Buddhism. +At any rate there was a movement of conquest and colonization in these +regions which brought with it Hinduism and Mahayanism, and established +Hindu kingdoms in Java, Camboja, Champa and Borneo, and another +movement of Hinayanist propaganda, apparently earlier, but of +which we know less.[6] Though these expeditions both secular and +religious probably took ship on the east coast of India, _e.g._ at +Masulipatam or the Seven Pagodas, yet their original starting point +may have been in the west, such as the district of Badami or even +Gujarat, for there were trade routes across the Indian Peninsula at an +early date.[7] + +It is curious that the early history of Burma should be so obscure and +in order not to repeat details and hypotheses I refer the reader to +the chapter dealing specially with this country. From an early epoch +Upper Burma had connection with China and Bengal by land and Lower +Burma with Orissa and Conjevaram by sea. We know too that Pali +Buddhism existed there in the sixth century, that it gained greatly in +power in the reign of Anawrata (_c._ 1060) and that in subsequent +centuries there was a close ecclesiastical connection with Ceylon. + +Siam as a kingdom is relatively modern but like Burma it has been +subject to several influences. The Siamese probably brought some form +of Buddhism with them when they descended from the north to their +present territories. From the Cambojans, their neighbours and at one +time their suzerains, they must have acquired some Hinduism and +Mahayanism, but they ended by adopting Hinayanism. The source was +probably Pegu but learned men from Ligor were also welcomed and the +ecclesiastical pre-eminence of Ceylon was accepted. + +We thus see how Indian influence conquered Further India and the Malay +Archipelago and we must now trace its flow across Central Asia to +China and Japan, as well as the separate and later stream which +irrigated Tibet and Mongolia. + +Tradition as mentioned ascribes to Asoka some connection with Khotan +and it is probable that by the beginning of our era the lands of the +Oxus and Tarim had become Buddhist and acquired a mixed civilization +in which the Indian factor was large. As usual it is difficult to give +precise dates, but Buddhism probably reached China by land a little +before rather than after our era and the prevalence of Gandharan art +in the cities of the Tarim basin makes it likely that their +efflorescence was not far removed in time from the Gandharan epoch of +India. The discovery near Khotan of official documents written in +Prakrit makes colonization as well as religious missions probable. +Further, although the movements of Central Asian tribes commonly took +the form of invading India, yet the current of culture was, on the +whole, in the opposite direction. The Kushans and others brought with +them a certain amount of Zoroastrian theology and Hellenistic art, but +the compound resulting from the mixture of these elements with +Buddhism was re-exported to the north and to China. + +I shall discuss below the grounds for believing that Buddhism was +known in China before A.D. 62, the date when the Emperor Ming Ti is +said to have despatched a mission to enquire about it. For some time +many of its chief luminaries were immigrants from Central Asia and it +made its most rapid progress in that disturbed period of the third and +fourth centuries when North China was split up into contending Tartar +states which both in race and politics were closely connected with +Central Asia. Communication with India by land became frequent and +there was also communication _via_ the Malay Archipelago, especially +after the fifth century, when a double stream of Buddhist teachers +began to pour into China by sea as well as by land. A third tributary +joined them later when Khubilai, the Mongol conqueror of China, made +Lamaism, or Tibetan Buddhism, the state religion. + +Tibetan Buddhism is a form of late Indian Mahayanism with a +considerable admixture of Hinduism, exported from Bengal to Tibet and +there modified not so much in doctrine as by the creation of a +powerful hierarchy, curiously analogous to the Roman Church. It is +unknown in southern China and not much favoured by the educated +classes in the north, but the Lamaist priesthood enjoys great +authority in Tibet and Mongolia, and both the Ming and Ching +dynasties did their best to conciliate it for political reasons. +Lamaism has borrowed little from China and must be regarded as an +invasion into northern Asia and even Europe[8] of late Indian religion +and art, somewhat modified by the strong idiosyncrasy of the Tibetan +people. This northern movement was started by the desire of imitation, +not of conquest. At the beginning of the seventh century the King +of Tibet, who had dealings with both India and China, sent a mission +to the former to enquire about Buddhism and in the eighth and eleventh +centuries eminent doctors were summoned from India to establish the +faith and then to restore it after a temporary eclipse. + +In Korea, Annam, and especially in Japan, Buddhism has been a great +ethical, religious and artistic force and in this sense those +countries owe much to India. Yet there was little direct communication +and what they received came to them almost entirely through China. The +ancient Champa was a Hindu kingdom analogous to Camboja, but modern +Annam represents not a continuation of this civilization but a later +descent of Chinese culture from the north. Japan was in close touch +with the Chinese just at the period when Buddhism was fermenting their +whole intellectual life and Japanese thought and art grew up in the +glow of this new inspiration, which was more intense than in China +because there was no native antagonist of the same strength as +Confucianism. + +In the following chapters I propose to discuss the history of Indian +influence in the various countries of Eastern Asia, taking Ceylon +first, followed by Burma and Siam. Whatever may have been the origin +of Buddhism in these two latter they have had for many centuries a +close ecclesiastical connection with Ceylon. Pali Buddhism prevails in +all, as well as in modern Camboja. + +The Indian religion which prevailed in ancient Camboja was however of +a different type and similar to that of Champa and Java. In treating +of these Hindu kingdoms I have wondered whether I should not begin +with Java and adopt the hypothesis that the settlements established +there sent expeditions to the mainland and Borneo.[9] But the history +of Java is curiously fragmentary whereas the copious inscriptions of +Camboja and Champa combined with Chinese notices give a fairly +continuous chronicle. And a glance at the map will show that if there +were Hindu colonists at Ligor it would have been much easier for +them to go across the Gulf of Siam to Camboja than _via_ Java. I have +therefore not adopted the hypothesis of expansion from Java (while +also not rejecting it) nor followed any chronological method but have +treated of Camboja first, as being the Hindu state of which on the +whole we know most and then of Champa and Java in comparison with it. + +In the later sections of the book I consider the expansion of Indian +influence in the north. A chapter on Central Asia endeavours to +summarize our rapidly increasing knowledge of this meeting place of +nations. Its history is closely connected with China and naturally +leads me to a somewhat extended review of the fortunes and +achievements of Buddhism in that great land, and also to a special +study of Tibet and of Lamaism. I have treated of Nepal elsewhere. For +the history of religion it is not a new province, but simply the +extreme north of the Indian region where the last phase of decadent +Indian Buddhism which practically disappeared in Bengal still retains +a nominal existence. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1: _Geog. Jour_. Aug., 1916, p. 362.] + +[Footnote 2: The presence of Brahmans at the Courts of Burma and Siam +is a different matter. They were expressly invited as more skilled in +astrology and state ceremonies than Buddhists.] + +[Footnote 3: Watters, _Yuan Chuang_, vol. II. p. 228.] + +[Footnote 4: But not contemporary Annals. The Liang Annals make the +statement about the reign of Hsuan Li 73-49 B.C.] + +[Footnote 5: Especially at Ligor or Dharmaraja.] + +[Footnote 6: The statement of I-Ching that a wicked king destroyed +Buddhism in Funan is important.] + +[Footnote 7: See Fleet in _J.R.A.S._ 1901, p. 548.] + +[Footnote 8: There are settlements of Kalmuks near Astrakhan who have +Lama temples and maintain a connection with Tibet.] + +[Footnote 9: The existence of a Hindu kingdom on the _East_ Coast of +Borneo in 400 A.D. or earlier is a strong argument in favour of +colonization from Java. Expeditions from any other quarter would +naturally have gone to the _West_ Coast. Also there is some knowledge +of Java in India, but apparently none of Camboja or Champa. This +suggests that Java may have been the first halting place and kept up +some slight connection with the mother country.] + + + + +CHAPTER XXXV + +CEYLON + +1 + + +The island of Ceylon, perhaps the most beautiful tropical country in +the world, lies near the end of the Indian peninsula but a little to +the east. At one point a chain of smaller islands and rocks said to +have been built by Rama as a passage for his army of monkeys leads to +the mainland. It is therefore natural that the population should have +relations with southern India. Sinhalese art, religion and language +show traces of Tamil influence but it is somewhat surprising to find +that in these and in all departments of civilization the influence of +northern India is stronger. The traditions which explain the +connection of Ceylon with this distant region seem credible and the +Sinhalese, who were often at war with the Tamils, were not disposed to +imitate their usages, although juxtaposition and invasion brought +about much involuntary resemblance. + +The school of Buddhism now professed in Ceylon, Burma and Siam is +often called Sinhalese and (provided it is not implied that its +doctrines originated in Ceylon) the epithet is correct. For the school +ceased to exist in India and in the middle ages both Burma and Siam +accepted the authority of the Sinhalese Sangha.[10] This Sinhalese +school seems to be founded on the doctrines and scriptures accepted in +the time of Asoka in Magadha and though the faith may have been +codified and supplemented in its new home, I see no evidence that it +underwent much corruption or even development. One is inclined at +first to think that the Hindus, having a continuous living tradition +connecting them with Gotama who was himself a Hindu, were more likely +than these distant islanders to preserve the spirit of his teaching. +But there is another side to the question. The Hindus being +addicted to theological and metaphysical studies produced original +thinkers who, if not able to found new religions, at least modified +what their predecessors had laid down. If certain old texts were held +in too high esteem to be neglected, the ingenuity of the commentator +rarely failed to reinterpret them as favourable to the views popular +in his time. But the Sinhalese had not this passion for theology. So +far as we can judge of them in earlier periods they were endowed with +an amiable and receptive but somewhat indolent temperament, moderate +gifts in art and literature and a moderate love and understanding of +theology. Also their chiefs claimed to have come from northern India +and were inclined to accept favourably anything which had the same +origin. These are exactly the surroundings in which a religion can +flourish without change for many centuries and Buddhism in Ceylon +acquired stability because it also acquired a certain national and +patriotic flavour: it was the faith of the Sinhalese and not of the +invading Tamils. Such Sinhalese kings as had the power protected the +Church and erected magnificent buildings for its service. + +If Sinhalese tradition may be believed, the first historical contact +with northern India was the expedition of Vijaya, who with 700 +followers settled in the island about the time of the Buddha's death. +Many details of the story are obviously invented. Thus in order to +explain why Ceylon is called Sinhala, Vijaya is made the grandson of +an Indian princess who lived with a lion. But though these legends +inspire mistrust, it is a fact that the language of Ceylon in its +earliest known form is a dialect closely connected with Pali (or +rather with the spoken dialect from which ecclesiastical Pali was +derived) and still more closely with the Maharashtri Prakrit of +western India. It is not however a derivative of this Prakrit but +parallel to it and in some words presents older forms.[11] It does not +seem possible to ascribe the introduction of this language to the +later mission of Mahinda, for, though Buddhist monks have in many +countries influenced literature and the literary vocabulary, no +instance is recorded of their changing the popular speech.[12] But +Vijaya is said to have conquered Ceylon and to have slaughtered +many of its ancient inhabitants, called Yakkhas,[13] of whom we +know little except that Sinhalese contains some un-Aryan words +probably borrowed from them. According to the Dipavamsa,[14] +Vijaya started from Bharukaccha or Broach and both language and such +historical facts as we know confirm the tradition that some time +before the third century B.C. Ceylon was conquered by Indian +immigrants from the west coast. + +It would not be unreasonable to suppose that Vijaya introduced into +Ceylon the elements of Buddhism, but there is little evidence to +indicate that it was a conspicuous form of religion in India in his +time. Sinhalese tradition maintains that not only Gotama himself but +also the three preceding Buddhas were miraculously transported to +Ceylon and made arrangements for its conversion. Gotama is said to +have paid no less than three visits:[15] all are obviously impossible +and were invented to enhance the glory of the island. But the legends +which relate how Panduvasudeva came from India to succeed +Vijaya, how he subsequently had a Sakya princess brought over from +India to be his wife and how her brothers established cities in +Ceylon,[16] if not true in detail, are probably true in spirit in so +far as they imply that the Sinhalese kept up intercourse with India +and were familiar with the principal forms of Indian religion. Thus we +are told[17] that King Pandukabhaya built religious edifices for +Niganthas (Jains), Brahmans, Paribbajakas (possibly Buddhists) +and Ajivikas. When Devanampiya Tissa ascended the throne (_circ._ 245 +B.C.) he sent a complimentary mission bearing wonderful treasures to +Asoka with whom he was on friendly terms, although they had never met. +This implies that the kingdom of Magadha was known and respected in +Ceylon, and we hear that the mission included a Brahman. The answer +attributed to Asoka will surprise no one acquainted with the +inscriptions of that pious monarch. He said that he had taken +refuge in the law of Buddha and advised the King of Ceylon to find +salvation in the same way. He also sent magnificent presents +consisting chiefly of royal insignia and Tissa was crowned for the +second time, which probably means that he became not only the disciple +but the vassal of Asoka. + +In any case the records declare that the Indian Emperor showed the +greatest solicitude for the spiritual welfare of Ceylon and, though +they are obviously embellished, there is no reason to doubt their +substantial accuracy.[18] The Sinhalese tradition agrees on the whole +with the data supplied by Indian inscriptions and Chinese pilgrims. +The names of missionaries mentioned in the Dipa and Mahavamsas recur +on urns found at Sanchi and on its gateways are pictures in relief +which appear to represent the transfer of a branch of the Bo-tree in +solemn procession to some destination which, though unnamed, may be +conjectured to be Ceylon.[19] The absence of Mahinda's name in Asoka's +inscriptions is certainly suspicious, but the Sinhalese chronicles +give the names of other missionaries correctly and a mere _argumentum +ex silentio_ cannot disprove their testimony on this important point. + +The principal repositories of Sinhalese tradition are the Dipavamsa, the +Mahavamsa, and the historical preface of Buddhaghosa's Samanta-pasadika. +[20] All later works are founded on these three, so far as concerns +the conversion of Ceylon and the immediately subsequent period, +and the three works appear to be rearrangements of a single source known as +the Atthakatha, Sihalatthakatha, or the words of the Porana (ancients). +These names were given to commentaries on the Tipitaka written in Sinhalese +prose interspersed with Pali verse and several of the greater monasteries +had their own editions of them, including a definite historical +section.[21] It is probable that at the beginning of the fifth century A.D. +and perhaps in the fourth century the old Sinhalese in which the prose +parts of the Atthakatha were written was growing unintelligible, and that +it was becoming more and more the fashion to use Pali as the language of +ecclesiastical literature, for at least three writers set themselves to +turn part of the traditions not into the vernacular but into Pali. The +earliest and least artistic is the unknown author of the short chronicle +called Dipavamsa, who wrote between 302 A.D. and 430 A.D.[22] His work is +weak both as a specimen of Pali and as a narrative and he probably did +little but patch together the Pali verses occurring from time to time in +the Sinhalese prose of the Atthakatha. Somewhat later, towards the end of +the fifth century, a certain Mahanama arranged the materials out of which +the Dipavamsa had been formed in a more consecutive and artistic form, +combining ecclesiastical and popular legends.[23] His work, known as the +Mahavamsa, does not end with the reign of Elara, like the Dipavamsa, but +describes in 15 more chapters the exploits of Dutthagamani and his +successors ending with Mahasena.[24] The third writer, Buddhaghosa, +apparently lived between the authors of the two chronicles. His voluminous +literary activity will demand our attention later but so far as history is +concerned his narrative is closely parallel to the Mahavamsa.[25] + +The historical narrative is similar in all three works. After the +Council of Pataliputra, Moggaliputta, who had presided over it, came +to the conclusion that the time had come to despatch missionaries to +convert foreign countries. Sinhalese tradition represents this +decision as emanating from Moggaliputta whereas the inscriptions of +Asoka imply that the king himself initiated the momentous project. But +the difference is small. We cannot now tell to whom the great idea +first occurred but it must have been carried out by the clergy with +the assistance of Asoka, the apostle selected for Ceylon was his[26] +near relative Mahinda who according to the traditions of the +Sinhalese made his way to their island through the air with six +companions. The account of Hsuan Chuang hints at a less miraculous +mode of progression for he speaks of a monastery built by Mahinda +somewhere near Tanjore. + +The legend tells how Mahinda and his following alighted on the Missaka +mountain[27] whither King Devanampiya Tissa had gone in the course of +a hunt. The monks and the royal cortege met: Mahinda, after testing +the king's intellectual capacity by some curious dialectical puzzles, +had no difficulty in converting him.[28] Next morning he proceeded to +Anuradhapura and was received with all honour and enthusiasm. He +preached first in the palace and then to enthusiastic audiences of the +general public. In these discourses he dwelt chiefly on the terrible +punishment awaiting sinners in future existences.[29] + +We need not follow in detail the picturesque account of the rapid +conversion of the capital. The king made over to the Church the +Mahamegha garden and proceeded to construct a series of religious +edifices in Anuradhapura and its neighbourhood. The catalogue of them +is given in the Mahavamsa[30] and the most important was the +Mahavihara monastery, which became specially famous and influential in +the history of Buddhism. It was situated in the Mahamegha garden close +to the Bo-tree and was regarded as the citadel of orthodoxy. Its +subsequent conflicts with the later Abhayagiri monastery are the chief +theme of Sinhalese ecclesiastical history and our version of the Pali +Pitakas is the one which received its imprimatur. + +Tissa is represented as having sent two further missions to India. The +first went in quest of relics and made its way not only to Pataliputra +but to the court of Indra, king of the gods, and the relics obtained, +of which the principal was the Buddha's alms-bowl,[31] were deposited +in Anuradhapura. The king then built the Thuparama dagoba over them +and there is no reason to doubt that the building which now bears +this name is genuine. The story may therefore be true to the extent +that relics were brought from India at this early period. + +The second mission was despatched to bring a branch of the tree[32] +under which the Buddha had sat when he obtained enlightenment. This +narrative[33] is perhaps based on a more solid substratum of fact. The +chronicles connect the event with the desire of the Princess Anula to +become a nun. Women could receive ordination only from ordained nuns +and as these were not to be found on the island it was decided to ask +Asoka to send a branch of the sacred tree and also Mahinda's sister +Sanghamitta, a religieuse of eminence. The mission was successful. A +branch from the Bo-tree was detached, conveyed by Asoka to the coast +with much ceremony and received in Ceylon by Tissa with equal respect. +The princess accompanied it. The Bo-tree was planted in the Meghavana +garden. It may still be seen and attracts pilgrims not only from +Ceylon but from Burma and Siam. Unlike the buildings of Anuradhapura +it has never been entirely neglected and it is clear that it has been +venerated as the Bo-tree from an early period of Sinhalese history. +Botanists consider its long life, though remarkable, not impossible +since trees of this species throw up fresh shoots from the roots near +the parent stem. The sculptures at Sanchi represent a branch of a +sacred tree being carried in procession, though no inscription attests +its destination, and Fa-Hsien says that he saw the tree.[34] The +author of the first part of the Mahavamsa clearly regards it as +already ancient, and throughout the history of Ceylon there are +references to the construction of railings and terraces to protect it. + + +Devanampiya Tissa probably died in 207 B.C. In 177 the kingdom passed +into the hands of Tamil monarchs who were not Buddhists, although the +chroniclers praise their justice and the respect which they showed to +the Church. The most important of them, Elara, reigned for +forty-four years and was dethroned by a descendant of Tissa, called +Dutthagamani.[35] + +The exploits of this prince are recorded at such length in the +Mahavamsa (XXII.-XXXII.) as to suggest that they formed the subject of +a separate popular epic, in which he figured as the champion of +Sinhalese against the Tamils, and therefore as a devout Buddhist. On +ascending the throne he felt, like Asoka, remorse for the bloodshed +which had attended his early life and strove to atone for it by good +works, especially the construction of sacred edifices. The most +important of these were the Lohapasada or Copper Palace and the +Mahathupa or Ruwanweli Dagoba. The former[36] was a monastery roofed +or covered with copper plates. Its numerous rooms were richly +decorated and it consisted of nine storeys, of which the four +uppermost were set apart for Arhats, and the lower assigned to the +inferior grades of monks. Perhaps the nine storeys are an +exaggeration: at any rate the building suffered from fire and +underwent numerous reconstructions and modifications. King Mahasena +(301 A.D.) destroyed it and then repenting of his errors rebuilt it, +but the ruins now representing it at Anuradhapura, which consist of +stone pillars only, date from the reign of Parakrama Bahu I (about +A.D. 1150). The immense pile known as the Ruwanweli Dagoba, though +often injured by invaders in search of treasure, still exists. The +somewhat dilapidated exterior is merely an outer shell, enclosing a +smaller dagoba.[37] This is possibly the structure erected by +Dutthagamani, though tradition says that there is a still +smaller edifice inside. The foundation and building of the original +structure are related at great length.[38] Crowds of distinguished +monks came to see the first stone laid, even from Kashmir and +Alasanda. Some have identified the latter name with Alexandria in +Egypt, but it probably denotes a Greek city on the Indus.[39] But in +any case tradition represents Buddhists from all parts of India as +taking part in the ceremony and thus recognizing the unity of Indian +and Sinhalese Buddhism. + +Of great importance for the history of the Sinhalese Church is the reign +of Vattagamani Abhaya who after being dethroned by Tamils recovered his +kingdom and reigned for twelve years.[40] He built a new monastery and +dagoba known as Abhayagiri,[41] which soon became the enemy of the +Mahavihara and heterodox, if the latter is to be considered orthodox. The +account of the schism given in the Mahavamsa[42] is obscure, but the +dispute resulted in the Pitakas, which had hitherto been preserved orally, +being committed to writing. The council which defined and edited the +scriptures was not attended by all the monasteries of Ceylon, but only by +the monks of the Mahavihara, and the text which they wrote down was their +special version and not universally accepted. It included the Parivara, +which was apparently a recent manual composed in Ceylon. The Mahavamsa says +no more about this schism, but the Nikaya-Sangrahawa[43] says that the +monks of the Abhayagiri monastery now embraced the doctrines of the +Vajjiputta school (one of the seventeen branches of the Mahasanghikas) +which was known in Ceylon as the Dhammaruci school from an eminent teacher +of that name. Many pious kings followed who built or repaired sacred +edifices and Buddhism evidently flourished, but we also hear of heresy. In +the third century A.D.[44] King Voharaka Tissa suppressed[45] the Vetulyas. +This sect was connected with the Abhayagiri monastery, but, though it +lasted until the twelfth century, I have found no Sinhalese account of its +tenets. It is represented as the worst of heresies, which was suppressed by +all orthodox kings but again and again revived, or was reintroduced from +India. Though it always found a footing at the Abhayagiri it was not +officially recognized as the creed of that Monastery which since the time +of Vattagamani seems to have professed the relatively orthodox doctrine +called Dhammaruci. + +Mention is made in the Katha-vatthu of heretics who held that the +Buddha remained in the Tusita heaven and that the law was preached on +earth not by him but by Ananda and the commentary[46] ascribes these +views to the Vetulyakas. The reticence of the Sinhalese chronicles +makes it doubtful whether the Vetulyakas of Ceylon and these heretics +are identical but probably the monks of the Abhayagiri, if not +strictly speaking Mahayanist, were an off-shoot of an ancient sect +which contained some germs of the Mahayana. Hsuan Chuang in his +narrative[47] states (probably from hearsay) that the monks of the +Mahavihara were Hinayanists but that both vehicles were studied at the +Abhayagiri. I-Ching on the contrary says expressly that all the +Sinhalese belonged to the Aryasthavira Nikaya. Fa-Hsien describes the +Buddhism of Ceylon as he saw it about 412 A.D., but does not apply to +it the terms Hina or Mahayana. He evidently regarded the Abhayagiri as +the principal religious centre and says it had 5000 monks as against +3000 in the Mahavihara, but though he dwells on the gorgeous +ceremonial, the veneration of the sacred tooth, the representations of +Gotama's previous lives, and the images of Maitreya, he does not +allude to the worship of Avalokita and Manjusri or to anything that +can be called definitely Mahayanist. He describes a florid and +somewhat superstitious worship which may have tended to regard the +Buddha as superhuman, but the relics of Gotama's body were its chief +visible symbols and we have no ground for assuming that such teaching +as is found in the Lotus sutra was its theological basis. Yet we may +legitimately suspect that the traditions of the Abhayagiri remount to +early prototypes of that teaching. + +In the second and third centuries the Court seems to have favoured the +Mahavihara and King Gothabhaya banished monks belonging to the +Vetulya sect,[48] but in spite of this a monk of the Abhayagiri named +Sanghamitta obtained his confidence and that of his son, Mahasena, who +occupied the throne from 275 to 302 A.D. The Mahavihara was destroyed +and its occupants persecuted at Sanghamitta's instigation but he was +murdered and after his death the great Monastery was rebuilt. The +triumph however was not complete for Mahasena built a new monastery +called Jetavana on ground belonging to the Mahavihara and asked the +monks to abandon this portion of their territory. They refused and +according to the Mahavamsa ultimately succeeded in proving their +rights before a court of law. But the Jetavana remained as the +headquarters of a sect known as Sagaliyas. They appear to have been +moderately orthodox, but to have had their own text of the Vinaya for +according to the Commentary[49] on the Mahavamsa they "separated the +two Vibhangas of the Bhagava[50] from the Vinaya ... altering their +meaning and misquoting their contents." In the opinion of the +Mahavihara both the Abhayagiri and Jetavana were schismatical, but the +laity appear to have given their respect and offerings to all three +impartially and the Mahavamsa several times records how the same +individual honoured the three Confraternities. + +With the death of Mahasena ends the first and oldest part of the +Mahavamsa, and also in native opinion the grand period of Sinhalese +history, the subsequent kings being known as the Culavamsa or minor +dynasty. A continuation[51] of the chronicle takes up the story and +tells of the doings of Mahasena's son Sirimeghavanna.[52] Judged +by the standard of the Mahavihara, he was fairly satisfactory. He +rebuilt the Lohapasada and caused a golden image of Mahinda to be made +and carried in procession. This veneration of the founder of a +local church reminds one of the respect shown to the images of +half-deified abbots in Tibet, China and Japan. But the king did not +neglect the Abhayagiri or assign it a lower position than the +Mahavihara for he gave it partial custody of the celebrated relic +known as the Buddha's tooth which was brought to Ceylon from Kalinga +in the ninth year of his reign and has ever since been considered the +palladium of the island. + +2 + + +It may not be amiss to consider here briefly what is known of the +history of the Buddha's relics and especially of this tooth. Of the +minor distinctions between Buddhism and Hinduism one of the sharpest +is this cultus. Hindu temples are often erected over natural objects +supposed to resemble the footprint or some member of a deity and +sometimes tombs receive veneration.[53] But no case appears to be +known in which either Hindus or Jains show reverence to the bones or +other fragments of a human body. It is hence remarkable that +relic-worship should be so wide-spread in Buddhism and appear so early +in its history. The earliest Buddhist monuments depict figures +worshipping at a stupa, which was probably a reliquary, and there is +no reason to distrust the traditions which carry the practice back at +least to the reign of Asoka. The principal cause for its prevalence +was no doubt that Buddhism, while creating a powerful religious +current, provided hardly any objects of worship for the faithful.[54] +It is also probable that the rudiments of relic worship existed in the +districts frequented by the Buddha. The account of his death states +that after the cremation of his body the Mallas placed his bones in +their council hall and honoured them with songs and dances. Then eight +communities or individuals demanded a portion of the relics and over +each portion a cairn was built. These proceedings are mentioned as if +they were the usual ceremonial observed on the death of a great man +and in the same Sutta[55] the Buddha himself mentions four classes +of men worthy of a cairn or dagoba.[56] We may perhaps conclude that +in the earliest ages of Buddhism it was usual in north-eastern India +to honour the bones of a distinguished man after cremation and inter +them under a monument. This is not exactly relic worship but it has in +it the root of the later tree. The Pitakas contain little about the +practice but the Milinda Panha discusses the question at length and in +one passage[57] endeavours to reconcile two sayings of the Buddha, +"Hinder not yourselves by honouring the remains of the Tathagatha" and +"Honour that relic of him who is worthy of honour." It is the first +utterance rather than the second that seems to have the genuine ring +of Gotama. + +The earliest known relics are those discovered in the stupa of Piprava +on the borders of Nepal in 1898. Their precise nature and the date of +the inscription describing them have been the subject of much +discussion. Some authorities think that this stupa may be one of those +erected over a portion of the Buddha's ashes after his funeral. Even +Barth, a most cautious and sceptical scholar, admitted[58] first that +the inscription is not later than Asoka, secondly that the vase is a +reliquary containing what were believed to be bones of the Buddha. +Thus in the time of Asoka the worship of the Buddha's relics was well +known and I see no reason why the inscription should not be anterior +to that time. + +According to Buddhaghosa's _Sumangalavilasini_ and Sinhalese texts +which though late are based on early material,[59] Mahakassapa +instigated Ajatasattu to collect the relics of the Buddha, and to +place them in a stupa, there to await the advent of Asoka. In Asoka's +time the stupa had become overgrown and hidden by jungle but when the +king was in search of relics, its position was revealed to him. He +found inside it an inscription authorizing him to disperse the +contents and proceeded to distribute them among the 84,000 +monasteries which he is said to have constructed. + +In its main outlines this account is probable. Ajatasattu conquered +the Licchavis and other small states to the north of Magadha and if he +was convinced of the importance of the Buddha's relics it would be +natural that he should transport them to his capital, regarding them +perhaps as talismans.[60] Here they were neglected, though not +damaged, in the reigns of Brahmanical kings and were rescued from +oblivion by Asoka, who being sovereign of all India and anxious to +spread Buddhism throughout his dominions would be likely to distribute +the relics as widely as he distributed his pillars and inscriptions. +But later Buddhist kings could not emulate this imperial impartiality +and we may surmise that such a monarch as Kanishka would see to it +that all the principal relics in northern India found their way to his +capital. The bones discovered at Peshawar are doubtless those +considered most authentic in his reign. + +Next to the tooth, the most interesting relic of the Buddha was his +_patra_ or alms-bowl, which plays a part somewhat similar to that of +the Holy Grail in Christian romance. The Mahavamsa states that +Asoka sent it to Ceylon, but the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hsien[61] saw it +at Peshawar about 405 A.D. It was shown to the people daily at the +midday and evening services. The pilgrim thought it contained about +two pecks yet such were its miraculous properties that the poor could +fill it with a gift of a few flowers, whereas the rich cast in myriads +of bushels and found there was still room for more. A few years later +Fa-Hsien heard a sermon in Ceylon[62] in which the preacher predicted +that the bowl would be taken in the course of centuries to Central +Asia, China, Ceylon and Central India whence it would ultimately +ascend to the Tusita heaven for the use of the future Buddha. Later +accounts to some extent record the fulfilment of these predictions +inasmuch as they relate how the bowl (or bowls) passed from land to +land but the story of its wandering may have little foundation since +it is combined with the idea that it is wafted from shrine to shrine +according as the faith is nourishing or decadent. Hsuan Chuang says +that it "had gone on from Peshawar to several countries and was +now in Persia."[63] A Mohammedan legend relates that it is at Kandahar +and will contain any quantity of liquid without overflowing. Marco +Polo says Kublai Khan sent an embassy in 1284 to bring it from Ceylon +to China.[64] + +The wanderings of the tooth, though almost as surprising as those of +the bowl, rest on better historical evidence, but there is probably +more continuity in the story than in the holy object of which it is +related, for the piece of bone which is credited with being the left +canine tooth of the Blessed One may have been changed on more than one +occasion. The Sinhalese chronicles,[65] as mentioned, say that it was +brought to Ceylon in the ninth year of Sirimeghavanna.[66] This +date may be approximately correct for about 413 or later Fa-Hsien +described the annual festival of the tooth, during which it was +exposed for veneration at the Abhayagiri monastery, without indicating +that the usage was recent. + +The tooth did not, according to Sinhalese tradition, form part of the +relics distributed after the cremation of the Buddha. Seven bones, +including four teeth,[67] were excepted from that distribution and +the Sage Khema taking the left canine tooth direct from the funeral +pyre gave it to the king of Kalinga, who enshrined it in a gorgeous +temple at Dantapura[68] where it is supposed to have remained 800 +years. At the end of that period a pious king named Guhasiva +became involved in disastrous wars on account of the relic, and, as +the best means of preserving it, bade his daughter fly with her +husband[69] and take it to Ceylon. This, after some miraculous +adventures, they were able to do. The tooth was received with great +ceremony and lodged in an edifice called the Dhammacakka from which it +was taken every year for a temporary sojourn[70] in the Abhayagiri +monastery. + +The cultus of the tooth flourished exceedingly in the next few +centuries and it came to be regarded as the talisman of the king and +nation. Hence when the court moved from Anuradhapura to Pollunaruwa it +was installed in the new capital. In the troubled times which followed +it changed its residence some fifteen times. Early in the fourteenth +century it was carried off by the Tamils to southern India but was +recovered by Parakrama Bahu III and during the commotion created by +the invasions of the Tamils, Chinese and Portuguese it was hidden in +various cities. In 1560 Dom Constantino de Braganca, Portuguese +Viceroy of Goa, led a crusade against Jaffna to avenge the alleged +persecution of Christians, and when the town was sacked a relic, +described as the tooth of an ape mounted in gold, was found in a +temple and carried off to Goa. On this Bayin Naung, King of Pegu, +offered an enormous ransom to redeem it, which the secular government +wished to accept, but the clergy and inquisition put such pressure on +the Viceroy that he rejected the proposal. The archbishop of Goa +pounded the tooth in a mortar before the viceregal court, burned the +fragments and scattered the ashes over the sea.[71] + +But the singular result of this bigotry was not to destroy one sacred +tooth but to create two. The king of Pegu, who wished to marry a +Sinhalese princess, sent an embassy to Ceylon to arrange the match. +They were received by the king of Cotta, who bore the curiously +combined name of Don Juan Dharmapala. He had no daughter of his own +but palmed off the daughter of a chamberlain. At the same time he +informed the king of Pegu that the tooth destroyed at Goa was not +the real relic and that this still remained in his possession. Bayin +Naung was induced to marry the lady and received the tooth with +appropriate ceremonies. But when the king of Kandy heard of these +doings, he apprized the king of Pegu of the double trick that had been +played on him. He offered him his own daughter, a veritable princess, +in marriage and as her dowry the true tooth which, he said, was +neither that destroyed at Goa nor yet that sent to Pegu, but one in +his own possession. Bayin Naung received the Kandyan embassy politely +but rejected its proposals, thinking no doubt that it would be awkward +to declare the first tooth spurious after it had been solemnly +installed as a sacred relic. The second tooth therefore remained in +Kandy and appears to be that now venerated there. When Vimala Dharma +re-established the original line of kings, about 1592, it was accepted +as authentic. + +As to its authenticity, it appears to be beyond doubt that it is a +piece of discoloured bone about two inches long, which could never +have been the tooth of an ordinary human being, so that even the +faithful can only contend that the Buddha was of superhuman stature. +Whether it is the relic which was venerated in Ceylon before the +arrival of the Portuguese is a more difficult question, for it may be +argued with equal plausibility that the Sinhalese had good reasons for +hiding the real tooth and good reasons for duplicating it. The +strongest argument against the authenticity of the relic destroyed by +the Portuguese is that it was found in Jaffna, which had long been a +Tamil town, whereas there is no reason to believe that the real tooth +was at this time in Tamil custody. But, although the native +literature always speaks of it as unique, the Sinhalese appear to have +produced replicas more than once, for we hear of such being sent to +Burma and China.[72] Again, the offer to ransom the tooth came not +from Ceylon but from the king of Pegu, who, as the sequel shows, was +gullible in such matters: the Portuguese clearly thought that they had +acquired a relic of primary importance; on any hypothesis one of the +kings of Ceylon must have deceived the king of Pegu, and finally +Vimala Dharma had the strongest political reasons for accepting as +genuine the relic kept at Kandy, since the possession of the true +tooth went far to substantiate a Sinhalese monarch's right to the +throne. + +The tooth is now preserved in a temple at Kandy. The visitor looking +through a screen of bars can see on a silver table a large jewelled +case shaped like a bell. Flowers scattered on the floor or piled on +other tables fill the chamber with their heavy perfume. Inside the +bell are six other bells of diminishing size, the innermost of which +covers a golden lotus containing the sacred tooth. But it is only on +rare occasions that the outer caskets are removed. Worshippers as a +rule have to content themselves with offering flowers[73] and bowing +but I was informed that the priests celebrate _puja_ daily before the +relic. The ceremony comprises the consecration and distribution of +rice and is interesting as connecting the veneration of the tooth with +the ritual observed in Hindu temples. But we must return to the +general history of Buddhism in Ceylon. + +3 + + +The kings who ruled in the fifth century were devout Buddhists and +builders of viharas but the most important event of this period, not +merely for the island but for the whole Buddhist church in the south, +was the literary activity of Buddhaghosa who is said to have resided +in Ceylon during the reign of Mahanama. The chief authorities for his +life are a passage in the continuation of the Mahavamsa[74] and the +Buddhaghosuppatti, a late Burmese text of about 1550, which, while +adding many anecdotes, appears not to come from an independent +source.[75] The gist of their account is that he was born in a Brahman +family near Gaya and early obtained renown as a disputant. He was +converted to Buddhism by a monk named Revata and began to write +theological treatises.[76] Revata observing his intention to +compose a commentary on the Pitakas, told him that only the text +(palimattam) of the scriptures was to be found in India, not the +ancient commentaries, but that the Sinhalese commentaries were +genuine, having been composed in that language by Mahinda. He +therefore bade Buddhaghosa repair to Ceylon and translate these +Sinhalese works into the idiom of Magadha, by which Pali must be +meant. Buddhaghosa took this advice and there is no reason to distrust +the statement of the Mahavamsa that he arrived in the reign of +Mahanama, who ruled according to Geiger from 458 to 480, though the +usual reckoning places him about fifty years earlier. The fact that +Fa-Hsien, who visited Ceylon about 412, does not mention Buddhaghosa +is in favour of Geiger's chronology.[77] + +He first studied in the Mahavihara and eventually requested permission +to translate the Sinhalese commentaries. To prove his competence for +the task he composed the celebrated Visuddhi-magga, and, this being +considered satisfactory, he took up his residence in the Ganthakara +Vihara and proceeded to the work of translation. When it was finished +he returned to India or according to the Talaing tradition to Thaton. +The Buddhaghosuppatti adds two stories of which the truth and meaning +are equally doubtful. They are that Buddhaghosa burnt the works +written by Mahinda and that his knowledge of Sanskrit was called in +question but triumphantly proved. Can there be here any allusion to a +Sanskrit canon supported by the opponents of the Mahavihara? + +Even in its main outline the story is not very coherent for one would +imagine that, if a Buddhist from Magadha went to Ceylon to translate +the Sinhalese commentaries, his object must have been to introduce +them among Indian Buddhists. But there is no evidence that Buddhaghosa +did this and he is for us simply a great figure in the literary and +religious history of Ceylon. Burmese tradition maintains that he was a +native of Thaton and returned thither, when his labours in Ceylon were +completed, to spread the scriptures in his native language. This +version of his activity is intelligible, though the evidence for it is +weak. + +He composed a great corpus of exegetical literature which has been +preserved, but, since much of it is still unedited, the precise extent +of his labours is uncertain. There is however little doubt of the +authenticity of his commentaries on the four great Nikayas, on the +Abhidhamma and on the Vinaya (called Samanta-pasadika) and in them[78] +he refers to the Visuddhi-magga as his own work. He says expressly +that his explanations are founded on Sinhalese materials, which he +frequently cites as the opinion of the ancients (porana). By this word +he probably means traditions recorded in Sinhalese and attributed to +Mahinda, but it is in any case clear that the works which he consulted +were considered old in the fifth century A.D. Some of their names are +preserved in the Samanta-pasadika where he mentions the great +commentary (Maha-Atthakatha), the Raft commentary (Paccari, so +called because written on a raft), the Kurundi commentary composed at +Kurunda-Velu and others.[79] All this literature has disappeared and +we can only judge of it by Buddhaghosa's reproduction which is +probably not a translation but a selection and rearrangement. Indeed +his occasional direct quotations from the ancients or from an +Atthakatha imply that the rest of the work is merely based on +the Sinhalese commentaries. + +Buddhaghosa was not an independent thinker but he makes amends for his +want of originality not only by his industry and learning but by his +power of grasping and expounding the whole of an intricate subject. +His Visuddhi-magga has not yet been edited in Europe, but the extracts +and copious analysis[80] which have been published indicate that it is +a comprehensive restatement of Buddhist doctrine made with as free a +hand as orthodoxy permitted. The Mahavamsa observes that the Theras +held his works in the same estimation as the Pitakas. They are in +no way coloured by the Mahayanist tenets which were already prevalent +in India, but state in its severest form the Hinayanist creed, of +which he is the most authoritative exponent. The Visuddhi-magga is +divided into three parts treating of conduct (silam), meditation +(samadhi) and knowledge (panna), the first being the necessary +substratum for the religious life of which the others are the two +principal branches. But though he intersperses his exposition with +miraculous stories and treats exhaustively of superhuman powers, no +trace of the worship of Mahayanist Bodhisattvas is found in his works +and, as for literature, he himself is the chief authority for the +genuineness and completeness of the Pali Canon as we know it. + +When we find it said that his works were esteemed as highly as the +Pitakas, or that the documents which he translated into Pali were +the words of the Buddha,[81] the suspicion naturally arises that the +Pali Canon may be in part his composition and it may be well to review +briefly its history in Ceylon. Our knowledge appears to be derived +entirely from the traditions of the Mahavihara which represent Mahinda +as teaching the text of the Pitakas orally, accompanied by a +commentary. If we admit the general truth of the narrative concerning +Mahinda's mission, there is nothing improbable in these statements, +for it would be natural that an Indian teacher should know by heart +his sacred texts and the commentaries on them. We cannot of course +assume that the Pitakas of Mahinda were the Pali Canon as we know +it, but the inscriptions of Asoka refer to passages which can be found +in that canon and therefore parts of it at any rate must have been +accepted as scripture in the third century B.C. But it is probable +that considerable variation was permitted in the text, although the +sense and a certain terminology were carefully guarded. It was not +till the reign of Vattagamani, probably about 20 B.C., that +the canon was committed to writing and the Parivara, composed in +Ceylon,[82] was included in it. + +In the reign of Buddhadasa[83] a learned monk named Mahadhammakathi is +said to have translated the Suttas into Sinhalese, which at this time +was esteemed the proper language for letters and theology, but in the +next century a contrary tendency, probably initiated by Buddhaghosa, +becomes apparent and Sinhalese works are rewritten in Pali.[84] But +nothing indicates that any part of what we call the Pali Canon +underwent this process. Buddhaghosa distinguishes clearly between text +and comment, between Pali and Sinhalese documents. He has a coherent +history of the text, beginning with the Council of Rajagaha; he +discusses various readings, he explains difficult words. He treated +the ancient commentaries with freedom, but there is no reason to think +that he allowed himself any discretion or right of selection in +dealing with the sacred texts accepted by the Mahavihara, though it +might be prudent to await the publication of his commentaries on all +the Nikayas before asserting this unreservedly. + +To sum up, the available evidence points to the conclusion that in the +time of Asoka texts and commentaries preserved orally were brought to +Ceylon. The former, though in a somewhat fluid condition, were +sufficiently sacred to be kept unchanged in the original Indian +language, the latter were translated into the kindred but still +distinct vernacular of the island. In the next century and a half +some additions to the Pali texts were made and about 20 B.C. the +Mahavihara, which proved as superior to the other communities in +vitality as it was in antiquity, caused written copies to be made of +what it considered as the canon, including some recent works. There is +no evidence that Buddhaghosa or anyone else enlarged or curtailed the +canon, but the curious tradition that he collected and burned all the +books written by Mahinda in Sinhalese[85] may allude to the existence +of other works which he (presumably in agreement with the Mahavihara) +considered spurious. + +Soon after the departure of Buddhaghosa Dhatusena came to the throne +and "held like Dhammasoka a convocation about the three +Pitakas."[86] This implies that there was still some doubt as to +what was scripture and that the canon of the Mahavihara was not +universally accepted. The Vetulyas, of whom we heard in the third +century A.D., reappear in the seventh when they are said to have been +supported by a provincial governor but not by the king Aggabodhi[87] +and still more explicitly in the reign of Parakrama Bahu (c. 1160). He +endeavoured to reconcile to the Mahavihara "the Abhayagiri brethren +who separated themselves from the time of king Vattagamani +Abhaya and the Jetavana brethren that had parted since the days of +Mahasena and taught the Vetulla Pitaka and other writings as the +words of Buddha, which indeed were not the words of Buddha."[88] So it +appears that another recension of the canon was in existence for many +centuries. + +Dhatusena, though depicted in the Mahavamsa as a most orthodox +monarch, embellished the Abhayagiri monastery and was addicted to +sumptuous ceremonies in honour of images and relics. Thus he made an +image of Mahinda, dedicated a shrine and statue to Metteyya and +ornamented the effigies of Buddha with the royal jewels. In an image +chamber (apparently at the Abhayagiri) he set up figures of +Bodhisattvas,[89] by which we should perhaps understand the previous +births of Gotama. He was killed by his son and Sinhalese history +degenerated into a complicated story of crime and discord, in which +the weaker faction generally sought the aid of the Tamils. These +latter became more and more powerful and with their advance Buddhism +tended to give place to Hinduism. In the eighth century the court +removed from Anuradhapura to Pollannaruwa, in order to escape from the +pressure of the Tamils, but the picture of anarchy and decadence grows +more and more gloomy until the accession of Vijaya Bahu in 1071 who +succeeded in making himself king of all Ceylon. Though he recovered +Anuradhapura it was not made the royal residence either by himself or +by his greater successor, Parakrama Bahu.[90] This monarch, the most +eminent in the long list of Ceylon's sovereigns, after he had +consolidated his power, devoted himself, in the words of Tennent, "to +the two grand objects of royal solicitude, religion and agriculture." +He was lavish in building monasteries, temples and libraries, but not +less generous in constructing or repairing tanks and works of +irrigation. In the reign of Vijaya Bahu hardly any duly ordained monks +were to be found,[91] the succession having been interrupted, and the +deficiency was supplied by bringing qualified Theras from Burma. But +by the time of Parakrama Bahu the old quarrels of the monasteries +revived, and, as he was anxious to secure unity, he summoned a synod +at Anuradhapura. It appears to have attained its object by recognizing +the Mahavihara as the standard of orthodoxy and dealing summarily with +dissentients.[92] The secular side of monastic life also received +liberal attention. Lands, revenues and guest-houses were provided for +the monasteries as well as hospitals. As in Burma and Siam Brahmans +were respected and the king erected a building for their use in the +capital. Like Asoka, he forbade the killing of animals. + +But the glory of Parakrama Bahu stands up in the later history of +Ceylon like an isolated peak and thirty years after his death the +country had fallen almost to its previous low level of prosperity. The +Tamils again occupied many districts and were never entirely dislodged +as long as the Sinhalese kingdom lasted. Buddhism tended to decline +but was always the religion of the national party and was honoured +with as much magnificence as their means allowed. Parakrama Bahu II +(c. 1240), who recovered the sacred tooth from the Tamils, is said to +have celebrated splendid festivals and to have imported learned monks +from the country of the Colas.[93] Towards the end of the fifteenth +century the inscriptions of Kalyani indicate that Sinhalese religion +enjoyed a great reputation in Burma.[94] + +A further change adverse to Buddhism was occasioned by the arrival of +the Portuguese in 1505. A long and horrible struggle ensued between +them and the various kings among whom the distracted island was +divided until at the end of the sixteenth century only Kandy remained +independent, the whole coast being in the hands of the Portuguese. The +singular barbarities which they perpetrated throughout this struggle +are vouched for by their own historians,[95] but it does not appear +that the Sinhalese degraded themselves by similar atrocities. +Since the Portuguese wished to propagate Roman Catholicism as well as +to extend their political rule and used for this purpose (according to +the Mahavamsa) the persuasions of gold as well as the terrors of +torture, it is not surprising if many Sinhalese professed allegiance +to Christianity, but when in 1597 the greater part of Ceylon formally +accepted Portuguese sovereignty, the chiefs insisted that they should +be allowed to retain their own religion and customs. + +The Dutch first appeared in 1602 and were welcomed by the Court of +Kandy as allies capable of expelling the Portuguese. This they +succeeded in doing by a series of victories between 1638 and 1658, and +remained masters of a great part of the island until their possessions +were taken by the British in 1795. Kandy however continued independent +until 1815. At first the Dutch tried to enforce Christianity and to +prohibit Buddhism within their territory[96] but ultimately hatred of +the Roman Catholic church made them favourable to Buddhism and they +were ready to assist those kings who desired to restore the national +religion to its former splendour. + +4 + + +In spite of this assistance the centuries when the Sinhalese were +contending with Europeans were not a prosperous time for Buddhism. +Hinduism spread in the north,[97] Christianity in the coast belt, but +still it was a point of honour with most native sovereigns to protect +the national religion so far as their distressed condition allowed. +For the seventeenth century we have an interesting account of the +state of the country called _An Historical Relation of the Island of +Ceylon_ by an Englishman, Robert Knox, who was detained by the king of +Kandy from 1660 to 1680. He does not seem to have been aware that +there was any distinction between Buddhism and Hinduism. Though he +describes the Sinhalese as idolaters, he also emphasizes the fact that +Buddou (as he writes the name) is the God "unto whom the salvation of +souls belongs," and for whom "above all others they have a high +respect and devotion." He also describes the ceremonies of pirit +and bana, the perahera procession, and two classes of Buddhist monks, +the elders and the ordinary members of the Sangha. His narrative +indicates that Buddhism was accepted as the higher religion, though +men were prone to pray to deities who would save from temporal danger. + +About this time Vimala Dharma II[98] made great efforts to improve the +religious condition of the island and finding that the true succession +had again failed, arranged with the Dutch to send an embassy to Arakan +and bring back qualified Theras. But apparently the steps taken were +not sufficient, for when king Kittisiri Rajasiha (1747-81), whose +piety forms the theme of the last two chapters of the Mahavamsa, +set about reforming the Sangha, he found that duly ordained monks were +extinct and that many so-called monks had families. He therefore +decided to apply to Dhammika, king of Ayuthia in Siam, and like his +predecessor despatched an embassy on a Dutch ship. Dhammika sent back +a company of "more than ten monks" (that is more than sufficient for +the performance of all ecclesiastical acts) under the Abbot Upali in +1752 and another to relieve it in 1755.[99] They were received by the +king of Ceylon with great honour and subsequently by the ordination +which they conferred placed the succession beyond dispute. But the +order thus reconstituted was aristocratic and exclusive: only members +of the highest caste were admitted to it and the wealthy middle +classes found themselves excluded from a community which they were +expected to honour and maintain. This led to the despatch of an +embassy to Burma in 1802 and to the foundation of another branch of +the Sangha, known as the Amarapura school, distinct in so far as its +validity depended on Burmese not Siamese ordination. + +Since ordination is for Buddhists merely self-dedication to a higher +life and does not confer any sacramental or sacerdotal powers, the +importance assigned to it may seem strange. But the idea goes back to +the oldest records in the Vinaya and has its root in the privileges +accorded to the order. A Bhikkhu had a right to expect much from the +laity, but he also had to prove his worth and Gotama's early +legislation was largely concerned with excluding unsuitable +candidates. The solicitude for valid ordination was only the +ecclesiastical form of the popular feeling that the honours and +immunities of the order were conditional on its maintaining a certain +standard of conduct. Other methods of reform might have been devised, +but the old injunction that a monk could be admitted only by other +duly ordained monks was fairly efficacious and could not be disputed. +But the curious result is that though Ceylon was in early times the +second home of Buddhism, almost all (if indeed not all) the monks +found there now derive their right to the title of Bhikkhu from +foreign countries. + +The Sinhalese Sangha is generally described as divided into four schools, +those of Siam, Kelani, Amarapura and Ramanya, of which the first two are +practically identical, Kelani being simply a separate province of the +Siamese school, which otherwise has its headquarters in the inland +districts. This school, founded as mentioned above by priests who arrived +in 1750, comprises about half of the whole Sangha and has some pretensions +to represent the hierarchy of Ceylon, since the last kings of Kandy gave to +the heads of the two great monasteries in the capital, Asgiri and Malwatte, +jurisdiction over the north and south of the island respectively. It +differs in some particulars from the Amarapura school. It only admits +members of the highest caste and prescribes that monks are to wear the +upper robe over one shoulder only, whereas the Amarapurans admit members of +the first three castes (but not those lower in the social scale) and +require both shoulders to be covered. There are other minor differences +among which it is interesting to note that the Siamese school object to the +use of the formula "I dedicate this gift to the Buddha" which is used in +the other schools when anything is presented to the order for the use of +the monks. It is held that this expression was correct in the lifetime of +the Buddha but not after his death. The two schools are not mutually +hostile, and members of each find a hospitable reception in the monasteries +of the other. The laity patronize both indifferently and both frequent the +same places of pilgrimage, though all of these and the majority of the +temple lands belong to the sect of Siam. It is wealthy, aristocratic and +has inherited the ancient traditions of Ceylon, whereas the Amarapurans are +more active and inclined to propaganda. It is said they are the chief +allies of the Theosophists and European Buddhists. The Ramanya[100] school +is more recent and distinct than the others, being in some ways a reformed +community. It aims at greater strictness of life, forbidding monasteries to +hold property and insisting on genuine poverty. It also totally rejects the +worship of Hindu deities and its lay members do not recognize the monks of +other schools. It is not large but its influence is considerable. + +It has been said that Buddhism flourished in Ceylon only when it was +able to secure the royal favour. There is some truth in this, for the +Sangha does not struggle on its own behalf but expects the laity to +provide for its material needs, making a return in educational and +religious services. Such a body if not absolutely dependent on royal +patronage has at least much to gain from it. Yet this admission must +not blind us to the fact that during its long and often distinguished +history Sinhalese Buddhism has been truly the national faith, as +opposed to the beliefs of various invaders, and has also ministered to +the spiritual aspirations of the nation. As Knox said in a period when +it was not particularly flourishing, the Hindu gods look after worldly +affairs but Buddha after the soul. When the island passed under +British rule and all religions received impartial recognition, the +result was not disastrous to Buddhism: the number of Bhikkhus greatly +increased, especially in the latter half of the nineteenth century. +And if in earlier periods there was an interval in which technically +speaking the Sangha did not exist, this did not mean that interest in +it ceased, for as soon as the kingdom became prosperous the first care +of the kings was to set the Church in order. This zeal can be +attributed to nothing but conviction and affection, for Buddhism is +not a faith politically useful to an energetic and warlike prince. + +5 + + +Sinhalese Buddhism is often styled primitive or original and it may fairly +be said to preserve in substance both the doctrine and practice inculcated +in the earliest Pali literature. In calling this primitive we must remember +the possibility that some of this literature was elaborated in Ceylon +itself. But, putting the text of the Pitakas aside, it would seem that the +early Sinhalese Buddhism was the same as that of Asoka, and that it never +underwent any important change. It is true that mediaeval Sinhalese +literature is full of supernatural legends respecting the Buddha,[101] but +still he does not become a god (for he has attained Nirvana) and the great +Bodhisattvas, Avalokita and Manjusri, are practically unknown. The +_Abhidhammattha-sangaha_,[102] which is still the text-book most in use +among the Bhikkhus, adheres rigidly to the methods of the Abhidhamma.[103] +It contains neither devotional nor magical matter but prescribes a course +of austere mental training, based on psychological analysis and culminating +in the rapture of meditation. Such studies and exercises are beyond the +capacity of the majority, but no other road to salvation is officially +sanctioned for the Bhikkhu. It is admitted that there are no Arhats +now--just as Christianity has no contemporary saints--but no other ideal, +such as the Boddhisattva of the Mahayanists, is held up for imitation. + +Mediaeval images of Avalokita and of goddesses have however been found +in Ceylon.[104] This is hardly surprising for the island was on the +main road to China, Java, and Camboja[105] and Mahayanist teachers and +pilgrims must have continually passed through it. The Chinese +biographies of that eminent tantrist, Amogha, say that he went to +Ceylon in 741 and elaborated his system there before returning to +China. It is said that in 1408 the Chinese being angry at the +ill-treatment of envoys whom they had sent to the shrine of the tooth, +conquered Ceylon and made it pay tribute for fifty years. By +conquest no doubt is meant merely a military success and not +occupation, but the whole story implies possibilities of acquaintance +with Chinese Buddhism. + +It is clear that, though the Hinayanist church was predominant +throughout the history of the island, there were up to the twelfth +century heretical sects called Vaitulya or Vetulyaka and Vajira which +though hardly rivals of orthodoxy were a thorn in its side. A party at +the Abhayagiri monastery were favourably disposed to the Vaitulya sect +which, though often suppressed, recovered and reappeared, being +apparently reinforced from India. This need not mean from southern +India, for Ceylon had regular intercourse with the north and perhaps +the Vaitulyas were Mahayanists from Bengal. The Nikaya-Sangrahawa also +mentions that in the ninth century there was a sect called +Nilapatadarsana,[106] who wore blue robes and preached indulgence +in wine and love. They were possibly Tantrists from the north but were +persecuted in southern India and never influential in Ceylon. + +The Mahavamsa is inclined to minimize the importance of all sects +compared with the Mahavihara, but the picture given by the +Nikaya-Sangrahawa may be more correct. It says that the Vaitulyas, +described as infidel Brahmans who had composed a Pitaka of their +own, made four attempts to obtain a footing at the Abhayagiri +monastery.[107] In the ninth century it represents king Matvalasen as +having to fly because he had embraced the false doctrine of the +Vajiras. These are mentioned in another passage in connection with the +Vaitulyas: they are said to have composed the Gudha Vinaya[108] and +many Tantras. They perhaps were connected with the Vajrayana, a phase +of Tantric Buddhism. But a few years later king Mungayinsen set the +church in order. He recognized the three orthodox schools or nikayas +called Theriya, Dhammaruci and Sagaliya but proscribed the others and +set guards on the coast to prevent the importation of heresy. +Nevertheless the Vajiriya and Vaitulya doctrines were secretly +practised. An inscription in Sanskrit found at the Jetavana and +attributed to the ninth century[109] records the foundation of a +Vihara for a hundred resident monks, 25 from each of the four nikayas, +which it appears to regard as equivalent. But in 1165 the great +Parakrama Bahu held a synod to restore unity in the church. As a +result, all Nikayas (even the Dhammaruci) which did not conform to the +Mahavihara were suppressed[110] and we hear no more of the Vaitulyas +and Vajiriyas. + +Thus there was once a Mahayanist faction in Ceylon, but it was +recruited from abroad, intermittent in activity and was finally +defeated, whereas the Hinayanist tradition was national and +continuous. + +Considering the long lapse of time, the monastic life of Ceylon has +not deviated much in practice from the injunctions of the Vinaya. +Monasteries like those of Anuradhapura, which are said to have +contained thousands of monks, no longer exist. The largest now to be +found--those at Kandy--do not contain more than fifty but as a rule a +pansala (as these institutions are now called) has not more than five +residents and more often only two or three. Some pansalas have +villages assigned to them and some let their lands and do not scruple +to receive the rent. The monks still follow the ancient routine of +making a daily round with the begging bowl, but the food thus +collected is often given to the poor or even to animals and the +inmates of the pansala eat a meal which has been cooked there. The +Patimokkha is recited (at least in part) twice a month and ordinations +are held annually.[111] + +The duties of the Bhikkhus are partly educational, partly clerical. In +most villages the children receive elementary education gratis in the +pansala, and the preservation of the ancient texts, together with the +long list of Pali and Sinhalese works produced until recent times +almost exclusively by members of the Sangha,[112] is a proof that it +has not neglected literature. The chief public religious +observances are preaching and reading the scriptures. This latter, +known as Bana, is usually accompanied by a word for word translation +made by the reciter or an assistant. Such recitations may form part of +the ordinary ceremonial of Uposatha days and most religious +establishments have a room where they can be held, but often monks are +invited to reside in a village during Was (July to October) and read +Bana, and often a layman performs a pinkama or act of merit by +entertaining monks for several days and inviting his neighbours to +hear them recite. The recitation of the Jatakas is particularly +popular but the suttas of the Digha Nikaya are also often read. On +special occasions such as entry into a new house, an eclipse or any +incident which suggests that it might be well to ward off the enmity +of supernatural powers, it is usual to recite a collection of texts +taken largely from the Suttanipata and called Pirit. The word appears +to be derived from the Pali _paritta_, a defence, and though the Pali +scriptures do not sanction this use of the Buddha's discourses they +countenance the idea that evil may be averted by the use of +formulae.[113] + +Although Sinhalese Buddhism has not diverged much from the Pali +scriptures in its main doctrines and discipline, yet it tolerates a +superstructure of Indian beliefs and ceremonies which forbid us to +call it pure except in a restricted sense. At present there may be +said to be three religions in Ceylon; local animism, Hinduism and +Buddhism are all inextricably mixed together. By local animism I mean +the worship of native spirits who do not belong to the ordinary Hindu +pantheon though they may be identified with its members. The priests +of this worship are called Kapuralas and one of their principal +ceremonies consists in dancing until they are supposed to be possessed +by a spirit--the devil dancing of Europeans. Though this religion is +distinct from ordinary Hinduism, its deities and ceremonies find +parallels in the southern Tamil country. In Ceylon it is not merely a +village superstition but possesses temples of considerable +size,[114] for instance at Badulla and near Ratnapura. In the latter +there is a Buddhist shrine in the court yard, so that the Blessed One +may countenance the worship, much as the Pitakas represent him as +patronizing and instructing the deities of ancient Magadha, but the +structure and observances of the temple itself are not Buddhist. The +chief spirit worshipped at Ratnapura and in most of these temples is +Maha Saman, the god of Adam's Peak. He is sometimes identified with +Lakshmana, the brother of Rama, and sometimes with Indra. + +About a quarter of the population are Tamils professing Hinduism. +Hindu temples of the ordinary Dravidian type are especially frequent +in the northern districts, but they are found in most parts and at +Kandy two may be seen close to the shrine of the Tooth.[115] Buddhists +feel no scruple in frequenting them and the images of Hindu deities +are habitually introduced into Buddhist temples. These often contain a +hall, at the end of which are one or more sitting figures of the +Buddha, on the right hand side a recumbent figure of him, but on the +left a row of four statues representing Mahabrahma, Vishnu, +Karttikeya and Mahasaman. Of these Vishnu generally receives marked +attention, shown by the number of prayers written on slips of paper +which are attached to his hand. Nor is this worship found merely as a +survival in the older temples. The four figures appear in the newest +edifices and the image of Vishnu never fails to attract votaries. +Yet though a rigid Buddhist may regard such devotion as dangerous, it +is not treasonable, for Vishnu is regarded not as a competitor but +as a very reverent admirer of the Buddha and anxious to befriend good +Buddhists. + +Even more insidious is the pageantry which since the days of King +Tissa has been the outward sign of religion. It may be justified as +being merely an edifying method of venerating the memory of a great +man but when images and relics are treated with profound reverence or +carried in solemn procession it is hard for the ignorant, especially +if they are accustomed to the ceremonial of Hindu temples, not to +think that these symbols are divine. This ornate ritualism is not +authorized in any known canonical text, but it is thoroughly +Indian. Asoka records in his inscriptions the institution of religious +processions and Hsuan Chuang relates how King Harsha organized a +festival during which an image of the Buddha was carried on an +elephant while the monarch and his ally the king of Assam, dressed as +Indra and Brahma respectively, waited on it like servants.[116] Such +festivities were congenial to the Sinhalese, as is attested by the +long series of descriptions which fill the Mahavamsa down to the +very last book, by what Fa-Hsien saw about 412 and by the Perahera +festival celebrated to-day. + +6 + + +The Buddhism of southern India resembled that of Ceylon in character +though not in history. It was introduced under the auspices of Asoka, +who mentions in his inscriptions the Colas, Pandyas and +Keralaputras.[117] Hsuan Chuang says that in the Malakuta country, +somewhere near Madura or Tanjore, there was a stupa erected by Asoka's +orders and also a monastery founded by Mahinda. It is possible that +this apostle and others laboured less in Ceylon and more in south +India than is generally supposed. The pre-eminence and continuity of +Sinhalese Buddhism are due to the conservative temper of the natives +who were relatively little moved by the winds of religion which blew +strong on the mainland, bearing with them now Jainism, now the worship +of Vishnu or Siva. + +In the Tamil country Buddhism of an Asokan type appears to have been +prevalent about the time of our era. The poem Manimegalei, which by +general consent was composed in an early century A.D., is Buddhist but +shows no leanings to Mahayanism. It speaks of Sivaism and many +other systems[118] as flourishing, but contains no hint that Buddhism +was persecuted. But persecution or at least very unfavourable +conditions set in. Since at the time of Hsuan Chuang's visit Buddhism +was in an advanced stage of decadence, it seems probable that the +triumph of Sivaism began in the third or fourth century and that +Buddhism offered slight resistance, Jainism being the only serious +competitor for the first place. But for a long while, perhaps even +until the sixteenth century, monasteries were kept up in special +centres, and one of these is of peculiar importance, namely Kancipuram +or Conjeveram.[119] Hsuan Chuang found there 100 monasteries with more +than 10,000 brethren, all Sthaviras, and mentions that it was the +birthplace of Dharmapala.[120] We have some further information from +the Talaing chronicles[121] which suggests the interesting hypothesis +that the Buddhism of Burma was introduced or refreshed by missionaries +from southern India. They give a list of teachers who flourished in +that country, including Kaccayana and the philosopher Anuruddha.[122] +Of Dharmapala they say that he lived at the monastery of Bhadratittha +near Kancipura and wrote fourteen commentaries in Pali.[123] One was +on the Visuddhi-magga of Buddhaghosa and it is probable that he lived +shortly after that great writer and like him studied in Ceylon. + +I shall recur to this question of south Indian Buddhism in treating +of Burma, but the data now available are very meagre. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 10: _E.g._ Burma in the reign of Anawrata and later in the +time of Chapata about 1200, and Siam in the time of Suryavamsa +Rama, 1361. On the other hand in 1752 the Sinhalese succession was +validated by obtaining monks from Burma.] + +[Footnote 11: Geiger, _Literatur und Sprache der Singhalesen_, p. 91.] + +[Footnote 12: Compare the history of Khotan. The first Indian +colonists seem to have introduced a Prakrit dialect. Buddhism and +Sanskrit came afterwards.] + +[Footnote 13: Literally demons, that is wild uncanny men. I refrain +from discussing the origin and ethnological position of the Vaeddas +for it hardly affects the history of Buddhism in Ceylon. For Vijaya's +conquests see Mahavamsa VII.] + +[Footnote 14: IX. 26.] + +[Footnote 15: Dipavamsa I. 45-81, II. 1-69. Mahavamsa I. 19-83. +The legend that the Buddha visited Ceylon and left his footprint on +Adam's peak is at least as old as Buddhaghosa. See Samanta-pasadika in +Oldenburg's _Vinaya Pitaka_, vol. III, p. 332 and the quotations in +Skeen's _Adam's Peak_, p. 50.] + +[Footnote 16: Dipa. V. x. 1-9. Mahavamsa VIII. 1-27, IX. 1-12.] + +[Footnote 17: Mahavamsa X. 96, 102.] + +[Footnote 18: For the credibility of the Sinhalese traditions see +Geiger introd. to translation of Mahavamsa 1912 and Norman in +_J.R.A.S._ 1908, pp. 1 ff. and on the other side R.O. Franke in +_W.Z.K.M._ 21, pp. 203 ff., 317 ff. and _Z.D.M.G._ 63, pp. 540 ff.] + +[Footnote 19: Grunwedel, _Buddhist art in India_, pp. 69-72. Rhys +Davids, _Buddhist India_, p. 302.] + +[Footnote 20: The Jataka-nidana-katha is also closely allied to these +works in those parts where the subject matter is the same.] + +[Footnote 21: This section was probably called Mahavamsa in a +general sense long before the name was specially applied to the work +which now bears it.] + +[Footnote 22: See introduction to Oldenburg's edition, pp. 8, 9.] + +[Footnote 23: Perhaps this is alluded to at the beginning of the +Mahavamsa itself, "The book made by the ancients (porvanehi +kato) was in some places too diffuse and in others too condensed and +contained many repetitions."] + +[Footnote 24: The Mahavamsa was continued by later writers and +brought down to about 1780 A.D.] + +[Footnote 25: The Mahavamsatika, a commentary written between 1000 and 1250 +A.D., has also some independent value because the old Atthakatha-Mahavamsa +was still extant and used by the writer.] + +[Footnote 26: Son according to the Sinhalese sources but according to +Hsuan Chuang and others, younger brother. In favour of the latter it +may be said that the younger brothers of kings often became monks in +order to avoid political complications.] + +[Footnote 27: The modern Mahintale.] + +[Footnote 28: The Mahavamsa implies that he had already some +acquaintance with Buddhism. It represents him as knowing that monks do +not eat in the afternoon and as suggesting that it would be better to +ordain the layman Bhandu.] + +[Footnote 29: The chronicles give with some slight divergences the +names of the texts on which his preaching was based. It is doubtless +meant that he recited the Sutta with a running exposition.] + +[Footnote 30: Mahavam. xx. 17.] + +[Footnote 31: Many other places claimed to possess this relic.] + +[Footnote 32: Of course the antiquity of the Sinhalese Bo-tree is a +different question from the identity of the parent tree with the tree +under which the Buddha sat.] + +[Footnote 33: Mahavam. XVIII.; Dipavam. XV. and XVI.] + +[Footnote 34: But he says nothing about Mahinda or Sanghamitta and +does not support the Mahavamsa in details.] + +[Footnote 35: Duttha, meaning bad, angry or violent, apparently +refers to the ferocity shown in his struggle with the Tamils.] + +[Footnote 36: Dipavamsa XIX. 1. Mahavamsa XXVII. 1-48. See +Fergusson, _Hist. Ind. Architecture_, 1910, pp. 238, 246. I find it +hard to picture such a building raised on pillars. Perhaps it was +something like the Sat-mahal-prasada at Pollanarua.] + +[Footnote 37: Parker, _Ancient Ceylon_, p. 282. The restoration of the +Ruwanweli Dagoba was undertaken by Buddhists in 1873.] + +[Footnote 38: Mahavamsa XXVIII.-XXXI. Dutthagamani died +before it was finished.] + +[Footnote 39: Mahavamsa XXIX. 37. Yonanagaralasanda. The town is +also mentioned as situated on an Island in the Indus: Mil. Pan. III. +7. 4.] + +[Footnote 40: According to the common reckoning B.C. 88-76: according +to Geiger B.C. 29-17. It seems probable that in the early dates of +Sinhalese history there is an error of about 62 years. See Geiger, +_Trans. Mahavamsa_, pp. XXX ff. and Fleet, _J.R.A.S._ 1909, pp. +323-356.] + +[Footnote 41: For the site see Parker's _Ancient Ceylon_, pp. 299 ff. +The Mahavamsa (XXXIII. 79 and X. 98-100) says it was built on the +site of an ancient Jain establishment and Kern thinks that this +tradition hints at circumstances which account for the heretical and +contentious spirit of the Abhaya monks.] + +[Footnote 42: Mahav. XXXIII. 100-104. See too the Tika quote by +Turnour in his introduction, p. liii.] + +[Footnote 43: A work on ecclesiastical history written about 1395. Ed. +and Trans. Colombo Record Office.] + +[Footnote 44: The probable error in Sinhalese dates mentioned in a +previous note continues till the twelfth century A.D. though gradually +decreasing. For the early centuries of the Christian era it is +probable that the accepted dates should be put half a century later] + +[Footnote 45: Mahavamsa XXXVI. 41. Vetulyavadam madditva. According +to the Nikaya Sang, he burnt their Pitaka.] + +[Footnote 46: On Katha-vat. XVIII. 1 and 2. Printed in the _Journal of +the Pali Text Soc._ for 1889.] + +[Footnote 47: Watters, II. 234. Cf. _Hsuan Chuang's life_, chap. IV.] + +[Footnote 48: Mahavam. XXXVI. iii. ff. Gothabhaya's date was +probably 302-315 and Mahasena's 325-352. The common chronology makes +Gothabhaya reign from 244 to 257 and Mahasena from 269 to 296 A.D.] + +[Footnote 49: Quoted by Turnour, Introd. p. liii. The Mahavam. V. +13, expressly states that the Dhammaruci and Sagaliya sects originated +in Ceylon.] + +[Footnote 50: _I.e._ as I understand, the two divisions of the Sutta +Vibhanga.] + +[Footnote 51: It was written up to date at various periods. The +chapters which take up the history after the death of Mahasena are +said to be the work of Dhammakitti, who lived about 1250.] + +[Footnote 52: He was a contemporary of the Gupta King Samudragupta who +reigned approximately 330-375 A.D. See S. Levi in _J.A._ 1900, pp. 316 +ff, 401 ff. This synchronism is a striking confirmation of Fleet and +Geiger's chronology.] + +[Footnote 53: _E.g._ the tomb of Ramanuja at Srirangam.] + +[Footnote 54: For a somewhat similar reason the veneration of relics +is prevalent among Moslims. Islam indeed provides an object of worship +but its ceremonies are so austere and monotonous that any devotional +practices which are not forbidden as idolatrous are welcome to the +devout.] + +[Footnote 55: Dig. Nik. XVI. v. 27.] + +[Footnote 56: Plutarch mentions a story that the relics of King +Menander were similarly divided into eight portions but the story may +be merely a replica of the obsequies of the Buddha.] + +[Footnote 57: IV. 3, 24. The first text is from Mahaparinibbana Sutta, +V. 24. The second has not been identified.] + +[Footnote 58: _Journal des Savants_, Oct. 1906.] + +[Footnote 59: See Norman, "Buddhist legends of Asoka and his times," +in _J.A.S._ Beng. 1910.] + +[Footnote 60: Just as the Tooth was considered to be the palladium of +Sinhalese kings.] + +[Footnote 61: Record of Buddhist kingdoms. Legge, pp. 34, 35. Fa-Hsien +speaks of the country not the town of Peshawar (Purushapura).] + +[Footnote 62: _Ibid._ p. 109. Fa-Hsien does not indicate that at this +time there was a rival bowl in Ceylon but represents the preacher as +saying it was then in Gandhara.] + +[Footnote 63: Watters, I. pp. 202, 203. But the life of Hsuan Chuang +says Benares not Persia.] + +[Footnote 64: Marco Polo trans. Yule, II. pp. 320, 330.] + +[Footnote 65: For the history of the tooth see _Mahavamsa_, p. 241, +in Turnour's edition: the Dathavamsa in Pali written by Dhammakitti +in 1211 A.D.: and the Sinhalese poems Daladapujavali and Dhatuvansaya. +See also Da Cunha, _Memoir on the History of the Tooth Relic of +Ceylon_, 1875, and Yule's notes on Marco Polo, II. pp. 328-330.] + +[Footnote 66: _I.e._ about 361 or 310, according to which chronology +is adopted, but neither Fa-Hsien or Hsuan Chuang says anything about +its arrival from India and this part of the story might be dismissed +as a legend. But seeing how extraordinary were the adventures of the +tooth in historical times, it would be unreasonable to deny that it +may have been smuggled out of India for safety.] + +[Footnote 67: Various accounts are given of the disposal of these +teeth, but more than enough relics were preserved in various shrines +to account for all. Hsuan Chuang saw or heard of sacred teeth in +Balkh, Nagar, Kashmir, Kanauj and Ceylon. Another tooth is said to be +kept near Foo-chow.] + +[Footnote 68: Plausibly supposed to be Puri. The ceremonies still +observed in the temple of Jagannath are suspected of being based on +Buddhist rites. Dantapura of the Kalingas is however mentioned in some +verses quoted in Digha Nikaya XIX. 36. This looks as if the name might +be pre-Buddhist.] + +[Footnote 69: They are called Ranmali and Danta in the Rajavaliya.] + +[Footnote 70: There is a striking similarity between this rite and the +ceremonies observed at Puri, where the images of Jagannatha and his +relatives are conveyed every summer with great pomp to a country +residence where they remain during some weeks.] + +[Footnote 71: See Tennent's _Ceylon_, vol. II. pp. 29, 30 and 199 ff. +and the Portuguese authorities quoted.] + +[Footnote 72: Fortune in _Two Visits to Tea Countries of China_, vol. +II. pp. 107-8, describes one of these teeth preserved in the Ku-shan +monastery near Foo-chow.] + +[Footnote 73: This practice must be very old. The Vinaya of the +Mulasarvastivadins and similar texts speak of offering flowers to a +tooth of the Buddha. See _J.A._ 1914, II. pp. 523, 543. The Pali Canon +too tells us that the relics of the Buddha were honoured with garlands +and perfumes.] + +[Footnote 74: Chap. XXXVII.] + +[Footnote 75: Both probably represent the tradition current at the +Mahavihara, but according to the Talaing tradition Buddhaghosa was a +Brahman born at Thaton.] + +[Footnote 76: The Mahavamsa says he composed the Jnanodaya and +Atthasalini at this time before starting for Ceylon.] + +[Footnote 77: Fa-Hsien is chary of mentioning contemporary celebrities +but he refers to a Well-known monk called Ta-mo-kiu-ti (? Dhammakathi +) and had Buddhaghosa been already celebrated he would hardly have +omitted him.] + +[Footnote 78: In the Coms. on the Digha and Dhammasangani.] + +[Footnote 79: See Rhys Davids and Carpenter's introduction to +_Sumangalavi_, I. p. x.] + +[Footnote 80: In the _Journal of Pali Text Soc._ 1891, pp. 76-164. +Since the above was written the first volume of the text of the +Visuddhi magga, edited by Mrs. Rhys Davids, has been published by the +Pali Text Society, 1920.] + +[Footnote 81: Bhagavato Sasanam. See Buddhaghosuppatti, chap. I.] + +[Footnote 82: It appears to be unknown to the Chinese Tripitaka. For +some further remarks on the Sinhalese Canon see Book III. chap. XIII. +Para. 3.] + +[Footnote 83: That is according to Geiger 386-416 A.D. Perhaps he was +the Ta-mo-kiu-ti mentioned by Fa-Hsien.] + +[Footnote 84: The tendency seems odd but it can be paralleled in India +where it is not uncommon to rewrite vernacular works in Sanskrit. See +Grierson, _J.R.A.S._ 1913, p. 133. Even in England in the seventeenth +century Bacon seems to have been doubtful of the immortality of his +works in English and prepared a Latin translation of his _Essays._] + +[Footnote 85: It is reported with some emphasis as the tradition of +the Ancients in Buddhaghosuppatti, chap. VII. If the works were merely +those which Buddhaghosa himself had translated the procedure seems +somewhat drastic.] + +[Footnote 86: Mahav. XXXIII. Dhammasokova so kasi Pitakattaye +Sangahan. Dhatusena reigned from 459-477 according to the common +chronology or 509-527 according to Geiger.] + +[Footnote 87: Mahav. XLII. 35 ff.] + +[Footnote 88: Mahav. LXXVIII. 21-23.] + +[Footnote 89: Mahav. XXXVIII. Akasi patimagehe bahumangalacetiye +boddhisatte ca tathasun. Cf. Fa-Hsien, chap. XXVIII. _ad fin._] + +[Footnote 90: Or Parakkama Bahu. Probably 1153-1186.] + +[Footnote 91: Mahavamsa LX. 4-7.] + +[Footnote 92: Mahavamsa LXXVIII. 21-27.] + +[Footnote 93: Mahav. LXXXIV. If this means the region of Madras, the +obvious question is what learned Buddhist can there have been there at +this period.] + +[Footnote 94: _J. Ant_. 1893, pp. 40, 41.] + +[Footnote 95: I take this statement from Tennent who gives +references.] + +[Footnote 96: See _Ceylon Antiquary_, I. 3, pp. 148, 197.] + +[Footnote 97: Rajasinha I (1581) is said to have made Sivaism the +Court religion.] + +[Footnote 98: His reign is dated as 1679-1701, also as 1687-1706. It +is remarkable that the Mahavamsa makes _both_ the kings called +Vimala Dharma send religious embassies to Arakan. See XCIV. 15, 16 and +XCVII. 10, 11.] + +[Footnote 99: See for some details Lorgeou: Notice sur un Manuscrit +Siamois contenant la relation de deux missions religieuses envoyees de +Siam a Ceylon au milieu du xviii Siecle. _Jour. Asiat_. 1906, pp. 533 +ff. The king called Dhammika by the Mahavamsa appears to have been +known as Phra Song Tham in Siam. The interest felt by the Siamese in +Ceylon at this period is shown by the Siamese translation of the +Mahavamsa made in 1796.] + +[Footnote 100: Ramanna is the part of Burma between Arakan and Siam.] + +[Footnote 101: See Spence Hardy, _Manual of Buddhism_, chap. VII.] + +[Footnote 102: A translation by S.Z. Aung and Mrs. Rhys Davids has +been published by the Pali Text Society. The author Anuruddha appears +to have lived between the eighth and twelfth centuries.] + +[Footnote 103: The Sinhalese had a special respect for the Abhidhamma. +Kassapa V (_c._ A.D. 930) caused it to be engraved on plates of gold. +_Ep. Zeyl._ I. p. 52.] + +[Footnote 104: See Coomaraswamy in _J.R.A.S._ 1909, pp. 283-297.] + +[Footnote 105: For intercourse with Camboja see _Epigr. Zeylanica_, +II. p. 74.] + +[Footnote 106: A dubious legend relates that they were known in the +north and suppressed by Harsha. See Ettinghausen, _Harsha Vardhana_, +1906, p. 86. Nil Sadhana appears to be a name for tantric practices. +See Avalon, _Principles of Tantra_, preface, p. xix.] + +[Footnote 107: In the reigns of Voharatissa, Gothabhaya, Mahasena +and Ambaherana Salamevan. The kings Matvalasen and Mungayinsen are +also known as Sena I and II.] + +[Footnote 108: Secret Vinaya.] + +[Footnote 109: _Epigraphia Zeylan_. I. p. 4.] + +[Footnote 110: One of the king's inscriptions says that he reconciled +the clergy of the three Nikayas. _Ep. Zeyl_. I. p. 134.] + +[Footnote 111: See Bowden in _J.R.A.S._ 1893, pp. 159 ff. The account +refers to the Malwatte Monastery. But it would appear that the +Patimokkha is recited in country places when a sufficient number of +monks meet on Uposatha days.] + +[Footnote 112: Even the poets were mostly Bhikkhus. Sinhalese +literature contains a fair number of historical and philosophical +works but curiously little about law. See Jolly, _Recht und Sitte_, p. +44.] + +[Footnote 113: _E.g._ in the Atanatiya sutta (Dig. Nik. XXXII.) +friendly spirits teach a spell by which members of the order may +protect themselves against evil ones and in Jataka 159 the Peacock +escapes danger by reciting every day a hymn to the sun and the praises +of past Buddhas. See also Bunyiu, _Nanjios Catalogue_, Nos. 487 and +800.] + +[Footnote 114: See for an account of the Maha Saman Devale, _Ceylon +Ant._ July, 1916.] + +[Footnote 115: So a mediaeval inscription at Mahintale of Mahinda IV +records the foundation of Buddhist edifices and a temple to a goddess. +_Ep. Zeyl._ I. p. 103.] + +[Footnote 116: Similarly in a religious procession described in the +Mahavamsa (XCIX. 52; about 1750 A.D.) there were "men in the dress +of Brahmas."] + +[Footnote 117: Rock Edicts, II. and XIII. Three inscriptions of Asoka +have been found in Mysore.] + +[Footnote 118: The Manimegalei even mentions six systems of philosophy +which are not the ordinary Darsanas but Lokayatam, Bauddham, +Sankhyam, Naiyayikam, Vaiseshikam, Mimamsakam.] + +[Footnote 119: Kan-chih-pu-lo. Watters, _Yuan Chuang_, II. 226. The +identification is not without difficulties and it has been suggested +that the town is really Negapatam. The Life of the pilgrim says that +it was on the coast, but he does not say so himself and his biographer +may have been mistaken.] + +[Footnote 120: See art. by Rhys Davids in _E.R.E._] + +[Footnote 121: See Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_, 1885, pp. 24 +ff.] + +[Footnote 122: Author of the _Abhidhammattha-sangaha._] + +[Footnote 123: Some have been published by the P.T. Society.] + + + + +CHAPTER XXXVI + +BURMA + +1 + + +Until recent times Burma remained somewhat isolated and connected with +foreign countries by few ties. The chronicles contain a record of long +and generally peaceful intercourse with Ceylon, but this though +important for religion and literature had little political effect. The +Chinese occasionally invaded Upper Burma and demanded tribute but the +invasions were brief and led to no permanent occupation. On the west +Arakan was worried by the Viceroys of the Mogul Emperors and on the +east the Burmese frequently invaded Siam. But otherwise from the +beginning of authentic history until the British annexation Burma was +left to itself and had not, like so many Asiatic states, to submit to +foreign conquest and the imposition of foreign institutions. Yet let +it not be supposed that its annals are peaceful and uneventful. The +land supplied its own complications, for of the many races inhabiting +it, three, the Burmese, Talaings and Shans, had rival aspirations and +founded dynasties. Of these three races, the Burmese proper appear to +have come from the north west, for a chain of tribes speaking cognate +languages is said to extend from Burma to Nepal. The Mons or +Talaings are allied linguistically to the Khmers of Camboja. Their +country (sometimes called Ramannadesa) was in Lower Burma and its +principal cities were Pegu and Thaton. The identity of the name +Talaing with Telingana or Kalinga is not admitted by all scholars, but +native tradition connects the foundation of the kingdom with the east +coast of India and it seems certain that such a connection existed in +historical times and kept alive Hinayanist Buddhism which may have +been originally introduced by this route. + +The Shan States lie in the east of Burma on the borders of Yunnan and +Laos. Their traditions carry their foundation back to the fourth and +fifth centuries B.C. There is no confirmation of this, but bodies of +Shans, a race allied to the Siamese, may have migrated into this +region at any date, perhaps bringing Buddhism with them or receiving +it direct from China. Recent investigations have shown that there was +also a fourth race, designated as Pyus, who occupied territory between +the Burmese and Talaings in the eleventh century. They will probably +prove of considerable importance for philology and early history, +perhaps even for the history of some phases of Burmese Buddhism, for +the religious terms found in their inscriptions are Sanskrit rather +than Pali and this suggests direct communication with India. But until +more information is available any discussion of this interesting but +mysterious people involves so many hypotheses and arguments of detail +that it is impossible in a work like the present. Prome was one of +their principal cities, their name reappears in P'iao, the old Chinese +designation of Burma, and perhaps also in Pagan, one form of which is +Pugama.[124] + +Throughout the historical period the pre-eminence both in individual +kings and dynastic strength rested with the Burmese but their contests +with the Shans and Talaings form an intricate story which can be +related here only in outline. Though the three races are distinct and +still preserve their languages, yet they conquered one another, lived +in each other's capitals and shared the same ambitions so that in more +recent centuries no great change occurred when new dynasties came to +power or territory was redistributed. The long chronicle of +bloodstained but ineffectual quarrels is relieved by the exploits of +three great kings, Anawrata, Bayin Naung and Alompra. + +Historically, Arakan may be detached from the other provinces. The +inhabitants represent an early migration from Tagaung and were not +annexed by any kingdom in Burma until 1784 A.D. Tagaung, situated on +the Upper Irrawaddy in the Ruby Mines district, was the oldest capital +of the Burmese and has a scanty history apparently going back to the +early centuries of our era. Much the same may be said of the Talaing +kingdom in Lower Burma. The kings of Tagaung were succeeded by another +dynasty connected with them which reigned at Prome. No dates can be +given for these events, nor is the part which the Pyus played in them +clear, but it is said that the Talaings destroyed the kingdom of +Prome in 742 A.D.[125] According to tradition the centre of power +moved about this time to Pagan[126] on the bank of the Irrawaddy +somewhat south of Mandalay. But the silence of early Chinese +accounts[127] as to Pagan, which is not mentioned before the Sung +dynasty, makes it probable that later writers exaggerated its early +importance and it is only when Anawrata, King of Pagan and the first +great name in Burmese history, ascended the throne that the course of +events becomes clear and coherent. He conquered Thaton in 1057 and +transported many of the inhabitants to his own capital. He also +subdued the nearer Shan states and was master of nearly all Burma as +we understand the term. The chief work of his successors was to +construct the multitude of pagodas which still ornament the site of +Pagan. It would seem that the dynasty gradually degenerated and that +the Shans and Talaings acquired strength at its expense. Its end came +in 1298 and was hastened by the invasion of Khubilai Khan. There then +arose two simultaneous Shan dynasties at Panya and Sagaing which +lasted from 1298 till 1364. They were overthrown by King Thadominpaya +who is believed to have been a Shan. He founded Ava which, whether it +was held by Burmese or Shans, was regarded as the chief city of Burma +until 1752, although throughout this period the kings of Pegu and +other districts were frequently independent. During the fourteenth +century another kingdom grew up at Toungoo[128] in Lower Burma. Its +rulers were originally Shan governors sent from Ava but ultimately +they claimed to be descendants of the last king of Pagan and, in this +character, Bureng or Bayin Naung (1551-1581), the second great ruler +of Burma, conquered Prome, Pegu and Ava. His kingdom began to break up +immediately after his death but his dynasty ruled in Ava until the +middle of the eighteenth century. + +During this period Europeans first made their appearance and quarrels +with Portuguese adventurers were added to native dissensions. The +Shans and Talaings became turbulent and after a tumultuous interval +the third great national hero, Alaung-paya or Alompra, came to the +front. In the short space of eight years (1752-1760), he gained +possession of Ava, made the Burmese masters of both the northern and +southern provinces, founded Rangoon and invaded both Manipur and Siam. +While on the latter expedition he died. Some of his successors held +their court at Ava but Bodawpaya built a new capital at Amarapura +(1783) and Mindon Min another at Mandalay (1857). The dynasty came to +an end in 1886 when King Thibaw was deposed by the Government of India +and his dominions annexed. + +2 + + +The early history of Buddhism in Burma is obscure, as in most other +countries, and different writers have maintained that it was +introduced from northern India, the east coast of India, Ceylon, China +or Camboja.[129] All these views may be in a measure true, for there +is reason to believe that it was not introduced at one epoch or from +one source or in one form. + +It is not remarkable that Indian influence should be strong among the +Burmese. The wonder rather is that they have preserved such strong +individuality in art, institutions and everyday life, that no one can +pass from India into Burma without feeling that he has entered a new +country. This is because the mountains which separate it from Eastern +Bengal and run right down to the sea form a barrier still sufficient +to prevent communication by rail. But from the earliest times +Indian immigrants and Indian ideas have been able to find their way +both by land and sea. According to the Burmese chronicles Tagaung was +founded by the Hindu prince Abhiraja in the ninth century B.C. and the +kingdom of Arakan claims as its first ruler an ancient prince of +Benares. The legends have not much more historical value than the +Kshattriya genealogies which Brahmans have invented for the kings of +Manipur, but they show that the Burmese knew of India and wished to +connect themselves with it. This spirit led not only to the invention +of legends but to the application of Indian names to Burmese +localities. For instance Aparantaka, which really designates a +district of western India, is identified by native scholars with Upper +Burma.[130] The two merchants Tapussa and Bhallika who were the first +to salute the Buddha after his enlightenment are said to have come +from Ukkala. This is usually identified with Orissa but Burmese +tradition locates it in Burma. A system of mythical geography has thus +arisen. + +The Buddha himself is supposed to have visited Burma, as well as +Ceylon, in his lifetime[131] and even to have imparted some of his +power to the celebrated image which is now in the Arakan Pagoda at +Mandalay. Another resemblance to the Sinhalese story is the +evangelization of lower Burma by Asoka's missionaries. The Dipavamsa +states[132] that Sona and Uttara were despatched to Suvarnabhumi. +This is identified with Ramannadesa or the district of Thaton, which +appears to be a corruption of Saddhammapura[133] and the tradition is +accepted in Burma. The scepticism with which modern scholars have +received it is perhaps unmerited, but the preaching of these +missionaries, if it ever took place, cannot at present be connected +with other historical events. Nevertheless the statement of the +Dipavamsa is significant. The work was composed in the fourth +century A.D. and taken from older chronicles. It may therefore be +concluded that in the early centuries of our era lower Burma had +the reputation of being a Buddhist country.[134] It also appears +certain that in the eleventh century, when the Talaings were conquered +by Anawrata, Buddhist monks and copies of the Tipitaka were found +there. But we know little about the country in the preceding +centuries. The Kalyani inscription says that before Anawrata's +conquest it was divided and decadent and during this period there is +no proof of intercourse with Ceylon but also no disproof. One result +of Anawrata's conquest of Thaton was that he exchanged religious +embassies with the king of Ceylon, and it is natural to suppose that +the two monarchs were moved to this step by traditions of previous +communications. Intercourse with the east coast of India may be +assumed as natural, and is confirmed by the presence of Sanskrit words +in old Talaing and the information about southern India in Talaing +records, in which the city of Conjevaram, the great commentator +Dharmapala and other men of learning are often mentioned. Analogies +have also been traced between the architecture of Pagan and southern +India.[135] It will be seen that such communication by sea may have +brought not only Hinayanist Buddhism but also Mahayanist and Tantric +Buddhism as well as Brahmanism from Bengal and Orissa, so that it is +not surprising if all these influences can be detected in the ancient +buildings and sculptures of the country.[136] Still the most important +evidence as to the character of early Burmese Buddhism is Hinayanist +and furnished by inscriptions on thin golden plates and tiles, found +near the ancient site of Prome and deciphered by Finot.[137] They +consist of Hinayanist religious formulae: the language is Pali: the +alphabet is of a south Indian type and is said to resemble closely +that used in the inscriptions of the Kadamba dynasty which ruled in +Kanara from the third to the sixth century. It is to the latter +part of this period that the inscriptions are to be attributed. They +show that a form of the Hinayana, comparable, so far as the brief +documents permit us to judge, with the church of Ceylon, was then +known in lower Burma and was probably the state church. The character +of the writing, taken together with the knowledge of southern India +shown by the Talaing chronicles and the opinion of the Dipavamsa that +Burma was a Buddhist country, is good evidence that lower Burma had +accepted Hinayanism before the sixth century and had intercourse with +southern India. More than that it would perhaps be rash to say. + +The Burmese tradition that Buddhaghosa was a native of Thaton and +returned thither from Ceylon merits more attention than it has +received. It can be easily explained away as patriotic fancy. On the +other hand, if Buddhaghosa's object was to invigorate Hinayanism in +India, the result of his really stupendous labours was singularly +small, for in India his name is connected with no religious movement. +But if we suppose that he went to Ceylon by way of the holy places in +Magadha and returned from the Coromandel Coast to Burma where +Hinayanism afterwards nourished, we have at least a coherent +narrative.[138] + +It is noticeable that Taranatha states[139] that in the Koki +countries, among which he expressly mentions Pukham (Pagan) and +Hamsavati (Pegu), Hinayanism was preached from the days of Asoka +onwards, but that the Mahayana was not known until the pupils of +Vasubandhu introduced it. + +The presence of Hinayanism in Lower Burma naturally did not prevent +the arrival of Mahayanism. It has not left many certain traces but +Atisa (_c._ 1000), a great figure in the history of Tibetan +Buddhism, is reported to have studied both in Magadha and in +Suvarnadvipa by which Thaton must be meant. He would hardly have done +this, had the clergy of Thaton been unfriendly to Tantric learning. +This mediaeval Buddhism was also, as in other countries, mixed with +Hinduism but whereas in Camboja and Champa Sivaism, especially +the worship of the lingam, was long the official and popular cult and +penetrated to Siam, few Sivaite emblems but numerous statues of +Vishnuite deities have hitherto been discovered in Burma. + +The above refers chiefly to Lower Burma. The history of Burmese +Buddhism becomes clearer in the eleventh century but before passing to +this new period we must enquire what was the religious condition of +Upper Burma in the centuries preceding it. It is clear that any +variety of Buddhism or Brahmanism may have entered this region from +India by land at any epoch. According to both Hsuan Chuang and I-Ching +Buddhism flourished in Samatata and the latter mentions images of +Avalokita and the reading of the Prajna-paramita. The precise position +of Samatata has not been fixed but in any case it was in the east +of Bengal and not far from the modern Burmese frontier. The existence +of early Sanskrit inscriptions at Taungu and elsewhere has been +recorded but not with as much detail as could be wished.[140] Figures +of Bodhisattvas and Indian deities are reported from Prome,[141] and +in the Lower Chindwin district are rock-cut temples resembling the +caves of Barabar in Bengal. Inscriptions also show that at Prome there +were kings, perhaps in the seventh century, who used the Pyu language +but bore Sanskrit titles. According to Burmese tradition the Buddha +himself visited the site of Pagan and prophesied that a king called +Sammutiraya would found a city there and establish the faith. This +prediction is said to have been fulfilled in 108 A.D. but the notices +quoted from the Burmese chronicles are concerned less with the +progress of true religion than with the prevalence of heretics known +as Aris.[142] It has been conjectured that this name is a corruption +of Arya but it appears that the correct orthography is _aran_ +representing an original _aranyaka_, that is forest priests. It is +hard to say whether they were degraded Buddhists or an indigenous +priesthood who in some ways imitated what they knew of Brahmanic +and Buddhist institutions. They wore black robes, let their hair grow, +worshipped serpents, hung up in their temples the heads of animals +that had been sacrificed, and once a year they assisted the king to +immolate a victim to the Nats on a mountain top. They claimed power to +expiate all sins, even parricide. They lived in convents (which is +their only real resemblance to Buddhist monks) but were not +celibate.[143] Anawrata is said to have suppressed the Aris but he +certainly did not extirpate them for an inscription dated 1468 records +their existence in the Myingyan district. Also in a village near Pagan +are preserved Tantric frescoes representing Bodhisattvas with their +Saktis. In one temple is an inscription dated 1248 and requiring +the people to supply the priests morning and evening with rice, beef, +betel, and a jar of spirits.[144] It is not clear whether these +priests were Aris or not, but they evidently professed an extreme form +of Buddhist Saktism. + +Chinese influences in Upper Burma must also be taken into account. +Burmese kings were perhaps among the many potentates who sent +religious embassies to the Emperor Wu-ti about 525 A.D. and the +T'ang[145] annals show an acquaintance with Burma. They describe the +inhabitants as devout Buddhists, reluctant to take life or even to +wear silk, since its manufacture involves the death of the silk worms. +There were a hundred monasteries into which the youth entered at the +age of seven, leaving at the age of twenty, if they did not intend to +become monks. The Chinese writer does not seem to have regarded the +religion of Burma as differing materially from Buddhism as he knew it +and some similarities in ecclesiastical terminology shown by Chinese +and Burmese may indicate the presence of Chinese influence.[146] +But this influence, though possibly strong between the sixth and tenth +centuries A.D., and again about the time of the Chinese invasion of +1284,[147] cannot be held to exclude Indian influence. + +Thus when Anawrata came to the throne[148] several forms of religion +probably co-existed at Pagan, and probably most of them were corrupt, +though it is a mistake to think of his dominions as barbarous. The +reformation which followed is described by Burmese authors in +considerable detail and as usual in such accounts is ascribed to the +activity of one personality, the Thera Arahanta who came from Thaton +and enjoyed Anawrata's confidence. The story implies that there was a +party in Pagan which knew that the prevalent creed was corrupt and +also looked upon Thaton and Ceylon as religious centres. As Anawrata +was a man of arms rather than a theologian, we may conjecture that his +motive was to concentrate in his capital the flower of learning as +known in his time--a motive which has often animated successful +princes in Asia and led to the unceremonious seizure of living saints. +According to the story he broke up the communities of Aris at the +instigation of Arahanta and then sent a mission to Manohari, king of +Pegu, asking for a copy of the Tipitaka and for relics. He received +a contemptuous reply intimating that he was not to be trusted with +such sacred objects. Anawrata in indignation collected an army, +marched against the Talaings and ended by carrying off to Pagan not +only elephant loads of scriptures and relics, but also all the Talaing +monks and nobles with the king himself.[149] The Pitakas were +stored in a splendid pagoda and Anawrata sent to Ceylon[150] for +others which were compared with the copies obtained from Thaton in +order to settle the text.[151] + +For 200 years, that is from about 1060 A.D. until the later decades of +the thirteenth century, Pagan was a great centre of Buddhist culture +not only for Burma but for the whole east, renowned alike for its +architecture and its scholarship. The former can still be studied in +the magnificent pagodas which mark its site. Towards the end of his +reign Anawrata made not very successful attempts to obtain relics from +China and Ceylon and commenced the construction of the Shwe Zigon +pagoda. He died before it was completed but his successors, who +enjoyed fairly peaceful reigns, finished the work and constructed +about a thousand other buildings among which the most celebrated is +the Ananda temple erected by King Kyansitha.[152] + +Pali literature in Burma begins with a little grammatical treatise +known as Karika and composed in 1064 A.D. by the monk Dhammasenapati +who lived in the monastery attached to this temple. A number of other +works followed. Of these the most celebrated was the Saddaniti of +Aggavamsa (1154), a treatise on the language of the Tipitaka +which became a classic not only in Burma but in Ceylon. A singular +enthusiasm for linguistic studies prevailed especially in the reign of +Kyocva (_c._ 1230), when even women are said to have been +distinguished for the skill and ardour which they displayed in +conquering the difficulties of Pali grammar. Some treatises on the +Abhidhamma were also produced. + +Like Mohammedanism, Hinayanist Buddhism is too simple and definite to +admit much variation in doctrine, but its clergy are prone to violent +disputes about apparently trivial questions. In the thirteenth century +such disputes assumed grave proportions in Burma. About 1175 A.D. a +celebrated elder named Uttarajiva accompanied by his pupil +Chapata left for Ceylon. They spent some years in study at the +Mahavihara and Chapata received ordination there. He returned to +Pagan with four other monks and maintained that valid ordination could +be conferred only through the monks of the Mahavihara, who alone had +kept the succession unbroken. He with his four companions, having +received this ordination, claimed power to transmit it, but he +declined to recognize Burmese orders. This pretension aroused a storm +of opposition, especially from the Talaing monks. They maintained that +Arahanta who had reformed Buddhism under Anawrata was spiritually +descended from the missionaries sent by Asoka, who were as well +qualified to administer ordination as Mahinda. But Chapata was not +only a man of learning and an author[153] but also a vigorous +personality and in favour at Court. He had the best of the contest and +succeeded in making the Talaing school appear as seceders from +orthodoxy. There thus arose a distinction between the Sinhalese or +later school and the old Burmese school, who regarded one another as +schismatics. A scandal was caused in the Sinhalese community by +Rahula, the ablest of Chapata's disciples, who fell in love with an +actress and wished to become a layman. His colleagues induced him to +leave the country for decency's sake and peace was restored but +subsequently, after Chapata's death, the remaining three +disciples[154] fell out on questions of discipline rather than +doctrine and founded three factions, which can hardly be called +schools, although they refused to keep the Uposatha days together. The +light of religion shone brightest at Pagan early in the thirteenth +century while these three brethren were alive and the Sasanavamsa +states that at least three Arhats lived in the city. But the power of +Pagan collapsed under attacks from both Chinese and Shans at the end +of the century and the last king became a monk under the +compulsion of Shan chiefs. The deserted city appears to have lost its +importance as a religious centre, for the ecclesiastical chronicles +shift the scene elsewhere. + +The two Shan states which arose from the ruin of Pagan, namely Panya +(Vijayapura) and Sagaing (Jeyyapura), encouraged religion and +learning. Their existence probably explains the claim made in Siamese +inscriptions of about 1300 that the territory of Siam extended to +Hamsavati or Pegu and this contact of Burma and Siam was of great +importance for it must be the origin of Pali Buddhism in Siam which +otherwise remains unexplained. + +After the fall of the two Shan states in 1364, Ava (or Ratnapura) +which was founded in the same year gradually became the religious +centre of Upper Burma and remained so during several centuries. But +it did not at first supersede older towns inasmuch as the loss of +political independence did not always involve the destruction of +monasteries. Buddhism also flourished in Pegu and the Talaing country +where the vicissitudes of the northern kingdoms did not affect its +fortunes. + +Anawrata had transported the most eminent Theras of Thaton to Pagan +and the old Talaing school probably suffered temporarily. Somewhat +later we hear that the Sinhalese school was introduced into these +regions by Sariputta,[155] who had been ordained at Pagan. About the +same time two Theras of Martaban, preceptors of the Queen, visited +Ceylon and on returning to their own land after being ordained at the +Mahavihara considered themselves superior to other monks. But the old +Burmese school continued to exist. Not much literature was produced in +the south. Sariputta was the author of a Dhammathat or code, the first +of a long series of law books based upon Manu. Somewhat later Mahayasa +of Thaton (_c._ 1370) wrote several grammatical works. + +The most prosperous period for Buddhism in Pegu was the reign of +Dhammaceti, also called Ramadhipati (1460-1491). He was not of the +royal family, but a simple monk who helped a princess of Pegu to +escape from the Burmese court where she was detained. In 1453 this +princess became Queen of Pegu and Dhammaceti left his monastery to +become her prime minister, son-in-law and ultimately her +successor. But though he had returned to the world his heart was with +the Church. He was renowned for his piety no less than for his +magnificence and is known to modern scholars as the author of the +Kalyani inscriptions,[156] which assume the proportions of a treatise +on ecclesiastical laws and history. Their chief purpose is to settle +an intricate and highly technical question, namely the proper method +of defining and consecrating a _sima_. This word, which means +literally _boundary_, signifies a plot of ground within which Uposatha +meetings, ordinations and other ceremonies can take place. The +expression occurs in the Vinaya Pitaka,[157] but the area there +contemplated seems to be an ecclesiastical district within which the +Bhikkhus were obliged to meet for Uposatha. The modern _sima_ is much +smaller,[158] but more important since it is maintained that valid +ordination can be conferred only within its limits. To Dhammaceti the +question seemed momentous, for as he explains, there were in southern +Burma six schools who would not meet for Uposatha. These were, first +the Camboja[159] school (identical with the Arahanta school) who +claimed spiritual descent from the missionaries sent by Asoka to +Suvarnabhumi, and then five divisions of the Sinhalese school, +namely the three founded by Chapata's disciples as already related +and two more founded by the theras of Martaban. Dhammaceti accordingly +sent a mission to Ceylon charged to obtain an authoritative ruling as +to the proper method of consecrating a _sima_ and conferring +ordination. On their return a locality known as the Kalyanisima was +consecrated in the manner prescribed by the Mahavihara and during +three years all the Bhikkhus of Dhammaceti's kingdom were reordained +there. The total number reached 15,666, and the king boasts that he +had thus purified religion and made the school of the Mahavihara the +only sect, all other distinctions being obliterated. + +There can be little doubt that in the fifteenth century Burmese +Buddhism had assumed the form which it still has, but was this form +due to indigenous tradition or to imitation of Ceylon? Five periods +merit attention. (_a_) In the sixth century, and probably several +centuries earlier, Hinayanism was known in Lower Burma. The +inscriptions attesting its existence are written in Pali and in a +south Indian alphabet. (_b_) Anawrata (1010-1052) purified the +Buddhism of Upper Burma with the help of scriptures obtained from the +Talaing country, which were compared with other scriptures brought +from Ceylon. (_c_) About 1200 Chapata and his pupils who had studied +in Ceylon and received ordination there refused to recognize the +Talaing monks and two hostile schools were founded, predominant at +first in Upper and Lower Burma respectively. (_d_) About 1250 the +Sinhalese school, led by Sariputta and others, began to make conquests +in Lower Burma at the expense of the Talaing school. (_e_) Two +centuries later, about 1460, Dhammaceti of Pegu boasts that he has +purified religion and made the school of the Mahavihara, that is the +most orthodox form of the Sinhalese school, the only sect. + +In connection with these data must be taken the important statement +that the celebrated Tantrist Atisa studied in Lower Burma about +1000 A.D. Up to a certain point the conclusion seems clear. Pali +Hinayanism in Burma was old: intercourse with southern India and +Ceylon tended to keep it pure, whereas intercourse with Bengal and +Orissa, which must have been equally frequent, tended to import +Mahayanism. In the time of Anawrata the religion of Upper Burma +probably did not deserve the name of Buddhism. He introduced in its +place the Buddhism of Lower Burma, tempered by reference to Ceylon. +After 1200 if not earlier the idea prevailed that the Mahavihara was +the standard of orthodoxy and that the Talaing church (which probably +retained some Mahayanist features) fell below it. In the fifteenth +century this view was universally accepted, the opposition and indeed +the separate existence of the Talaing church having come to an end. + +But it still remains uncertain whether the earliest Burmese Buddhism +came direct from Magadha or from the south. The story of Asoka's +missionaries cannot be summarily rejected but it also cannot be +accepted without hesitation.[160] It is the Ceylon chronicle which +knows of them and communication between Burma and southern India was +old and persistent. It may have existed even before the Christian era. + +After the fall of Pagan, Upper Burma, of which we must now speak, +passed through troubled times and we hear little of religion or +literature. Though Ava was founded in 1364 it did not become an +intellectual centre for another century. But the reign of Narapati +(1442-1468) was ornamented by several writers of eminence among whom +may be mentioned the monk poet Silavamsa and Ariyavamsa, an +exponent of the Abhidhamma. They are noticeable as being the first +writers to publish religious works, either original or translated, in +the vernacular and this practice steadily increased. In the early part +of the sixteenth century[161] occurred the only persecution of +Buddhism known in Burma. Thohanbwa, a Shan who had become king of Ava, +endeavoured to exterminate the order by deliberate massacre and +delivered temples, monasteries and libraries to the flames. The +persecution did not last long nor extend to other districts but it +created great indignation among the Burmese and was perhaps one of the +reasons why the Shan dynasty of Ava was overthrown in 1555. + +Bayin (or Bureng) Naung stands out as one of the greatest +personalities in Burmese history. As a Buddhist he was zealous even to +intolerance, since he forced the Shans and Moslims of the northern +districts, and indeed all his subjects, to make a formal profession of +Buddhism. He also, as related elsewhere, made not very successful +attempts to obtain the tooth relic from Ceylon. But it is probable +that his active patronage of the faith, as shown in the construction +and endowment of religious buildings, was exercised chiefly in Pegu +and this must be the reason why the Sasanavamsa (which is +interested chiefly in Upper Burma) says little about him. + +His successors showed little political capacity but encouraged +religion and literature. The study of the Abhidhamma was specially +flourishing in the districts of Ava and Sagaing from about 1600 to +1650 and found many illustrious exponents. Besides works in Pali, the +writers of this time produced numerous Burmese translations and +paraphrases of Abhidhamma works, as well as edifying stories. + +In the latter part of the seventeenth century Burma was in a disturbed +condition and the Sasanavamsa says that religion was dimmed as the +moon by clouds. A national and religious revival came with the +victories of Alompra (1752 onwards), but the eighteenth century also +witnessed the rise of a curious and not very edifying controversy +which divided the Sangha for about a hundred years and spread to +Ceylon.[162] It concerned the manner in which the upper robe of a +monk, consisting of a long piece of cloth, should be worn. The old +practice in Burma was to wrap this cloth round the lower body from the +loins to the ankles, and draw the end from the back over the left +shoulder and thence across the breast over the right shoulder so that +it finally hung loose behind. But about 1698 began the custom of +walking with the right shoulder bare, that is to say letting the end +of the robe fall down in front on the left side. The Sangha became +divided into two factions known as _Ekamsika_ (one-shouldered) and +_Parupana_ (fully clad). The bitterness of the seemingly trivial +controversy was increased by the fact that the Ekamsikas could +produce little scriptural warrant and appealed to late authorities or +the practice in Ceylon, thus neglecting sound learning. For the Vinaya +frequently[163] prescribes that the robe is to be adjusted so as to +fall over only one shoulder as a mark of special respect, which +implies that it was usually worn over both shoulders. In 1712 and +again about twenty years later arbitrators were appointed by the king +to hear both sides, but they had not sufficient authority or learning +to give a decided opinion. The stirring political events of 1740 +and the following years naturally threw ecclesiastical quarrels into +the shade but when the great Alompra had disposed of his enemies he +appeared as a modern Asoka. The court religiously observed Uposatha +days and the king was popularly believed to be a Bodhisattva.[164] He +was not however sound on the great question of ecclesiastical dress. +His chaplain, Atula, belonged to the Ekamsika party and the king, +saying that he wished to go into the whole matter himself but had not +for the moment leisure, provisionally ordered the Sangha to obey +Atula's ruling. But some champions of the other side stood firm. +Alompra dealt leniently with them, but died during his Siamese +campaign before he had time to unravel the intricacies of the Vinaya. + +The influence of Atula, who must have been an astute if not learned +man, continued after the king's death and no measures were taken +against the Ekamsikas, although King Hsin-byu-shin (1763-1776) +persecuted an heretical sect called Paramats.[165] His youthful +successor, Sing-gu-sa, was induced to hold a public disputation. The +Ekamsikas were defeated in this contest and a royal decree was +issued making the Parupana discipline obligatory. But the vexed +question was not settled for it came up again in the long reign +(1781-1819) of Bodopaya. This king has won an evil reputation for +cruelty and insensate conceit,[166] but he was a man of vigour and +kept together his great empire. His megalomania naturally detracted +from the esteem won by his piety. His benefactions to religion were +lavish, the shrines and monasteries which he built innumerable. But he +desired to build a pagoda larger than any in the world and during some +twenty years wasted an incalculable amount of labour and money on this +project, still commemorated by a gigantic but unfinished mass of +brickwork now in ruins. In order to supervise its erection he left his +palace and lived at Mingun, where he conceived the idea that he +was a Buddha, an idea which had not been entirely absent from the +minds of Alompra and Hsin-byu-shin. It is to the credit of the Theras +that, despite the danger of opposing an autocrat as cruel as he was +crazy, they refused to countenance these pretensions and the king +returned to his palace as an ordinary monarch. + +If he could not make himself a Buddha, he at least disposed of the Ekamsika +dispute, and was probably influenced in his views by Nanabhivamsa, a monk +of the Parupana school whom he made his chaplain, although Atula was still +alive. At first he named a commission of enquiry, the result of which was +that the Ekamsikas admitted that their practice could not be justified from +the scriptures but only by tradition. A royal decree was issued enjoining +the observance of the Parupana discipline, but two years later Atula +addressed a letter to the king in which he maintained that the Ekamsika +costume was approved in a work called Culaganthipada, composed by +Moggalana, the immediate disciple of the Buddha. The king ordered +representatives of both parties to examine this contention and the debate +between them is dramatically described in the Sasanavamsa. It was +demonstrated that the text on which Atula relied was composed in Ceylon by +a thera named Moggalana who lived in the twelfth century and that it quoted +mediaeval Sinhalese commentaries. After this exposure the Ekamsika party +collapsed. The king commanded (1784) the Parupana discipline to be observed +and at last the royal order received obedience. + +It will be observed that throughout this controversy both sides +appealed to the king, as if he had the right to decide the point in +dispute, but that his decision had no compelling power as long as it +was not supported by evidence. He could ensure toleration for views +regarded by many as heretical, but was unable to force the views of +one party on the other until the winning cause had publicly disproved +the contentions of its opponents. On the other hand the king had +practical control of the hierarchy, for his chaplain was _de facto_ +head of the Church and the appointment was strictly personal. It was +not the practice for a king to take on his predecessor's chaplain and +the latter could not, like a Lamaist or Catholic ecclesiastic, claim +any permanent supernatural powers. Bodopaya did something towards +organizing the hierarchy for he appointed four elders of repute to +be Sangharajas or, so to speak, Bishops, with four more as +assistants and over them all his chaplain Nana as Archbishop. +Nana was a man of energy and lived in turn in various monasteries +supervising the discipline and studies. + +In spite of the extravagances of Bodopaya, the Church was flourishing +and respected in his reign. The celebrated image called Mahamuni was +transferred from Arakan to his capital together with a Sanskrit +library, and Burma sent to Ceylon not only the monks who founded the +Amarapura school but also numerous Pali texts. This prosperity +continued in the reigns of Bagyidaw, Tharrawadi and Pagan-min, who +were of little personal account. The first ordered the compilation of +the Yazawin, a chronicle which was not original but incorporated and +superseded other works of the same kind. In his reign arose a question +as to the validity of grants of land, etc., for religious purposes. It +was decided in the sense most favourable to the order, _viz._ that +such grants are perpetual and are not invalidated by the lapse of +time. About 1845 there was a considerable output of vernacular +literature. The Digha, Samyutta and Anguttara Nikayas with their +commentaries were translated into Burmese but no compositions in Pali +are recorded. + +From 1852 till 1877 Burma was ruled by Mindon-min, who if not a +national hero was at least a pious, peace-loving, capable king. His +chaplain, Pannasami, composed the Sasanavamsa, or ecclesiastical +history of Burma, and the king himself was ambitious to figure as a +great Buddhist monarch, though with more sanity than Bodopaya, for his +chief desire was to be known as the Convener of the Fifth Buddhist +Council. The body so styled met from 1868 to 1871 and, like the +ancient Sangitis, proceeded to recite the Tipitaka in order to +establish the correct text. The result may still be seen at Mandalay +in the collection of buildings commonly known as the four hundred and +fifty Pagodas: a central Stupa surrounded by hundreds of small shrines +each sheltering a perpendicular tablet on which a portion of this +veritable bible in stone is inscribed. Mindon-min also corrected the +growing laxity of the Bhikkhus, and the esteem in which the Burmese +church was held at this time is shown by the fact that the monks of +Ceylon sent a deputation to the Sangharaja of Mandalay referring to +his decision a dispute about a _sima_ or ecclesiastical boundary. + +Mindon-min was succeeded by Thibaw, who was deposed by the +British. The Sangharaja maintained his office until he died in +1895. An interregnum then occurred for the appointment had always been +made by the king, not by the Sangha. But when Lord Curzon visited +Burma in 1901 he made arrangements for the election by the monks +themselves of a superior of the whole order and Taunggwin Sayadaw was +solemnly installed in this office by the British authorities in 1903 +with the title of Thathanabaing.[167] + +3 + + +We may now examine briefly some sides of popular religion and +institutions which are not Buddhist. It is an interesting fact that +the Burmese law books or Dhammathats,[168] which are still accepted as +regulating inheritance and other domestic matters, are Indian in +origin and show no traces of Sinhalese influence although since 1750 +there has been a decided tendency to bring them into connection with +authorities accepted by Buddhism. The earliest of these codes are +those of Dhammavilasa (1174 A.D.) and of Waguru, king of Martaban in +1280. They professedly base themselves on the authority of Manu and, +so far as purely legal topics are concerned, correspond pretty closely +with the rules of the Manava-dharmasastra. But they omit all +prescriptions which involve Brahmanic religious observances such as +penance and sacrifice. Also the theory of punishment is different and +inspired by the doctrine of Karma, namely, that every evil deed will +bring its own retribution. Hence the Burmese codes ordain for every +crime not penalties to be suffered by the criminal but merely the +payment of compensation to the party aggrieved, proportionate to the +damage suffered.[169] It is probable that the law-books on which these +codes were based were brought from the east coast of India and +were of the same type as the code of Narada, which, though of +unquestioned Brahmanic orthodoxy, is almost purely legal and has +little to say about religion. A subsidiary literature embodying local +decisions naturally grew up, and about 1640 was summarized by a +Burmese nobleman called Kaing-za in the Maharaja-dhammathat. He +received from the king the title of Manuraja and the name of Manu +became connected with his code, though it is really based on local +custom. It appears to have superseded older law-books until the reign +of Alompra who remodelled the administration and caused several codes +to be compiled.[170] These also preserve the name of Manu, but he and +Kaing-za are treated as the same personage. The rules of the older +law-books are in the main retained but are made to depend on Buddhist +texts. Later Dhammathats become more and more decidedly Buddhist. Thus +the Mohavicchedani (1832) does not mention Manu but presents the +substance of the Manu Dhammathats as the law preached by the Buddha. + +Direct Indian influence may be seen in another department not +unimportant in an oriental country. The court astrologers, soothsayers +and professors of kindred sciences were even in recent times Brahmans, +known as Ponna and mostly from Manipur. An inscription found at Pagan +and dated 1442 mentions the gift of 295 books[171] to the Sangha among +which several have Sanskrit titles and about 1600 we hear of Pandits +learned in the Vedasastras, meaning not Vedic learning in the +strict sense but combinations of science and magic described as +medicine, astronomy, Kamasastras, etc. Hindu tradition was +sufficiently strong at the Court to make the presence of experts in +the Atharva Veda seem desirable and in the capital they were in +request for such services as drawing up horoscopes[172] and +invoking good luck at weddings whereas monks will not attend +social gatherings. + +More important as a non-Buddhist element in Burmese religion is the +worship of Nats[173] or spirits of various kinds. Of the prevalence of +such worship there is no doubt, but I cannot agree with the +authorities who say that it is the practical religion of the Burmese. +No passing tourist can fail to see that in the literal as well as +figurative sense Burma takes its colour from Buddhism, from the gilded +and vermilion pagodas and the yellow robed priests. It is impossible +that so much money should be given, so many lives dedicated to a +religion which had not a real hold on the hearts of the people. The +worship of Nats, wide-spread though it be, is humble in its outward +signs and is a superstition rather than a creed. On several occasions +the kings of Burma have suppressed its manifestations when they became +too conspicuous. Thus Anawrata destroyed the Nat houses of Pagan and +recent kings forbade the practice of firing guns at funerals to scare +the evil spirits. + +Nats are of at least three classes, or rather have three origins. +Firstly they are nature spirits, similar to those revered in China and +Tibet. They inhabit noticeable natural features of every kind, +particularly trees, rivers and mountains; they may be specially +connected with villages, houses or individuals. Though not essentially +evil they are touchy and vindictive, punishing neglect or discourtesy +with misfortune and ill-luck. No explanation is offered as to the +origin of many Nats, but others, who may be regarded as forming the +second category, are ghosts or ancestral spirits. In northern Burma +Chinese influence encouraged ancestor worship, but apart from this +there is a disposition (equally evident in India) to believe that +violent and uncanny persons and those who meet with a tragic death +become powerful ghosts requiring propitiation. Thirdly, there are Nats +who are at least in part identified with the Indian deities recognized +by early Buddhism. It would seem that the Thirty Seven Nats, described +in a work called the Mahagita Medanigyan, correspond to the Thirty +Three Gods of Buddhist mythology, but that the number has been raised +for unknown reasons to 37.[174] They are spirits of deceased +heroes, and there is nothing unbuddhist in this conception, for the +Pitakas frequently represent deserving persons as being reborn in +the Heaven of the Thirty Three. The chief is Thagya, the Sakra or +Indra of Hindu mythology,[175] but the others are heroes, connected +with five cycles of legends based on a popular and often inaccurate +version of Burmese history.[176] + +Besides Thagya Nat we find other Indian figures such as Man Nat (Mara) +and Byamma Nat (Brahma). In diagrams illustrating the Buddhist +cosmology of the Burmans[177] a series of heavens is depicted, +ascending from those of the Four Kings and Thirty Three Gods up to the +Brahma worlds, and each inhabited by Nats according to their degree. +Here the spirits of Burma are marshalled and classified according to +Buddhist system just as were the spirits of India some centuries +before. But neither in ancient India nor in modern Burma have the +devas or Nats anything to do with the serious business of religion. +They have their place in temples as guardian genii and the whole band +may be seen in a shrine adjoining the Shwe-zi-gon Pagoda at Pagan, but +this interferes no more with the supremacy of the Buddha than did the +deputations of spirits who according to the scriptures waited on him. + +4 + + +Buddhism is a real force in Burmese life and the pride of the Burmese +people. Every male Burman enters a monastery when he is about 15 for a +short stay. Devout parents send their sons for the four months of +_Was_ (or even for this season during three successive years), but by +the majority a period of from one month to one week is considered +sufficient. To omit this stay in a monastery altogether would not be +respectable: it is in common esteem the only way to become a human +being, for without it a boy is a mere animal. The praises of the +Buddha and vows to lead a good life are commonly recited by the +laity[178] every morning and evening. It is the greatest ambition of +most Burmans to build a pagoda and those who are able to do so (a +large percentage of the population to judge from the number of +buildings) are not only sure of their reward in another birth but +even now enjoy respect and receive the title of pagoda-builder. +Another proof of devotion is the existence of thousands of +monasteries--[179]perhaps on an average more than two for each large +village and town--built and supported by voluntary contributions. The +provision of food and domicile for their numerous inmates is no small +charge on the nation, but observers are agreed that it is cheerfully +paid and that the monks are worthy of what they receive. In energy and +morality they seem, as a class, superior to their brethren in Ceylon +and Siam, and their services to education and learning have been +considerable. Every monastery is also a school, where instruction is +given to both day boys and boarders. The vast majority of Burmans +enter such a school at the age of eight or nine and learn there +reading, writing, and arithmetic. They also receive religious +instruction and moral training. They commit to memory various works in +Pali and Burmese, and are taught the duties which they owe to +themselves, society and the state. Sir. J.G. Scott, who is certainly +not disposed to exaggerate the influence of Buddhism in Burma, says +that "the education of the monasteries far surpasses the instruction +of the Anglo-vernacular schools from every point of view except that +of immediate success in life and the obtaining of a post under +Government."[180] The more studious monks are not merely schoolmasters +but can point to a considerable body of literature which they have +produced in the past and are still producing.[181] Indeed among the +Hinayanist churches that of Burma has in recent centuries held the +first place for learning. The age and continuity of Sinhalese +traditions have given the Sangha of Ceylon a correspondingly great +prestige but it has more than once been recruited from Burma and +in literary output it can hardly rival the Burmese clergy. + +Though many disquisitions on the Vinaya have been produced in Burma, +and though the Jatakas and portions of the Sutta Pitaka (especially +those called Parittam) are known to everybody, yet the favourite study +of theologians appears to be the Abhidhamma, concerning which a +multitude of hand-books and commentaries have been written, but it is +worth mentioning that the Abhidhammattha-sangaha, composed in Ceylon +about the twelfth century A.D., is still the standard manual.[182] Yet +it would be a mistake to think of the Burmese monks as absorbed in +these recondite studies: they have on the contrary produced a long +series of works dealing with the practical things of the world, such +as chronicles, law-books, ethical and political treatises, and even +poetry, for Silavamsa and Ratthapala whose verses are still learned by +the youth of Burma were both of them Bhikkhus. The Sangha has always +shown a laudable reserve in interfering directly with politics, but in +former times the king's private chaplain was a councillor of +importance and occasionally matters involving both political and +religious questions were submitted to a chapter of the order. In all +cases the influence of the monks in secular matters made for justice +and peace: they sometimes interceded on behalf of the condemned or +represented that taxation was too heavy. In 1886, when the British +annexed Burma, the Head of the Sangha forbade monks to take part in +the political strife, a prohibition which was all the more remarkable +because King Thibaw had issued proclamations saying that the object of +the invasion was to destroy Buddhism. + +In essentials monastic life is much the same in Burma and Ceylon but +the Burmese standard is higher, and any monk known to misconduct +himself would be driven out by the laity. The monasteries are numerous +but not large and much space is wasted, for, though the exterior +suggests that they are built in several stories the interior usually +is a single hall, although it may be divided by partitions. To the +eastern side is attached a chapel containing images of Gotama before +which daily devotions are performed. It is surmounted by a steeple +culminating in a _hti_, a sort of baldachino or sacred umbrella +placed also on the top of dagobas, and made of open metal work hung +with little bells. Monasteries are always built outside towns and, +though many of them become subsequently enclosed by the growth of the +larger cities, they retain spacious grounds in which there may be +separate buildings, such as a library, dormitories for pupils and a +hall for performing the ordination service. The average number of +inmates is six. A large establishment may house a superior, four +monks, some novices and besides them several lay scholars. The grades +are _Sahin_ or novice, _Pyit-shin_ or fully ordained monk and +_Pongyi_, literally great glory, a monk of at least ten years' +standing. Rank depends on seniority--that is to say the greatest +respect is shown to the monk who has observed his vows for the longest +period, but there are some simple hierarchical arrangements. At the +head of each monastery is a Saya or superior, and all the monasteries +of a large town or a country district are under the supervision of a +Provincial called Gaing-Ok. At the head of the whole church is the +Thathanabaing, already mentioned. All these higher officials must be +Pongyis. + +Although all monks must take part in the daily round to collect alms +yet in most monasteries it is the custom (as in Ceylon and Siam) not +to eat the food collected, or at least not all of it, and though no +solid nourishment is taken after midday, three morning meals are +allowed, namely, one taken very early, the next served on the return +from the begging round and a third about 11.30. Two or three services +are intoned before the image of the Buddha each day. At the morning +ceremony, which takes place about 5.30, all the inmates of the +monastery prostrate themselves before the superior and vow to observe +the precepts during the day. At the conclusion of the evening service +a novice announces that a day has passed away and in a loud voice +proclaims the hour, the day of the week, the day of the month and the +year. The laity do not usually attend these services, but near large +monasteries there are rest houses for the entertainment of visitors +and Uposatha days are often celebrated by a pious picnic. A family or +party of friends take a rest-house for a day, bring a goodly store of +cheroots and betel nut, which are not regarded as out of place during +divine service,[183] and listen at their ease to the exposition of +the law delivered by a yellow-robed monk. When the congregation +includes women he holds a large fan-leaf palm before his face lest his +eyes should behold vanity. A custom which might not be to the taste of +western ecclesiastics is that the congregation ask questions and, if +they do not understand, request the preacher to be clearer. + +There is little sectarianism in Burma proper, but the Sawtis, an +anti-clerical sect, are found in some numbers in the Shan States and +similar communities called Man are still met with in Pegu and +Tenasserim, though said to be disappearing. Both refuse to recognize +the Sangha, monasteries or temples and perform their devotions in the +open fields. Otherwise their mode of thought is Buddhist, for they +hold that every man can work out his own salvation by conquering +Mara,[184] as the Buddha did, and they use the ordinary formulae of +worship, except that they omit all expressions of reverence to the +Sangha. The orthodox Sangha is divided into two schools known as +Mahagandi and Sulagandi. The former are the moderate easy-going +majority who maintain a decent discipline but undeniably deviate +somewhat from the letter of the Vinaya. The latter are a strict and +somewhat militant Puritan minority who protest against such +concessions to the flesh. They insist for instance that a monk should +eat out of his begging bowl exactly as it is at the end of the morning +round and they forbid the use of silk robes, sunshades and sandals. +The Sulagandi also believe in free will and attach more value to the +intention than the action in estimating the value of good deeds, +whereas the Mahagandi accept good actions without enquiring into the +motive and believe that all deeds are the result of karma. + +5 + + +In Burma all the higher branches of architecture are almost +exclusively dedicated to religion. Except the Palace at Mandalay there +is hardly a native building of note which is not connected with a +shrine or monastery. Burmese architectural forms show most analogy +to those of Nepal and perhaps[185] both preserve what was once the +common style for wooden buildings in ancient India. In recent +centuries the Burmese have shown little inclination to build anything +that can be called a temple, that is a chamber containing images and +the paraphernalia of worship. The commonest form of religious edifice +is the dagoba or zedi:[186] images are placed in niches or shrines, +which shelter them, but only rarely, as on the platform of the Shwe +Dagon at Rangoon, assume the proportions of rooms. This does not apply +to the great temples of Pagan, built from about 1050 to 1200, but that +style was not continued and except the Arakan Pagoda at Mandalay has +perhaps no modern representative. Details of these buildings may be +found in the works of Forchhammer, Fergusson, de Beylie and various +archaeological reports. Their construction is remarkably solid. They do +not, like most large buildings in India or Europe, contain halls of +some size but are rather pyramids traversed by passages. But this +curious disinclination to build temples of the usual kind is not due +to any dislike of images. In no Buddhist country are they more common +and their numbers are more noticeable because there is here no +pantheon as in China and Tibet, but images of Gotama are multiplied, +merely in order to obtain merit. Some slight variety in these figures +is produced by the fact that the Burmese venerate not only Gotama but +the three Buddhas who preceded him.[187] The Shwe Dagon Pagoda is +reputed to contain relics of all four; statues of them all stand in +the beautiful Ananda Pagoda at Pagan and not infrequently they are +represented by four sitting figures facing the four quarters. A +gigantic group of this kind composed of statues nearly 90 feet high +stands in the outskirts of Pegu, and in the same neighbourhood is +a still larger recumbent figure 180 feet long. It had been forgotten +since the capture of Pegu by the Burmans in 1757 and was rediscovered +by the engineers surveying the route for the railway. It lies almost +in sight of the line and is surprising by its mere size, as one comes +upon it suddenly in the jungle. As a work of art it can hardly be +praised. It does not suggest the Buddha on his death bed, as is +intended, but rather some huge spirit of the jungle waking up and +watching the railway with indolent amusement. + +In Upper Burma there are not so many large images but as one +approaches Mandalay the pagodas add more and more to the landscape. +Many are golden and the rest are mostly white and conspicuous. They +crown the hills and punctuate the windings of the valleys. Perhaps +Burmese art and nature are seen at their best near Sagaing on the bank +of the Irrawaddy, a mighty flood of yellow water, sweeping down smooth +and steady, but here and there showing whirlpools that look like +molten metal. From the shore rise hills of moderate height studded +with monasteries and shrines. Flights of white steps lead to the +principal summits where golden spires gleam and everywhere are pagodas +of all ages, shapes and sizes. Like most Asiatics the Burmese rarely +repair, but build new pagodas instead of renovating the old ones. The +instinct is not altogether unjust. A pagoda does not collapse like a +hollow building but understands the art of growing old. Like a tree it +may become cleft or overgrown with moss but it remains picturesque. In +the neighbourhood of Sagaing there is a veritable forest of pagodas; +humble seedlings built by widows' mites, mature golden domes reared by +devout prosperity and venerable ruins decomposing as all compound +things must do. + +The pagoda slaves are a curious institution connected with temples. +Under the Burmese kings persons could be dedicated to pagodas and by +this process not only became slaves for life themselves but involved +in the same servitude all their posterity, none of whom could by any +method become free. They formed a low caste like the Indian Pariahs +and though the British Government has abolished the legal status of +slavery, the social stigma which clings to them is said to be +undiminished. + +Art and architecture make the picture of Burma as it remains in +memory and they are the faithful reflection of the character and ways +of its inhabitants, their cheerful but religious temper, their love of +what is fanciful and graceful, their moderate aspirations towards what +is arduous and sublime. The most striking feature of this architecture +is its free use of gold and colour. In no country of the world is +gilding and plating with gold so lavishly employed on the exterior of +buildings. The larger Pagodas such as the Shwe Dagon are veritable +pyramids of gold, and the roofs of the Arakan temple as they rise +above Mandalay show tier upon tier of golden beams and plates. The +brilliancy is increased by the equally lavish use of vermilion, +sometimes diversified by glass mosaic. I remember once in an East +African jungle seeing a clump of flowers of such brilliant red and +yellow that for a moment I thought it was a fire. Somewhat similar is +the surprise with which one first gazes on these edifices. I do not +know whether the epithet flamboyant can be correctly applied to them +as architecture but both in colour and shape they imitate a pile of +flame, for the outlines of monasteries and shrines are fanciful in the +extreme; gabled roofs with finials like tongues of fire and panels +rich with carvings and fret-work. The buildings of Hindus and Burmans +are as different as their characters. When a Hindu temple is imposing +it is usually because of its bulk and mystery, whereas these buildings +are lighthearted and fairy-like: heaps of red and yellow fruit with +twining leaves and tendrils that have grown by magic. Nor is there +much resemblance to Japanese architecture. There also, lacquer and +gold are employed to an unusual extent but the flourishes, horns and +finials which in Burma spring from every corner and projection are +wanting and both Japanese and Chinese artists are more sparing and +reticent. They distribute ornament so as to emphasize and lead up to +the more important parts of their buildings, whereas the open-handed, +splendour-loving Burman puts on every panel and pillar as much +decoration as it will hold. + +The result must be looked at as a whole and not too minutely. The best +work is the wood carving which has a freedom and boldness often +missing in the minute and crowded designs of Indian art. Still as a +rule it is at the risk of breaking the spell that you examine the +details of Burmese ornamentation. Better rest content with your first +amazement on beholding these carved and pinnacled piles of gold +and vermilion, where the fantastic animals and plants seem about to +break into life. + +The most celebrated shrine in Burma is the Shwe Dagon Pagoda which +attracts pilgrims from all the Buddhist world. No descriptions of it +gave me any idea of its real appearance nor can I hope that I shall be +more successful in giving the reader my own impressions. The pagoda +itself is a gilt bell-shaped mass rather higher than the Dome of St. +Paul's and terminating in a spire. It is set in the centre of a raised +mound or platform, approached by lofty flights of steps. The platform, +which is paved and level, is of imposing dimensions, some nine hundred +feet long and seven hundred wide. Round the base of the central pagoda +is a row of shrines and another row runs round the edge of the +platform so that one moves, as it were, in a street of these edifices, +leading here and there into side squares where are quiet retreats with +palm trees and gigantic images. But when after climbing the long +staircase one first emerges on the platform one does not realize the +topography at once and seems to have entered suddenly into Jerusalem +the Golden. Right and left are rows of gorgeous, fantastic +sanctuaries, all gold, vermilion and glass mosaic, and within them sit +marble figures, bland, enigmatic personages who seem to invite +approach but offer no explanation of the singular scene or the part +they play in it. If analyzed in detail the artistic merits of these +shrines might be found small but the total impression is unique. The +Shwe Dagon has not the qualities which usually distinguish great +religious buildings. It is not specially impressive by its majesty or +holiness; it is certainly wanting in order and arrangement. But on +entering the platform one feels that one has suddenly passed from this +life into another and different world. It is not perhaps a very +elevated world; certainly not the final repose of the just or the +steps of the throne of God, but it is as if you were walking in the +bazaars of Paradise--one of those Buddhist Paradises where the souls +of the moderately pure find temporary rest from the whirl of +transmigration, where the very lotus flowers are golden and the leaves +of the trees are golden bells that tinkle in the perfumed breeze. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 124: For the Pyus see Blagden in _J.R.A.S._ pp. 365-388. +_Ibid._ in _Epigr. Indica_, 1913, pp. 127-133. Also reports of _Burma +Arch. Survey_, 1916, 1917.] + +[Footnote 125: So C.C. Lowis in the _Gazetteer of Burma_, vol. I. p. +292, but according to others the Burmese chronicles place the event at +the beginning of the Christian era.] + +[Footnote 126: Sometimes called New Pagan to distinguish it from Old +Pagan which was a name of Tagaung. Also called Pagan or Pugama and in +Pali Arimaddanapura.] + +[Footnote 127: See the travels of Kia Tan described by Pelliot in +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 131-414.] + +[Footnote 128: More correctly Taung-ngu.] + +[Footnote 129: For the history and present condition of Buddhism in +Burma the following may be consulted besides other works referred to +in the course of this chapter. + +M. Bode, _Edition of the Sasanavamsa_ with valuable dissertations, +1897. This work is a modern Burmese ecclesiastical history written in +1861 by Pannasami. + +M. Bode, _The Pali Literature of Burma_, 1909. + +The Gandhavamsa: containing accounts of many Pali works written in +Burma. Edited by Minayeff in _Jour. Pali Text Soc._ for 1886, pp. 54 +ff. and indexed by M. Bode, _ibid._ 1896, 53 ff. + +Bigandet, _Vie ou Legende de Gautama_, 1878. + +Yoe, _The Burman, his life and notions_. + +J.G. Scott, _Burma, a handbook of practical information_, 1906. + +_Reports of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Burma_, +1916-1920. + +Various articles (especially by Duroiselle, Taw-Sein-Ko and R.C. +Temple) in the _Indian Antiquary_, _Buddhism_, and _Bulletin de +l'Ecole Francaise de l'Extreme Orient._] + +[Footnote 130: So too Prome is called Srikshetra and the name +Irrawaddy represents Iravati (the modern Ravi). The ancient town of +Sravasti or Savatthi is said to reappear in the three forms +Tharawaddy, Tharawaw and Thawutti.] + +[Footnote 131: See _Indian Antiquary_, 1893, p. 6, and Forchhammer on +the Mahamuni Pagoda in _Burmese Archaeological Report_ (? 1890).] + +[Footnote 132: Dipav. VIII. 12, and in a more embellished form in +Mahavamsa XII. 44-54. See also the Kalyani Inscriptions in _Indian +Ant._ 1893, p. 16.] + +[Footnote 133: Through the form Saton representing Saddhan. Early +European travellers called it Satan or Xatan.] + +[Footnote 134: The Burmese identify Aparantaka and Yona to which Asoka +also sent missionaries with Upper Burma and the Shan country. But this +seems to be merely a misapplication of Indian names.] + +[Footnote 135: See Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_, 1885, pp. +23-27. He also says that the earliest Talaing alphabet is identical +with the Vengi alphabet of the fourth century A.D. _Burma Archaeol. +Report_, 1917, p. 29.] + +[Footnote 136: See R.C. Temple, "Notes on Antiquities of Ramannadesa," +_Ind. Antiq._ 1893, pp. 327 ff. Though I admit the possibility that +Mahayanism and Tantrism may have flourished in lower Burma, it does +not seem to me that the few Hindu figures reproduced in this article +prove very much.] + +[Footnote 137: _J.A._ 1912, II. pp. 121-136.] + +[Footnote 138: It is remarkable that Buddhaghosa commenting on Ang. +Nik. 1. 14. 6 (quoted by Forchhammer) describes the merchants of +Ukkala as inhabiting Asitanjana in the region of Hamsavati or Pegu. +This identification of Ukkala with Burmese territory is a mistake but +accepted in Burma and it is more likely that a Burmese would have made +it than a Hindu.] + +[Footnote 139: Chap. XXXIX.] + +[Footnote 140: See however _Epig. Indica_, vol. V. part iv. Oct. 1898, +pp. 101-102. For the prevalence of forms which must be derived from +Sanskrit not Pali see _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 14, and 1917, p. +39.] + +[Footnote 141: Report of _Supt. Arch. Survey Burma_, 1909, p. 10, +1910, p. 13, and 1916, pp. 33, 38. Finot, _Notes d'Epigraphie_, p. +357.] + +[Footnote 142: See especially Finot in _J.A._ 1912, II. p. 123, and +Huber in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1909 P. 584.] + +[Footnote 143: The Aris are further credited with having practised a +sort of _jus primae noctis_. See on this question the chapter on +Camboja and alleged similar customs there.] + +[Footnote 144: See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, pp. 12, 13. They seem to +have been similar to the Nilapatanadarsana of Ceylon. The +Prabodhacandrodaya (about 1100 A.D.) represents Buddhist monks as +drunken and licentious.] + +[Footnote 145: See Parker, _Burma_, 1892. The annalist says "There is +a huge white elephant (or image) 100 feet high. Litigants burn +incense and kneel before it, reflecting within themselves whether they +are right or wrong.... When there is any disaster or plague the king +also kneels in front of it and blames himself." The Chinese character +means either image or elephant, but surely the former must be the +meaning here.] + +[Footnote 146: See Taw-Sein-Ko, in _Ind. Antiquary_, 1906, p. 211. But +I must confess that I have not been able to follow or confirm all the +etymologies suggested by him.] + +[Footnote 147: See for Chinese remains at Pagan, _Report of the +Superintendent, Arch. Survey, Burma, for year ending 31st March, +1910_, pp. 20, 21. An inscription at Pagan records that in 1285 +Khubilai's troops were accompanied by monks sent to evangelize Burma. +Both troops and monks halted at Tagaung and both were subsequently +withdrawn. See _Arch. Survey_, 1917, p. 38.] + +[Footnote 148: The date of Anawrata's conquest of Thaton seems to be +now fixed by inscriptions as 1057 A.D., though formerly supposed to be +earlier. See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916. For Anawrata's religious reforms +see _Sasanavamsa_, pp. 17 ff. and 57 ff.] + +[Footnote 149: It has been noted that many of the inscriptions +explanatory of the scenes depicted on the walls of the Ananda temple +at Pagan are in Talaing, showing that it was some time before the +Burmans were able to assimilate the culture of the conquered country.] + +[Footnote 150: See the _Sasanavamsa_, p. 64 and p. 20. See also +Bode, _Pali Literature of Burma_, p. 15. But the Mahavamsa, LX. +4-7, while recording the communications between Vijaya Bahu and +Aniruddha ( = Anawrata) represents Ceylon as asking for monks from +Ramanna, which implies that lower Burma was even then regarded as a +Buddhist country with a fine tradition.] + +[Footnote 151: The Burmese canon adds four works to the +Khuddaka-Nikaya, namely: (a) Milinda Panha, (b) Netti-Pakarana, (c) +Suttasangaha, (d) Petakopadesa.] + +[Footnote 152: Inscriptions give his reign as 1084-1112 A.D. See +_Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 24. Among many other remarkable edifices +may be mentioned the Thapinyu or Thabbannu (1100), the Gaudapalin +(1160) and the Bodhi (_c._ 1200) which is a copy of the temple at +Bodhgaya.] + +[Footnote 153: The best known of his works are the Sutta-niddesa on +grammar and the Sankhepavannana. The latter is a commentary on +the Abhidhammattha-sangaha, but it is not certain if Chapata +composed it or merely translated it from the Sinhalese.] + +[Footnote 154: Some authorities speak as if the four disciples of +Chapata had founded four sects, but the reprobate Rahula can hardly +have done this. The above account is taken from the Kalyani +inscription, _Ind. Ant_. 1893, pp. 30, 31. It says very distinctly +"There were in Pugama (Pagan) 4 sects. 1. The successors of the +priests who introduced the religion from Sudhammanagara (_i.e._ the +Mramma Sangha). 2. The disciples of Sivalimahathera. 3. The disciples +of Tamalindamahathera. 4. The disciples of Ananda Mahathera."] + +[Footnote 155: Also known by the title of Dhammavitasa. He was active +in 1246.] + +[Footnote 156: Found in Zaingganaing, a suburb of Pegu. The text, +translation and notes are contained in various articles by Taw-Sein-Ko +in the _Indian Antiquary_ for 1893-4.] + +[Footnote 157: Mahavagga, II. 11, 12, 13.] + +[Footnote 158: According to Taw-Sein-Ko (_Ind. Ant._ 1893, p. 11) +"about 105 or 126 feet in perimeter."] + +[Footnote 159: No contact with Cambojan religion is implied. The sect +was so called because its chief monastery was near the Camboja market +and this derived its name from the fact that many Cambojan (probably +meaning Shan) prisoners were confined near it.] + +[Footnote 160: In favour of it, it may be said that the Dipavamsa +and the earlier traditions on which the Dipavamsa is based are +ancient and impartial witnesses: against it, that Asoka's attention +seems to have been directed westwards, not towards Bengal and Burma, +and that no very early proof of the existence of Buddhism in Burma has +been found.] + +[Footnote 161: Apparently about 1525-1530.] + +[Footnote 162: See _Sasanavamsa_, pp. 118 ff.] + +[Footnote 163: _E.g._ Mahavagga, I. 29, 2; IV. 3, 3. Ekamsam +uttarasangam karitva. But both arrangements of drapery are found in +the oldest images of the Buddha and perhaps the Ekamsika fashion is +the commoner. See Grunwedel, _Buddhist Art in India_, 1901, p. 172. +Though these images are considerably later than the Mahavagga and +prove nothing as to the _original_ practice of the Sangha, yet they +show that the Ekamsika fashion prevailed at a relatively early +period. It now prevails in Siam and partly in Ceylon. I-Ching (chap. +XI.) has a discussion on the way robes were worn in India (_c._ 680 +A.D.) which is very obscure but seems to say that monks may keep their +shoulders covered while in a monastery but should uncover one when +they go out.] + +[Footnote 164: _Sasanav._ p. 123. Sakala-Maramma-ratthavasino +ca: ayam amhakam raja bodhisatto ti voharimsu. In the Po-U-Daung +inscription, Alompra's son, Hsin-byu-shin, says twice "In virtue of +this my good deed, may I become a Buddha, ... an omniscient one." +_Indian Antiquary_, 1893, pp. 2 and 5. There is something Mahayanist +in this aspiration. Cf. too the inscriptions of the Siamese King +Sri-Suryavamsa Rama mentioned below.] + +[Footnote 165: They were Puritans who objected to shrines and images +and are said to be represented to-day by the Sawti sect.] + +[Footnote 166: See _The Burmese Empire_ by the Italian Father +Sangermano, who went to Burma in 1783 and lived there about 20 years.] + +[Footnote 167: Thathana is the Pali Sasana. In Burmese pronunciation +the s of Indian words regularly appears as th ( = [Greek: th]), r as y +and j as z. Thus Thagya for Sakra, Yazawin for Rajavamsa.] + +[Footnote 168: See E. Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_ (on the +sources and development of Burmese Law), 1885. J. Jolly, "Recht und +Sitte" in _Grundriss der Ind. Ar. Phil._ 1896, pp. 41-44. M.H. Bode, +_Pali Lit. of Burma_, pp. 83 ff. Dhammathat is the Burmese +pronunciation of Dhammasattha, Sanskrit Dharmasastra.] + +[Footnote 169: This theory did not prevent the kings of Burma and +their subordinates from inflicting atrociously cruel punishments.] + +[Footnote 170: Forchhammer gives a list of 39 Dhammathats compiled +between 1753 and 1882.] + +[Footnote 171: They seem to have included tantric works of the +Mahakalacakra type. See Bode, _Pali Lit. of Burma_, p. 108, Nos. 270, +271. But the name is given in the Pali form cakka.] + +[Footnote 172: Among usages borrowed from Hinduism may be mentioned +the daily washing in holy water of the image in the Arakan temple at +Mandalay. Formerly court festivities, such as the New Year's feast and +the festival of ploughing, were performed by Ponnas and with Indian +rites. On the other hand the Ramayana does not seem to have the same +influence on art and literature that it has had in Siam and Java, +though scenes from it are sometimes depicted. See _Report, Supt. +Archaeolog. Survey, Burma_, 1908, p. 22.] + +[Footnote 173: See especially _The Thirty Seven Nats_ by Sir. R.C. +Temple, 1906, and _Burma_ by Sir. J.G. Scott, 1906, pp. 380 ff. The +best authorities seem agreed that Nat is not the Sanskrit Natha but an +indigenous word of unknown derivation.] + +[Footnote 174: Possibly in order to include four female spirits: or +possibly because it was felt that sundry later heroes had as strong a +claim to membership of this distinguished body as the original 33.] + +[Footnote 175: It is noticeable that Thagya comes from the Sanskrit +Sakra not the Pali Sakka. Th = Sk. s: y = Sk. r.] + +[Footnote 176: See R.C. Temple, _The Thirty Seven Nats_, chaps. +X.-XIII., for these cycles.] + +[Footnote 177: _E.g._ R.C. Temple, _l.c._ p. 36.] + +[Footnote 178: According to Sir. J.G. Scott much more commonly than +prayers among Christians. _Burma_, p. 366.] + +[Footnote 179: 15,371 according to the census of 1891. The figures in +the last census are not conveniently arranged for Buddhist +statistics.] + +[Footnote 180: Hastings' _Encycl. of Religion and Ethics_, art. "Burma +(Buddhism)."] + +[Footnote 181: See Bode, _Pali Literature in Burma_, pp. 95 ff.] + +[Footnote 182: No less than 22 translations of it have been made into +Burmese. See S.Z. Aung in _J.P.T.S._ 1912, p. 129. He also mentions +that night lectures on the Abhidhamma in Burmese are given in +monasteries.] + +[Footnote 183: But on such occasions the laity usually fast after +midday.] + +[Footnote 184: Man is the Burmese form of Mara.] + +[Footnote 185: Among the most striking characteristics of the Nepalese +style are buildings of many stories each with a projecting roof. No +examples of similar buildings from ancient India have survived, +perhaps because they were made of wood, but representations of +two-storied buildings have come down to us, for instance on the +Sohgaura copper plate which dates probably from the time of Asoka (see +Buhler, _W.Z.K.M._ 1896, p. 138). See also the figures in Foucher's +_Art Greco-bouddhique du Gandhara_, on pp. 121, 122. The monuments at +Mamallapuram known as Raths (see Fergusson, _Indian and Eastern +Architecture_, I. p. 172) appear to be representations of many storied +Viharas. There are several references to seven storied buildings in +the Jatakas.] + +[Footnote 186: = cetiya.] + +[Footnote 187: Occasionally groups of five Buddhas, that is, these +four Buddhas together with Metteyya, are found. See _Report of the +Supt. Arch. Survey (Burma) for the year ending March 31st, 1910_, p. +16.] + + + + +CHAPTER XXXVII + +SIAM[188] + +1 + + +The Buddhism of Siam does not differ materially from that of Burma and +Ceylon but merits separate mention, since it has features of its own +due in some measure to the fact that Siam is still an independent +kingdom ruled by a monarch who is also head of the Church. But whereas +for the last few centuries this kingdom may be regarded as a political +and religious unit, its condition in earlier times was different and +Siamese history tells us nothing of the introduction and first +diffusion of Indian religions in the countries between India and +China. + +The people commonly known as Siamese call themselves Thai which +(in the form Tai) appears to be the racial name of several tribes who +can be traced to the southern provinces of China. They spread thence, +in fanlike fashion, from Laos to Assam, and the middle section +ultimately descended the Menam to the sea. The Siamese claim to have +assumed the name Thai (free) after they threw off the yoke of the +Cambojans, but this derivation is more acceptable to politics than to +ethnology. The territories which they inhabited were known as Siem, +Syam or Syama, which is commonly identified with the Sanskrit +Syama, dark or brown.[189] But the names Shan and A-hom seem to be +variants of the same word and Syama is possibly not its origin but +a learned and artificial distortion.[190] The Lao were another +division of the same race who occupied the country now called Laos +before the Tai had moved into Siam. This movement was gradual and +until the beginning of the twelfth century they merely established +small principalities, the principal of which was Lamphun,[191] on the +western arm of the Mekong. They gradually penetrated into the kingdoms +of Svankalok, Sukhothai[192] and Lavo (Lophburi) which then were +vassals of Camboja, and they were reinforced by another body of Tais +which moved southwards early in the twelfth century. For some time the +Cambojan Empire made a successful effort to control these immigrants +but in the latter part of the thirteenth century the Siamese +definitely shook off its yoke and founded an independent state with +its capital at Sukhothai. There was probably some connection between +these events and the southern expeditions of Khubilai Khan who in 1254 +conquered Talifu and set the Tai tribes in motion. + +The history of their rule in Siam may be briefly described as a +succession of three kingdoms with capitals at Sukhothai, Ayuthia and +Bangkok respectively. Like the Burmese, the Siamese have annals or +chronicles. They fall into two divisions, the chronicles[193] of the +northern kingdom in three volumes which go down to the foundation of +Ayuthia and are admitted even by the Siamese to be mostly fabulous, and +the later annals in 40 volumes which were rearranged after the sack of +Ayuthia in 1767 but claim to begin with the foundation of the city. +Various opinions have been expressed as to their trustworthiness,[194] +but it is allowed by all that they must be used with caution. More +authoritative but not very early are the inscriptions set up by various +kings, of which a considerable number have been published and +translated.[195] + +The early history of Sukhothai and its kings is not yet beyond dispute +but a monarch called Ramaraja or Rama Khomheng played a considerable +part in it. His identity with Phaya Ruang, who is said to have +founded the dynasty and city, has been both affirmed and denied. +Sukhothai, at least as the designation of a kingdom, seems to be much +older than his reign.[196] It was undoubtedly understood as the +equivalent of the Sanskrit Sukhodaya, but like Syama it may be an +adaptation of some native word. In an important inscription found at +Sukhothai and now preserved at Bangkok,[197] which was probably +composed about 1300 A.D., Rama Khomheng gives an account of his +kingdom. On the east it extended to the banks of the Mekhong and +beyond it to Chava (perhaps a name of Luang-Prabang): on the south to +the sea, as far as Sri Dharmaraja or Ligor: on the west to +Hamsavati or Pegu. This last statement is important for it enables +us to understand how at this period, and no doubt considerably +earlier, the Siamese were acquainted with Pali Buddhism. The king +states that hitherto his people had no alphabet but that he invented +one.[198] This script subsequently developed into the modern +Siamese writing which, though it presents many difficulties, is an +ingenious attempt to express a language with tones in an alphabet. The +vocabulary of Siamese is not homogeneous: it comprises (_a_) a +foundation of Thai, (_b_) a considerable admixture of Khmer words, +(_c_) an element borrowed from Malay and other languages, (_d_) +numerous ecclesiastical and learned terms taken from Pali and +Sanskrit. There are five tones which must be distinguished, if either +written or spoken speech is to be intelligible. This is done partly by +accents and partly by dividing the forty-four consonants (many of +which are superfluous for other purposes) into three groups, the high, +middle and deep. + +The king also speaks of religion. The court and the inhabitants of +Sukhothai were devout Buddhists: they observed the season of Vassa and +celebrated the festival of Kathina with processions, concerts and +reading of the scriptures. In the city were to be seen statues of the +Buddha and scenes carved in relief, as well as large monasteries. To +the west of the city was the Forest Monastery, presented to a +distinguished elder who came from Sri Dharmaraja and had studied +the whole Tripitaka. The mention of this official and others suggests +that there was a regular hierarchy and the king relates how he exhumed +certain sacred relics and built a pagoda over them. Though there is no +direct allusion to Brahmanism, stress is laid on the worship of +spirits and devas on which the prosperity of the kingdom depends. + +The form of Buddhism described seems to have differed little from the +Hinayanism found in Siam to-day. Whence did the Siamese obtain it? For +some centuries before they were known as a nation, they probably +professed some form of Indian religion. They came from the border +lands, if not from the actual territory of China, and must have been +acquainted with Chinese Buddhism. Also Burmese influence probably +reached Yunnan in the eighth century,[199] but it is not easy to say +what form of religion it brought with it. Still when the Thai entered +what is now Siam, it is likely that their religion was some form of +Buddhism. While they were subject to Camboja they must have felt the +influence of Sivaism and possibly of Mahayanist Sanskrit +Buddhism but no Pali Buddhism can have come from this quarter.[200] + +Southern Siam was however to some extent affected by another wave of +Buddhism. From early times the eastern coast of India (and perhaps +Ceylon) had intercourse not only with Burma but with the Malay +Peninsula. It is proved by inscriptions that the region of Ligor, +formerly known as Sri Dharmaraja, was occupied by Hindus (who were +probably Buddhists) at least as early as the fourth century A.D.,[201] +and Buddhist inscriptions have been found on the mainland opposite +Penang. The Chinese annals allude to a change in the customs of +Camboja and I-Ching says plainly that Buddhism once nourished there +but was exterminated by a wicked king, which may mean that Hinayanist +Buddhism had spread thither from Ligor but was suppressed by a dynasty +of Sivaites. He also says that at the end of the seventh century +Hinayanism was prevalent in the islands of the Southern Sea. An +inscription of about the fourth century found in Kedah and another of +the seventh or eighth from Phra Pathom both contain the formula _Ye +dharma_, etc. The latter inscription and also one from Mergui ascribed +to the eleventh century seem to be in mixed Sanskrit and Pali. The +Sukhothai inscription summarized above tells how a learned monk was +brought thither from Ligor and clearly the Pali Buddhism of northern +Siam may have followed the same route. But it probably had also +another more important if not exclusive source, namely Burma. After +the reign of Anawrata Pali Buddhism was accepted in Burma and in what +we now call the Shan States as the religion of civilized mankind and +this conviction found its way to the not very distant kingdom of +Sukhothai. Subsequently the Siamese recognized the seniority and +authority of the Sinhalese Church by inviting an instructor to come +from Ceylon, but in earlier times they can hardly have had direct +relation with the island. + +We have another picture of religious life in a Khmer +inscription[202] of Lidaiya or Sri Suryavamsa Rama composed in +1361 or a little later. This monarch, who is also known by many +lengthy titles, appears to have been a man of learning who had +studied the Tipitaka, the Vedas, the Sastragama and Dharmanaya +and erected images of Mahesvara and Vishnu as well as of the +Buddha. In 1361 he sent a messenger to Ceylon charged with the task of +bringing back a Metropolitan or head of the Sangha learned in the +Pitakas. This ecclesiastic, who is known only by his title, was duly +sent and on arriving in Siam was received with the greatest honour and +made a triumphal progress to Sukhothai. He is not represented as +introducing a new religion: the impression left by the inscription is +rather that the king and his people being already well-instructed in +Buddhism desired ampler edification from an authentic source. The +arrival of the Sangharaja coincided with the beginning of Vassa and +at the end of the sacred season the king dedicated a golden image of +the Buddha, which stood in the midst of the city, and then entered the +order. In doing so he solemnly declared his hope that the merit thus +acquired might make him in future lives not an Emperor, an Indra or a +Brahma but a Buddha able to save mankind. He pursued his religious +career with a gratifying accompaniment of miracles and many of the +nobility and learned professions followed his example. But after a +while a deputation waited on his Majesty begging him to return to the +business of his kingdom.[203] An edifying contest ensued. The monks +besought him to stay as their preceptor and guide: the laity pointed +out that government was at an end and claimed his attention. The +matter was referred to the Sangharaja who decided that the king +ought to return to his secular duties. He appears to have found little +difficulty in resuming lay habits for he proceeded to chastise the +people of Luang-Prabang. + +Two other inscriptions,[204] apparently dating from this epoch, +relate that a cutting of the Bo-tree was brought from Ceylon and +that certain relics (perhaps from Patna) were also installed with +great solemnity. To the same time are referred a series of engravings +on stone (not reliefs) found in the Vat-si-jum at Sukhothai. They +illustrate about 100 Jatakas, arranged for the most part according to +the order followed in the Pali Canon. + +The facts that King Sri Suryavamsa sent to Ceylon for his +Metropolitan and that some of the inscriptions which extol his merits +are in Pali[205] make it probable that the religion which he professed +differed little from the Pali Buddhism which flourishes in Siam to-day +and this supposition is confirmed by the general tone of his +inscriptions. But still several phrases in them have a Mahayanist +flavour. He takes as his model the conduct of the Bodhisattvas, +described as ten headed by Metteyya, and his vow to become a Buddha +and save all creatures is at least twice mentioned. The Buddhas are +said to be innumerable and the feet of Bhikkhus are called Buddha +feet.[206] There is no difficulty in accounting for the presence of +such ideas: the only question is from what quarter this Mahayanist +influence came. The king is said to have been a student of Indian +literature: his country, like Burma, was in touch with China and his +use of the Khmer language indicates contact with Camboja. + +Another inscription engraved by order of Dharmasokaraja[207] and +apparently dating from the fourteenth century is remarkable for its +clear statement of the doctrine (generally considered as Mahayanist) +that merit acquired by devotion to the Buddha can be transferred. The +king states that a woman called Bunrak has transferred all her merit +to the Queen and that he himself makes over all his merit to his +teacher, to his relations and to all beings in unhappy states of +existence. + +At some time in this period the centre of the Thai empire changed +but divergent views have been held as to the date[208] and character +of this event. It would appear that in 1350 a Siamese subsequently +known as King Ramadhipati, a descendant of an ancient line of Thai +princes, founded Ayuthia as a rival to Sukhothai. The site was not +new, for it had long been known as Dvaravati and seems to be mentioned +under that name by I-Ching (_c._ 680), but a new city was apparently +constructed. The evidence of inscriptions indicates that Sukhothai was +not immediately subdued by the new kingdom and did not cease to be a +royal residence for some time. But still Ayuthia gradually became +predominant and in the fifteenth century merited the title of capital +of Siam. + +Its rise did not affect the esteem in which Buddhism was held, and it +must have contained many great religious monuments. The jungles which +now cover the site of the city surround the remnants of the Wat +Somarokot, in which is a gigantic bronze Buddha facing with scornful +calm the ruin which threatens him. The Wat Chern, which lies at +some distance, contains another gigantic image. A curious +inscription[209] engraved on an image of Siva found at Sukhothai +and dated 1510 A.D. asserts the identity of Buddhism and Brahmanism, +but the popular feeling was in favour of the former. At Ayuthia the +temples appear to be exclusively Buddhist and at Lophburi ancient +buildings originally constructed for the Brahmanic cult have been +adapted to Buddhist uses. It was in 1602 that the mark known as the +footprint of Buddha was discovered at the place now called Phra-bat. + +Ayuthia was captured by the Burmese in 1568 and the king was carried +into captivity but the disaster was not permanent, for at the end of +the century the power of the Siamese reached its highest point and +their foreign relations were extensive. We hear that five hundred +Japanese assisted them to repulse a Burmese attack and that there was +a large Japanese colony in Ayuthia. On the other hand when Hideyoshi +invaded Korea in 1592, the Siamese offered to assist the Chinese. +Europeans appeared first in 1511 when the Portuguese took Malacca. +But on the whole the dealings of Siam with Europe were peaceful +and both traders and missionaries were welcomed. The most singular +episode in this international intercourse was the career of the Greek +adventurer Constantine Phaulcon who in the reign of King Narai was +practically Foreign Minister. In concert with the French missionaries +he arranged an exchange of embassies (1682 and 1685) between Narai +and Louis XIV, the latter having been led to suppose that the king and +people of Siam were ready to embrace Christianity. But when the French +envoys broached the subject of conversion, the king replied that he +saw no reason to change the religion which his countrymen had +professed for two thousand years, a chronological statement which it +might be hard to substantiate. Still, great facilities were given to +missionaries and further negotiations ensued, in the course of which +the French received almost a monopoly of foreign trade and the right +to maintain garrisons. But the death of Narai was followed by a +reaction. Phaulcon died in prison and the French garrisons were +expelled. Buddhism probably flourished at this period for the +Mahavamsa tells us that the king of Ceylon sent to Ayuthia for +monks in 1750 because religion there was pure and undefiled. + +Ayuthia continued to be the capital until 1767 when it was laid in +ruins by the Burmese who, though Buddhists, did not scruple to destroy +or deface the temples and statues with which it was ornamented. But +the collapse of the Siamese was only local and temporary. A leader of +Chinese origin named Phaya Tak Sin rallied their forces, cleared +the Burmese out of the country and made Bangkok, officially described +as the Capital of the Angels, the seat of Government. But he was +deposed in 1782 and one of the reasons for his fall seems to have been +a too zealous reformation of Buddhism. In the troublous times +following the collapse of Ayuthia the Church had become disorganized +and corrupt, but even those who desired improvement would not assent +to the powers which the king claimed over monks. A new dynasty (of +which the sixth monarch is now on the throne) was founded in 1782 by +Chao Phaya Chakkri. One of his first acts was to convoke a council +for the revision of the Tipitaka and to build a special hall in +which the text thus agreed on was preserved. His successor Phra: +Buddha Lot La is considered the best poet that Siam has produced and +it is probably the only country in the world where this +distinction has fallen to the lot of a sovereign. The poet king had +two sons, Phra: Nang: Klao, who ascended the throne after his death, +and Mongkut, who during his brother's reign remained in a monastery +strictly observing the duties of a monk. He then became king and +during his reign (1851-1868) Siam "may be said to have passed from the +middle ages to modern times."[210] It is a tribute to the excellence +of Buddhist discipline that a prince who spent twenty-six years as a +monk should have emerged as neither a bigot nor an impractical mystic +but as an active, enlightened and progressive monarch. The equality +and simplicity of monastic life disposed him to come into direct touch +with his subjects and to adopt straightforward measures which might +not have occurred to one who had always been surrounded by a wall of +ministers. While still a monk he founded a stricter sect which aimed +at reviving the practice of the Buddha, but at the same time he +studied foreign creeds and took pleasure in conversing with +missionaries. He wrote several historical pamphlets and an English +Grammar, and was so good a mathematician that he could calculate the +occurrence of an eclipse. When he became king he regulated the +international position of Siam by concluding treaties of friendship +and commerce with the principal European powers, thus showing the +broad and liberal spirit in which he regarded politics, though a +better acquaintance with the ways of Europeans might have made him +refuse them extraterritorial privileges. He abolished the custom which +obliged everyone to keep indoors when the king went out and he +publicly received petitions on every Uposatha day. He legislated +against slavery,[211] gambling, drinking spirits and smoking opium and +considerably improved the status of women. He also published edicts +ordering the laity to inform the ecclesiastical authorities if they +noticed any abuses in the monasteries. He caused the annals of Siam to +be edited and issued numerous orders on archaeological and literary +questions, in which, though a good Pali scholar, he deprecated the +affected use of Pali words and enjoined the use of a terse and simple +Siamese style, which he certainly wrote himself. He appears to +have died of scientific zeal for he caught a fatal fever on a trip +which he took to witness a total eclipse of the sun. + +He was succeeded by his son Chulalongkorn[212] (1868-1911), a liberal +and enlightened ruler, who had the misfortune to lose much territory +to the French on one side and the English on the other. For religion, +his chief interest is that he published an edition of the Tipitaka. +The volumes are of European style and printed in Siamese type, whereas +Cambojan characters were previously employed for religious works. + +2 + + +As I have already observed, there is not much difference between +Buddhism in Burma and Siam. In mediaeval times a mixed form of religion +prevailed in both countries and Siam was influenced by the Brahmanism +and Mahayanism of Camboja. Both seem to have derived a purer form of +the faith from Pegu, which was conquered by Anawrata in the eleventh +century and was the neighbour of Sukhothai so long as that kingdom +lasted. Both had relations with Ceylon and while venerating her as the +metropolis of the faith also sent monks to her in the days of her +spiritual decadence. But even in externals some differences are +visible. The gold and vermilion of Burma are replaced in Siam by more +sober but artistic tints--olive, dull purple and dark orange--and the +change in the colour scheme is accompanied by other changes in the +buildings. + +A religious establishment in Siam consists of several edifices and is +generally known as Wat,[213] followed by some special designation +such as Wat Chang. Bangkok is full of such establishments mostly +constructed on the banks of the river or canals. The entrance is +usually guarded by gigantic and grotesque figures which are often +lions, but at the Wat Pho in Bangkok the tutelary demons are +represented by curious caricatures of Europeans wearing tall hats. The +gate leads into several courts opening out of one another and not +arranged on any fixed plan. The first is sometimes surrounded by a +colonnade in which are set a long line of the Buddha's eighty +disciples. The most important building in a Wat is known as +Bot.[214] It has a colonnade of pillars outside and is surmounted +by three or four roofs, not much raised one above the other, and +bearing finials of a curious shape, said to represent a snake's +head.[215] It is also marked off by a circuit of eight stones, cut in +the shape of Bo-tree leaves, which constitute a sima or boundary. It +is in the Bot that ordinations and other acts of the Sangha are +performed. Internally it is a hall: the walls are often covered with +paintings and at the end there is always a sitting figure of the +Buddha[216] forming the apex of a pyramid, the lower steps of which +are decorated with smaller images and curious ornaments, such as +clocks under glass cases. + +Siamese images of the Buddha generally represent him as crowned by a +long flame-like ornament called Siro rot,[217] probably +representing the light supposed to issue from the prominence on his +head. But the ornament sometimes becomes a veritable crown terminating +in a spire, as do those worn by the kings of Camboja and Siam. On the +left and right of the Buddha often stand figures of Phra: Mokha: la +(Moggalana) and Phra: Saribut (Sariputta). It is stated that the +Siamese pray to them as saints and that the former is invoked to heal +broken limbs.[218] The Buddha when represented in frescoes is robed in +red but his face and hands are of gold. Besides the Bot a Wat +contains one or more wihans. The word is derived from _Vihara_ but +has come to mean an image-house. The wihans are halls not unlike +the Bots but smaller. In a large Wat there is usually one +containing a gigantic recumbent image of the Buddha and they sometimes +shelter Indian deities such as Yama. + +In most if not in all Wat there are structures known as Phra: chedi +and Phra: prang. The former are simply the ancient cetiyas, called +dagobas in Ceylon and zedis in Burma. They do not depart materially +from the shape usual in other countries and sometimes, for +instance in the gigantic chedi at Pra Pratom, the part below the spire +is a solid bell-shaped dome. But Siamese taste tends to make such +buildings slender and elongate and they generally consist of stone +discs of decreasing size, set one on the other in a pile, which +assumes in its upper parts the proportions of a flagstaff rather than +of a stone building. The Phra: prangs though often larger than the +Phra: chedis are proportionally thicker and less elongate. They appear +to be derived from the Brahmanic temple towers of Camboja which +consist of a shrine crowned by a dome. But in Siam the shrine is often +at some height above the ground and is reduced to small dimensions, +sometimes becoming a mere niche. In large Phra: prangs it is +approached by a flight of steps outside and above it rises the tower, +terminating in a metal spire. But whereas in the Phra: chedis these +spires are simple, in the Phra: prangs they bear three crescents +representing the trident of Siva and appear like barbed arrows. A +large Wat is sure to contain a number of these structures and may also +comprise halls for preaching, a pavilion covering a model of Buddha's +foot print, tanks for ablution and a bell tower. It is said that only +royal Wats contain libraries and buildings called chatta mukh, +which shelter a four-faced image of Brahma.[219] + +The monks are often housed in single chambers arranged round the +courts of a Wat but sometimes in larger buildings outside it. The +number of monks and novices living in one monastery is larger than in +Burma, and according to the Bangkok Directory (1907) works out at an +average of about 12. In the larger Wats this figure is considerably +exceeded. Altogether there were 50,764 monks and 10,411 novices in +1907,[220] the province of Ayuthia being decidedly the best provided +with clergy. As in Burma, it is customary for every male to spend some +time in a monastery, usually at the age of about 20, and two months is +considered the minimum which is respectable. It is also common to +enter a monastery for a short stay on the day when a parent is +cremated. During the season of Vassa all monks go out to collect +alms but at other seasons only a few make the daily round and the food +collected, as in Burma and Ceylon, is generally not eaten. But during +the dry season it is considered meritorious for monks to make a +pilgrimage to Phra Bat and while on the way to live on charity. They +engage to some extent in manual work and occupy themselves with +carpentering.[221] As in Burma, education is in their hands, and they +also act as doctors, though their treatment has more to do with charms +and faith cures than with medicine. + +As in Burma there are two sects, the ordinary unreformed body, and the +rigorous and select communion founded by Mongkut and called Dhammayut. +It aims at a more austere and useful life but in outward observances +the only distinction seems to be that the Dhammayuts hold the +alms-bowl in front of them in both hands, whereas the others hold it +against the left hip with the left hand only. The hierarchy is well +developed but somewhat secularized, though probably not more so than +it was in India under Asoka. In the official directory where the +departments of the Ministry of Public Instruction are enumerated, the +Ecclesiastical Department comes immediately after the Bacteriological, +the two being clearly regarded as different methods of expelling evil +spirits. The higher clerical appointments are made by the king. He +names four Primates,[222] one of whom is selected as chief. The +Primates with nineteen superior monks form the highest governing body +of the Church. Below them are twelve dignitaries called Gurus, who are +often heads of large Wats. There are also prelates who bear the +Cambojan title of Burien equivalent to Mahacarya. They must have +passed an examination in Pali and are chiefly consulted on matters of +ceremonial. + +It will thus be seen that the differences between the churches of +Burma, Ceylon and Siam are slight; hardly more than the local +peculiarities which mark the Roman church in Italy, Spain, and +England. Different opinions have been expressed as to the moral tone +and conduct of Siamese monks and most critics state that they are +somewhat inferior to their Burmese brethren. The system by which +a village undertakes to support a monk, provided that he is a +reasonably competent school-master and of good character, works well. +But in the larger monasteries it is admitted that there are inmates +who have entered in the hope of leading a lazy life and even fugitives +from justice. Still the penalty for any grave offence is immediate +expulsion by the ecclesiastical authorities and the offender is +treated with extreme severity by the civil courts to which he then +becomes amenable. + +The religious festivals of Siam are numerous and characteristic. Many +are Buddhist, some are Brahmanic, and some are royal. Uposatha days +(wan phra:) are observed much as in Burma. The birth, enlightenment +and death of the Buddha (which are all supposed to have taken place on +the 15th day of the 6th waxing moon) are celebrated during a three +days festival. These three days are of peculiar solemnity and are +spent in the discharge of religious duties, such as hearing sermons +and giving alms. But at most festivals religious observances are +mingled with much picturesque but secular gaiety. In the morning the +monks do not go their usual round[223] and the alms-bowls are arranged +in a line within the temple grounds. The laity (mostly women) arrive +bearing wicker trays on which are vessels containing rice and +delicacies. They place a selection of these in each bowl and then +proceed to the Bot where they hear the commandments recited and often +vow to observe for that day some which are usually binding only on +monks. While the monks are eating their meal the people repair to a +river, which is rarely far distant in Siam, and pour water drop by +drop saying "May the food which we have given for the use of the holy +ones be of benefit to our fathers and mothers and to all of our +relatives who have passed away." This rite is curiously in harmony +with the injunctions of the Tirokuddasuttam in the Khuddakapatha, +which is probably an ancient work.[224] The rest of the day is usually +devoted to pious merrymaking, such as processions by day and +illuminations by night. On some feasts the laws against gambling are +suspended and various games of chance are freely indulged in. Thus the +New Year festival called Trut (or Krut) Thai lasts three days. On the +first two days, especially the second, crowds fill the temples to +offer flowers before the statues of Buddha and more substantial +presents of food, clothes, etc., to the clergy. Well-to-do families +invite monks to their houses and pass the day in listening to their +sermons and recitations. Companies of priests are posted round the +city walls to scare away evil spirits and with the same object guns +are fired throughout the night. But the third day is devoted to +gambling by almost the whole population except the monks. Not +dissimilar is the celebration of the Songkran holidays, at the +beginning of the official year. The special religious observance at +this feast consists in bathing the images of Buddha and in theory the +same form of watery respect is extended to aged relatives and monks. +In practice its place is taken by gifts of perfumes and other +presents. + +The rainy season is preceded and ended by holidays. During this period +both monks and pious laymen observe their religious duties more +strictly. Thus monks eat only once a day and then only what is put +into their bowls and laymen observe some of the minor vows. At the end +of the rains come the important holidays known as Thot Kathin,[225] +when robes are presented to monks. This festival has long had a +special importance in Siam. Thus Rama Khomheng in his inscription of +A.D. 1292[226] describes the feast of Kathina which lasts a month. At +the present day many thousands of robes are prepared in the capital +alone so as to be ready for distribution in October and November, when +the king or some deputy of high rank visits every temple and makes the +offering in person. During this season Bangkok witnesses a series of +brilliant processions. + +These festivals mentioned may be called Buddhist though their +light-hearted and splendour-loving gaiety, their processions and +gambling are far removed from the spirit of Gotama. Others however are +definitely Brahmanic and in Bangkok are superintended by the Brahmans +attached to the Court. Since the time of Mongkut Buddhist priests are +also present as a sign that the rites, if not ordered by Buddhism, at +least have its countenance. Such is the Rek Na,[227] or +ploughing festival. The king is represented by the Minister of +Agriculture who formerly had the right to exact from all shops found +open such taxes as he might claim for his temporary sovereignty. At +present he is escorted in procession to Dusit,[228] a royal park +outside Bangkok, where he breaks ground with a plough drawn by two +white oxen. + +Somewhat similar is the Thib-Ching-Cha, or Swinging holidays, a +two days' festival which seems to be a harvest thanksgiving. Under the +supervision of a high official, four Brahmans wearing tall conical +hats swing on a board suspended from a huge frame about 100 ft high. +Their object is to catch with their teeth a bag of money hanging at a +little distance from the swing. When three or four sets of swingers +have obtained a prize in this way, they conclude the ceremony by +sprinkling the ground with holy water contained in bullock horns. +Swinging is one of the earliest Indian rites[229] and as part of the +worship of Krishna it has lasted to the present day. Yet another +Brahmanic festival is the Loi Kathong,[230] when miniature rafts +and ships bearing lights and offerings are sent down the Menam to the +sea. + +Another class of ceremonies may be described as royal, inasmuch as +they are religious only in so far as they invoke religion to protect +royalty. Such are the anniversaries of the birth and coronation of the +king and the Thu Nam or drinking of the water of allegiance +which takes place twice a year. At Bangkok all officials assemble at +the Palace and there drink and sprinkle on their heads water in which +swords and other weapons have been dipped thus invoking vengeance on +themselves should they prove disloyal. Jars of this water are +despatched to Governors who superintend the performance of the same +ceremony in the provincial capitals. It is only after the water +has been drunk that officials receive their half yearly salary. Monks +are excused from drinking it but the chief ecclesiastics of Bangkok +meet in the Palace temple and perform a service in honour of the +occasion. + +Besides these public solemnities there are a number of domestic +festivals derived from the twelve Samskaras of the Hindus. Of these +only three or four are kept up by the nations of Indo-China, namely +the shaving of the first hair of a child a month after birth, the +giving of a name, and the piercing of the ears for earrings. This last +is observed in Burma and Laos, but not in Siam and Camboja where is +substituted for it the Kon Chuk or shaving of the topknot, which +is allowed to grow until the eleventh or thirteenth year. This +ceremony, which is performed on boys and girls alike, is the most +important event in the life of a young Siamese and is celebrated by +well-to-do parents with lavish expenditure. Those who are indigent +often avail themselves of the royal bounty, for each year a public +ceremony is performed in one of the temples of Bangkok at which poor +children receive the tonsure gratis. An elaborate description of the +tonsure rites has been published by Gerini.[231] They are of +considerable interest as showing how closely Buddhist and Brahmanic +rites are intertwined in Siamese family life. + +Marriages are celebrated with a feast to which monks are invited but +are not regarded as religious ceremonies. The dead are usually +disposed of by cremation, but are often kept some time, being either +embalmed or simply buried and exhumed subsequently. Before cremation +the coffin is usually placed within the grounds of a temple. The monks +read Suttas over it and it is said[232] that they hold ribbons which +enter into the coffin and are supposed to communicate to the corpse +the merit acquired by the recitations and prayers. + +3 + + +In the preceding pages mention has often been made not only of +Brahmanic rites but of Brahman priests.[233] These are still to be +found in Bangkok attached to the Court and possibly in other cities. +They dress in white and have preserved many Hindu usages but are said +to be poor Sanskrit scholars. Indeed Gerini[234] seems to say that +they use Pali in some of their recitations. Their principal duty is to +officiate at Court functions, but wealthy families invite them to take +part in domestic rites, and also to cast horoscopes and fix lucky +days. It is clear that the presence of these Brahmans is no +innovation. Brahmanism must have been strong in Siam when it was a +province of Camboja, but in both countries gave way before Buddhism. +Many rites, however, connected with securing luck or predicting the +future were too firmly established to be abolished, and, as Buddhist +monks were unwilling to perform them[235] or not thought very +competent, the Brahmans remained and were perhaps reinforced from time +to time by new importations, for there are still Brahman colonies in +Ligor and other Malay towns. Siamese lawbooks, like those of Burma, +seem to be mainly adaptations of Indian Dharmasastras. + +On a cursory inspection, Siamese Buddhism, especially as seen in +villages, seems remarkably free from alien additions. But an +examination of ancient buildings, of royal temples in Bangkok and +royal ceremonial, suggests on the contrary that it is a mixed faith in +which the Brahmanic element is strong. Yet though this element appeals +to the superstition of the Siamese and their love of pageantry, I +think that as in Burma it has not invaded the sphere of religion and +ethics more than the Pitakas themselves allow. In art and +literature its influence has been considerable. The story of the +Ramayana is illustrated on the cloister walls of the royal temple at +Bangkok and Indian mythology has supplied a multitude of types to the +painter and sculptor; such as Yomma: rat (Yama), Phaya Man +(Mara), Phra: In (Indra). These are all deities known to the +Pitakas but the sculptures or images[236] in Siamese temples also +include Ganesa, Phra: Narai (Narayana or Vishnu) riding +on the Garuda and Phra: Isuen (Siva) riding on a bull. There is a +legend that the Buddha and Siva tried which could make himself +invisible to the other. At last the Buddha sat on Siva's head and +the god being unable to see him acknowledged his defeat. This story is +told to explain a small figure which Siva bears on his head and +recalls the legend found in the Pitakas[237] that the Buddha made +himself invisible to Brahma but that Brahma had not the corresponding +power. Lingas are still venerated in a few temples, for instance at +Wat Pho in Bangkok, but it would appear that the majority (_e.g._ +those found at Pra Pratom and Lophburi) are survivals of ancient +Brahmanic worship and have a purely antiquarian importance. The +Brahmanic cosmology which makes Mt. Meru the centre of this Universe is +generally accepted in ecclesiastical treatises and paintings, though +the educated Siamese may smile at it, and when the topknot of a +Siamese prince is cut off, part of the ceremony consists in his being +received by the king dressed as Siva on the summit of a mound cut +in the traditional shape of Mt. Kailasa. + +Like the Nats of Burma, Siam has a spirit population known as +Phis.[238] The name is occasionally applied to Indian deities, but the +great majority of Phis fall into two classes, namely, ghosts of the +dead and nature spirits which, though dangerous, do not rise above the +position of good or bad fairies. In the first class are included the +Phi Pret, who have the characteristics as well as the name of the +Indian Pretas, and also a multitude of beings who like European +ghosts, haunt houses and behave in a mysterious but generally +disagreeable manner. The Phiam is apparently our nightmare. The +ghosts of children dying soon after birth are apt to kill their +mothers and in general women are liable to be possessed by Phis. The +ghosts of those who have died a violent death are dangerous but it +would seem that Siamese magicians know how to utilize them as familiar +spirits. The better sort of ghosts are known as Chao Phi and shrines +called San Chao are set up in their honour. It does not however appear +that there is any hierarchy of Phis like the thirty-seven Nats of +Burma. + +Among those Phis who are not ghosts of the dead the most important +is the Phi ruen or guardian spirit of each house. Frequently a +little shrine is erected for him at the top of a pole. There are also +innumerable Phis in the jungle mostly malevolent and capable of +appearing either in human form or as a dangerous animal. But the tree +spirits are generally benevolent and when their trees are cut down +they protect the houses that are made of them. + +Thus the Buddhism of Siam, like that of Burma, has a certain admixture +of Brahmanism and animism. The Brahmanism is perhaps more striking +than in Burma on account of the Court ceremonies: the belief in +spirits, though almost universal, seems to be more retiring and less +conspicuous. Yet the inscription of Rama Komheng mentioned above +asserts emphatically that the prosperity of the Empire depends on due +honour being shown to a certain mountain spirit.[239] + +It is pretty clear that the first introduction of Hinayanist Buddhism +into Siam was from Southern Burma and Pegu, but that somewhat later +Ceylon was accepted as the standard of orthodoxy. A learned thera who +knew the Sinhalese Tipitaka was imported thence, as well as a branch +of the Bo-tree. But Siamese patriotism flattered itself by imagining +that the national religion was due to personal contact with the +Buddha, although not even early legends can be cited in support of +such traditions. In 1602 a mark in the rocks, now known as the Phra: +Bat, was discovered in the hills north of Ayuthia and identified as a +footprint of the Buddha similar to that found on Adam's Peak and in +other places. Burma and Ceylon both claim the honour of a visit from +the Buddha but the Siamese go further, for it is popularly believed +that he died at Praten, a little to the north of Phra Pathom, on a +spot marked by a slab of rock under great trees.[240] For this reason +when the Government of India presented the king of Siam with the +relics found in the Piprava vase, the gift though received with +honour, aroused little enthusiasm and was placed in a somewhat +secluded shrine.[241] + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 188: The principal sources for information about Siamese +Buddhism are: _Journal of Siam Society_, 1904, and onwards. + +L. Fournereau, _Le Siam Ancien_, 2 vols. 1895 and 1908 in _Annales du +Musee Guimet_. Cited here as Fournereau. + +Mission Pavie II, _Histoire du Laos, du Cambodge et du Siam_, 1898. + +Gerini, _Researches on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia_, 1909. +Cited here as Gerini, _Ptolemy_. + +Gerini, _Chulakantamangala or Tonsure Ceremony_, 1893. + +H. Alabaster, _The Wheel of the Law_, 1871. + +P.A. Thompson, _Lotus Land_, 1906. + +W.A. Graham, _Siam_, 1912. + +Petithuguenin, "Notes critiques pour servir a l'histoire du Siam," +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1916, No. 3. + +Coedes, "Documents sur la Dynastie de Sukhodaya," _ib._ 1917, No. 2. + +Much curious information may be found in the _Directory for Bangkok +and Siam_, a most interesting book. I have only the issue for 1907. + +I have adopted the conventional European spelling for such words as +may be said to have one. For other words I have followed Pallegoix's +dictionary (1896) for rendering the vowels and tones in Roman +characters, but have departed in some respects from his system of +transliterating consonants as I think it unnecessary and misleading to +write j and x for sounds which apparently correspond to y and ch as +pronounced in English. + +The King of Siam has published a work on the spelling of His Majesty's +own language in Latin letters which ought to be authoritative, but it +came into my hands too late for me to modify the orthography here +adopted. + +As Pallegoix's spelling involves the use of a great many accents I +have sometimes begun by using the strictly correct orthography and +afterwards a simpler but intelligible form. It should be noted that in +this orthography ":" is not a colon but a sign that the vowel before +it is very short.] + +[Footnote 189: The name is found on Champan inscriptions of 1050 A.D. +and according to Gerini appears in Ptolemy's _Samarade_ = +Samarattha. See Gerini, _Ptolemy_, p. 170. But Samarade is +located near Bangkok and there can hardly have been Tais there in +Ptolemy's time.] + +[Footnote 190: So too in Central Asia Kustana appears to be a learned +distortion of the name Khotan, made to give it a meaning in Sanskrit.] + +[Footnote 191: Gerini states (_Ptolemy_, p. 107) that there are Pali +manuscript chronicles of Lamphun apparently going back to 924 A.D.] + +[Footnote 192: Strictly Sukhothai.] + +[Footnote 193: Phongsa va: dan or Vamsavada. See for Siamese +chronicles, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1914, No. 3, "Recension palie des annales +d'Ayuthia," and _ibid._ 1916, pp. 5-7.] + +[Footnote 194: _E.g._ Aymonier in _J.A._ 1903, p. 186, and Gerini in +_Journal of Siam Society_, vol. II. part 1, 1905.] + +[Footnote 195: See especially Fournereau and the publications of the +Mission Pavie and _B.E.F.E.O._] + +[Footnote 196: Gerini, _Ptolemy_, p. 176.] + +[Footnote 197: See Fournereau, I. p. 225. _B.E.F.E.O._ 1916, III. pp. +8-13, and especially Bradley in _J. Siam Society_, 1909, pp. 1-68.] + +[Footnote 198: This alphabet appears to be borrowed from Cambojan but +some of the letters particularly in their later shapes show the +influence of the Mon or Talaing script. The modern Cambojan alphabet, +which is commonly used for ecclesiastical purposes in Siam, is little +more than an elaborate form of Siamese.] + +[Footnote 199: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 161.] + +[Footnote 200: Bradley, _J. Siam Society_, 1913, p. 10, seems to think +that Pali Buddhism may have come thence but the objection is that we +know a good deal about the religion of Camboja and that there is no +trace of Pali Buddhism there until it was imported from Siam. The fact +that the Siamese alphabet was borrowed from Camboja does not prove +that religion was borrowed in the same way. The Mongol alphabet can be +traced to a Nestorian source.] + +[Footnote 201: See for these inscriptions papers on the Malay +Peninsula and Siam by Finot and Lajonquiere in _Bull. de la Comm. +Archeol. de l'Indo-Chine_, 1909, 1910 and 1912.] + +[Footnote 202: Fournereau, pp. 157 ff. and Coedes in _B.E.F.E.O._ +1917, No. 2. Besides the inscription itself, which is badly defaced in +parts, we have (1) a similar inscription in Thai, which is not however +a translation, (2) a modern Siamese translation, used by Schmitt but +severely criticized by Coedes and Petithuguenin.] + +[Footnote 203: This portion of the narrative is found only in +Schmitt's version of the Siamese translation. The part of the stone +where it would have occurred is defaced.] + +[Footnote 204: See Fournereau, vol. II. inscriptions xv and xvi and +the account of the Jatakas, p. 43.] + +[Footnote 205: Fournereau, I. pp. 247, 273. _B.E.F.E.O._ 1917, No. 2, +p. 29.] + +[Footnote 206: See the texts in _B.E.F.E.O. l.c._ The Bodhisattvas are +described as Ariyametteyadinam dasannam Bodhisattanam. The vow to +become a Buddha should it seems be placed in the mouth of the King, +not of the Metropolitan as in Schmitt's translation.] + +[Footnote 207: See Fournereau, pp. 209 ff. Dharmasokaraja may perhaps +be the same as Mahadharmaraja who reigned 1388-1415. But the word may +also be a mere title applied to all kings of this dynasty, so that +this may be another inscription of Sri Suryavamsa Rama.] + +[Footnote 208: 1350 is the accepted date but M. Aymonier, _J.A._ 1903, +pp. 185 ff. argues in favour of about 1460. See Fournereau, _Ancien +Siam_, p. 242, inscription of 1426 A.D. and p. 186, inscription of +1510 described as Groupe de Sajjanalaya et Sukhodaya.] + +[Footnote 209: Fournereau, vol. I. pp. 186 ff.] + +[Footnote 210: O. Frankfurter, "King Mongkut," _Journal of Siam +Society_, vol. I. 1904.] + +[Footnote 211: But it was his son who first decreed in 1868 that no +Siamese could be born a slave. Slavery for debt, though illegal, is +said not to be practically extinct.] + +[Footnote 212: = Culalankara.] + +[Footnote 213: The word has been derived from Vata, a grove, but may +it not be the Pali Vatthu, Sanskrit Vastu, a site or building?] + +[Footnote 214: = Uposatha.] + +[Footnote 215: These finials are very common on the roof ends of +Siamese temples and palaces. It is strange that they also are found in +conjunction with multiple roofs in Norwegian Churches of eleventh +century. See de Beylie, _Architecture hindoue dans l'extreme Orient_, +pp. 47, 48.] + +[Footnote 216: The Buddha is generally known as Phra: Khodom +(=Gotama).] + +[Footnote 217: In an old Siamese bronze from Kampeng Pet, figured in +Grunwedel's _Buddhist Art in India_, p. 179, fig. 127, the Siro rot +seems to be in process of evolution.] + +[Footnote 218: P.A. Thompson, _Lotus Land_, 1906, p. 100.] + +[Footnote 219: Four images facing the four quarters are considered in +Burma to represent the last four Buddhas and among the Jains some of +the Tirthankaras are so represented, the legend being that whenever +they preached they seemed to face their hearers on every side.] + +[Footnote 220: These figures only take account of twelve out of the +seventeen provinces.] + +[Footnote 221: Thompson, _Lotus Land_, p. 120.] + +[Footnote 222: They bear the title of Somdet Phra: Chao +Rajagama and have authority respectively over (_a_) ordinary Buddhists +in northern Siam, (_b_) ordinary Buddhists in the south, (_c_) +hermits, (_d_) the Dhammayut sect.] + +[Footnote 223: For this and many other details I am indebted to P.A. +Thompson, _Lotus Land_, p. 123.] + +[Footnote 224: When gifts of food are made to monks on ceremonial +occasions, they usually acknowledge the receipt by reciting verses 7 +and 8 of this Sutta, commonly known as _Yatha_ from the first word.] + +[Footnote 225: Kathina in Pali. See Mahavag. cap. VII.] + +[Footnote 226: Fournereau, p. 225.] + +[Footnote 227: The ploughing festival is a recognized imperial +ceremony in China. In India ceremonies for private landowners are +prescribed in the Grihya Sutras but I do not know if their +performance by kings is anywhere definitely ordered. However in the +Nidana Katha 270 the Buddha's father celebrates an imposing ploughing +ceremony.] + +[Footnote 228: _I.e._ Tusita. Compare such English names descriptive +of beautiful scenery as Heaven's Gate.] + +[Footnote 229: See Keith, _Aitereya Aranyaka_, pp. 174-178. The +ceremony there described undoubtedly originated in a very ancient +popular festival.] + +[Footnote 230: _I.e._ float-raft. Most authors give the word as +Krathong, but Pallegoix prefers Kathong.] + +[Footnote 231: _Chulakantamangalam_, Bangkok, 1893.] + +[Footnote 232: P.A. Thompson, _Lotus Land_, p. 134.] + +[Footnote 233: For the Brahmans of Siam see Frankfurter, _Oriental. +Archiv._ 1913, pp. 196-7.] + +[Footnote 234: _Chulakantamangala_, p. 56.] + +[Footnote 235: They are mostly observances such as Gotama would have +classed among "low arts" (tiracchanavijja). At present the monks of +Siam deal freely in charms and exorcisms but on important occasions +public opinion seems to have greater confidence in the skill and power +of Brahmans.] + +[Footnote 236: King Sri Suryavamsa Rama relates in an +inscription of about 1365 how he set up statues of Paramesvara and +Vishnukarma (?) and appointed Brahmans to serve them.] + +[Footnote 237: Maj. Nik. 47.] + +[Footnote 238: _Siam Society_, vol. IV. part ii. 1907. _Some Siamese +ghost-lore_ by A.J. Irwin.] + +[Footnote 239: _Jour. Siam Soc._ 1909, p. 28. "In yonder mountain is a +demon spirit Phra Khaphung that is greater than every other +spirit in this realm. If any Prince ruling this realm reverences him +well with proper offerings, this realm stands firm, this realm +prospers. If the spirit be not reverenced well, if the offerings be +not right, the spirit in the mountain does not protect, does not +regard:--this realm perishes."] + +[Footnote 240: The most popular life of the Buddha in Siamese is +called Pa:thomma Somphothiyan, translated by Alabaster in +_The Wheel of the Law_. But like the Lalita vistara and other Indian +lives on which it is modelled it stops short at the enlightenment. +Another well-known religious book is the Traiphum (=Tribhumi), an +account of the universe according to Hindu principles, compiled in +1776 from various ancient works. + +The Pali literature of Siam is not very large. Some account of it is +given by Coedes in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1915, III. pp. 39-46.] + +[Footnote 241: When in Bangkok in 1907 I saw in a photographer's shop +a photograph of the procession which escorted these relics to their +destination. It was inscribed "Arrival of Buddha's tooth from Kandy." +This shows how deceptive historical evidence may be. The inscription +was the testimony of an eye-witness and yet it was entirely wrong.] + + + + +CHAPTER XXXVIII + +CAMBOJA[242] + +1 + + +The French Protectorate of Camboja corresponds roughly to the nucleus, +though by no means to the whole extent of the former Empire of the +Khmers. The affinities of this race have given rise to considerable +discussion and it has been proposed to connect them with the +Munda tribes of India on one side and with the Malays and +Polynesians on the other.[243] They are allied linguistically to the +Mons or Talaings of Lower Burma and to the Khasias of Assam, but it is +not proved that they are similarly related to the Annamites, and +recent investigators are not disposed to maintain the Mon-Annam family +of languages proposed by Logan and others. But the undoubted +similarity of the Mon and Khmer languages suggests that the ancestors +of those who now speak them were at one time spread over the central +and western parts of Indo-China but were subsequently divided and +deprived of much territory by the southward invasions of the Thais in +the middle ages. + +The Khmers also called themselves Kambuja or Kamvuja and their name +for the country is still either Srok Kampuchea or Srok Khmer.[244] +Attempts have been made to find a Malay origin for this name Kambuja +but native tradition regards it as a link with India and affirms that +the race is descended from Kambu Svayambhuva and Mera or Pera who was +given to him by Siva as wife.[245] This legend hardly proves that the +Khmer people came from India but they undoubtedly received thence +their civilization, their royal family and a considerable number of +Hindu immigrants, so that the mythical ancestor of their kings +naturally came to be regarded as the progenitor of the race. The +Chinese traveller Chou Ta-kuan (1296 A.D.) says that the country known +to the Chinese as Chen-la is called by the natives Kan-po-chih but +that the present dynasty call it Kan-p'u-chih on the authority of +Sanskrit (Hsi-fan) works. The origin of the name Chen-la is unknown. + +There has been much discussion respecting the relation of Chen-la to +the older kingdom of Fu-nan which is the name given by Chinese +historians until the early part of the seventh century to a state +occupying the south-eastern and perhaps central portions of +Indo-China. It has been argued that Chen-la is simply the older name +of Fu-nan and on the other hand that Fu-nan is a wider designation +including several states, one of which, Chen-la or Camboja, became +paramount at the expense of the others.[246] But the point seems +unimportant for their religious history with which we have to +deal. In religion and general civilization both were subject to Indian +influence and it is not recorded that the political circumstances +which turned Fu-nan into Chen-la were attended by any religious +revolution. + +The most important fact in the history of these countries, as in +Champa and Java, is the presence from early times of Indian influence +as a result of commerce, colonization, or conquest. Orientalists have +only recently freed themselves from the idea that the ancient Hindus, +and especially their religion, were restricted to the limits of India. +In mediaeval times this was true. Emigration was rare and it was only +in the nineteenth century that the travelling Hindu became a familiar +and in some British colonies not very welcome visitor. Even now Hindus +of the higher caste evade rather than deny the rule which forbids them +to cross the ocean.[247] But for a long while Hindus have frequented +the coast of East Africa[248] and in earlier centuries their +traders, soldiers and missionaries covered considerable distances by +sea. The Jatakas[249] mention voyages to Babylon: Vijaya and Mahinda +reached Ceylon in the fifth and third centuries B.C. respectively. +There is no certain evidence as to the epoch when Hindus first +penetrated beyond the Malay peninsula, but Java is mentioned in the +Ramayana:[250] the earliest Sanskrit inscriptions of Champa date from +our third or perhaps second century, and the Chinese Annals of the +Tsin indicate that at a period considerably anterior to that dynasty +there were Hindus in Fu-nan.[251] It is therefore safe to conclude +that they must have reached these regions about the beginning of the +Christian era and, should any evidence be forthcoming, there is no +reason why this date should not be put further back. At present we can +only say that the establishment of Hindu kingdoms probably implies +earlier visits of Hindu traders and that voyages to the south coast of +Indo-China and the Archipelago were probably preceded by settlements +on the Isthmus of Kra, for instance at Ligor. + +The motives which prompted this eastward movement have been variously +connected with religious persecution in India, missionary enterprise, +commerce and political adventure. The first is the least probable. +There is little evidence for the systematic persecution of Buddhists +in India and still less for the persecution of Brahmans by Buddhists. +Nor can these Indian settlements be regarded as primarily religious +missions. The Brahmans have always been willing to follow and +supervise the progress of Hindu civilization, but they have never +shown any disposition to evangelize foreign countries apart from Hindu +settlements in them. The Buddhists had this evangelistic temper and +the journeys of their missionaries doubtless stimulated other classes +to go abroad, but still no inscriptions or annals suggest that the +Hindu migrations to Java and Camboja were parallel to Mahinda's +mission to Ceylon. Nor is there any reason to think that they were +commanded or encouraged by Indian Rajas, for no mention of their +despatch has been found in India, and no Indian state is recorded to +have claimed suzerainty over these colonies. It therefore seems likely +that they were founded by traders and also by adventurers who followed +existing trade routes and had their own reasons for leaving India. In +a country where dynastic quarrels were frequent and the younger sons +of Rajas had a precarious tenure of life, such reasons can be easily +imagined. In Camboja we find an Indian dynasty established after a +short struggle, but in other countries, such as Java and Sumatra, +Indian civilization endured because it was freely adopted by native +chiefs and not because it was forced on them as a result of conquest. + +The inscriptions discovered in Camboja and deciphered by the labours +of French savants offer with one lacuna (about 650-800 A.D.) a fairly +continuous history of the country from the sixth to the thirteenth +centuries. For earlier periods we depend almost entirely on Chinese +accounts which are fragmentary and not interested in anything but the +occasional relations of China with Fu-nan. The annals of the Tsin +dynasty[252] already cited say that from 265 A.D. onwards the kings +of Fu-nan sent several embassies to the Chinese Court, adding that the +people have books and that their writing resembles that of the Hu. The +Hu are properly speaking a tribe of Central Asia, but the expression +doubtless means no more than alphabetic writing as opposed to Chinese +characters and such an alphabet can hardly have had other than an +Indian origin. Originally, adds the Annalist, the sovereign was a +woman, but there came a stranger called Hun-Hui who worshipped the +Devas and had had a dream in which one of them gave him a bow[253] and +ordered him to sail for Fu-nan. He conquered the country and married +the Queen but his descendants deteriorated and one Fan-Hsun founded +another dynasty. The annals of the Ch'i dynasty (479-501) give +substantially the same story but say that the stranger was called +Hun-T'ien (which is probably the correct form of the name) and that he +came from Chi or Chiao, an unknown locality. The same annals state +that towards the end of the fifth century the king of Fu-nan who +bore the family name of Ch'iao-ch'en-ju[254] or Kaundinya and +the personal name of She-yeh-po-mo (Jayavarman) traded with Canton. A +Buddhist monk named Nagasena returned thence with some Cambojan +merchants and so impressed this king with his account of China that he +was sent back in 484 to beg for the protection of the Emperor. The +king's petition and a supplementary paper by Nagasena are preserved in +the annals. They seem to be an attempt to represent the country as +Buddhist, while explaining that Mahesvara is its tutelary deity. + +The Liang annals also state that during the Wu dynasty (222-280) Fan +Chan, then king of Fu-nan, sent a relative named Su-Wu on an embassy +to India, to a king called Mao-lun, which probably represents +Murunda, a people of the Ganges valley mentioned by the +Puranas and by Ptolemy. This king despatched a return embassy to +Fu-nan and his ambassadors met there an official sent by the Emperor +of China.[255] The early date ascribed to these events is noticeable. + +The Liang annals contain also the following statements. Between the +years 357 and 424 A.D. named as the dates of embassies sent to China, +an Indian Brahman called Ch'iao-ch'en-ju (Kaundinya) heard a +supernatural voice bidding him go and reign in Fu-nan. He met with a +good reception and was elected king. He changed the customs of the +country and made them conform to those of India. One of his +successors, Jayavarman, sent a coral image of Buddha in 503 to the +Emperor Wu-ti (502-550). The inhabitants of Fu-nan are said to make +bronze images of the heavenly genii with two or four heads and four or +eight arms. Jayavarman was succeeded by a usurper named Liu-t'o-pa-mo +(Rudravarman) who sent an image made of sandal wood to the Emperor in +519 and in 539 offered him a hair of the Buddha twelve feet long. The +Sui annals (589-618) state that Citrasena, king of Chen-la, conquered +Fu-nan and was succeeded by his son Isanasena. + +Two monks of Fu-nan are mentioned among the translators of the Chinese +scriptures,[256] namely, Sanghapala and Mandra. Both arrived in +China during the first years of the sixth century and their works are +extant. The pilgrim I-Ching who returned from India in 695 says[257] +that to the S.W. of Champa lies the country Po-nan, formerly called +Fu-nan, which is the southern corner of Jambudvipa. He says that "of +old it was a country the inhabitants of which lived naked; the people +were mostly worshippers of devas and later on Buddhism flourished +there, but a wicked king has now expelled and exterminated them all +and there are no members of the Buddhist brotherhood at all." + +These data from Chinese authorities are on the whole confirmed by the +Cambojan inscriptions. Rudravarman is mentioned[258] and the kings +claim to belong to the race of Kaundinya.[259] This is the name +of a Brahman gotra, but such designations were often borne by +Kshatriyas and the conqueror of Camboja probably belonged to that +caste. It may be affirmed with some certainty that he started from +south-eastern India and possibly he sailed from Mahabalipur (also +called the Seven Pagodas). Masulipatam was also a port of embarcation +for the East and was connected with Broach by a trade route running +through Tagara, now Ter in the Nizam's dominions. By using this road, +it was possible to avoid the west coast, which was infested by +pirates. + +The earliest Cambojan inscriptions date from the beginning of the +seventh century and are written in an alphabet closely resembling that +of the inscriptions in the temple of Papanatha at Pattadkal in +the Bijapur district.[260] They are composed in Sanskrit verse of a +somewhat exuberant style, which revels in the commonplaces of Indian +poetry. The deities most frequently mentioned are Siva by himself +and Siva united with Vishnu in the form Hari-Hara. The names of +the kings end in Varman and this termination is also specially +frequent in names of the Pallava dynasty.[261] The magnificent +monuments still extant attest a taste for architecture on a large +scale similar to that found among the Dravidians. These and many other +indications justify the conclusion that the Indian civilization and +religion which became predominant in Camboja were imported from the +Deccan. + +The Chinese accounts distinctly mention two invasions, one under +Ch'iao-ch'en-ju (Kaundinya) about 400 A.D. and one considerably +anterior to 265 under Hun-T'ien. It might be supposed that this name +also represents Kaundinya and that there is a confusion of +dates. But the available evidence is certainly in favour of the +establishment of Hindu civilization in Fu-nan long before 400 A.D. and +there is nothing improbable in the story of the two invasions and even +of two Kaundinyas. Maspero suggests that the first invasion came +from Java and formed part of the same movement which founded the +kingdom of Champa. It is remarkable that an inscription in Sanskrit +found on the east coast of Borneo and apparently dating from the fifth +century mentions Kundagga as the grandfather of the reigning +king, and the Liang annals say that the king of Poli (probably in +Borneo but according to some in Sumatra) was called Ch'iao-ch'en-ju. +It seems likely that the Indian family of Kaundinya was +established somewhere in the South Seas (perhaps in Java) at an early +period and thence invaded various countries at various times. But +Fu-nan is a vague geographical term and it may be that Hun-T'ien +founded a Hindu dynasty in Champa. + +It is clear that during the period of the inscriptions the +religion of Camboja was a mixture of Brahmanism and Buddhism, the only +change noticeable being the preponderance of one or other element in +different centuries. But it would be interesting to know the value of +I-Ching's statement that Buddhism flourished in Fu-nan in early times +and was then subverted by a wicked king, by whom Bhavavarman[262] may +be meant. _Prima facie_ the statement is not improbable, for there is +no reason why the first immigrants should not have been Buddhists, but +the traditions connecting these countries with early Hinayanist +missionaries are vague. Taranatha[263] states that the disciples of +Vasubandhu introduced Buddhism into the country of Koki (Indo-China) +but his authority does not count for much in such a matter. The +statement of I-Ching however has considerable weight, especially as +the earliest inscription found in Champa (that of Vocan) appears to be +inspired by Buddhism. + +2 + + +It may be well to state briefly the chief facts of Cambojan +history[264] before considering the phases through which religion +passed. Until the thirteenth century our chief authorities are the +Sanskrit and Khmer inscriptions, supplemented by notices in the +Chinese annals. The Khmer inscriptions are often only a translation or +paraphrase of Sanskrit texts found in the same locality and, as a +rule, are more popular, having little literary pretension. They +frequently contain lists of donations or of articles to be supplied by +the population for the upkeep of pious foundations. After the +fourteenth century we have Cambojan annals of dubious value and we +also find inscriptions in Pali or in modern Cambojan. The earliest +Sanskrit inscriptions date from the beginning of the seventh century +and mention works undertaken in 604 and 624. + +The first important king is Bhavavarman (c. 500 A.D.), a conqueror +and probably a usurper, who extended his kingdom considerably towards +the west. His career of conquest was continued by Mahavarman (also +called Citrasena), by Isanavarman and by Jayavarman.[265] This last +prince was on the throne in 667, but his reign is followed by a lacuna +of more than a century. Notices in the Chinese annals, confirmed by +the double genealogies given for this period in later inscriptions, +indicate that Camboja was divided for some time into two states, one +littoral and the other inland. + +Clear history begins again with the reign of Jayavarman II (802-869). +Later sovereigns evidently regard him as the great national hero and +he lives in popular legend as the builder of a magnificent palace, +Beng Mealea, whose ruins still exist[266] and as the recipient of the +sacred sword of Indra which is preserved at Phnom-penh to this day. We +are told that he "came from Java," which is more likely to be some +locality in the Malay Peninsula or Laos than the island of that name. +It is possible that Jayavarman was carried away captive to this region +but returned to found a dynasty independent of it.[267] + +The ancient city of Angkor has probably done more to make Camboja +known in Europe than any recent achievements of the Khmer race. In the +centre of it stands the temple now called Bayon and outside its walls +are many other edifices of which the majestic Angkor Wat is the +largest and best preserved. King Indravarman (877-899) seems +responsible for the selection of the site but he merely commenced the +construction of the Bayon. The edifice was completed by his son +Yasovarman (889-908) who also built a town round it, called +Yasod harapura, Kambupuri or Mahanagara. Angkor Thom is the +Cambojan translation of this last name, Angkor being a corruption of +Nokor ( = Nagara). Yasovarman's empire comprised nearly all +Indo-China between Burma and Champa and he has been identified with +the Leper king of Cambojan legend. His successors continued to +embellish Angkor Thom, but Jayavarman IV abandoned it and it was +deserted for several years until Rajendravarman II (944-968) made it +the capital again. The Chinese Annals, supported by allusions in the +inscriptions, state that this prince conquered Champa. The long +reigns of Jayavarman V, Suryavarman I, and Udayadityavarman, which +cover more than a century (968-1079) seem to mark a prosperous period +when architecture flourished, although Udayadityavarman had to contend +with two rebellions. Another great king, Suryavarman II (1112-1162) +followed shortly after them, and for a time succeeded in uniting +Camboja and Champa under his sway. Some authorities credit him with a +successful expedition to Ceylon. There is not sufficient evidence for +this, but he was a great prince and, in spite of his foreign wars, +maintained peace and order at home. + +Jayavarman VII, who appears to have reigned from 1162 to 1201, reduced +to obedience his unruly vassals of the north and successfully invaded +Champa which remained for thirty years, though not without rebellion, +the vassal of Camboja. It was evacuated by his successor Indravarman +in 1220. + +After this date there is again a gap of more than a century in +Cambojan history, and when the sequence of events becomes clear again, +we find that Siam has grown to be a dangerous and aggressive enemy. +But though the vigour of the kingdom may have declined, the account of +the Chinese traveller Chou Ta-kuan who visited Angkor Thom in 1296 +shows that it was not in a state of anarchy nor conquered by Siam. +There had however been a recent war with Siam and he mentions that the +country was devastated. He unfortunately does not tell us the name of +the reigning king and the list of sovereigns begins again only in 1340 +when the Annals of Camboja take up the history. They are not of great +value. The custom of recording all events of importance prevailed at +the Cambojan Court in earlier times but these chronicles were lost in +the eighteenth century. King Ang Chan (1796-1834) ordered that they +should be re-written with the aid of the Siamese chronicles and such +other materials as were available and fixed 1340 as the point of +departure, apparently because the Siamese chronicles start from that +date.[268] Although the period of the annals offers little but a +narrative of dissensions at home and abroad, of the interference of +Annam on one side and of Siam on the other, yet it does not seem that +the sudden cessation of inscriptions and of the ancient style of +architecture in the thirteenth century was due to the collapse of +Camboja, for even in the sixteenth century it offered a valiant, and +often successful, resistance to aggressions from the west. But Angkor +Thom and the principal monuments were situated near the Siamese +frontier and felt the shock of every collision. The sense of security, +essential for the construction of great architectural works, had +disappeared and the population became less submissive and less willing +to supply forced labour without which such monuments could not be +erected. + +The Siamese captured Angkor Thom in 1313, 1351 and 1420 but did not on +any occasion hold it for long. Again in 1473 they occupied Chantaboun, +Korat and Angkor but had to retire and conclude peace. King Ang Chan I +successfully disputed the right of Siam to treat him as a vassal and +established his capital at Lovek, which he fortified and ornamented. +He reigned from 1505 to 1555 and both he and his son, Barom Racha, +seem entitled to rank among the great kings of Camboja. But the +situation was clearly precarious and when a minor succeeded to the +throne in 1574 the Siamese seized the opportunity and recaptured Lovek +and Chantaboun. Though this capture was the death blow to the power of +the Khmers, the kingdom of Camboja did not cease to exist but for +nearly three centuries continued to have an eventful but uninteresting +history as the vassal of Siam or Annam or even of both,[269] until +in the middle of the nineteenth century the intervention of France +substituted a European Protectorate for these Asiatic rivalries. + +The provinces of Siem-reap and Battambang, in which Angkor Thom and +the principal ancient monuments are situated, were annexed by Siam at +the end of the eighteenth century, but in virtue of an arrangement +negotiated by the French Government they were restored to Camboja in +1907, Krat and certain territories being at the same time ceded to +Siam.[270] + +3 + + +The religious history of Camboja may be divided into two periods, +exclusive of the possible existence there of Hinayanist Buddhism in +the early centuries of our era. In the first period, which witnessed +the construction of the great monuments and the reigns of the great +kings, both Brahmanism and Mahayanist Buddhism nourished, but as in +Java and Champa without mutual hostility. This period extends +certainly from the sixth to the thirteenth centuries and perhaps its +limits should be stretched to 400-1400 A.D. In any case it passed +without abrupt transition into the second period in which, under +Siamese influence, Hinayanist Buddhism supplanted the older faiths, +although the ceremonies of the Cambojan court still preserve a good +deal of Brahmanic ritual. + +During the first period, Brahmanism and Mahayanism were professed by +the Court and nobility. The multitude of great temples and opulent +endowments, the knowledge of Sanskrit literature and the use of Indian +names, leave no doubt about this, but it is highly probable that the +mass of the people had their own humbler forms of worship. Still there +is no record of anything that can be called Khmer--as opposed to +Indian--religion. As in Siam, the veneration of nature spirits is +universal in Camboja and little shrines elevated on poles are erected +in their honour in the neighbourhood of almost every house. +Possibly the more important of these spirits were identified in +early times with Indian deities or received Sanskrit names. Thus we +hear of a pious foundation in honour of Brahmarakshas,[271] perhaps a +local mountain spirit. Siva is adored under the name of Sri +Sikharesvara, the Lord of the Peak and Krishna appears to be +identified with a local god called Sri Champesvara who was +worshipped by Jayavarman VI.[272] + +The practice of accepting and hinduizing strange gods with whom they +came in contact was so familiar to the Brahmans that it would be odd +if no examples of it occurred in Camboja. Still the Brahmanic religion +which has left such clear records there was in the main not a +hinduized form of any local cult but a direct importation of Indian +thought, ritual and literature. The Indian invaders or colonists were +accompanied by Brahmans: their descendants continued to bear Indian +names and to give them to all places of importance: Sanskrit was the +ecclesiastical and official language, for the inscriptions written in +Khmer are clearly half-contemptuous notifications to the common +people, respecting such details as specially concerned them: +_Asramas_ and castes (_varna_) are mentioned[273] and it is +probable that natives were only gradually and grudgingly admitted to +the higher castes. There is also reason to believe that this Hindu +civilization was from time to time vivified by direct contact with +India. The embassy of Su-Wu has already been mentioned[274] and an +inscription records the marriage of a Cambojan princess with a Brahman +called Divakara who came from the banks of the Yamuna, "where +Krishna sported in his infancy." + +During the whole period of the inscriptions the worship of Siva seems +to have been the principal cultus and to some extent the state +religion, for even kings who express themselves in their inscriptions +as devout Buddhists do not fail to invoke him. But there is no trace +of hostility to Vishnuism and the earlier inscriptions constantly +celebrate the praises of the compound deity Vishnu-Siva, known under +such names as Hari-Hara,[275] Sambhu-Vishnu, Sankara-Narayana, etc. +Thus an inscription of Ang-Pou dating from Isanavarman's reign says +"Victorious are Hara and Acyuta become one for the good of the world, +though as the spouses of Parvati and Sri they have different +forms."[276] But the worship of this double being is accompanied by +pure Sivaism and by the adoration of other deities. In the earliest +inscriptions Bhavavarman invokes Siva and dedicates a linga. He also +celebrates the compound deity under the name of Sambhu-Vishnu and +mentions Uma, Lakshmi, Bharati, Dharma, the Maruts, and Vishnu under +the names of Caturbhuja and Trailokyasara. There appears to be no +allusion to the worship of Vishnu-Siva as two in one after the seventh +century, but though Siva became exalted at the expense of his partner, +Vishnu must have had adorers for two kings, Jayavarman III and +Suryavarman II, were known after their death by the names of +Vishnu-loka and Parama-Vishnu-loka. + +Siva became generally recognized as the supreme deity, in a +comprehensive but not an exclusive sense. He is the universal spirit +from whom emanate Brahma and Vishnu. His character as the Destroyer +is not much emphasized: he is the God of change, and therefore of +reproduction, whose symbol is the Linga. It is remarkable to find that +a pantheistic form of Sivaism is clearly enunciated in one of the +earliest inscriptions.[277] Siva is there styled Vibhu, the +omnipresent, Paramvrahma ( = Brahma), Jagatpati, Pasupati. An +inscription found at Angkor[278] mentions an Acarya of the +Pasupatas as well as an Acarya of the Saivas and Chou Ta-kuan +seems to allude to the worshippers of Pasupati under the name of +Pa-ssu-wei. It would therefore appear that the Pasupatas existed +in Camboja as a distinct sect and there are some indications[279] that +ideas which prevailed among the Lingayats also found their way +thither. + +The most interesting and original aspect of Cambojan religion is its +connection with the state and the worship of deities somehow +identified with the king or with prominent personages.[280] These +features are also found in Champa and Java. In all these countries it +was usual that when a king founded a temple, the god worshipped in it +should be called by his name or by something like it. Thus when +Bhadravarman dedicated a temple to Siva, the god was styled +Bhadresvara. More than this, when a king or any distinguished person +died, he was commemorated by a statue which reproduced his features +but represented him with the attributes of his favourite god. Thus +Indravarman and Yasovarman dedicated at Bako and Lolei shrines in +which deceased members of the royal family were commemorated in the +form of images of Siva and Devi bearing names similar to their own. +Another form of apotheosis was to describe a king by a posthumous +title, indicating that he had gone to the heaven of his divine patron +such as Paramavishnuloka or Buddhaloka. The temple of Bayon was a +truly national fane, almost a Westminster abbey, in whose many shrines +all the gods and great men of the country were commemorated. The +French archaeologists recognize four classes of these shrines +dedicated respectively to (_a_) Indian deities, mostly special forms +of Siva, Devi and Vishnu; (_b_) Mahayanist Buddhas, especially Buddhas +of healing, who were regarded as the patron saints of various towns +and mountains; (_c_) similar local deities apparently of Cambojan +origin and perhaps corresponding to the God of the City worshipped in +every Chinese town; (_d_) deified kings and notables, who appear to +have been represented in two forms, the human and divine, bearing +slightly different names. Thus one inscription speaks of Sri +Mahendresvari who is the divine form (vrah rupa) of the lady Sri +Mahendralakshmi. + +The presiding deity of the Bayon was Siva, adored under the form of +the linga. The principal external ornaments of the building are forty +towers each surmounted by four heads. These were formerly thought to +represent Brahma but there is little doubt that they are meant for +lingas bearing four faces of Siva, since each head has three +eyes. Such lingas are occasionally seen in India[281] and many metal +cases bearing faces and made to be fitted on lingas have been +discovered in Champa. These four-headed columns are found on the gates +of Angkor Thom as well as in the Bayon and are singularly impressive. +The emblem adored in the central shrine of the Bayon was probably a +linga but its title was _Kamraten jagat ta raja_ or _Devaraja_, the +king-god. More explicitly still it is styled _Kamraten jagat ta +rajya_, the god who is the kingdom. It typified and contained the +royal essence present in the living king of Camboja and in all her +kings. Several inscriptions make it clear that not only dead but +living people could be represented by statue-portraits which +identified them with a deity, and in one very remarkable record a +general offers to the king the booty he has captured, asking him to +present it "to your subtle ego who is Isvara dwelling in a golden +linga."[282] Thus this subtle ego dwells in a linga, is identical with +Siva, and manifests itself in the successive kings of the royal +house. + +The practices described have some analogies in India. The custom of +describing the god of a temple by the name of the founder was known +there.[283] The veneration of ancestors is universal; there are some +mausolea (for instance at Ahar near Udeypore) and the notion that in +life the soul can reside elsewhere than in the body is an occasional +popular superstition. Still these ideas and practices are not +conspicuous features of Hinduism and the Cambojans had probably come +within the sphere of another influence. In all eastern Asia the +veneration of the dead is the fundamental and ubiquitous form of +religion and in China we find fully developed such ideas as that the +great should be buried in monumental tombs, that a spirit can be made +to reside in a tablet or image, and that the human soul is compound so +that portions of it can be in different places. These beliefs combined +with the Indian doctrine that the deity is manifested in +incarnations, in the human soul and in images afford a good +theoretical basis for the worship of the Devaraja. It was also +agreeable to far-eastern ideas that religion and the state should be +closely associated and the Cambojan kings would be glad to imitate the +glories of the Son of Heaven. But probably a simpler cause tended to +unite church and state in all these Hindu colonies. In mediaeval India +the Brahmans became so powerful that they could claim to represent +religion and civilization apart from the state. But in Camboja and +Champa Brahmanic religion and civilization were bound up with the +state. Both were attacked by and ultimately succumbed to the same +enemies. + +The Brahmanism of Camboja, as we know it from the inscriptions, was so +largely concerned with the worship of this "Royal God" that it might +almost be considered a department of the court. It seems to have been +thought essential to the dignity of a Sovereign who aspired to be more +than a local prince, that his Chaplain or preceptor should have a +pontifical position. A curious parallel to this is shown by those +mediaeval princes of eastern Europe who claimed for their chief bishops +the title of patriarch as a complement to their own imperial +pretensions. In its ultimate form the Cambojan hierarchy was the work +of Jayavarman II, who, it will be remembered, reestablished the +kingdom after an obscure but apparently disastrous interregnum. He +made the priesthood of the Royal God hereditary in the family of +Sivakaivalya and the sacerdotal dynasty thus founded enjoyed during +some centuries a power inferior only to that of the kings. + +In the inscriptions of Sdok Kak Thom[284] the history of this family +is traced from the reign of Jayavarman II to 1052. The beginning of +the story as related in both the Sanskrit and Khmer texts is +interesting but obscure. It is to the effect that Jayavarman, anxious +to assure his position as an Emperor (Cakravartin) independent of +Java,[285] summoned from Janapada a Brahman called Hiranyadama, +learned in magic (siddhividya), who arranged the rules (viddhi) for +the worship of the Royal God and taught the king's Chaplain, +Sivakaivalya, four treatises called Vrah Vinasikha, Nayottara, Sammoha +and Sirascheda. These works are not otherwise known.[286] The king +made a solemn compact that "only the members of his (Sivakaivalya's) +maternal[287] family, men and women, should be Yajakas (sacrificers or +officiants) to the exclusion of all others." The restriction refers no +doubt only to the cult of the Royal God and the office of court +chaplain, called Purohita, Guru or Hotri, of whom there were at least +two. + +The outline of this narrative, that a learned Brahman was imported and +charged with the instruction of the royal chaplain, is simple and +probable but the details are perplexing. The Sanskrit treatises +mentioned are unknown and the names singular. Janapada as the name of +a definite locality is also strange,[288] but it is conceivable that +the word may have been used in Khmer as a designation of India or a +part of it. + +The inscription goes on to relate the gratifying history of the +priestly family, the grants of land made to them, the honours they +received. We gather that it was usual for an estate to be given to a +priest with the right to claim forced labour from the population. He +then proceeded to erect a town or village embellished with temples and +tanks. The hold of Brahmanism on the country probably depended more on +such priestly towns than on the convictions of the people. The +inscriptions often speak of religious establishments being restored +and sometimes say that they had become deserted and overgrown. We may +conclude that if the Brahman lords of a village ceased for any reason +to give it their attention, the labour and contributions requisite for +the upkeep of the temples were not forthcoming and the jungle was +allowed to grow over the buildings. + +Numerous inscriptions testify to the grandeur of the Sivakaivalya +family. The monotonous lists of their properties and slaves, of the +statues erected in their honour and the number of parasols borne +before them show that their position was almost regal, even when the +king was a Buddhist. They prudently refrained from attempting to +occupy the throne, but probably no king could succeed unless +consecrated by them. Sadasiva, Sankarapandita and Divakarapandita +formed an ecclesiastical dynasty from about 1000 to 1100 A.D. parallel +to the long reigns of the kings in the same period.[289] The +last-named mentions in an inscription that he had consecrated three +kings and Sankarapandita, a man of great learning, was _de facto_ +sovereign during the minority of his pupil Udayadityavarman nor did he +lose his influence when the young king attained his majority. + +The shrine of the Royal God was first near Mt. Mahendra and was then +moved to Hariharalaya.[290] Its location was definitely fixed in the +reign of Indravarman, about 877 A.D. Two Sivakaivalya Brahmans, +Sivasoma and his pupil Vamasiva, chaplain of the king, built a +temple called the Sivasrama and erected a linga therein. It is +agreed that this building is the Bayon, which formed the centre of the +later city of Angkor. Indravarman also illustrated another +characteristic of the court religion by placing in the temple now +called Prah Kou three statues of Siva with the features of his +father, grandfather and Jayavarman II together with corresponding +statues of Sakti in the likeness of their wives. The next king, +Yasovarman, who founded the town of Angkor round the Bayon, built +near his palace another linga temple, now known as Ba-puon. He also +erected two convents, one Brahmanic and one Buddhist. An +inscription[291] gives several interesting particulars respecting the +former. It fixes the provisions to be supplied to priests and students +and the honours to be rendered to distinguished visitors. The right of +sanctuary is accorded and the sick and helpless are to receive food +and medicine. Also funeral rites are to be celebrated within its +precincts for the repose of the friendless and those who have died in +war. The royal residence was moved from Angkor in 928, but about +twenty years later the court returned thither and the inscriptions +record that the Royal God accompanied it. + +The cultus was probably similar to what may be seen in the Sivaite +temples of India to-day. The principal lingam was placed in a shrine +approached through other chambers and accessible only to privileged +persons. Libations were poured over the emblem and sacred books were +recited. An interesting inscription[292] of about 600 A.D. relates how +Srisomasarman (probably a Brahman) presented to a temple "the +Ramayana, the Purana and complete Bharata" and made arrangements +for their recitation. Sanskrit literature was held in esteem. We are +told that Suryavarman I was versed in the Atharva-Veda and also in the +Bhashya, Kavyas, the six Darsanas, and the Dharmasastras.[293] +Sacrifices are also frequently mentioned and one inscription records +the performance of a Kotihoma.[294] The old Vedic ritual remained +to some extent in practice, for no circumstances are more favourable +to its survival than a wealthy court dominated by a powerful +hierarchy. Such ceremonies were probably performed in the ample +enclosures surrounding the temples.[295] + +4 + + +Mahayanist Buddhism existed in Camboja during the whole of the period +covered by the inscriptions, but it remained in such close alliance +with Brahmanism that it is hard to say whether it should be regarded +as a separate religion. The idea that the two systems were +incompatible obviously never occurred to the writers of the +inscriptions and Buddhism was not regarded as more distinct from +Sivaism and Vishnuism than these from one another. It had +nevertheless many fervent and generous, if not exclusive, admirers. +The earliest record of its existence is a short inscription dating +from the end of the sixth or beginning of the seventh century,[296] +which relates how a person called Pon Prajna Candra dedicated male and +female slaves to the three Bodhisattvas, Sasta,[297] Maitreya and +Avalokitesvara. The title given to the Bodhisattvas (Vrah +Kamrataan) which is also borne by Indian deities shows that this +Buddhism was not very different from the Brahmanic cult of Camboja. + +It is interesting to find that Yasovarman founded in Angkor Thom a +Saugatasrama or Buddhist monastery parallel to his Brahmanasrama +already described. Its inmates enjoyed the same privileges and had +nearly the same rules and duties, being bound to afford sanctuary, +maintain the destitute and perform funeral masses. It is laid down +that an Acarya versed in Buddhist lore corresponds in rank to the +Acaryas of the Saivas and Pasupatas and that in both institutions +greater honour is to be shown to such Acaryas as also are learned in +grammar. A Buddhist Acarya ought to be honoured a little less than a +learned Brahman. Even in form the inscriptions recording the +foundation of the two Asramas show a remarkable parallelism. Both +begin with two stanzas addressed to Siva: then the Buddhist +inscription inserts a stanza in honour of the Buddha who delivers from +transmigration and gives nirvana, and then the two texts are identical +for several stanzas.[298] + +Mahayanism appears to have flourished here especially from the tenth +to the thirteenth centuries and throughout the greater part of this +period we find the same feature that its principal devotees were not +the kings but their ministers. Suryavarman I (A.D. 1049) and +Jayavarman VII (A.D. 1221) in some sense deserved the name of +Buddhists since the posthumous title of the former was Nirvanapada and +the latter left a long inscription[299] beginning with a definitely +Buddhist invocation. Yet an inscription of Suryavarman which states in +its second verse that only the word of the Buddha is true, opens by +singing the praises of Siva, and Jayavarman certainly did not neglect +the Brahmanic gods. But for about a hundred years there was a series +of great ministers who specially encouraged Buddhism. Such were +Satyavarman (_c._ 900 A.D.), who was charged with the erection of the +building in Angkor known as Phimeanakas; Kavindrarimathana, minister +under Rajendravarman II and Jayavarman V, who erected many Buddhist +statues and Kirtipandita, minister of Jayavarman V. Kirtipandita was +the author[300] of the inscription found at Srey Santhor, which +states that thanks to his efforts the pure doctrine of the Buddha +reappeared like the moon from behind the clouds or the sun at dawn. + +It may be easily imagined that the power enjoyed by the court chaplain +would dispose the intelligent classes to revolt against this hierarchy +and to favour liberty and variety in religion, so far as was safe. +Possibly the kings, while co-operating with a priesthood which +recognized them as semi-divine, were glad enough to let other +religious elements form some sort of counterpoise to a priestly family +which threatened to be omnipotent. Though the identification of +Sivaism and Buddhism became so complete that we actually find a +Trinity composed of Padmodbhava (Brahma), Ambhojanetra (Vishnu) and +the Buddha,[301] the inscriptions of the Buddhist ministers are marked +by a certain diplomacy and self-congratulation on the success of their +efforts, as if they felt that their position was meritorious, yet +delicate. + +Thus in an inscription, the object of which seems to be to record the +erection of a statue of Prajna-paramita by Kavindrarimathana we are +told that the king charged him with the embellishment of +Yasodharapura because "though an eminent Buddhist" his loyalty was +above suspicion.[302] The same minister erected three towers at Bat +Cum with inscriptions[303] which record the dedication of a +tank. The first invokes the Buddha, Vajrapani[304] and Lokesvara. +In the others Lokesvara is replaced by Prajna-paramita who here, as +elsewhere, is treated as a goddess or Sakti and referred to as Devi +in another stanza.[305] The three inscriptions commemorate the +construction of a sacred tank but, though the author was a +Buddhist, he expressly restricts the use of it to Brahmanic +functionaries. + +The inscription of Srey Santhor[306] (_c_. 975 A.D.) describes the +successful efforts of Kirtipandita to restore Buddhism and +gives the instructions of the king (Jayavarman V) as to its status. +The royal chaplain is by no means to abandon the worship of Siva +but he is to be well versed in Buddhist learning and on feast days he +will bathe the statue of the Buddha with due ceremony. + +A point of interest in this inscription is the statement that +Kirtipandita introduced Buddhist books from abroad, including +the Sastra Madhyavibhaga and the commentary on the Tattvasangraha. +The first of these is probably the Madhyantavibhaga sastra[307] by +Vasubandhu and the authorship is worth attention as supporting +Taranatha's statement that the disciples of Vasubandhu introduced +Buddhism into Indo-China. + +In the time of Jayavarman VII (_c_. 1185 A.D.), although Hindu +mythology is not discarded and though the king's chaplain (presumably +a Sivaite) receives every honour, yet Mahayanist Buddhism seems to +be frankly professed as the royal religion. It is noteworthy that +about the same time it becomes more prominent in Java and Champa. +Probably the flourishing condition of the faith in Ceylon and Burma +increased the prestige of all forms of Buddhism throughout +south-eastern Asia. A long inscription of Jayavarman in 145 stanzas +has been preserved in the temple of Ta Prohm near Angkor. It opens +with an invocation to the Buddha, in which are mentioned the three +bodies, Lokesvara,[308] and the Mother of the Jinas, by whom +Prajna-paramita must be meant. Siva is not invoked but allusion is +made to many Brahmanic deities and Bhikkhus and Brahmans are mentioned +together. The inscription contains a curious list of the materials +supplied daily for the temple services and of the personnel. Ample +provision is made for both, but it is not clear how far a purely +Buddhist ritual is contemplated and it seems probable that an +extensive Brahmanic cultus existed side by side with the Buddhist +ceremonial. We learn that there were clothes for the deities and +forty-five mosquito nets of Chinese material to protect their statues. +The Uposatha days seem to be alluded to[309] and the spring festival +is described, when "Bhagavat and Bhagavati" are to be escorted in +solemn procession with parasols, music, banners and dancing girls. The +whole staff, including Burmese and Chams (probably slaves), is put +down at the enormous figure of 79,365, which perhaps includes all the +neighbouring inhabitants who could be called on to render any service +to the temple. The more sacerdotal part of the establishment consisted +of 18 principal priests (adhikarinah), 2740 priests and 2232 +assistants, including 615 dancing girls. But even these figures seem +very large.[310] + +The inscription comes to a gratifying conclusion by announcing that +there are 102 hospitals in the kingdom.[311] These institutions, which +are alluded to in other inscriptions, were probably not all founded by +Jayavarman VII and he seems to treat them as being, like temples, a +natural part of a well-ordered state. But he evidently expended much +care and money on them and in the present inscription he makes over +the fruit of these good deeds to his mother. The most detailed +description of these hospitals occurs in another of his inscriptions +found at Say-fong in Laos. It is, like the one just cited, definitely +Buddhist and it is permissible to suppose that Buddhism took a more +active part than Brahmanism in such works of charity. It opens with an +invocation first to the Buddha who in his three bodies transcends the +distinction between existence and non-existence, and then to the +healing Buddha and the two Bodhisattvas who drive away darkness and +disease. These divinities, who are the lords of a heaven in the east, +analogous to the paradise of Amitabha, are still worshipped in China +and Japan and were evidently gods of light.[312] The hospital erected +under their auspices by the Cambojan king was open to all the four +castes and had a staff of 98 persons, besides an astrologer and two +sacrificers (yajaka). + +5 + + +These inscriptions of Jayavarman are the last which tell us anything +about the religion of mediaeval Camboja but we have a somewhat later +account from the pen of Chou Ta-kuan, a Chinese who visited Angkor in +1296.[313] He describes the temple in the centre of the city, which +must be the Bayon, and says that it had a tower of gold and that the +eastern (or principal) entrance was approached by a golden bridge +flanked by two lions and eight statues, all of the same metal. The +chapter of his work entitled "The Three Religions," runs as follows, +slightly abridged from M. Pelliot's version. + +"The literati are called Pan-ch'i, the bonzes Ch'u-ku and the Taoists +Pa-ssu-wei. I do not know whom the Pan-ch'i worship. They have no +schools and it is difficult to say what books they read. They dress +like other people except that they wear a white thread round their +necks, which is their distinctive mark. They attain to very high +positions. The Ch'u-ku shave their heads and wear yellow clothes. They +uncover the right shoulder, but the lower part of their body is draped +with a skirt of yellow cloth and they go bare foot. Their temples are +sometimes roofed with tiles. Inside there is only one image, exactly +like the Buddha Sakya, which they call Po-lai (=Prah), ornamented +with vermilion and blue, and clothed in red. The Buddhas of the towers +(? images in the towers of the temples) are different and cast in +bronze. There are no bells, drums, cymbals, or flags in their temples. +They eat only one meal a day, prepared by someone who entertains them, +for they do not cook in their temples. They eat fish and meat and also +use them in their offerings to Buddha, but they do not drink wine. +They recite numerous texts written on strips of palm-leaf. Some bonzes +have a right to have the shafts of their palanquins and the handles of +their parasols in gold or silver. The prince consults them on serious +matters. There are no Buddhist nuns. + +"The Pa-ssu-wei dress like everyone else, except that they wear on +their heads a piece of red or white stuff like the Ku-ku worn by +Tartar women but lower. Their temples are smaller than those of the +Buddhists, for Taoism is less prosperous than Buddhism. They worship +nothing but a block of stone, somewhat like the stone on the altar of +the God of the Sun in China. I do not know what god they adore. There +are also Taoist nuns. The Pa-ssu-wei do not partake of the food of +other people or eat in public. They do not drink wine. + +"Such children of the laity as go to school frequent the bonzes, who +give them instruction. When grown up they return to a lay life. + +"I have not been able to make an exhaustive investigation." + +Elsewhere he says "All worship the Buddha" and he describes some +popular festivals which resemble those now celebrated in Siam. In +every village there was a temple or a Stupa. He also mentions that in +eating they use leaves as spoons and adds "It is the same in their +sacrifices to the spirits and to Buddha." + +Chou Ta-kuan confesses that his account is superficial and he was +perhaps influenced by the idea that it was natural there should be +three religions in Camboja, as in China. Buddhists were found in both +countries: Pan-ch'i no doubt represents Pandita and he saw an +analogy between the Brahmans of the Cambojan Court and Confucian +mandarins: a third and less known sect he identified with the Taoists. +The most important point in his description is the prominence given to +the Buddhists. His account of their temples, of the dress and life of +their monks[314] leaves no doubt that he is describing Hinayanist +Buddhism such as still nourishes in Camboja. It probably found its way +from Siam, with which Camboja had already close, but not always +peaceful, relations. Probably the name by which the bonzes are +designated is Siamese.[315] With Chou Ta-kuan's statements may be +compared the inscription of the Siamese King Rama Khomheng[316] which +dwells on the nourishing condition of Pali Buddhism in Siam about 1300 +A.D. The contrast indicated by Chou Ta-kuan is significant. The +Brahmans held high office but had no schools. Those of the laity +who desired education spent some portion of their youth in a Buddhist +monastery (as they still do) and then returned to the world. Such a +state of things naturally resulted in the diffusion of Buddhism among +the people, while the Brahmans dwindled to a Court hierarchy. When +Chou Ta-kuan says that all the Cambojans adored Buddha, he probably +makes a mistake, as he does in saying that the sculptures above the +gates of Angkor are heads of Buddha. But the general impression which +he evidently received that everyone frequented Buddhist temples and +monasteries speaks for itself. His statement about sacrifices to +Buddha is remarkable and, since the inscriptions of Jayavarman VII +speak of sacrificers, it cannot be rejected as a mere mistake. But if +Hinayanist Buddhism countenanced such practices in an age of +transition, it did not adopt them permanently for, so far as I have +seen, no offerings are made to-day in Cambojan temples, except flowers +and sticks of incense. + +The Pa-ssu-wei have given rise to many conjectures and have been +identified with the Basaih or sacerdotal class of the Chams. But there +seems to be little doubt that the word really represents Pasupata +and Chou Ta-kuan's account clearly points to a sect of linga +worshippers, although no information is forthcoming about the "stone +on the altar of the Sun God in China" to which he compares their +emblem. His idea that they represented the Taoists in Camboja may have +led him to exaggerate their importance but his statement that they +were a separate body is confirmed, for an inscription of Angkor[317] +defines the order of hierarchical precedence as "the Brahman, the +Saiva Acarya, the Pasupata Acarya."[318] + +From the time of Chou Ta-kuan to the present day I have found few +notices about the religion of Camboja. Hinayanist Buddhism became +supreme and though we have few details of the conquest we can hardly +go wrong in tracing its general lines. Brahmanism was exclusive and +tyrannical. It made no appeal to the masses but a severe levy of +forced labour must have been necessary to erect and maintain the +numerous great shrines which, though in ruins, are still the glory of +Camboja.[319] In many of them are seen the remains of inscriptions +which have been deliberately erased. These probably prescribed certain +onerous services which the proletariat was bound to render to the +established church. When Siamese Buddhism invaded Camboja it had a +double advantage. It was the creed of an aggressive and successful +neighbour but, while thus armed with the weapons of this world, it +also appealed to the poor and oppressed. If it enjoyed the favour of +princes, it had no desire to defend the rights of a privileged caste: +it offered salvation and education to the average townsman and +villager. If it invited the support and alms of the laity, it was at +least modest in its demands. Brahmanism on the other hand lost +strength as the prestige of the court declined. Its greatest shrines +were in the provinces most exposed to Siamese attacks. The first +Portuguese writers speak of them as already deserted at the end of the +sixteenth century. The connection with India was not kept up and if +any immigrants came from the west, after the twelfth century they are +more likely to have been Moslims than Hindus. Thus driven from its +temples, with no roots among the people, whose affections it had never +tried to win, Brahmanism in Camboja became what it now is, a court +ritual without a creed and hardly noticed except at royal functions. + +It is remarkable that Mohammedanism remained almost unknown to +Camboja, Siam and Burma. The tide of Moslim invasion swept across the +Malay Peninsula southwards. Its effect was strongest in Sumatra and +Java, feebler on the coasts of Borneo and the Philippines. From the +islands it reached Champa, where it had some success, but Siam and +Camboja lay on one side of its main route, and also showed no +sympathy for it. King Rama Thuppdey Chan[320] who reigned in +Camboja from 1642-1659 became a Mohammedan and surrounded himself with +Malays and Javanese. But he alienated the affections of his subjects +and was deposed by the intervention of Annam. After this we hear no +more of Mohammedanism. An unusual incident, which must be counted +among the few cases in which Buddhism has encouraged violence, is +recorded in the year 1730, when a Laotian who claimed to be inspired, +collected a band of fanatics and proceeded to massacre in the name of +Buddha all the Annamites resident in Camboja. This seems to show that +Buddhism was regarded as the religion of the country and could be used +as a national cry against strangers. + +As already mentioned Brahmanism still survives in the court ceremonial +though this by no means prevents the king from being a devout +Buddhist. The priests are known as Bakus. They wear a top-knot and the +sacred thread after the Indian fashion, and enjoy certain privileges. +Within the precincts of the palace at Phnom Penh is a modest building +where they still guard the sword of Indra. About two inches of the +blade are shown to visitors, but except at certain festivals it is +never taken out of its sheath. + +The official programme of the coronation of King Sisowath (April +23-28, 1906), published in French and Cambojan, gives a curious +account of the ceremonies performed, which were mainly Brahmanic, +although prayers were recited by the Bonzes and offerings made to +Buddha. Four special Brahmanic shrines were erected and the essential +part of the rite consisted in a lustral bath, in which the Bakus +poured water over the king. Invocations were addressed to beings +described as "Anges qui etes au paradis des six sejours celestes, qui +habitez aupres d'Indra, de Brahma et de l'archange Sahabodey," to the +spirits of mountains, valleys and rivers and to the spirits who guard +the palace. When the king has been duly bathed the programme +prescribes that "le Directeur des Bakous remettra la couronne a M. le +Gouverneur General qui la portera sur la tete de Sa Majeste au nom du +Gouvernement de la Republique Francaise." Equally curious is the +"Programme des fetes royales a l'occasion de la cremation de S.M. +Norodom" (January 2-16, 1906). The lengthy ceremonial consisted of a +strange mixture of prayers, sermons, pageants and amusements. The +definitely religious exercises were Buddhist and the amusements which +accompanied them, though according to our notions curiously out of +place, clearly correspond to the funeral games of antiquity. Thus we +read not only of "offrande d'un repas aux urnes royales" but of +"illuminations generales ... lancement de ballons ... luttes et +assauts de boxe et de l'escrime ... danses et soiree de gala.... Apres +la cremation, Sa Majeste distribuera des billets de tombola." + +The ordinary Buddhism of Camboja at the present day resembles that of +Siam and is not mixed with Brahmanic observances. Monasteries are +numerous: the monks enjoy general respect and their conduct is said to +be beyond reproach. They act as schoolmasters and, as in Siam and +Burma, all young men spend some time in a monastery. A monastery +generally contains from thirty to fifty monks and consists of a number +of wooden houses raised on piles and arranged round a square. Each +monk has a room and often a house to himself. Besides the dwelling +houses there are also stores and two halls called Sala and Vihear +(vihara). In both the Buddha is represented by a single gigantic +sitting image, before which are set flowers and incense. As a rule +there are no other images but the walls are often ornamented with +frescoes of Jataka stories or the early life of Gotama. Meals are +taken in the Sala at about 7 and 11 a.m.,[321] and prayers are recited +there on ordinary days in the morning and evening. The eleven o'clock +meal is followed by a rather long grace. The prayers consist mostly of +Pali formulae, such as the Three Refuges, but they are sometimes in +Cambojan and contain definite petitions or at least wishes formulated +before the image of the Buddha. Thus I have heard prayers for peace +and against war. The more solemn ceremonies, such as the Uposatha and +ordinations, are performed in the Vihear. The recitation of the +Patimokkha is regularly performed and I have several times witnessed +it. All but ordained monks have to withdraw outside the Sima stones +during the service. The ceremony begins about 6 p.m.: the Bhikkhus +kneel down in pairs face to face and rubbing their foreheads in the +dust ask for mutual forgiveness if they have inadvertently offended. +This ceremony is also performed on other occasions. It is followed +by singing or intoning lauds, after which comes the recitation of the +Patimokkha itself which is marked by great solemnity. The reader sits +in a large chair on the arms of which are fixed many lighted tapers. +He repeats the text by heart but near him sits a prompter with a +palm-leaf manuscript who, if necessary, corrects the words recited. I +have never seen a monk confess in public, and I believe that the usual +practice is for sinful brethren to abstain from attending the ceremony +and then to confess privately to the Abbot, who assigns them a +penance. As soon as the Patimokkha is concluded all the Bhikkhus smoke +large cigarettes. In most Buddhist countries it is not considered +irreverent to smoke,[322] chew betel or drink tea in the intervals of +religious exercises. When the cigarettes are finished there follows a +service of prayer and praise in Cambojan. During the season of Wassa +there are usually several Bhikkhus in each monastery who practise +meditation for three or four days consecutively in tents or enclosures +made of yellow cloth, open above but closed all round. The four stages +of meditation described in the Pitakas are said to be commonly +attained by devout monks.[323] + +The Abbot has considerable authority in disciplinary matters. He eats +apart from the other monks and at religious ceremonies wears a sort of +red cope, whereas the dress of the other brethren is entirely yellow. +Novices prostrate themselves when they speak to him. + +Above the Abbots are Provincial Superiors and the government of the +whole Church is in the hands of the Somdec prah sanghrac. There is, +or was, also a second prelate called Lok prah sokon, or Brah +Sugandha, and the two, somewhat after the manner of the two primates +of the English Church, supervise the clergy in different parts of the +kingdom, the second being inferior to the first in rank, but not +dependent on him. But it is said that no successor has been appointed +to the last Brah Sugandha who died in 1894. He was a distinguished +scholar and introduced the Dhammayut sect from Siam into Camboja. +The king is recognized as head of the Church, but cannot alter its +doctrine or confiscate ecclesiastical property. + +6 + + +No account of Cambojan religion would be complete without some +reference to the splendid monuments in which it found expression and +which still remain in a great measure intact. The colonists who +established themselves in these regions brought with them the +Dravidian taste for great buildings, but either their travels enlarged +their artistic powers or they modified the Indian style by +assimilating successfully some architectural features found in their +new home. What pre-Indian architecture there may have been among the +Khmers we do not know, but the fact that the earliest known monuments +are Hindu makes it improbable that stone buildings on a large scale +existed before their arrival. The feature which most clearly +distinguishes Cambojan from Indian architecture is its pyramidal +structure. India has stupas and gopurams of pyramidal appearance but +still Hindu temples of the normal type, both in the north and south, +consist of a number of buildings erected on the same level. In Camboja +on the contrary many buildings, such as Ta-Keo, Ba-phuong and the +Phimeanakas, are shrines on the top of pyramids, which consist of +three storeys or large steps, ascended by flights of relatively small +steps. In other buildings, notably Angkor Wat, the pyramidal form is +obscured by the slight elevation of the storeys compared with their +breadth and by the elaboration of the colonnades and other edifices, +which they bear. But still the general plan is that of a series of +courts each rising within and above the last and this gradual rise, by +which the pilgrim is led, not only through colonnade after colonnade, +but up flight after flight of stairs, each leading to something higher +but invisible from the base, imparts to Cambojan temples a sublimity +and aspiring grandeur which is absent from the mysterious halls of +Dravidian shrines. + +One might almost suppose that the Cambojan architects had deliberately +set themselves to rectify the chief faults of Indian architecture. One +of these is the profusion of external ornament in high relief which by +its very multiplicity ceases to produce any effect proportionate to +its elaboration, with the result that the general view is +disappointing and majestic outlines are wanting. In Cambojan buildings +on the contrary the general effect is not sacrificed to detail: the +artists knew how to make air and space give dignity to their work. +Another peculiar defect of many Dravidian buildings is that they were +gradually erected round some ancient and originally humble shrine with +the unfortunate result that the outermost courts and gateways are the +most magnificent and that progress to the holy of holies is a series +of artistic disappointments. But at Angkor Wat this fault is carefully +avoided. The long paved road which starts from the first gateway +isolates the great central mass of buildings without dwarfing it and +even in the last court, when one looks up the vast staircases leading +to the five towers which crown the pyramid, all that has led up to the +central shrine seems, as it should, merely an introduction. + +The solidity of Cambojan architecture is connected with the prevalence of +inundations. With such dangers it was of primary importance to have a +massive substructure which could not be washed away and the style which +was necessary in building a firm stone platform inspired the rest of the +work. Some unfinished temples reveal the interesting fact that they were +erected first as piles of plain masonry. Then came the decorator and +carved the stones as they stood in their places, so that instead of +carving separate blocks he was able to contemplate his design as a whole +and to spread it over many stones. Hence most Cambojan buildings have a +peculiar air of unity. They have not had ornaments affixed to them but +have grown into an ornamental whole. Yet if an unfavourable criticism is +to be made on these edifices--especially Angkor Wat--it is that the +sculptures are wanting in meaning and importance. They cannot be compared +to the reliefs of Boroboedoer, a veritable catechism in stone where every +clause teaches the believer something new, or even to the piles of +figures in Dravidian temples which, though of small artistic merit, seem +to represent the whirl of the world with all its men and monsters, +struggling from life into death and back to life again. The reliefs in +the great corridors of Angkor are purely decorative. The artist justly +felt that so long a stretch of plain stone would be wearisome, and as +decoration, his work is successful. Looking outwards the eye is +satisfied with such variety as the trees and houses in the temple courts +afford: looking inwards it finds similar variety in the warriors and +deities portrayed on the walls. Some of the scenes have an historical +interest, but the attempt to follow the battles of the Ramayana or the +Churning of the Sea soon becomes a tedious task, for there is little +individuality or inspiration in the figures. + +This want of any obvious correspondence between the decoration and +cult of the Cambojan temples often makes it difficult to say to what +deities they were dedicated. The Bayon, or Sivasrama, was +presumably a linga temple, yet the conjecture is not confirmed as one +would expect by any indubitable evidence in the decoration or +arrangements. In its general plan the building seems more Indian than +others and, like the temple of Jagannatha at Puri, consists of three +successive chambers, each surmounted by a tower. The most remarkable +feature in the decoration is the repetition of the four-headed figure +at the top of every tower, a striking and effective motive, which is +also found above the gates of the town. Chou Ta-kuan says that there +were golden statues of Buddhas at the entrance to the Bayon. It is +impossible to say whether this statement is accurate or not. He may +have simply made a mistake, but it is equally possible that the fusion +of the two creeds may have ended in images of the Buddha being placed +outside the shrine of the linga. + +Strange as it may seem, there is no clear evidence as to the character +of the worship performed in Camboja's greatest temple, Angkor Wat. +Since the prince who commenced it was known by the posthumous title of +Paramavishnuloka, we may presume that he intended to dedicate it to +Vishnu and some of the sculptures appear to represent Vishnu +slaying a demon. But it was not finished until after his death and his +intentions may not have been respected by his successors. An +authoritative statement[324] warns us that it is not safe to say more +about the date of Angkor Wat than that its extreme limits are 1050 and +1170. Jayavarman VII (who came to the throne at about this latter +date) was a Buddhist, and may possibly have used the great temple for +his own worship. The sculptures are hardly Brahmanic in the +theological sense, and those which represent the pleasures of paradise +and the pains of hell recall Buddhist delineations of the same +theme.[325] The four images of the Buddha which are now found in the +central tower are modern and all who have seen them will, I think, +agree that the figure of the great teacher which seems so appropriate +in the neighbouring monasteries is strangely out of place in this +aerial shrine. But what the designer of the building intended to place +there remains a mystery. Perhaps an empty throne such as is seen in +the temples of Annam and Bali would have been the best symbol.[326] + +Though the monuments of Camboja are well preserved the grey and +massive severity which marks them at present is probably very +different from the appearance that they wore when used for worship. +From Chou Ta-kuan and other sources[327] we gather that the towers and +porches were gilded, the bas-reliefs and perhaps the whole surface of +the walls were painted, and the building was ornamented with flags. +Music and dances were performed in the courtyards and, as in many +Indian temples, the intention was to create a scene which by its +animation and brilliancy might amuse the deity and rival the pleasures +of paradise. + +It is remarkable that ancient Camboja which has left us so many +monuments, produced no books.[328] Though the inscriptions and Chou +Ta-kuan testify to the knowledge of literature (especially religious), +both Brahmanic and Buddhist, diffused among the upper classes, no +original works or even adaptations of Indian originals have come down +to us. The length and ambitious character of many inscriptions +give an idea of what the Cambojans could do in the way of writing, but +the result is disappointing. These poems in stone show a knowledge of +Sanskrit, of Indian poetry and theology, which is surprising if we +consider how far from India they were composed, but they are almost +without exception artificial, frigid and devoid of vigour or +inspiration. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 242: See among other authorities: + +(_a_) E. Aymonier, _Le Cambodge_, Paris, 3 vols. 1900, 1904 (cited as +Aymonier). + +(_b_) A. Barth, _Inscriptions Sanscrites du Cambodge (Notices et +extraits des MSS. de la Bibliot. Nat._), Paris, 1885 (cited as +_Corpus_, I.). + +(_c_) A. Bergaigne, _Inscriptions Sanscrites de Campa et du Cambodge_ +(in same series), 1893 (cited as _Corpus_, II.). + +(_d_) L. Finot, "Buddhism in Indo-China," _Buddhist Review_, Oct. +1909. + +(_e_) G. Maspero, _L'Empire Khmer, Phnom Penh_, 1904 (cited as +Maspero). + +(_f_) P. Pelliot, "Memoires sur les Coutumes de Cambodge par Tcheou +Ta-kouan, traduits et annotes," _B.E.F.E.O._ 1902, pp. 123-177 (cited +as Pelliot, _Tcheou Ta-kouan_). + +(_g_) _Id._ "Le Founan," _B.E.F.E.O._ 1903, pp. 248-303 (cited as +Pelliot, _Founan_). + +(_h_) Articles on various inscriptions by G. Coedes in _J.A._ 1908, +XI. p. 203, XII. p. 213; 1909, XIII. p. 467 and p. 511. + +(_i_) _Bulletin de la Commission Archeologique de l'Indochine_, 1908 +onwards. + +(_j_) _Le Bayon d'Angkor Thom, Mission Henri Dufour_, 1910-1914. +Besides the articles cited above the _Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise +d'Extreme Orient_ (quoted as _B.E.F.E.O._) contains many others +dealing with the religion and archaeology of Camboja. + +(_k_) L. Finot, _Notes d'Epigraphie Indo-Chinoise_, 1916. See for +literature up to 1909, G. Coedes, _Bibliotheque raisonnee des travaux +relatifs a l'Archeologie du Cambodge et du Champa_. Paris, Imprimerie +Nationale, 1909.] + +[Footnote 243: See especially P.W. Schmitt, _Die Mon-Khmer Volker. Ein +Bindeglied zwischen Volkern Zentral-Asiens und Austronesiens_. +Braunschweig, 1906.] + +[Footnote 244: Cambodge is the accepted French spelling of this +country's name. In English Kamboja, Kambodia, Camboja and Cambodia are +all found. The last is the most usual but _di_ is not a good way of +representing the sound of _j_ as usually heard in this name. I have +therefore preferred Camboja.] + +[Footnote 245: See the inscription of Bakse, Camkron, +_J.A._ XIII. 1909, pp. 468, 469, 497.] + +[Footnote 246: The Sui annals (Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 272) state that +"Chen-la lies to the west of Lin-yi: it was originally a vassal state +of Fu-nan.... The name of the king's family was Kshatriya: his +personal name was Citrasena: his ancestors progressively acquired the +sovereignty of the country: Citrasena seized Fu-nan and reduced it to +submission." This seems perfectly clear and we know from Cambojan +inscriptions that Citrasena was the personal name of the king who +reigned as Mahendravarman, _c_. 600 A.D. But it would appear from the +inscriptions that it was his predecessor Bhavavarman who made whatever +change occurred in the relations of Camboja to Fu-nan and in any case +it is not clear who were the inhabitants of Fu-nan if not Cambojans. +Perhaps Maspero is right in suggesting that Fu-nan was something like +imperial Germany (p. 25), "Si le roi de Baviere s'emparait de la +couronne imperiale, rien ne serait change en Allemagne que la famille +regnante."] + +[Footnote 247: It is remarkable that the Baudhayana-dharma-sutra +enumerates going to sea among the customs peculiar to the North (I. 1, +2, 4) and then (II. 1, 2, 2) classes making voyages by sea as the +first of the offences which cause loss of caste. This seems to +indicate that the emigrants from India came mainly from the North, but +it would be rash to conclude that in times of stress or enthusiasm the +Southerners did not follow their practice. A passage in the second +chapter of the Kautiliya Arthasastra has been interpreted as +referring to the despatch of colonists to foreign countries, but it +probably contemplates nothing more than the transfer of population +from one part of India to another. See Finot, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1912, No. +8. But the passage at any rate shows that the idea of the King being +able to transport a considerable mass of population was familiar in +ancient India. Jataka 466 contains a curious story of a village of +carpenters who being unsuccessful in trade built a ship and emigrated +to an island in the ocean. It is clear that there must have been a +considerable seafaring population in India in early times for the Rig +Veda (II. 48, 3; I. 56, 2; I. 116, 3), the Mahabharata and the Jatakas +allude to the love of gain which sends merchants across the sea and to +shipwrecks. Sculptures at Salsette ascribed to about 150 A.D. +represent a shipwreck. Ships were depicted in the paintings of Ajanta +and also occur on the coins of the Andhra King Yajnasri (_c_. 200 +A.D.) and in the sculptures of Boroboedoer. The Digha Nikaya (XI. 85) +speaks of sea-going ships which when lost let loose a land sighting +bird. Much information is collected in Radhakumud Mookerji's _History +of Indian Shipping_, 1912.] + +[Footnote 248: Voyages are still regularly made in dhows between the +west coast of India and Zanzibar or Mombasa and the trade appears to +be old.] + +[Footnote 249: See Jataka 339 for the voyage to Baveru or Babylon. +Jatakas 360 and 442 mention voyages to Suvannabhumi or Lower +Burma from Bharukaccha and from Benares down the river. The Milinda +Panha (VI. 21) alludes to traffic with China by sea.] + +[Footnote 250: Ram. iv. 40, 30.] + +[Footnote 251: Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 254. The Western and Eastern Tsin +reigned from 265 to 419 A.D.] + +[Footnote 252: Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 254. Most of the references to +Chinese annals are taken from this valuable paper.] + +[Footnote 253: The inscription of Mi-son relates how Kaundinya +planted at Bharapura (? in Camboja) a javelin given to him by +Asvatthaman.] + +[Footnote 254: This is the modern reading of the characters in Peking, +but Julien's _Methode_ justifies the transcription Kau-di-nya.] + +[Footnote 255: See S. Levi in _Melanges Charles de Harlez_, p. 176. +Deux peuples meconnus. i. Les Murundas.] + +[Footnote 256: _Nanjio Catalogue_, p. 422.] + +[Footnote 257: I-Tsing, trans. Takakusu, p. 12.] + +[Footnote 258: _Corpus_, I. p. 65.] + +[Footnote 259: _Corpus_, I. pp. 84, 89, 90, and _Jour. Asiatique_, +1882, p. 152.] + +[Footnote 260: When visiting Badami, Pattadkal and Aihole in +1912 I noted the following resemblances between the temples of that +district and those of Camboja. (_a_) The chief figures are Harihara, +Vamana and Nrisimha. At Pattadkal, as at Angkor Wat, the +reliefs on the temple wall represent the Churning of the Sea and +scenes from the Ramayana. (_b_) Large blocks of stone were used for +building and after being put in their positions were carved _in situ_, +as is shown by unfinished work in places. (_c_) Medallions containing +faces are frequent. (_d_) The architectural scheme is not as in +Dravidian temples, that is to say larger outside and becoming smaller +as one proceeds towards the interior. There is generally a central +tower attached to a hall. (_e_) The temples are often raised on a +basement. (_f_) Mukhalingas and koshas are still used in worship. +(_g_) There are verandahs resembling those at Angkor Wat. They have +sloping stone roofs, sculptures in relief on the inside wall and a +series of windows in the outside wall. (_h_) The doors of the Linga +shrines have a serpentine ornamentation and are very like those of the +Bayon. (_i_) A native gentleman told me that he had seen temples with +five towers in this neighbourhood, but I have not seen them myself.] + +[Footnote 261: _E.g._ Mahendravarman, Narasinhavarman, +Paramesvaravarman, etc. It may be noticed that Pattadkal is +considerably to the N.W. of Madras and that the Pallavas are supposed +to have come from the northern part of the present Madras Presidency. +Though the Hindus who emigrated to Camboja probably embarked in the +neighbourhood of Madras, they may have come from countries much +further to the north. Varman is recognized as a proper termination of +Kshatriya names, but it is remarkable that it is found in _all_ the +Sanskrit names of Cambojan kings and is very common in Pallava names. +The name of Asvatthaman figures in the mythical genealogies of both +the Pallavas and the kings of Champa or perhaps of Camboja, see +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 923.] + +[Footnote 262: Some authorities think that Kaundinya is meant by the +wicked king, but he lived about 300 years before I-Ching's visit and +the language seems to refer to more recent events. Although +Bhavavarman is not known to have been a religious innovator he appears +to have established a new order of things in Camboja and his +inscriptions show that he was a zealous worshipper of Siva and +other Indian deities. It would be even more natural if I-Ching +referred to Isanavarman (c. 615) or Jayavarman I (c. 650), but +there is no proof that these kings were anti-buddhist.] + +[Footnote 263: Schiefner, p. 262.] + +[Footnote 264: See Maspero, _L'Empire Khmer_, pp. 24 ff.] + +[Footnote 265: Perhaps a second Bhavavarman came between these last +two kings; see Coedes in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p 691.] + +[Footnote 266: See Mecquenem in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1913, No. 2.] + +[Footnote 267: But the captivity is only an inference and not a +necessary one. Finot suggests that the ancient royal house of Fu-nan +may have resided at Java and have claimed suzerain rights over Camboja +which Jayavarman somehow abolished. The only clear statements on the +question are those in the Sdok Kak Thom inscription, Khmer text c. 72, +which tell us that Camboja had been dependent on Java and that +Jayavarman II instituted a special state cult as a sign that this +dependence had come to an end. + +It is true that the Hindu colonists of Camboja may have come from the +island of Java, yet no evidence supports the idea that Camboja was a +dependency of the island about 800 A.D. and the inscriptions of Champa +seem to distinguish clearly between Yavadvipa (the island) and the +unknown country called Java. See Finot, _Notes d'Epig._ pp. 48 and +240. Hence it seems unlikely that the barbarous pirates (called the +armies of Java) who invaded Champa in 787 (see the inscription of Yang +Tikuh) were from the island. The Siamese inscription of Rama Khomheng, +c. 1300 A.D., speaks of a place called Chava, which may be Luang +Prabang. On the other hand it does not seem likely that pirates, +expressly described as using ships, would have come from the +interior.] + +[Footnote 268: For these annals see F. Garnier, "La Chronique royale +du Cambodje," _J.A._ 1871 and 1872. A. de Villemereuil, _Explorations +et Missions de Doudard de Lagree_, 1882. J. Moura, _Le Royaume de +Cambodje_, vol. II. 1883. E. Aymonier, _Chronique des Anciens rois du +Cambodje. (Excursions et reconnaissances_. Saigon, 1881.)] + +[Footnote 269: _E.g._ Ang Chan (1796-1834) received his crown from the +King of Siam and paid tribute to the King of Annam; Ang Duong +(1846-1859) was crowned by representatives of Annam and Siam and his +territory was occupied by the troops of both countries.] + +[Footnote 270: The later history of Camboja is treated in considerable +detail by A. Leclerc, _Histoire de Cambodge_, 1914.] + +[Footnote 271: Inscrip. of Moroun, _Corpus_, II. 387.] + +[Footnote 272: Other local deities may be alluded to, under the names +of Sri Jayakshetra, "the field of victory" adored at Basset +Simadamataka, Sri Mandaresvara, and Sri Jalangesvara. Aymonier, II. p. +297; I. pp. 305, 306 and 327.] + +[Footnote 273: Inscrip. of Lovek.] + +[Footnote 274: Prea Eynkosey, 970 A.D. See _Corpus_, I. pp. 77 ff.] + +[Footnote 275: This compound deity is celebrated in the Harivamsa and +is represented in the sculptures of the rock temple at Badami, which +is dated 578 A.D. Thus his worship may easily have reached Camboja in +the sixth or seventh century.] + +[Footnote 276: Jayato jagatam bhutyai Kritasandhi Haracyutau, +Parvatisripatitvena Bhinnamurttidharavapi. See also the Inscrip. of +Ang Chumnik (667 A.D.), verses 11 and 12 in _Corpus_, I. p. 67.] + +[Footnote 277: The Bayang Inscription, _Corpus_, I. pp. 31 ff. which +mentions the dates 604 and 626 as recent.] + +[Footnote 278: _Corpus_, II. p. 422 Saivapasupatacaryyau. The +inscription fixes the relative rank of various Acaryas.] + +[Footnote 279: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1906, p. 70.] + +[Footnote 280: See specially on this subject, Coedes in _Bull. Comm. +Archeol. de l'Indochine_, 1911, p. 38, and 1913, p. 81, and the +letterpress of _Le Bayon d'Angkor Thorn_, 1914.] + +[Footnote 281: I have seen myself a stone lingam carved with four +faces in a tank belonging to a temple at Mahakut not far from +Badami.] + +[Footnote 282: Suvarnamayalingagatesvare te sukshmantaratmani. +Inscrip. of Prea Ngouk, _Corpus_, I. p. 157.] + +[Footnote 283: _E.g._ see _Epig. Indica_, vol. III. pp. 1 ff. At +Pattadkal (which region offers so many points of resemblance to +Camboja) King Vijayaditya founded a temple of Vijayesvara and two +Queens, Lokamahadevi and Trailokyamahadevi founded temples of +Lokesvara and Trailokyesvara.] + +[Footnote 284: Aymonier, II. pp. 257 ff. and especially Finot in +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1915, xv. 2, p. 53.] + +[Footnote 285: See above.] + +[Footnote 286: Sammohana and Niruttara are given as names of Tantras. +The former word may perhaps be the beginning of a compound. There are +Pali works called Sammohavinodini and S. vinasini. The inscription +calls the four treatises the four faces of Tumburn.] + +[Footnote 287: This shows that matriarchy must have been in force in +Camboja.] + +[Footnote 288: Janapada as the name of a locality is cited by +Bothlingck and Roth from the Gana to Panini, 4. 2. 82.] + +[Footnote 289: Possibly others may have held office during this long +period, but evidently all three priests lived to be very old men and +each may have been Guru for forty years.] + +[Footnote 290: This place which means merely "the abode of Hari and +Hara" has not been identified.] + +[Footnote 291: _Corpus_, II. Inscrip. lvi. especially pp. 248-251.] + +[Footnote 292: Veal Kantel. _Corpus_, I. p. 28.] + +[Footnote 293: Inscr. of Prah Khan, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 675.] + +[Footnote 294: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 677.] + +[Footnote 295: Just as a Vedic sacrifice was performed in the court of +the temple of Chidambaram about 1908.] + +[Footnote 296: Aymonier, _Cambodja_, I. p. 442.] + +[Footnote 297: Sasta sounds like a title of Sakyamuni, but, if +Aymonier is correct, the personage is described as a Bodhisattva. +There were pagoda slaves even in modern Burma.] + +[Footnote 298: See Coedes, "La Stele de Tep Pranam," in _J.A._ +XI. 1908, p. 203.] + +[Footnote 299: Inscrip. of Ta Prohm, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1906, p. 44.] + +[Footnote 300: See Senart in _Revue Archeologique_, 1883. As in many +inscriptions it is not always plain who is speaking but in most parts +it is apparently the minister promulgating the instructions of the +king.] + +[Footnote 301: Inscript. of Prasat Prah Khse, _Corpus_, I. p. 173.] + +[Footnote 302: Buddhanam agranir api, _J.A._ XX. 1882, p. 164.] + +[Footnote 303: See Coedes, "Inscriptions de Bat Cum," in _J.A._ +XII. 1908, pp. 230, 241.] + +[Footnote 304: The Bodhisattva corresponding to the Buddha Akshobhya. +He is green or blue and carries a thunderbolt. It seems probable that +he is a metamorphosis of Indra.] + +[Footnote 305: An exceedingly curious stanza eulogizes the doctrine of +the non-existence of the soul taught by the Buddha which leads to +identification with the universal soul although contrary to it. Vuddho +vodhim vidaddhyad vo yena nairatmyadarsanam viruddhasyapi +sadhuktam sadhanam paramatmanah.] + +[Footnote 306: Aymonier, I pp. 261 ff. Senart, _Revue Archeologique_, +Mars-Avril, 1883.] + +[Footnote 307: Nanjio, 1244 and 1248.] + +[Footnote 308: The common designation of Avalokita in Camboja and +Java. For the inscription see _B.E.F.E.O._ 1906, pp. 44 ff.] + +[Footnote 309: Stanza XLVI.] + +[Footnote 310: The inscription only says "There are here (atra)." Can +this mean in the various religious establishments maintained by the +king?] + +[Footnote 311: See also Finot, _Notes d'Epig_. pp. 332-335. The +Mahavamsa repeatedly mentions that kings founded hospitals and +distributed medicines. See too, Yule, _Marco Polo_, I. p. 446. The +care of the sick was recognized as a duty and a meritorious act in all +Buddhist countries and is recommended by the example of the Buddha +himself.] + +[Footnote 312: Their somewhat lengthy titles are +Bhaishajyaguruvaiduryaprabharaja, Suryavairocanacandaroci and +Candravairocanarohinisa. See for an account of them and the texts +on which their worship is founded the learned article of M. Pelliot, +"Le Bhaisajyaguru," _B.E.F.E.O._ 1903, p. 33.] + +[Footnote 313: His narrative is translated by M. Pelliot in +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1902, pp. 123-177.] + +[Footnote 314: Pelliot (_B.E.F.E.O._ 1902, p. 148) cites a statement +from the Ling Wai Tai Ta that there were two classes of bonzes in +Camboja, those who wore yellow robes and married and those who wore +red robes and lived in convents.] + +[Footnote 315: M. Finot conjectures that it represents the Siamese +Chao (Lord) and a corruption of Guru.] + +[Footnote 316: See chapter on Siam, sect. 1.] + +[Footnote 317: _Corpus_, II. p. 422.] + +[Footnote 318: The strange statement of Chou Ta-kuan (pp. 153-155) +that the Buddhist and Taoist priests enjoyed a species of _jus primae +noctis_ has been much discussed. Taken by itself it might be merely a +queer story founded on a misunderstanding of Cambojan customs, for he +candidly says that his information is untrustworthy. But taking it in +connection with the stories about the Aris in Burma (see especially +Finot, _J.A._ 1912, p. 121) and the customs attributed by Chinese and +Europeans to the Siamese and Philippinos, we can hardly come to any +conclusion except that this strange usage was an aboriginal custom in +Indo-China and the Archipelago, prior to the introductions of Indian +civilization, but not suppressed for some time. At the present day +there seems to be no trace or even tradition of such a custom. For +Siamese and Philippine customs see _B.E.F.E.O._ 1902, p. 153, note 4.] + +[Footnote 319: The French Archaeological Commission states that +exclusive of Angkor and the neighbouring buildings there are remains +of 600 temples in Camboja, and probably many have entirely +disappeared.] + +[Footnote 320: Maspero, pp. 62-3.] + +[Footnote 321: The food is prepared in the monasteries, and, as in +other countries, the begging round is a mere formality.] + +[Footnote 322: But in Chinese temples notices forbidding smoking are +often posted on the doors.] + +[Footnote 323: The word dhyana is known, but the exercise is more +commonly called Vipassana or Kammathana.] + +[Footnote 324: M.G. Coedes in _Bull. Comm. Archeol._ 1911, p. 220.] + +[Footnote 325: Although there is no reason why these pictures of the +future life should not be Brahmanic as well as Buddhist, I do not +remember having seen them in any purely Brahmanic temple.] + +[Footnote 326: After spending some time at Angkor Wat I find it hard +to believe the theory that it was a palace. The King of Camboja was +doubtless regarded as a living God, but so is the Grand Lama, and it +does not appear that the Potala where he lives is anything but a large +residential building containing halls and chapels much like the +Vatican. But at Angkor Wat everything leads up to a central shrine. It +is quite probable however that the deity of this shrine was a deified +king, identified with Vishnu after his death. This would account +for the remarks of Chou Ta-kuan who seems to have regarded it as a +tomb.] + +[Footnote 327: See especially the inscription of Bassac. Kern, +_Annales de l'Extreme Orient_, t. III. 1880, p. 65.] + +[Footnote 328: Pali books are common in monasteries. For the +literature of Laos see Finot, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1917, No. 5.] + + + + +CHAPTER XXXIX + +CHAMPA[329] + + +THE kingdom of Champa, though a considerable power from about the +third century until the end of the fifteenth, has attracted less +attention than Camboja or Java. Its name is a thing of the past and +known only to students: its monuments are inferior in size and +artistic merit to those of the other Hindu kingdoms in the Far East +and perhaps its chief interest is that it furnishes the oldest +Sanskrit inscription yet known from these regions. + +Champa occupied the south-eastern corner of Asia beyond the Malay +Peninsula, if the word corner can be properly applied to such rounded +outlines. Its extent varied at different epochs, but it may be roughly +defined in the language of modern geography as the southern portion of +Annam, comprising the provinces of Quang-nam in the north and +Binh-Thuan in the south with the intervening country. It was divided +into three provinces, which respectively became the seat of empire at +different periods. They were (i) in the north Amaravati (the modern +Quang-nam) with the towns of Indrapura and Sinhapura; (ii) in the +middle Vijaya (the modern Bing-Dinh) with the town of Vijaya and the +port of Sri-Vinaya; (iii) in the south Panduranga or Panran +(the modern provinces of Phanrang and Binh-Thuan) with the town of +Virapura or Rajapura. A section of Panduranga called Kauthara +(the modern Kanh hoa) was a separate province at certain times. Like +the modern Annam, Champa appears to have been mainly a littoral +kingdom and not to have extended far into the mountains of the +interior. + +Champa was the ancient name of a town in western Bengal near +Bhagalpur, but its application to these regions does not seem due to +any connection with north-eastern India. The conquerors of the +country, who were called Chams, had a certain amount of Indian culture +and considered the classical name Champa as an elegant expression for +the land of the Chams. Judging by their language these Chams belonged +to the Malay-Polynesian group and their distribution along the +littoral suggests that they were invaders from the sea like the Malay +pirates from whom they themselves subsequently suffered. The earliest +inscription in the Cham language dates from the beginning of the ninth +century but it is preceded by a long series of Sanskrit inscriptions +the oldest of which, that of Vo-can,[330] is attributed at latest to +the third century, and refers to an earlier king. It therefore seems +probable that the Hindu dynasty of Champa was founded between 150 +and 200 A.D. but there is no evidence to show whether a Malay race +already settled in Champa was conquered and hinduized by Indian +invaders, or whether the Chams were already hinduized when they +arrived, possibly from Java. + +The inferiority of the Chams to the Khmers in civilization was the +result of their more troubled history. Both countries had to contend +against the same difficulty--a powerful and aggressive neighbour on +either side. Camboja between Siam and Annam in 1800 was in very much +the same position as Champa had been between Camboja and Annam five +hundred years earlier. But between 950 and 1150 A.D. when Champa by no +means enjoyed stability and peace, the history of Camboja, if not +altogether tranquil, at least records several long reigns of powerful +kings who were able to embellish their capital and assure its +security. The Chams were exposed to attacks not only from Annam +but also from the more formidable if distant Chinese and their +capital, instead of remaining stationary through several centuries +like Angkor Thom, was frequently moved as one or other of the three +provinces became more important. + +The inscription of Vo-can is in correct Sanskrit prose and contains a +fragmentary address from a king who seems to have been a Buddhist and +writes somewhat in the style of Asoka. He boasts that he is of the +family of Srimararaja. The letters closely resemble those of +Rudradaman's inscription at Girnar and contemporary inscriptions at +Kanheri. The text is much mutilated so that we know neither the name +of the writer nor his relationship to Srimara. But the latter was +evidently the founder of the dynasty and may have been separated from +his descendant by several generations. It is noticeable that his name +does not end in Varman, like those of later kings. If he lived at the +end of the second century this would harmonize with the oldest Chinese +notices which fix the rise of Lin-I (their name for Champa) about 192 +A.D.[331] Agreeably to this we also hear that Hun T'ien founded an +Indian kingdom in Fu-nan considerably before 265 A.D. and that some +time between 220 and 280 a king of Fu-nan sent an embassy to India. +The name Fu-nan may include Champa. But though we hear of Hindu +kingdoms in these districts at an early date we know nothing of their +civilization or history, nor do we obtain much information from those +Cham legends which represent the dynasties of Champa as descended from +two clans, those of the cabbage palm (arequier) and cocoanut. + +Chinese sources also state that a king called Fan-yi sent an embassy +to China in 284 and give the names of several kings who reigned +between 336 and 440. One of these, Fan-hu-ta, is apparently the +Bhadravarman who has left some Sanskrit inscriptions dating from about +400 and who built the first temple at Mi-so'n. This became the +national sanctuary of Champa: it was burnt down about 575 A.D. but +rebuilt. Bhadravarman's son Gangaraja appears to have abdicated and to +have gone on a pilgrimage to the Ganges--[332]another instance of the +intercourse prevailing between these regions and India. + +It would be useless to follow in detail the long chronicle of the +kings of Champa but a few events merit mention. In 446 and again in +605 the Chinese invaded the country and severely chastised the +inhabitants. But the second invasion was followed by a period of peace +and prosperity. Sambhuvarman (A.D. 629) restored the temples of +Mi-so'n and two of his successors, both called Vikrantavarman, were +also great builders. The kings who reigned from 758 to 859, reckoned +as the fifth dynasty, belonged to the south and had their capital at +Virapura. The change seems to have been important, for the Chinese who +had previously called the country Lin-I, henceforth call it Huan-wang. +The natives continued to use the name Champa but Satyavarman and the +other kings of the dynasty do not mention Mi-so'n though they adorned +and endowed Po-nagar and other sanctuaries in the south. It was during +this period (A.D. 774 and 787) that the province of Kauthara was +invaded by pirates, described as thin black barbarians and cannibals, +and also as the armies of Java.[333] They pillaged the temples but +were eventually expelled. They were probably Malays but it is +difficult to believe that the Javanese could be seriously accused of +cannibalism at this period.[334] + +The capital continued to be transferred under subsequent dynasties. +Under the sixth (860-900) it was at Indrapura in the north: under the +seventh (900-986) it returned to the south: under the eighth +(989-1044) it was in Vijaya, the central province. These internal +changes were accompanied by foreign attacks. The Khmers invaded the +southern province in 945. On the north an Annamite Prince founded the +kingdom of Dai-coviet, which became a thorn in the side of Champa. In +982 its armies destroyed Indrapura, and in 1044 they captured Vijaya. +In 1069 King Rudravarman was taken prisoner but was released in return +for the cession of the three northernmost provinces. Indrapura however +was rebuilt and for a time successful wars were waged against Camboja, +but though the kings of Champa did not acquiesce in the loss of the +northern provinces, and though Harivarman III (1074-80) was +temporarily victorious, no real progress was made in the contest with +Annam, whither the Chams had to send embassies practically admitting +that they were a vassal state. In the next century further disastrous +quarrels with Camboja ensued and in 1192 Champa was split into two +kingdoms, Vijaya in the north under a Cambojan prince and Panran in +the south governed by a Cham prince but under the suzerainty of +Camboja. This arrangement was not successful and after much fighting +Champa became a Khmer province though a very unruly one from 1203 till +1220. Subsequently the aggressive vigour of the Khmers was tempered by +their own wars with Siam. But it was not the fate of Champa to be left +in peace. The invasion of Khubilai lasted from 1278 to 1285 and in +1306 the provinces of O and Ly were ceded to Annam. + +Champa now became for practical purposes an Annamite province and in +1318 the king fled to Java for refuge. This connection with Java is +interesting and there are other instances of it. King Jaya Simhavarman +III (A.D. 1307) of Champa married a Javanese princess called Tapasi. +Later we hear in Javanese records that in the fifteenth century the +princess Darawati of Champa married the king of Madjapahit and her +sister married Raden Radmat, a prominent Moslim teacher in Java.[335] + +The power of the Chams was crushed by Annam in 1470. After this date +they had little political importance but continued to exist as a +nationality under their own rulers. In 1650 they revolted against +Annam without success and the king was captured. But his widow was +accorded a titular position and the Cham chronicle[336] continues the +list of nominal kings down to 1822. + +In Champa, as in Camboja, no books dating from the Hindu period have +been preserved and probably there were not many. The Cham language +appears not to have been used for literary purposes and whatever +culture existed was exclusively Sanskrit. The kings are credited with +an extensive knowledge of Sanskrit literature. An inscription at +Po-nagar[337] (918 A.D.) says that Sri Indravarman was acquainted with +the Mimamsa and other systems of philosophy, Jinendra, and grammar +together with the Kasika (vritti) and the Saivottara-Kalpa. Again an +inscription of Mi-son[338] ascribes to Jaya Indravarmadeva (_c._ 1175 +A.D.) proficiency in all the sciences as well as a knowledge of the +Mahayana and the Dharmasastras, particularly the Naradiya and +Bhargaviya. To some extent original compositions in Sanskrit must have +been produced, for several of the inscriptions are of considerable +length and one[339] gives a quotation from a work called the +Puranartha or Arthapuranasastra which appears to have been a chronicle +of Champa. But the language of the inscriptions is often careless and +incorrect and indicates that the study of Sanskrit was less +flourishing than in Camboja. + +2 + + +The monuments of Champa, though considerable in size and number, are +inferior to those of Camboja. The individual buildings are smaller and +simpler and the groups into which they are combined lack unity. Brick +was the chief material, stone being used only when brick would not +serve, as for statues and lintels. The commonest type of edifice is a +square pyramidal structure called by the Chams Kalan. A Kalan is as a +rule erected on a hill or rising ground: its lowest storey has on the +east a porch and vestibule, on the other three sides false doors. The +same shape is repeated in four upper storeys of decreasing size which +however serve merely for external decoration and correspond to nothing +in the interior. This is a single windowless pyramidal cell lighted by +the door and probably also by lamps placed in niches on the inner +walls. In the centre stood a pedestal for a linga or an image, with a +channel to carry off libations, leading to a spout in the wall. The +outline of the tower is often varied by projecting figures or +ornaments, but the sculpture is less lavish than in Camboja and Java. + +In the greater religious sites several structures are grouped +together. A square wall surrounds an enclosure entered by a gateway +and containing one or more Kalans, as well as smaller buildings, +probably for the use of priests. Before the gateway there is +frequently a hall supported by columns but open at the sides. + +All known specimens of Cham architecture are temples; palaces and +other secular buildings were made of wood and have disappeared. Of the +many sanctuaries which have been discovered, the most remarkable are +those of Mi-son, and Dong Duong, both in the neighbourhood of Tourane, +and Po Nagar close to Nhatrang. + +Mi-son[340] is an undulating amphitheatre among mountains and contains +eight or nine groups of temples, founded at different times. The +earliest structures, erected by Bhadravarman I about 400, have +disappeared[341] and were probably of wood, since we hear that they +were burnt (apparently by an accident) in 575 A.D. New temples were +constructed by Sambhuvarman about twenty-five years later and were +dedicated to Sambhu-bhadresvara, in which title the names of the +founder, restorer and the deity are combined. These buildings, of +which portions remain, represent the oldest and best period of Cham +art. Another style begins under Vikrantavarman I between 657 and 679 +A.D. This reign marks a period of decadence and though several +buildings were erected at Mi-son during the eighth and ninth +centuries, the locality was comparatively neglected[342] until the +reign of Harivarman III (1074-1080). The temples had been ravaged by +the Annamites but this king, being a successful warrior, was able to +restore them and dedicated to them the booty which he had captured. +Though his reign marks a period of temporary prosperity in the annals +of Champa, the style which he inaugurated in architecture has little +originality. It reverts to the ancient forms but shows conscious +archaism rather than fresh vigour. The position of Mi-son, however, +did not decline and about 1155 Jaya Harivarman I repaired the +buildings, dedicated the booty taken in battle and erected a new +temple in fulfilment of a vow. But after this period the princes of +Champa had no authority in the district of Mi-son, and the Annamites, +who seem to have disliked the religion of the Chams, plundered the +temples. + +Po-nagar[343] is near the port of Nha-trang and overlooks the sea. +Being smaller that Mi-son it has more unity but still shows little +attempt to combine in one architectural whole the buildings of which +it is composed. + +An inscription[344] states with curious precision that the shrine was +first erected in the year 5911 of the Dvapara age and this fantastic +chronology shows that in our tenth century it was regarded as ancient. +As at Mi-son, the original buildings were probably of wood for in 774 +they were sacked and burnt by pirates who carried off the image.[345] +Shortly afterwards they were rebuilt in brick by King Satyavarman and +the existing southern tower probably dates from his reign, but the +great central tower was built by Harivarman I (817 A.D.) and the other +edifices are later. + +Po Nagar or Yang Po Nagar means the Lady or Goddess of the city. She +was commonly called Bhagavati in Sanskrit[346] and appears to have +been the chief object of worship at Nha-trang, although Siva was +associated with her under the name of Bhagavatisvara. In 1050 an +ardhanari image representing Siva and Bhagavati combined in one +figure was presented to the temple by King Paramesvara and a +dedicatory inscription describes this double deity as the cosmic +principle. + +When Champa was finally conquered the temple was sold to the +Annamites, who admitted that they could not acquire it except by some +special and peaceful arrangement. Even now they still continue the +worship of the goddess though they no longer know who she is.[347] + +Dong Duong, about twenty kilometres to the south of Mi-son, marks the +site of the ancient capital Indrapura. The monument which has made its +name known differs from those already described. Compared with them it +has some pretensions to be a whole, laid out on a definite plan and it +is Buddhist. It consists of three courts[348] surrounded by walls and +entered by massive porticoes. In the third there are about twenty +buildings and perhaps it did not escape the fault common to Cham +architecture of presenting a collection of disconnected and unrelated +edifices, but still there is clearly an attempt to lead up from the +outermost portico through halls and gateways to the principal shrine. +From an inscription dated 875 A.D. we learn that the ruins are those +of a temple and vihara erected by King Indravarman and dedicated to +Avalokita under the name of Lakshmindra Lokesvara. + +3 + + +The religion of Champa was practically identical with that of Camboja. +If the inscriptions of the former tell us more about mukhalingas and +koshas and those of the latter have more allusions to the worship of +the compound deity Hari-hara, this is probably a matter of chance. But +even supposing that different cults were specially prominent at +different places, it seems clear that all the gods and ceremonies +known in Camboja were also known in Champa and _vice versa_. In both +countries the national religion was Hinduism, mainly of the Sivaite +type, accompanied by Mahayanist Buddhism which occasionally came to +the front under royal patronage. In both any indigenous beliefs which +may have existed did not form a separate system. It is probable +however that the goddess known at Po-nagar as Bhagavati was an ancient +local deity worshipped before the Hindu immigration and an inscription +found at Mi-son recommends those whose eyes are diseased to propitiate +Kuvera and thus secure protection against Ekakshapingala, "the tawny +one-eyed (spirit)." Though this goddess or demon was probably a +creation of local fancy, similar identifications of Kali with the +spirits presiding over cholera, smallpox, etc., take place in India. + +The social system was theoretically based on the four castes, but +Chinese accounts indicate that in questions of marriage and +inheritance older ideas connected with matriarchy and a division into +clans still had weight. But the language of the inscriptions is most +orthodox. King Vikrantavarman[349] quotes with approval the saying +that the horse sacrifice is the best of good deeds and the murder of a +Brahman the worst of sins. Brahmans, chaplains (purohita), pandits and +ascetics are frequently mentioned as worthy of honour and gifts. +The high priest or royal chaplain is styled Sriparamapurohita but +it does not appear that there was a sacerdotal family enjoying the +unique position held by the Sivakaivalyas in Camboja. The frequent +changes of capital and dynasty in Champa were unfavourable to +continuity in either Church or State. + +Sivaism, without any hostility to Vishnuism or Buddhism, was the +dominant creed. The earliest known inscription, that of Vo-can, +contains indications of Buddhism, but three others believed to date +from about 400 A.D. invoke Siva under some such title as +Bhadresvara, indicating that a temple had been dedicated to him by +King Bhadravarman. Thus the practice of combining the names of a king +and his patron deity in one appellation existed in Champa at this +early date.[350] It is also recorded from southern India, Camboja and +Java. Besides Siva one of the inscriptions venerates, though in a +rather perfunctory manner, Uma, Brahma, Vishnu and the five +elements. Several inscriptions[351] give details of Sivaite +theology which agree with what we know of it in Camboja. The world +animate and inanimate is an emanation from Siva, but he delivers +from the world those who think of him. Meditation, the practice of +Yoga, and devotion to Siva are several times mentioned with +approval.[352] He abides in eight forms corresponding to his eight +names Sarva, Bhava, Pasupati, Isana, Bhima, Rudra, Mahadeva, +and Ugra. He is also, as in Java, Guru or the teacher and he has the +usual mythological epithets. He dances in lonely places, he rides on +the bull Nandi, is the slayer of Kama, etc. Though represented by +figures embodying such legends he was most commonly adored under the +form of the linga which in Champa more than elsewhere came to be +regarded as not merely symbolic but as a personal god. To mark this +individuality it was commonly enclosed in a metal case (kosha) bearing +one or more human faces.[353] It was then called mukhalinga and the +faces were probably intended as portraits of royal donors, +identified with the god in form as well as in name. An inscription of +1163 A.D. records the dedication of such a kosha, adorned with five +royal faces, to Srisanabhadresvara. The god, it is said, will +now be able to give his blessing to all regions through his five +mouths which he could not do before, and being enclosed in the kosha, +like an embryo in the matrix, he becomes Hiranyagarbha. The linga, +with or without these ornaments, was set on a _snanadroni_ or stone +table arranged for receiving libations, and sometimes (as in Java and +Camboja) four or more lingas were set upon a single slab. From A.D. +400 onwards, the cult of Siva seems to have maintained its +paramount position during the whole history of Champa, for the last +recorded Sanskrit inscription is dedicated to him. From first to last +it was the state religion. Siva is said to have sent Uroja to be +the first king and is even styled the root of the state of Champa. + +An inscription[354] of 811 A.D. celebrates the dual deity +Sankara-Narayana. It is noticeable that Narayana is said to have held +up Mt. Govardhana and is apparently identified with Krishna. Rama and +Krishna are both mentioned in an inscription of 1157 which states that +the whole divinity of Vishnu was incarnate in King Jaya Harivarman +I.[355] But neither allusions to Vishnu nor figures of him[356] are +numerous and he plays the part of an accessory though respected +personage. Garuda, on whom he rides, was better known than the god +himself and is frequently represented in sculpture. + +The Sakti of Siva, amalgamated as mentioned with a native goddess, +received great honour (especially at Nhatrang) under the names of Uma, +Bhagavati, the Lady of the city (Yang Po Nagar) and the goddess of +Kauthara. In another form or aspect she was called Maladakuthara.[357] +There was also a temple of Ganesa (Sri-Vinayaka) at Nhatrang but statues +of this deity and of Skanda are rare. + +The Chinese pilgrim I-Ching, writing in the last year of the seventh +century, includes Champa (Lin-I) in the list of countries which +"greatly reverence the three jewels" and contrasts it with Fu-nan +where a wicked king had recently almost exterminated Buddhism. He says +"In this country Buddhists generally belong to the Arya-sammiti +school, and there are also a few followers of the Aryasarvastivadin +school." The statement is remarkable, for he also tells us that the +Sarvastivadins were the predominant sect in the Malay Archipelago and +flourished in southern China. The headquarters of the Sammitiyas were, +according to the accounts of both Hsuan Chuang and I-Ching, in western +India though, like the three other schools, they were also found in +Magadha and eastern India. We also hear that the brother and sister of +the Emperor Harsha belonged to this sect and it was probably +influential. How it spread to Champa we do not know, nor do the +inscriptions mention its name or indicate that the Buddhism which they +knew was anything but the mixture of the Mahayana with Sivaism[358] +which prevailed in Camboja. + +I-Ching's statements can hardly be interpreted to mean that Buddhism +was the official religion of Champa at any rate after 400 A.D., for +the inscriptions abundantly prove that the Sivaite shrines of +Mi-son and Po-nagar were so to speak national cathedrals where the +kings worshipped on behalf of the country. But the Vo-can inscription +(? 250 A.D.), though it does not mention Buddhism, appears to be +Buddhist, and it would be quite natural that a dynasty founded about +150 A.D. should be Buddhist but that intercourse with Camboja and +probably with India should strengthen Sivaism. The Chinese annals +mention[359] that 1350 Buddhist books were carried off during a +Chinese invasion in 605 A.D. and this allusion implies the existence +of Buddhism and monasteries with libraries. As in Camboja it was +perhaps followed by ministers rather than by kings. An inscription +found[360] in southern Champa and dated as 829 A.D. records how a +sthavira named Buddhanirvana erected two viharas and two temples +(devakula) to Jina and Sankara (Buddha and Siva) in honour of +his deceased father. Shortly afterwards there came to the throne +Indravarman II (860-890 A.D.), the only king of Champa who is known +to have been a fervent Buddhist. He did not fail to honour Siva as +the patron of his kingdom but like Asoka he was an enthusiast for the +Dharma.[361] He desires the knowledge of the Dharma: he builds +monasteries for the sake of the Dharma: he wishes to propagate it: he +even says that the king of the gods governs heaven by the principles +of Dharma. He wishes to lead all his subjects to the "yoke and abode +of Buddha," to "the city of deliverance." + +To this end he founded the vihara of Dong Duong, already described, +and dedicated it to Sri Lakshmindra Lokesvara.[362] This last +word is a synonym of Avalokita, which also occurs in the dedicatory +inscription but in a fragmentary passage. Lakshmindra is explained by +other passages in the inscription from which we learn that the king's +name before he ascended the throne was Lakshmindra Bhumisvara, so +that the Bodhisattva is here adored under the name of the king who +erected the vihara according to the custom prevalent in Sivaite +temples. Like those temples this vihara received an endowment of land +and slaves of both sexes, as well as gold, silver and other +metals.[363] + +A king who reigned from 1080 to 1086 was called Paramabodhisattva, but +no further epigraphic records of Buddhism are known until the reigns of +Jaya Indravarmadeva (1167-1192) and his successor Suryavarmadeva.[364] +Both of these monarchs, while worshipping Siva, are described as knowing +or practising the jnana or dharma of the Mahayana. Little emphasis seems +to be laid on these expressions but still they imply that the Mahayana +was respected and considered part of the royal religion. Suryavarmadeva +erected a building called Sri Herukaharmya.[365] The title is +interesting for it contains the name of the Tantric Buddha Heruka. + +The grotto of Phong-nha[366] in the extreme north of Champa (province +of Quang Binh) must have been a Buddhist shrine. Numerous medallions +in clay bearing representations of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and Dagobas +have been found there but dates are wanting. + +It does not appear that the Hinayanist influence which became +predominant in Camboja extended to Champa. That influence came from +Siam and before it had time to traverse Camboja, Champa was already in +the grip of the Annamites, whose religion with the rest of their +civilization came from China rather than India. Chinese culture and +writing spread to the Cambojan frontier and after the decay of Champa, +Camboja marks the permanent limit within which an Indian alphabet and +a form of Buddhism not derived through China have maintained +themselves. + +A large number of the Chams were converted to Mohammedanism but the +time and circumstances of the event are unknown. When Friar Gabriel +visited the country at the end of the sixteenth century a form of +Hinduism seems to have been still prevalent.[367] It would be of +interest to know how the change of religion was effected, for history +repeats itself and it is likely that the Moslims arrived in Champa by +the route followed centuries before by the Hindu invaders. + +There are still about 130,000 Chams in the south of Annam and Camboja. +In the latter country they are all Mohammedans. In Annam some traces +of Hinduism remain, such as mantras in broken Sanskrit and hereditary +priests called Basaih. Both religions have become unusually corrupt +but are interesting as showing how beliefs which are radically +distinct become distorted and combined in Eastern Asia.[368] + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 329: Also spelt Campa and Tchampa. It seems safer to use Ch +for C in names which though of Indian origin are used outside India. +The final _a_ though strictly speaking long is usually written without +an accent. The following are the principal works which I have +consulted about Champa. + +(a) G. Maspero, _Le Royaume de Champa_. Published in _T'oung Pao_, +1910-1912. Cited as Maspero. + +(b) A. Bergaigne, "Inscriptions Sanskrites de Champa" in _Notices et +Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale_, tome XXVII. +1^re partie. 2^e fascicule, 1893, pp. 181-292. Cited as +_Corpus_, II. + +(c) H. Parmentier, _Inventaire descriptif des Monuments Cams de +l'Annam_. 1899. + +(d) L. Finot, "La Religion des Chams," _B.E.F.E.O_, 1901, and _Notes +d'Epigraphie_. "Les Inscriptions de Mi-son," _ib_. 1904. Numerous +other papers by this author, Durand, Parmentier and others in the same +periodical can be consulted with advantage. + +(e) _Id., Notes d'Epigraphie Indo-Chinoise_, 1916.] + +[Footnote 330: _Corpus_, II. p. 11, and Finot, _Notes d'Epig._ pp. 227 +ff.] + +[Footnote 331: See authorities quoted by Maspero, _T'oung Pao_, 1910, +p. 329.] + +[Footnote 332: Finot in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 918 and 922.] + +[Footnote 333: _Corpus_, II. _Stele de Po Nagar_, pp. 252 ff. and +_Stele de Yang Tikuh_, p. 208, etc.] + +[Footnote 334: The statements that they came from Java and were +cannibals occur in different inscriptions and may conceivably refer to +two bodies of invaders. But the dates are very near. Probably Java is +not the island now so called. See the chapter on Camboja, sec. 2. The +undoubted references in the inscriptions of Champa to the island of +Java call it Yavadvipa.] + +[Footnote 335: _Veth. Java_, I. p. 233.] + +[Footnote 336: See "La Chronique Royale," _B.E.F.E.O._ 1905, p. 377.] + +[Footnote 337: _Corpus_, II. p. 259. Jinendra may be a name either of +the Buddha or of a grammarian. The mention of the Kasika vritti +is important as showing that this work must be anterior to the ninth +century. The Uttara Kalpa is quoted in the Tantras (see Bergaigne's +note), but nothing is known of it.] + +[Footnote 338: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 973.] + +[Footnote 339: From Mi-son, date 1157 A.D. See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. +961 and 963.] + +[Footnote 340: = Chinese Mei shan, beautiful mountain. For an account +of the temples and their history see the articles by Parmentier and +Finot, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 805-977.] + +[Footnote 341: But contemporary inscriptions have been discovered. +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1902, pp. 185 ff.] + +[Footnote 342: Doubtless because the capital was transferred to the +south where the shrine of Po-nagar had rival claims.] + +[Footnote 343: See especially the article by Parmentier, _B.E.F.E.O._ +1902, pp. 17-54.] + +[Footnote 344: XXVI _Corpus_, II. pp. 244, 256; date 918 A.D.] + +[Footnote 345: Sivamukham: probably a mukhalinga.] + +[Footnote 346: Also Yapunagara even in Sanskrit inscriptions.] + +[Footnote 347: Parmentier, _l.c._ p. 49.] + +[Footnote 348: This is only a very rough description of a rather +complicated structure. For details see Parmentier, _Monuments +Cams_, planche XCVIII.] + +[Footnote 349: Inscrip. at Mi-son of 658 A.D. See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, +p. 921.] + +[Footnote 350: Other examples are Indrabhadresvara, _Corpus_, II. +p. 208. Harivarmesvara, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 961.] + +[Footnote 351: _E.g. B.E.F.E.O._ pp. 918 ff. Dates 658 A.D. onwards.] + +[Footnote 352: Yogaddhyana, Sivaradha, Sivabhakti. See +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 933-950. Harivarman III abdicated in 1080 and +gave himself up to contemplation and devotion to Siva.] + +[Footnote 353: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 912 ff. and esp. p. 970. I +have seen a kosha which is still in use in the neighbourhood of +Badami. It is kept in a village called Nandikesvara, but on certain +festivals it is put on a linga at the temple of Mahakut. It is about 2 +feet high and 10 inches broad; a silver case with a rounded and +ornamented top. On one side is a single face in bold embossed work and +bearing fine moustaches exactly as in the mukhalingas of Champa. In +the tank of the temple of Mahakut is a half submerged shrine, from +which rises a stone linga on which are carved four faces bearing +moustaches. There is said to be a gold kosha set with jewels at +Sringeri. See _J. Mythic. Society_ (Bangalore), vol. VIII. p. 27. +According to Gopinatha Rao, _Indian Iconography_, vol. II. p. 63, the +oldest known lingas have figures carved on them.] + +[Footnote 354: _Corpus_, II. pp. 229, 230.] + +[Footnote 355: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 959, 960.] + +[Footnote 356: See for an account of same _B.E.F.E.O._ 1901, p. 18.] + +[Footnote 357: _Corpus_, II. p. 282.] + +[Footnote 358: In several passages Hsuan Chuang notes that there were +Pasupatas or other Sivaites in the same towns of India where +Sammitiyas were found. See Watters, _Yuan Chwang_, I. 331, 333; II. +47, 242, 256, 258, 259.] + +[Footnote 359: Maspero, _T'oung Pao_, 1910, p. 514.] + +[Footnote 360: At Yang Kur. See _Corpus_, II. pp. 237-241.] + +[Footnote 361: For his views see his inscriptions in _B.E.F.E.O._ +1904, pp. 85 ff. But kings who are not known to have been Buddhists +also speak of Dharma. _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 922, 945.] + +[Footnote 362: Apparently special forms of deities such as +Srisanabhadresvara or Lakshminda Lokesvara were regarded +as to some extent separate existences. Thus the former is called a +portion of Siva, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 973.] + +[Footnote 363: Presumably in the form of vessels.] + +[Footnote 364: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 973-975.] + +[Footnote 365: _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 975.] + +[Footnote 366: _Ib._ 1901, p. 23, and Parmentier, _Inventaire des +Monuments Chams_, p. 542.] + +[Footnote 367: Gabriel de San Antonio, _Breve y verdadera relation de +los successes de Reyno de Camboxa_, 1604.] + +[Footnote 368: See for the modern Chams the article "Chams" in _E.R.E. +and Ethics_, and Durand, "Les Chams Bani," _B.E.F.E.O._ 1903, and +"Notes sur les Chams," _ib._ 1905-7.] + + + + +CHAPTER XL + +JAVA AND THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO + +1 + + +In most of the countries which we have been considering, the native +civilization of the present day is still Indian in origin, although in +the former territories of Champa this Indian phase has been superseded +by Chinese culture with a little Mohammedanism. But in another area we +find three successive stages of culture, indigenous, Indian and +Mohammedan. This area includes the Malay Peninsula with a large part +of the Malay Archipelago, and the earliest stratum with which we need +concern ourselves is Malay. The people who bear this name are +remarkable for their extraordinary powers of migration by sea, as +shown by the fact that languages connected with Malay are spoken in +Formosa and New Zealand, in Easter Island and Madagascar, but their +originality both in thought and in the arts of life is small. The +three stages are seen most clearly in Java where the population was +receptive and the interior accessible. Sumatra and Borneo also passed +through them in a fashion but the indigenous element is still +predominant and no foreign influence has been able to affect either +island as a whole. Islam gained no footing in Bali which remains +curiously Hindu but it reached Celebes and the southern Philippines, +in both of which Indian influence was slight.[369] The destiny of +south-eastern Asia with its islands depends on the fact that the tide +of trade and conquest whether Hindu, Moslim or European, flowed from +India or Ceylon to the Malay Peninsula and Java and thence northwards +towards China with a reflux westwards in Champa and Camboja. Burma and +Siam lay outside this track. They received their culture from India +mainly by land and were untouched by Mohammedanism. But the Mohammedan +current which affected the Malays was old and continuous. It +started from Arabia in the early days of the Hijra and had nothing to +do with the Moslim invasions which entered India by land. + +2 + + +Indian civilization appears to have existed in Java from at least the +fifth century of our era.[370] Much light has been thrown on its +history of late by the examination of inscriptions and of fairly +ancient literature but the record still remains fragmentary. There are +considerable gaps: the seat of power shifted from one district to +another and at most epochs the whole island was not subject to one +ruler, so that the title king of Java merely indicates a prince +pre-eminent among others doubtfully subordinate to him. + +The name Java is probably the Sanskrit _Yava_ used in the sense of +grain, especially millet. In the Ramayana[371] the monkeys of Hanuman +are bidden to seek for Sita in various places including Yava-dvipa, +which contains seven kingdoms and produces gold and silver. Others +translate these last words as referring to another or two other +islands known as Gold and Silver Land. It is probable that the poet +did not distinguish clearly between Java and Sumatra. He goes on to +say that beyond Java is the peak called Sisira. This is possibly +the same as the Yavakoti mentioned in 499 A.D. by the Indian +astronomer Aryabhatta. + +Since the Ramayana is a product of gradual growth it is not easy to +assign a definite date to this passage, but it is probably not later +than the first or second century A.D. and an early date is rendered +probable by the fact that the Alexandrian Geographer Ptolemy (_c._ 130 +A.D.) mentions[372] [Greek: _Nesos Iabadiou e Sabadiou_] and by various +notices collected from inscriptions and from Chinese historians. The +annals of the Liang Dynasty (502-556 A.D.) in speaking of the countries +of the Southern Ocean say that in the reign of Hsuan Ti (73-49 B.C.) the +Romans and Indians sent envoys to China by that route,[373] thus +indicating that the Archipelago was frequented by Hindus. The same work +describes under the name of Lang-ya-hsiu a country which professed +Buddhism and used the Sanskrit language and states that "the people say +that their country was established more than 400 years ago."[374] +Lang-ya-hsiu has been located by some in Java by others in the Malay +Peninsula, but even on the latter supposition this testimony to Indian +influence in the Far East is still important. An inscription found at +Kedah in the Malay Peninsula is believed to be older than 400 A.D.[375] +No more definite accounts are forthcoming before the fifth or sixth +century. Fa-Hsien[376] relates how in 418 he returned to China from +India by sea and "arrived at a country called Ya-va-di." "In this +country" he says "heretics and Brahmans flourish but the law of Buddha +hardly deserves mentioning."[377] Three inscriptions found in west Java +in the district of Buitenzorg are referred for palaeographic reasons to +about 400 A.D. They are all in Sanskrit and eulogize a prince named +Purnavarman, who appears to have been a Vishnuite. The name of his +capital is deciphered as Naruma or Taruma. In 435 according to the Liu +Sung annals[378] a king of Ja-va-da named Shih-li-pa-da-do-a-la-pa-mo +sent tribute to China. The king's name probably represents a Sanskrit +title beginning with Sri-Pada and it is noticeable that two footprints +are carved on the stones which bear Purnavarman's inscriptions. Also +Sanskrit inscriptions found at Koetei on the east coast of Borneo and +considered to be not later than the fifth century record the piety and +gifts to Brahmans of a King Mulavarman and mention his father and +grandfather.[379] + +It follows from these somewhat disjointed facts that the name of +Yava-dvipa was known in India soon after the Christian era, and that +by the fifth century Hindu or hinduized states had been established in +Java. The discovery of early Sanskrit inscriptions in Borneo and +Champa confirms the presence of Hindus in these seas. The T'ang +annals[380] speak definitely of Kaling, otherwise called Java, as +lying between Sumatra and Bali and say that the inhabitants have +letters and understand a little astronomy. They further mention the +presence of Arabs and say that in 674 a queen named Sima ascended the +throne and ruled justly. + +But the certain data for Javanese history before the eighth century +are few. For that period we have some evidence from Java itself. An +inscription dated 654 Saka ( = 732 A.D.) discovered in Kedoe +celebrates the praises of a king named Sanjaya, son of King Sanna. It +contains an account of the dedication of a linga, invocations of +Siva, Brahma and Vishnu, a eulogy of the king's virtue and +learning, and praise of Java. Thus about 700 A.D. there was a Hindu +kingdom in mid Java and this, it would seem, was then the part of the +island most important politically. Buddhist inscriptions of a somewhat +later date (one is of 778 A.D.) have been found in the neighbourhood +of Prambanam. They are written in the Nagari alphabet and record +various pious foundations. A little later again (809 and 840 A.D.) are +the inscriptions found on the Dieng (Dihyang), a lonely mountain +plateau on which are several Brahmanic shrines in fair preservation. +There is no record of their builders but the New T'ang Annals say that +the royal residence was called Java but "on the mountains is the +district Lang-pi-ya where the king frequently goes to look at the +sea."[381] This may possibly be a reference to pilgrimages to Dieng. +The inscriptions found on the great monument of Boroboedoer throw no +light on the circumstances of its foundation, but the character of the +writing makes it likely that it was erected about 850 and obviously by +a king who could command the services of numerous workmen as well as +of skilled artists. The temples of Prambanam are probably to be +assigned to the next century. All these buildings indicate the +existence from the eighth to the tenth century of a considerable +kingdom (or perhaps kingdoms) in middle Java, comprising at least the +regions of Mataram, Kedoe and the Dieng plateau. From the Arabic +geographers also we learn that Java was powerful in the ninth century +and attacked Qamar (probably Khmer or Camboja). They place the capital +at the mouth of a river, perhaps the Solo or Brantas. If so, there +must have been a principality in east Java at this period. This is not +improbable for archaeological evidence indicates that Hindu +civilization moved eastwards and flourished first in the west, then in +mid Java and finally from the ninth to the fifteenth centuries in the +east. + +The evidence at our disposal points to the fact that Java received +most of its civilization from Hindu colonists, but who were these +colonists and from what part of India did they come? We must not think +of any sudden and definite conquest, but rather of a continuous +current of immigration starting perhaps from several springs and often +merely trickling, but occasionally swelling into a flood. Native +traditions collected by Raffles[382] ascribe the introduction of +Brahmanism and the Saka era to the sage Tritresta and represent the +invaders as coming from Kalinga or from Gujarat. + +The difference of locality may be due to the fact that there was a +trade route running from Broach to Masulipatam through Tagara (now +Ter). People arriving in the Far East by this route might be described +as coming either from Kalinga, where they embarked, or from +Gujarat, their country of origin. Dubious as is the authority of these +legends, they perhaps preserve the facts in outline. The earliest +Javanese inscriptions are written in a variety of the Vengi script and +the T'ang annals call the island Kaling as well as Java. It is +therefore probable that early tradition represented Kalinga as the +home of the Hindu invaders. But later immigrants may have come from +other parts. Fa-Hsien could find no Buddhists in Java in 418, but +Indian forms of Mahayanism indubitably flourished there in later +centuries. The Kalasan inscription dated 778 A.D. and engraved in +Nagari characters records the erection of a temple to Tara and of a +Mahayanist monastery. The change in both alphabet and religion +suggests the arrival of new influences from another district and the +Javanese traditions about Gujarat are said to find an echo among the +bards of western India and in such proverbs as, they who go to Java +come not back.[383] In the period of the Hunnish and Arab invasions +there may have been many motives for emigration from Gujarat. The land +route to Kalinga was probably open and the sea route offers no great +difficulties.[384] + +Another indication of connection with north-western India is found in +the Chinese work _Kao Seng Chuan_ (519 A.D.) or _Biographies of +Eminent Monks_, if the country there called She-p'o can be identified +with Java.[385] It is related that Gunavarman, son of the king of +Kashmir, became a monk and, declining the throne, went first to Ceylon +and then to the kingdom of She-p'o, which he converted to Buddhism. He +died at Nanking in 431 B.C. + +Taranatha[386] states that Indo-China which he calls the Koki +country,[387] was first evangelized in the time of Asoka and that +Mahayanism was introduced there by the disciples of Vasubandhu, +who probably died about 360 A.D., so that the activity of his +followers would take place in the fifth century. He also says that +many clergy from the Koki country were in Madhyadesa from the time +of Dharmapala (about 800 A.D.) onwards, and these two statements, if +they can be accepted, certainly explain the character of Javanese and +Cambojan Buddhism. Taranatha is a confused and untrustworthy writer, +but his statement about the disciples of Vasubandhu is confirmed by +the fact that Dignaga, who was one of them, is the only authority +cited in the Kamahayanikan.[388] + +The fact that the terms connected with rice cultivation are Javanese +and not loan-words indicates that the island had some indigenous +civilization when the Hindus first settled there. Doubtless they often +came with military strength, but on the whole as colonists and +teachers rather than as conquerors. The Javanese kings of whom we know +most appear to have been not members of Hindu dynasties but native +princes who had adopted Hindu culture and religion. Sanskrit did not +oust Javanese as the language of epigraphy, poetry and even religious +literature. Javanese Buddhism appears to have preserved its powers of +growth and to have developed some special doctrines. But Indian +influence penetrated almost all institutions and is visible even +to-day. Its existence is still testified to by the alphabet in use, by +such titles as Arjo, Radja, Praboe, Dipati (=adhipati), and by various +superstitions about lucky days and horoscopes. Communal land tenure of +the Indian kind still exists and in former times grants of land were +given to priests and, as in India, recorded on copper plates. +Offerings to old statues are still made and the Tenggerese[389] are +not even nominal Mohammedans. The Balinese still profess a species of +Hinduism and employ a Hindu Calendar. + +From the tenth century onwards the history of Java becomes a little +plainer. + +Copper plates dating from about 900 A.D. mention Mataram. A certain +Mpoe Sindok was vizier of this kingdom in 919, but ten years later we +find him an independent king in east Java. He lived at least +twenty-five years longer and his possessions included Pasoeroean, +Soerabaja and Kediri. His great-grandson, Er-langga (or Langghya), is +an important figure. Er-langga's early life was involved in war, but +in 1032 he was able to call himself, though perhaps not with great +correctness, king of all Java. His memory has not endured among the +Javanese but is still honoured in the traditions of Bali and Javanese +literature began in his reign or a little earlier. The poem +Arjuna-vivaha is dedicated to him, and one book of the old Javanese +prose translation of the Mahabharata bears a date equivalent to 996 +A.D.[390] + +One of the national heroes of Java is Djajabaja[391] who is supposed +to have lived in the ninth century. But tradition must be wrong here, +for the free poetic rendering of part of the Mahabharata called +Bharata-Yuddha, composed by Mpoe Sedah in 1157 A.D., is dedicated +to him, and his reign must therefore be placed later than the +traditional date. He is said to have founded the kingdom of Daha in +Kediri, but his inscriptions merely indicate that he was a worshipper +of Vishnu. Literature and art flourished in east Java at this +period for it would seem that the Kawi Ramayana and an _ars poetica_ +called Vritta-sancaya[392] were written about 1150 and that the +temple of Panataran was built between 1150 and 1175. + +In western Java we have an inscription of 1030 found on the river +Tjitjatih. It mentions a prince who is styled Lord of the World and +native tradition, confirmed by inscriptions, which however give few +details, relates that in the twelfth century a kingdom called +Padjadjaran was founded in the Soenda country south of Batavia by +princes from Toemapel in eastern Java. + +There is a gap in Javanese history from the reign of Djajabaja till +1222 at which date the Pararaton,[393] or Book of the Kings of +Toemapel and Madjapahit, begins to furnish information. The Sung +annals[394] also give some account of the island but it is not +clear to what years their description refers. They imply, however, +that there was an organized government and that commerce was +flourishing. They also state that the inhabitants "pray to the gods +and Buddha": that Java was at war with eastern Sumatra: that embassies +were sent to China in 992 and 1109 and that in 1129 the Emperor gave +the ruler of Java (probably Djajabaja) the title of king. + +The Pararaton opens with the fall of Daha in 1222 which made +Toemapel, known later as Singasari, the principal kingdom. Five of +its kings are enumerated, of whom Vishnuvardhana was buried in the +celebrated shrine of Tjandi Djago, where he was represented in the +guise of Buddha. His successor Sri Rajasanagara was praised by the +poet Prapantja[395] as a zealous Buddhist but was known by the +posthumous name of Sivabuddha. He was the first to use the name of +Singasari and perhaps founded a new city, but the kingdom of +Toemapel came to an end in his reign for he was slain by Djaja +Katong,[396] prince of Daha, who restored to that kingdom its previous +primacy, but only for a short time, since it was soon supplanted by +Madjapahit. The foundation of this state is connected with a Chinese +invasion of Java, related at some length in the Yuan annals,[397] so +that we are fortunate in possessing a double and fairly consistent +account of what occurred. + +We learn from these sources that some time after Khubilai Khan had +conquered China, he sent missions to neighbouring countries to demand +tribute. The Javanese had generally accorded a satisfactory reception +to Chinese missions, but on this occasion the king (apparently Djaja +Katong) maltreated the envoy and sent him back with his face cut or +tattooed. Khubilai could not brook this outrage and in 1292 +despatched a punitive expedition. At that time Raden Vidjaja, the +son-in-law of Kertanagara, had not submitted to Djaja Katong and +held out at Madjapahit, a stronghold which he had founded near the +river Brantas. He offered his services to the Chinese and after a two +months' campaign Daha was captured and Djaja Katong killed. Raden +Vidjaja now found that he no longer needed his Chinese allies. He +treacherously massacred some and prepared to fight the rest. But the +Mongol generals, seeing the difficulties of campaigning in an unknown +country without guides, prudently returned to their master and +reported that they had taken Daha and killed the insolent king. + +Madjapahit (or Wilwatikta) now became the premier state of Java, and +had some permanency. Eleven sovereigns, including three queens, are +enumerated by the Pararaton until its collapse in 1468. We learn from +the Ming annals and other Chinese documents[398] that it had +considerable commercial relations with China and sent frequent +missions: also that Palembang was a vassal of Java. But the general +impression left by the Pararaton is that during the greater part of +its existence Madjapahit was a distracted and troubled kingdom. In +1403, as we know from both Chinese and Javanese sources, there began a +great war between the western and eastern kingdoms, that is between +Madjapahit and Balambangan in the extreme east, and in the fifteenth +century there was twice an interregnum. Art and literature, though not +dead, declined and events were clearly tending towards a break-up or +revolution. This appears to have been consummated in 1468, when the +Pararaton simply says that King Pandansalas III left the +_Kraton_, or royal residence. + +It is curious that the native traditions as to the date and +circumstances in which Madjapahit fell should be so vague, but perhaps +the end of Hindu rule in Java was less sudden and dramatic than we are +inclined to think. Islam had been making gradual progress and its last +opponents were kings only in title. The Chinese mention the presence +of Arabs in the seventh century, and the geography called _Ying-yai +Sheng-lan_ (published in 1416), which mentions Grisse, Soerabaja and +Madjapahit as the principal towns of Java, divides the inhabitants +into three classes: (_a_) Mohammedans who have come from the west, +"their dress and food is clean and proper"; (_b_) the Chinese, who are +also cleanly and many of whom are Mohammedans; (_c_) the natives who +are ugly and uncouth, devil-worshippers, filthy in food and habits. As +the Chinese do not generally speak so severely of the hinduized +Javanese it would appear that Hinduism lasted longest among the lower +and more savage classes, and that the Moslims stood on a higher +level. As in other countries, the Arabs attempted to spread Islam from +the time of their first appearance. At first they confined their +propaganda to their native wives and dependents. Later we hear of +veritable apostles of Islam such as Malik Ibrahim, and Raden Rahmat, +the ruler of a town called Ampel[399] which became the head quarter of +Islam. The princes whose territory lay round Madjapahit were gradually +converted and the extinction of the last Hindu kingdom became +inevitable.[400] + +3 + + +It is remarkable that the great island of Sumatra, which seems to lie +in the way of anyone proceeding from India eastwards and is close to +the Malay peninsula, should in all ages have proved less accessible to +invaders coming from the west than the more distant Java. Neither +Hindus, Arabs nor Europeans have been able to establish their +influence there in the same thorough manner. The cause is probably to +be found in its unhealthy and impenetrable jungles, but even so its +relative isolation remains singular. + +It does not appear that any prince ever claimed to be king of all +Sumatra. For the Hindu period we have no indigenous literature and our +scanty knowledge is derived from a few statues and inscriptions and +from notices in Chinese writings. The latter do not refer to the +island as a whole but to several states such as Indragiri near the +Equator and Kandali (afterwards called San-bo-tsai, the Sabaza of the +Arabs) near Palembang. The annals of the Liang dynasty say that the +customs of Kandali were much the same as those of Camboja and +apparently we are to understand that the country was Buddhist, for one +king visited the Emperor Wu-ti in a dream, and his son addressed a +letter to His Majesty eulogizing his devotion to Buddhism. Kandali is +said to have sent three envoys to China between 454 and 519. + +The Chinese pilgrim I-Ching[401] visited Sumatra twice, once for +two months in 672 and subsequently for some years (about 688-695). He +tells us that in the islands of the Southern Sea, "which are more than +ten countries," Buddhism flourishes, the school almost universally +followed being the Mulasarvastivada, though the Sammitiyas and other +schools have a few adherents. He calls the country where he sojourned +and to which these statements primarily refer, Bhoja or Sribhoja +(Fo-shih or Shih-li-fo-shih), adding that its former name was Malayu. +It is conjectured that Shih-li-fo-shih is the place later known as +San-bo-tsai[402] and Chinese authors seem to consider that both this +place and the earlier Kandali were roughly speaking identical with +Palembang. I-Ching tells us that the king of Bhoja favoured Buddhism +and that there were more than a thousand priests in the city. Gold was +abundant and golden flowers were offered to the Buddha. There was +communication by ship with both India and China. The Hinayana, he +says, was the form of Buddhism adopted "except in Malayu, where there +are a few who belong to the Mahayana." This is a surprising statement, +but it is impossible to suppose that an expert like I-Ching can have +been wrong about what he actually saw in Sribhoja. So far as his +remarks apply to Java they must be based on hearsay and have less +authority, but the sculptures of Boroboedoer appear to show the +influence of Mulasarvastivadin literature. It must be remembered that +this school, though nominally belonging to the Hinayana, came to be +something very different from the Theravada of Ceylon. + +The Sung annals and subsequent Chinese writers know the same district +(the modern Palembang) as San-bo-tsai (which may indicate either mere +change of name or the rise of a new city) and say that it sent +twenty-one envoys between 960 and 1178. The real object of these +missions was to foster trade and there was evidently frequent +intercourse between eastern Sumatra, Champa and China. Ultimately the +Chinese seem to have thought that the entertainment of Sumatran +diplomatists cost more than they were worth, for in 1178 the emperor +ordered that they should not come to Court but present themselves in +the province of Fu-kien. The Annals state that Sanskrit writing +was in use at San-bo-tsai and lead us to suppose that the country was +Buddhist. They mention several kings whose names or titles seem to +begin with the Sanskrit word Sri.[403] In 1003 the envoys reported +that a Buddhist temple had been erected in honour of the emperor and +they received a present of bells for it. Another envoy asked for +dresses to be worn by Buddhist monks. The Ming annals also record +missions from San-bo-tsai up to 1376, shortly after which the region +was conquered by Java and the town decayed.[404] In the fourteenth +century Chinese writers begin to speak of Su-men-ta-la or Sumatra by +which is meant not the whole island but a state in the northern part +of it called Samudra and corresponding to Atjeh.[405] It had relations +with China and the manners and customs of its inhabitants are said to +be the same as in Malacca, which probably means that they were +Moslims. + +Little light is thrown on the history of Sumatra by indigenous or +Javanese monuments. Those found testify, as might be expected, to the +existence here and there of both Brahmanism and Buddhism. In 1343 a +Sumatran prince named Adityavarman, who was apparently a vassal of +Madjapahit, erected an image of Manjusri at Tjandi Djago and in +1375 one of Amoghapasa. + +4 + + +The Liang and T'ang annals both speak of a country called Po-li, +described as an island lying to the south-east of Canton. Groeneveldt +identified it with Sumatra, but the account of its position suggests +that it is rather to be found in Borneo, parts of which were +undoubtedly known to the Chinese as Po-lo and Pu-ni.[406] The Liang +annals state that Po-li sent an embassy to the Emperor Wu-ti in 518 +bearing a letter which described the country as devoted to +Buddhism and frequented by students of the three vehicles. If the +letter is an authentic document the statements in it may still be +exaggerations, for the piety of Wu-ti was well known and it is clear +that foreign princes who addressed him thought it prudent to represent +themselves and their subjects as fervent Buddhists. But there +certainly was a Hindu period in Borneo, of which some tradition +remains among the natives,[407] although it ended earlier and left +fewer permanent traces than in Java and elsewhere. + +The most important records of this period are three Sanskrit +inscriptions found at Koetei on the east coast of Borneo.[408] They +record the donations made to Brahmans by King Mulavarman, son of +Asvavarman and grandson of Kundagga. They are not dated, but Kern +considers for palaeographical reasons that they are not later than the +fifth century. Thus, since three generations are mentioned, it is +probable that about 400 A.D. there were Hindu princes in Borneo. The +inscriptions testify to the existence of Hinduism there rather than of +Buddhism: in fact the statements in the Chinese annals are the only +evidence for the latter. But it is most interesting to find that these +annals give the family name of the king of Poli as Kaundinya[409] which +no doubt corresponds to the Kundagga of the Koetei inscription. At least +one if not two of the Hindu invaders of Camboja bore this name, and we +can hardly be wrong in supposing that members of the same great family +became princes in different parts of the Far East. One explanation of +their presence in Borneo would be that they went thither from Camboja, +but we have no record of expeditions from Camboja and if adventurers +started thence it is not clear why they went to the _east_ coast of +Borneo. It would be less strange if Kaundinyas emigrating from Java +reached both Camboja and Koetei. It is noticeable that in Java, Koetei, +Champa and Camboja alike royal names end in _varman_. + +5 + + +The architectural monuments of Java are remarkable for their size, +their number and their beauty. Geographically they fall into two chief +groups, the central (Boroboedoer, Prambanan, Dieng plateau, etc.) in +or near the kingdom of Mataram and the eastern (Tjandi Djago, +Singasari, Panataran, etc.) lying not at the extremity of the island +but chiefly to the south of Soerabaja. No relic of antiquity deserving +to be called a monument has been found in western Java for the records +left by Purnavarman (_c_. 400 A.D.) are merely rocks bearing +inscriptions and two footprints, as a sign that the monarch's +triumphal progress is compared to the three steps of Vishnu. + +The earliest dated (779 A.D.) monument in mid Java, Tjandi Kalasan, is +Buddhist and lies in the plain of Prambanan. It is dedicated to Tara +and is of a type common both in Java and Champa, namely a chapel +surmounted by a tower. In connection with it was erected the +neighbouring building called Tjandi Sari, a two-storied monastery for +Mahayanist monks. Not far distant is Tjandi Sevu, which superficially +resembles the 450 Pagodas of Mandalay, for it consists of a central +cruciform shrine surrounded by about 240 smaller separate chapels, +everyone of which, apparently, contained the statue of a Dhyani +Buddha. Other Buddhist buildings in the same region are Tjandi +Plaosan, and the beautiful chapel known as Tjandi Mendut in which are +gigantic seated images of the Buddha, Manjusri and Avalokita. The +face of the last named is perhaps the most exquisite piece of work +ever wrought by the chisel of a Buddhist artist. + +It is not far from Mendut to Boroboedoer, which deserves to be +included in any list of the wonders of the world. This celebrated +stupa--for in essence it is a highly ornamented stupa with galleries +of sculpture rising one above the other on its sides--has been often +described and can be described intelligibly only at considerable +length. I will therefore not attempt to detail or criticize its +beauties but will merely state some points which are important for our +purpose. + +It is generally agreed that it must have been built about 850 A.D., +but obviously the construction lasted a considerable time and there +are indications that the architects altered their original plan. The +unknown founder must have been a powerful and prosperous king for +no one else could have commanded the necessary labour. The stupa shows +no sign of Brahmanic influence. It is purely Buddhist and built for +purposes of edification. The worshippers performed pradakshina by +walking round the galleries, one after the other, and as they did so +had an opportunity of inspecting some 2000 reliefs depicting the +previous births of Sakyamuni, his life on earth and finally the +mysteries of Mahayanist theology. As in Indian pilgrim cities, temple +guides were probably ready to explain the pictures. + +The selection of reliefs is not due to the artists' fancy but aims at +illustrating certain works. Thus the scenes of the Buddha's life +reproduce in stone the story of the Lalita Vistara[410] and the Jataka +pictures are based on the Divyavadana. It is interesting to find that +both these works are connected with the school of the Mulasarvastivadins, +which according to I-Ching was the form of Buddhism prevalent in the +archipelago. In the third gallery the figure of Maitreya is prominent and +often seems to be explaining something to a personage who accompanies +him. As Maitreya is said to have revealed five important scriptures to +Asanga, and as there is a tradition that the east of Asia was evangelized +by the disciples of Asanga or Vasubandhu, it is possible that the +delivery and progress of Maitreya's revelation is here depicted. The +fourth gallery seems to deal with the five superhuman Buddhas,[411] their +paradises and other supra-mundane matters, but the key to this series of +sculptures has not yet been found. It is probable that the highest storey +proved to be too heavy in its original form and that the central dagoba +had to be reduced lest it should break the substructure. But it is not +known what image or relic was preserved in this dagoba. Possibly it was +dedicated to Vairocana who was regarded as the Supreme Being and All-God +by some Javanese Buddhists.[412] + +The creed here depicted in stone seems to be a form of Mahayanism. +Sakyamuni is abundantly honoured but there is no representation of +his death. This may be because the Lalita Vistara treats only of his +early career, but still the omission is noteworthy. In spite of the +importance of Sakyamuni, a considerable if mysterious part is +played by the five superhuman Buddhas, and several Bodhisattvas, +especially Maitreya, Avalokita and Manjusri. In the celestial +scenes we find numerous Bodhisattvas both male and female, yet the +figures are hardly Tantric and there is no sign that any of the +personages are Brahmanic deities. + +Yet the region was not wholly Buddhist. Not far from Boroboedoer and +apparently of about the same age is the Sivaite temple of Banon, and +the great temple group of Prambanam is close to Kalasan and to the +other Buddhist shrines mentioned above. It consists of eight temples +of which four are dedicated to Brahma, Siva, Vishnu and Nandi +respectively, the purpose of the others being uncertain. The largest +and most decorated is that dedicated to Siva, containing four +shrines in which are images of the god as Mahadeva and as Guru, of +Ganesa and of Durga. The balustrade is ornamented with a series of +reliefs illustrating the Ramayana. These temples, which appear to be +entirely Brahmanic, approach in style the architecture of eastern Java +and probably date from the tenth century, that is about a century +later than the Buddhist monuments. But there is no tradition or other +evidence of a religious revolution. + +The temples on the Dieng plateau are also purely Brahmanic and +probably older, for though we have no record of their foundation, an +inscribed stone dated 800 A.D. has been found in this district. The +plateau which is 6500 feet high was approached by paved roads or +flights of stairs on one of which about 4000 steps still remain. +Originally there seem to have been about 40 buildings on the plateau +but of these only eight now exist besides several stone foundations +which supported wooden structures. The place may have been a temple +city analogous to Girnar or Satrunjaya, but it appears to have been +deserted in the thirteenth century, perhaps in consequence of volcanic +activity. The Dieng temples are named after the heroes of the +Mahabharata (Tjandi Ardjuno, Tjandi Bimo, etc.), but these appear to +be late designations. They are rectangular towerlike shrines with +porches and a single cellule within. Figures of Brahma, Siva and +Vishnu have been discovered, as well as spouts to carry off the +libation water. + +Before leaving mid Java I should perhaps mention the relatively modern +(1435-1440 A.D.) temples of Suku. I have not seen these buildings, but +they are said to be coarse in execution and to indicate that they were +used by a debased sect of Vishnuites. Their interest lies in the +extraordinary resemblance which they bear to the temples of Mexico and +Yucatan, a resemblance "which no one can fail to observe, though no +one has yet suggested any hypothesis to account for it."[413] + +The best known and probably the most important monuments of eastern +Java are Panataran, Tjandi Djago and Tjandi Singasari.[414] + +The first is considered to date from about 1150 A.D. It is practically +a three-storied pyramid with a flat top. The sides of the lowest +storey are ornamented with a series of reliefs illustrating portions +of the Ramayana, local legends and perhaps the exploits of Krishna, +but this last point is doubtful.[415] This temple seems to indicate +the same stage of belief as Prambanam. It shows no trace of Buddhism +and though Siva was probably the principal deity, the scenes +represented in its sculptures are chiefly Vishnuite. + +Tjandi Djago is in the province of Pasoeroean. According to the +Pararaton and the Nagarakretagama,[416] Vishnuvardhana, king of +Toemapel, was buried there. As he died in 1272 or 1273 A.D. and the +temple was already in existence, we may infer that it dates from at +least 1250. He was represented there in the form of Sugata (that is +the Buddha) and at Waleri in the form of Siva. Here we have the +custom known also in Champa and Camboja of a deceased king being +represented by a statue with his own features but the attributes of +his tutelary deity. It is strange that a king named after Vishnu +should be portrayed in the guise of Siva and Buddha. But in spite +of this impartiality, the cult practised at Tjandi Djago seems to have +been not a mixture but Buddhism of a late Mahayanist type. It was +doubtless held that Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are identical with +Brahmanic deities, but the fairly numerous pantheon discovered in or +near the ruins consists of superhuman Buddhas and Bodhisattvas with +their spouses.[417] + +In form Tjandi Djago has somewhat the appearance of a three-storied +pyramid but the steps leading up to the top platform are at one end +only and the shrine instead of standing in the centre of the platform +is at the end opposite to the stairs. The figures in the reliefs are +curiously square and clumsy and recall those of Central America. + +Tjandi Singasari, also in the province of Pasoeroean, is of a different +form. It is erected on a single low platform and consists of a plain +rectangular building surmounted by five towers such as are also found in +Cambojan temples. There is every reason to believe that it was erected +in 1278 A.D. in the reign of Kretanagara, the last king of Toemapel, and +that it is the temple known as Siva-buddhalaya in which he was +commemorated under the name of Siva-buddha. An inscription found close +by relates that in 1351 A.D. a shrine was erected on behalf of the royal +family in memory of those who died with the king.[418] + +The Nagarakretagama represents this king as a devout Buddhist but +his very title Sivabuddha shows how completely Sivaism and Buddhism +were fused in his religion. The same work mentions a temple in which +the lower storey was dedicated to Siva and the upper to Akshobhya: +it also leads us to suppose that the king was honoured as an +incarnation of Akshobhya even during his life and was consecrated as a +Jina under the name of Srijnanabajresvara.[419] The Singasari +temple is less ornamented with reliefs than the others described but +has furnished numerous statues of excellent workmanship which +illustrate the fusion of the Buddhist and Sivaite pantheons. On the +one side we have Prajnaparamita, Manjusri and Tara, on the other +Ganesa, the Linga, Siva in various forms (Guru, Nandisvara, +Mahakala, etc.), Durga and Brahma. Not only is the Sivaite element +predominant but the Buddhist figures are concerned less with the +veneration of the Buddha than with accessory mythology. + +Javanese architecture and sculpture are no doubt derived from India, +but the imported style, whatever it may have been, was modified by +local influences and it seems impossible at present to determine +whether its origin should be sought on the eastern or western side of +India. The theory that the temples on the Dieng plateau are Chalukyan +buildings appears to be abandoned but they and many others in Java +show a striking resemblance to the shrines found in Champa. Javanese +architecture is remarkable for the complete absence not only of +radiating arches but of pillars, and consequently of large halls. This +feature is no doubt due to the ever present danger of earthquakes. +Many reliefs, particularly those of Panataran, show the influence of a +style which is not Indian and may be termed, though not very +correctly, Polynesian. The great merit of Javanese sculpture lies in +the refinement and beauty of the faces. Among figures executed in +India it would be hard to find anything equal in purity and delicacy +to the Avalokita of Mendut, the Manjusri now in the Berlin Museum +or the Prajnaparamita now at Leyden. + +6 + + +From the eleventh century until the end of the Hindu period Java can +show a considerable body of literature, which is in part theological. +It is unfortunate that no books dating from an earlier epoch should be +extant. The sculptures of Prambanam and Boroboedoer clearly presuppose +an acquaintance with the Ramayana, the Lalita Vistara and other +Buddhist works but, as in Camboja, this literature was probably known +only in the original Sanskrit and only to the learned. But it is not +unlikely that the Javanese adaptations of the Indian epics which have +come down to us were preceded by earlier attempts which have +disappeared. + +The old literary language of Java is commonly known as Basa Kawi or +Kawi, that is the language of poetry.[420] It is however simply +the predecessor of modern Javanese and many authorities prefer to +describe the language of the island as Old Javanese before the +Madjapahit period, Middle-Javanese during that period and New Javanese +after the fall of Madjapahit. The greater part of this literature +consists of free versions of Sanskrit works or of a substratum in +Sanskrit accompanied by a Javanese explanation. Only a few Javanese +works are original, that is to say not obviously inspired by an Indian +prototype, but on the other hand nearly all of them handle their +materials with freedom and adapt rather than translate what they +borrow. + +One of the earliest works preserved appears to be the Tantoe +Panggelaran, a treatise on cosmology in which Indian and native +ideas are combined. It is supposed to have been written about 1000 +A.D. Before the foundation of Madjapahit Javanese literature +flourished especially in the reigns of Erlangga and Djajabaja, that is +in the eleventh and twelfth centuries respectively. About the time of +Erlangga were produced the old prose version of the Mahabharata, in +which certain episodes of that poem are rendered with great freedom +and the poem called Arjuna-vivaha, or the marriage of Arjuna. + +The Bharatayuddha,[421] which states that it was composed by Mpoe +Sedah in 1157 by order of Djajabaja, prince of Kediri, is, even more +than the prose version mentioned above, a free rendering of parts of +the Mahabharata. It is perhaps based on an older translation preserved +in Bali.[422] The Kawi Ramayana was in the opinion of Kern composed +about 1200 A.D. It follows in essentials the story of the Ramayana, +but it was apparently composed by a poet unacquainted with Sanskrit +who drew his knowledge from some native source now unknown.[423] He +appears to have been a Sivaite. To the eleventh century are also +referred the Smaradahana and the treatise on prosody called +Vrittasancaya. All this literature is based upon classical Sanskrit +models and is not distinctly Buddhist although the prose version of +the Mahabharata states that it was written for Brahmans, Sivaites and +Buddhists.[424] Many other translations or adaptations of Sanskrit +work are mentioned, such as the Nitisastra, the Sarasamuccaya, the +Tantri (in several editions), a prose translation of the +Brahmandapurana, together with grammars and dictionaries. The +absence of dates makes it difficult to use these works for the history +of Javanese thought. But it seems clear that during the Madjapahit +epoch, or perhaps even before it, a strong current of Buddhism +permeated Javanese literature, somewhat in contrast with the tone of +the works hitherto cited. Brandes states that the Sutasoma, +Vighnotsava, Kunjarakarna, Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan, and Buddhapamutus +are purely Buddhist works and that the Tjantakaparva, Arjunavijaya, +Nagarakretagama, Wariga and Bubukshah show striking traces of +Buddhism.[425] Some of these works are inaccessible to me but two of +them deserve examination, the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan[426] and the +story of Kunjarakarna.[427] The first is tentatively assigned to +the Madjapahit epoch or earlier, the second with the same caution to +the eleventh century. I do not presume to criticize these dates which +depend partly on linguistic considerations. The Kamahayanikan is a +treatise (or perhaps extracts from treatises) on Mahayanism as +understood in Java and presumably on the normal form of Mahayanism. +The other work is an edifying legend including an exposition of the +faith by no one less than the Buddha Vairocana. In essentials it +agrees with the Kamahayanikan but in details it shows either sectarian +influence or the idiosyncrasies of the author. + +The Kamahayanikan consists of Sanskrit verses explained by a +commentary in old Javanese and is partly in the form of questions and +answers. The only authority whom it cites is Dignaga. It professes to +teach the Mahayana and Mantrayana, which is apparently a misspelling +for Mantrayana. The emphasis laid on Bajra (that is vajra or dorje), +ghanta, mudra, mandala, mystic syllables, and Devis marks it as +an offshoot of Tantrism and it offers many parallels to Nepalese +literature. On the other hand it is curious that it uses the form +Nibana not Nirvana.[428] Its object is to teach a neophyte, +who has to receive initiation, how to become a Buddha.[429] In the +second part the pupil is addressed as Jinaputra, that is son of the +Buddha or one of the household of faith. He is to be moderate but not +ascetic in food and clothing: he is not to cleave to the Puranas +and Tantras but to practise the Paramitas. These are defined first as +six[430] and then four others are added.[431] Under Prajnaparamita is +given a somewhat obscure account of the doctrine of Sunyata. Then +follows the exposition of Paramaguhya (the highest secret) and +Mahaguhya (the great secret). The latter is defined as being Yoga, the +bhavanas, the four noble truths and the ten paramitas. The former +explains the embodiment of Bhatara Visesha, that is to say the +way in which Buddhas, gods and the world of phenomena are evolved from +a primordial principle, called Advaya and apparently equivalent to the +Nepalese Adibuddha.[432] Advaya is the father of Buddha and +Advayajnana, also called Bharali Prajnaparamita, is his mother, but +the Buddha principle at this stage is also called Divarupa. In the +next stage this Divarupa takes form as Sakyamuni, who is regarded +as a superhuman form of Buddhahood rather than as a human teacher, for +he produces from his right and left side respectively Lokesvara and +Bajrapani. These beings produce, the first Akshobhya and +Ratnasambhava, the second Amitabha and Amoghasiddhi, but Vairocana +springs directly from the face of Sakyamuni. The five superhuman +Buddhas are thus accounted for. From Vairocana spring Isvara +(Siva), Brahma, and Vishnu: from them the elements, the human +body and the whole world. A considerable part of the treatise is +occupied with connecting these various emanations of the Advaya with +mystic syllables and in showing how the five Buddhas correspond to the +different skandas, elements, senses, etc. Finally we are told that +there are five Devis, or female counterparts corresponding in the same +order to the Buddhas named above and called Locana, Mamaki, +Pandaravasini, Tara and Dhatvisvari. But it is declared that +the first and last of these are the same and therefore there are +really only four Devis. + +The legend of Kunjarakarna relates how a devout Yaksha of that name +went to Bodhicitta[433] and asked of Vairocana instruction in the holy +law and more especially as to the mysteries of rebirth. Vairocana did +not refuse but bade his would-be pupil first visit the realms of Yama, +god of the dead. Kunjarakarna did so, saw the punishments of the +underworld, including the torments prepared for a friend of his, whom +he was able to warn on his return. Yama gave him some explanations +respecting the alternation of life and death and he was subsequently +privileged to receive a brief but more general exposition of doctrine +from Vairocana himself. + +This doctrine is essentially a variety of Indian pantheism but +peculiar in its terminology inasmuch as Vairocana, like Krishna +in the Bhagavad-gita, proclaims himself to be the All-God and not +merely the chief of the five Buddhas. He quotes with approval the +saying "you are I: I am you" and affirms the identity of Buddhism and +Sivaism. Among the monks[434] there are no _muktas_ (_i.e._ none +who have attained liberation) because they all consider as two what is +really one. "The Buddhists say, we are Bauddhas, for the Lord Buddha +is our highest deity: we are not the same as the Sivaites, for the +Lord Siva is for them the highest deity." The Sivaites are +represented as saying that the five Kusikas are a development or +incarnations of the five Buddhas. "Well, my son" is the conclusion, +"These are all one: we are Siva, we are Buddha." + +In this curious exposition the author seems to imply that his doctrine +is different from that of ordinary Buddhists, and to reprimand them +more decidedly than Sivaites. He several times uses the phrase +_Namo Bhatara, namah Sivaya_ (Hail, Lord: hail to Siva) +yet he can hardly be said to favour the Sivaites on the whole, for +his All-God is Vairocana who once (but only once) receives the title +of Buddha. The doctrine attributed to the Sivaites that the five +Kusikas are identical with the superhuman Buddhas remains +obscure.[435] These five personages are said to be often mentioned in +old Javanese literature but to be variously enumerated.[436] They +are identified with the five Indras, but these again are said to be +the five senses (indriyas). Hence we can find a parallel to this +doctrine in the teaching of the Kamahayanikan that the five Buddhas +correspond to the five senses. + +Two other special theses are enounced in the story of Kunjarakarna. +The first is Vairocana's analysis of a human being, which makes it +consist of five Atmans or souls, called respectively Atman, +Cetanatman, Paratman, Niratman and Antaratman, which somehow +correspond to the five elements, five senses and five Skandhas. The +singular list suggests that the author was imperfectly acquainted with +the meaning of the Sanskrit words employed and the whole terminology +is strange in a Buddhist writer. Still in the later Upanishads[437] +the epithet pancatmaka is applied to the human body, especially in the +Garbha Upanishad which, like the passage here under consideration, +gives a psychophysiological explanation of the development of an +embryo into a human being. + +The second thesis is put in the mouth of Yama. He states that when a +being has finished his term in purgatory he returns to life in this +world first as a worm or insect, then successively as a higher animal +and a human being, first diseased or maimed and finally perfect. No +parallel has yet been quoted to this account of metempsychosis. + +Thus the Kunjarakarna contains peculiar views which are probably +sectarian or individual. On the other hand their apparent singularity +may be due to our small knowledge of old Javanese literature. Though +other writings are not known to extol Vairocana as being Siva and +Buddha in one, yet they have no scruple in identifying Buddhist and +Brahmanic deities or connecting them by some system of emanations, as +we have already seen in the Kamahayanikan. Such an identity is still +more definitely proclaimed in the old Javanese version of the Sutasoma +Jataka.[438] It is called Purushada-Santa and was composed by +Tantular who lived at Madjapahit in the reign of Rajasanagara +(1350-1389 A.D.). In the Indian original Sutasoma is one of the +previous births of Gotama. But the Javanese writer describes him as an +Avatara of the Buddha who is Brahma, Vishnu and Isvara, and he +states that "The Lord Buddha is not different from Siva the king of +the gods.... They are distinct and they are one. In the Law is no +dualism." The superhuman Buddhas are identified with various Hindu +gods and also with the five senses. Thus Amitabha is Mahadeva and +Amoghasiddhi is Vishnu. This is only a slight variation of the +teaching in the Kamahayanikan. There Brahmanic deities emanate from +Sakyamuni through various Bodhisattvas and Buddhas: here the Buddha +spirit is regarded as equivalent to the Hindu Trimurti and the various +aspects of this spirit can be described in either Brahmanic or +Buddhistic terminology though in reality all Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and +gods are one. But like the other authors quoted, Tantular appears to +lean to the Buddhist side of these equations, especially for didactic +purposes. For instance he says that meditation should be guided "by +Lokesvara's word and Sakyamuni's spirit." + +7 + + +Thus it will be seen that if we take Javanese epigraphy, monuments and +literature together with Chinese notices, they to some extent confirm +one another and enable us to form an outline picture, though with many +gaps, of the history of thought and religion in the island. Fa-Hsien +tells us that in 418 A.D. Brahmanism flourished (as is testified by +the inscriptions of Purnavarman) but that the Buddhists were not +worth mentioning. Immediately afterwards, probably in 423, +Gunavarman is said to have converted She-po, if that be Java, to +Buddhism, and as he came from Kashmir he was probably a Sarvastivadin. +Other monks are mentioned as having visited the southern seas.[439] +About 690 I-Ching says that Buddhism of the Mulasarvastivadin school +was flourishing in Sumatra, which he visited, and in the other islands +of the Archipelago. The remarkable series of Buddhist monuments in mid +Java extending from about 779 to 900 A.D. confirms his statement. +But two questions arise. Firstly, is there any explanation of this +sudden efflorescence of Buddhism in the Archipelago, and next, what +was its doctrinal character? If, as Taranatha says, the disciples of +Vasubandhu evangelized the countries of the East, their influence +might well have been productive about the time of I-Ching's visit. But +in any case during the sixth and seventh centuries religious +travellers must have been continually journeying between India and +China, in both directions, and some of them must have landed in the +Archipelago. At the beginning of the sixth century Buddhism was not +yet decadent in India and was all the fashion in China. It is not +therefore surprising if it was planted in the islands lying on the +route. It may be, as indicated above, that some specially powerful +body of Hindus coming from the region of Gujarat and professing +Buddhism founded in Java a new state. + +As to the character of this early Javanese Buddhism we have the +testimony of I-Ching that it was of the Mulasarvastivadin school and +Hinayanist. He wrote of what he had seen in Sumatra but of what he +knew only by hearsay in Java and his statement offers some +difficulties. Probably Hinayanism was introduced by Gunavarman but +was superseded by other teachings which were imported from time to +time after they had won for themselves a position in India. For the +temple of Kalasan (A.D. 779) is dedicated to Tara and the inscription +found there speaks of the Mahayana with veneration. The later Buddhism +of Java has literary records which, so far as I know, are unreservedly +Mahayanist but probably the sculptures of Boroboedoer are the most +definite expression which we shall ever have of its earlier phases. +Since they contain images of the five superhuman Buddhas and of +numerous Bodhisattvas, they can hardly be called anything but +Mahayanist. But on the other hand the personality of Sakyamuni is +emphasized; his life and previous births are pictured in a long series +of sculptures and Maitreya is duly honoured. Similar collections of +pictures and images may be seen in Burma which differ doctrinally from +those in Java chiefly by substituting the four human Buddhas[440] and +Maitreya for the superhuman Buddhas. But Mahayanist teaching declares +that these human Buddhas are reflexes of counterparts of the +superhuman Buddhas so that the difference is not great. + +Mahayanist Buddhism in Camboja and at a later period in Java itself +was inextricably combined with Hinduism, Buddha being either directly +identified with Siva or regarded as the primordial spirit from +which Siva and all gods spring. But the sculptures of Boroboedoer +do not indicate that the artists knew of any such amalgamation nor +have inscriptions been found there, as in Camboja, which explain this +compound theology. It would seem that Buddhism and Brahmanism +co-existed in the same districts but had not yet begun to fuse +doctrinally. The same condition seems to have prevailed in western +India during the seventh and eighth centuries, for the Buddhist caves +of Ellora, though situated in the neighbourhood of Brahmanic buildings +and approximating to them in style, contain sculptures which indicate +a purely Buddhist cultus and not a mixed pantheon. + +Our meagre knowledge of Javanese history makes it difficult to +estimate the spheres and relative strength of the two religions. In +the plains the Buddhist monuments are more numerous and also more +ancient and we might suppose that the temples of Prambanan indicate +the beginning of some change in belief. But the temples on the Dieng +plateau seem to be of about the same age as the oldest Buddhist +monuments. Thus nothing refutes the supposition that Brahmanism +existed in Java from the time of the first Hindu colonists and that +Buddhism was introduced after 400 A.D. It may be that Boroboedoer and +the Dieng plateau represent the religious centres of two different +kingdoms. But this supposition is not necessary for in India, whence +the Javanese received their ideas, groups of temples are found of the +same age but belonging to different sects. Thus in the Khajraho +group[441] some shrines are Jain and of the rest some are dedicated to +Siva and some to Vishnu. + +The earliest records of Javanese Brahmanism, the inscriptions of +Purnavarman, are Vishnuite but the Brahmanism which prevailed in the +eighth and ninth centuries was in the main Sivaite, though not of a +strongly sectarian type. Brahma, Vishnu and Siva were all +worshipped both at Prambanan and on the Dieng but Siva together +with Ganesa, Durga, and Nandi is evidently the chief deity. An +image of Siva in the form of Bhatara Guru or Mahaguru is +installed in one of the shrines at Prambanan. This deity is +characteristic of Javanese Hinduism and apparently peculiar to it. He +is represented as an elderly bearded man wearing a richly ornamented +costume. There is something in the pose and drapery which recalls +Chinese art and I think the figure is due to Chinese influence, for at +the present day many of the images found in the temples of Bali are +clearly imitated from Chinese models (or perhaps made by Chinese +artists) and this may have happened in earlier times. The Chinese +annals record several instances of religious objects being presented +by the Emperors to Javanese princes. Though Bhatara Guru is only an +aspect of Siva he is a sufficiently distinct personality to have a +shrine of his own like Ganesa and Durga, in temples where the +principal image of Siva is of another kind. + +The same type of Brahmanism lasted at least until the erection of +Panataran (c. 1150). The temple appears to have been dedicated to +Siva but like Prambanan it is ornamented with scenes from the +Ramayana and from Vishnuite Puranas.[442] The literature which can be +definitely assigned to the reigns of Djajabaja and Erlangga is +Brahmanic in tone but both literature and monuments indicate that +somewhat later there was a revival of Buddhism. Something similar +appears to have happened in other countries. In Camboja the +inscriptions of Jayavarman VII (c. 1185 A.D.) are more definitely +Buddhist than those of his predecessors and in 1296 Chou Ta-kuan +regarded the country as mainly Buddhist. Parakrama Bahu of Ceylon +(1153-1186) was zealous for the faith and so were several kings of +Siam. I am inclined to think that this movement was a consequence of +the flourishing condition of Buddhism at Pagan in Burma from 1050 to +1250. Pagan certainly stimulated religion in both Siam and Ceylon and +Siam reacted strongly on Camboja.[443] It is true that the later +Buddhism of Java was by no means of the Siamese type, but probably the +idea was current that the great kings of the world were pious +Buddhists and consequently in most countries the local form of +Buddhism, whatever it was, began to be held in esteem. Java had +constant communication with Camboja and Champa and a king of +Madjapahit married a princess of the latter country. It is also +possible that a direct stimulus may have been received from India, for +the statement of Taranatha[444] that when Bihar was sacked by the +Mohammedans the Buddhist teachers fled to other regions and that some +of them went to Camboja is not improbable. + +But though the prestige of Buddhism increased in the thirteenth +century, no rupture with Brahmanism took place and Pali Buddhism does +not appear to have entered Java. The unity of the two religions is +proclaimed: Buddha and Siva are one. But the Kamahayanikan while +admitting the Trimurti makes it a derivative, and not even a primary +derivative, of the original Buddha spirit. It has been stated that the +religion of Java in the Madjapahit epoch was Sivaism with a little +Buddhism thrown in, on the understanding that it was merely another +method of formulating the same doctrine. It is very likely that the +bulk of the population worshipped Hindu deities, for they are the gods +of this world and dispense its good things. Yet the natives still +speak of the old religion as Buddhagama; the old times are "Buddha +times" and even the flights of stairs leading up to the Dieng plateau +are called Buddha steps. This would hardly be so if in the Madjapahit +epoch Buddha had not seemed to be the most striking figure in the +non-Mohammedan religion. Also, the majority of _religious_ works which +have survived from this period are Buddhist. It is true that we have +the Ramayana, the Bharata Yuddha and many other specimens of Brahmanic +literature. But these, especially in their Javanese dress, are _belles +lettres_ rather than theology, whereas Kamahayanikan and Kunjarakarna +are dogmatic treatises. Hence it would appear that the religious life +of Madjapahit was rooted in Buddhism, but a most tolerant Buddhism +which had no desire to repudiate Brahmanism. + +I have already briefly analysed the Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan which +seems to be the most authoritative exposition of this creed. The +learned editor has collected many parallels from Tibetan and Nepalese +works and similar parallels between Javanese and Tibetan iconography +have been indicated by Pleyte[445] and others. The explanation +must be that the late forms of Buddhist art and doctrine which +nourished in Magadha spread to Tibet and Nepal but were also +introduced into Java. The Kamahayanikan appears to be a paraphrase of +a Sanskrit original, perhaps distorted and mutilated. This original +has not been identified with any work known to exist in India but +might well be a Mahayanist catechism composed there about the eleventh +century. The terminology of the treatise is peculiar, particularly in +calling the ultimate principle Advaya and the more personal +manifestation of it Divarupa. The former term may be paralleled in +Hemacandra and the Amarakosha, which give respectively as synonyms for +Buddha, advaya (in whom is no duality) and advayavadin (who preaches +no duality), but Divarupa has not been found in any other work.[446] +It is also remarkable that the Kamahayanikan does not teach the +doctrine of the three bodies of Buddha.[447] It clearly states[448] +that the Divarupa is identical with the highest being worshipped by +various sects: with Paramasunya, Paramasiva, the Purusha of the +followers of Kapila, the Nirguna of the Vishnuites, etc. Many names +of sects and doctrines are mentioned which remain obscure, but the +desire to represent them all as essentially identical is obvious. + +The Kamahayanikan recognizes the theoretical identity of the highest +principles in Buddhism and Vishnuism[449] but it does not appear that +Vishnu-Buddha was ever a popular conception like Siva-Buddha or that the +compound deity called Siva-Vishnu, Hari-Hara, Sankara-Narayana, etc., so +well known in Camboja, enjoyed much honour in Java, Vishnu is relegated +to a distinctly secondary position and the Javanese version of the +Mahabharata is more distinctly Sivaite than the Sanskrit text. Still he +has a shrine at Prambanan, the story of the Ramayana is depicted there +and at Panataran, and various unedited manuscripts contain allusions to +his worship, more especially to his incarnation as Narasimha and to the +Garuda on which he rides.[450] + +8 + + +At present nearly all the inhabitants of Java profess Islam although +the religion of a few tribes, such as the Tenggarese, is still a +mixture of Hinduism with indigenous beliefs. But even among nominal +Moslims some traces of the older creed survive. On festival days such +monuments as Boroboedoer and Prambanan are frequented by crowds who, +if they offer no worship, at least take pleasure in examining the +ancient statues. Some of these however receive more definite honours: +they are painted red and modest offerings of flowers and fruit are +laid before them. Yet the respect shown to particular images seems due +not to old tradition but to modern and wrongheaded interpretations of +their meaning. Thus at Boroboedoer the relief which represents the +good tortoise saving a shipwrecked crew receives offerings from women +because the small figures on the tortoise's back are supposed to be +children. The minor forms of Indian mythology still flourish. All +classes believe in the existence of raksasas, boetas (bhutas) and +widadaris (vidyadharis), who are regarded as spirits similar to the +Jinns of the Arabs. Lakshmi survives in the female genius believed +even by rigid Mohammedans to preside over the cultivation of rice and +the somewhat disreputable sect known as Santri Birahis are said to +adore devas and the forces of nature.[451] Less obvious, but more +important as more deeply affecting the national character, is the +tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. What is known as +ngelmoe[452] plays a considerable part in the religious life of the +modern Javanese. The word is simply the Arabic 'ilm (or knowledge) +used in the sense of secret science. It sometimes signifies mere magic +but the higher forms of it, such as the _ngelmoe peling_, are said +to teach that the contemplative life is the way to the knowledge of +God and the attainment of supernatural powers. With such ngelmoe +is often connected a belief in metempsychosis, in the illusory nature +of the world, and in the efficacy of regulating the breath. Asceticism +is still known under the name of tapa and it is said that there are +many recluses who live on alms and spend their time in meditation. The +affinity of all this to Indian religion is obvious, although the +Javanese have no idea that it is in any way incompatible with orthodox +Islam. + +Indian religion, which in Java is represented merely by the influence +of the past on the present, is not dead in Bali[453] where, though +much mixed with aboriginal superstitions, it is still a distinct and +national faith, able to hold its own against Mohammedanism and +Christianity.[454] + +The island of Bali is divided from the east coast of Java only by a +narrow strait but the inhabitants possess certain characters of their +own. They are more robust in build, their language is distinct from +Javanese though belonging to the same group, and even the alphabet +presents idiosyncrasies. Their laws, social institutions, customs and +calendar show many peculiarities, explicable on the supposition that +they have preserved the ancient usages of pre-Mohammedan Java. At +present the population is divided into the Bali-Agas or aborigines and +the Wong Madjapahit who profess to have immigrated from that kingdom. +The Chinese references[455] to Bali seem uncertain but, if accepted, +indicate that it was known in the middle ages as a religious centre. +It was probably a colony and dependency of Madjapahit and when +Madjapahit fell it became a refuge for those who were not willing to +accept Islam. + +Caste is still a social institution in Bali, five classes being +recognized, namely Brahmans, Kshatriyas (Satriyas), Vaisyas (Visias), +Sudras and Parias. These distinctions are rigidly observed and though +intermarriage (which in former times was often punished with death) is +now permitted, the offspring are not recognized as belonging to the +caste of the superior parent. The bodies of the dead are burned and +Sati, which was formerly frequent, is believed still to take place in +noble families. Pork is the only meat used and, as in other Hindu +countries, oxen are never slaughtered. + +An idea of the Balinese religion may perhaps be given most easily by +describing some of the temples. These are very abundant: in the +neighbourhood of Boeleling (the capital) alone I have seen more than +ten of considerable size. As buildings they are not ancient, for the +stone used is soft and does not last much more than fifty years. But +when the edifices are rebuilt the ancient shape is preserved and what +we see in Bali to-day probably represents the style of the middle +ages. The temples consist of two or more courts surrounded by high +walls. Worship is performed in the open air: there are various +pyramids, seats, and small shrines like dovecots but no halls or +rooms. The gates are ornamented with the heads of monsters, especially +lions with large ears and winglike expansions at the side. The +outermost gate has a characteristic shape. It somewhat resembles an +Indian gopuram divided into two parts by a sharp, clean cut in the +middle and tradition quotes in explanation the story of a king who was +refused entrance to heaven but cleft a passage through the portal with +his sword. + +In the outer court stand various sheds and hollow wooden cylinders +which when struck give a sound like bells. Another ornamented doorway +leads to the second court where are found some or all of the following +objects: (_a_) Sacred trees, especially _Ficus elastica_. (_b_) Sheds +with seats for human beings. It is said that on certain occasions +these are used by mediums who become inspired by the gods and then +give oracles, (_c_) Seats for the gods, generally under sheds. They +are of various kinds. There is usually one conspicuous chair with an +ornamental back and a scroll hanging behind it which bears some such +inscription as "This is the chair of the Bhatara." Any deity may be +invited to take this seat and receive worship. Sometimes a stone +linga is placed upon it. In some temples a stone chair, called +padmasana, is set apart for Surya. (_d_) Small shrines two or three +feet high, set on posts or pedestals. When well executed they are +similar to the cabinets used in Japanese temples as shrines for images +but when, as often happens, they are roughly made they are curiously +like dovecots. On them are hung strips of dried palm-leaves in bunches +like the Japanese _gohei_. As a rule the shrines contain no image but +only a small seat and some objects said to be stones which are +wrapped up in a cloth and called Artjeh.[456] In some temples (_e.g._ +the Bale Agoeng at Singaraja) there are erections called Meru, +supposed to represent the sacred mountain where the gods reside. They +consist of a stout pedestal or basis of brick on which is erected a +cabinet shrine as already described. Above this are large round discs +made of straw and wood, which may be described as curved roofs or +umbrellas. They are from three to five in number and rise one above +the other, with slight intervals between them. (_e_) In many temples +(for instance at Sangsit and Sawan) pyramidal erections are found +either in addition to the Merus or instead of them. At the end of the +second court is a pyramid in four stages or terraces, often with +prolongations at the side of the main structure or at right angles to +it. It is ascended by several staircases, consisting of about +twenty-five steps, and at the top are rows of cabinet shrines. + +Daily worship is not performed in these temples but offerings are laid +before the shrines from time to time by those who need the help of the +gods and there are several annual festivals. The object of the ritual +is not to honour any image or object habitually kept in the temple but +to induce the gods, who are supposed to be hovering round like birds, +to seat themselves in the chair provided or to enter into some sacred +object, and then receive homage and offerings. Thus both the ideas and +ceremonial are different from those which prevail in Hindu temples and +have more affinity with Polynesian beliefs. The deities are called +Dewa, but many of them are indigenous nature spirits (especially +mountain spirits) such as Dewa Gunung Agung, who are sometimes +identified with Indian gods. + +Somewhat different are the Durga temples. These are dedicated to the +spirits of the dead but the images of Durga and her attendant Kaliki +receive veneration in them, much as in Hindu temples. But on the whole +the Malay or Polynesian element seemed to me to be in practice stronger +than Hinduism in the religion of the Balinese and this is borne out by +the fact that the Pemangku or priest of the indigenous gods ranks higher +than the Pedanda or Brahman priest. But by talking to Balinese one may +obtain a different impression, for they are proud of their connection +with Madjapahit and Hinduism: they willingly speak of such subjects and +Hindu deities are constantly represented in works of art. Ganesa, Indra, +Vishnu, Krishna, Surya, Garuda and Siva, as well as the heroes of the +Mahabharata, are well known but I have not heard of worship being +offered to any of them except Durga and Siva under the form of the +linga. Figures of Vishnu riding on Garuda are very common and a certain +class of artificers are able to produce images of all well known Indian +gods for those who care to order them. Many Indian works such as the +Veda, Mahabharata, Ramayana, Brahmapurana and Nitisastra are known by +name and are said to exist not in the original Sanskrit but in Kawi. I +fancy that they are rarely read by the present generation, but any +knowledge of them is much respected. The Balinese though confused in +their theology are greatly attached to their religion and believe it is +the ancient faith of Madjapahit. + +I was unable to discover in the neighbourhood of Singaraja even such +faint traces of Buddhism as have been reported by previous +authors,[457] but they may exist elsewhere. The expression +Siva-Buddha was known to the Pedandas but seemed to have no +living significance, and perhaps certain families have a traditional +and purely nominal connection with Buddhism. In Durga temples however +I have seen figures described as Pusa, the Chinese equivalent of +Bodhisattva, and it seems that Chinese artists have reintroduced into +this miscellaneous pantheon an element of corrupt Buddhism, though +the natives do not recognize it as such. + +The art of Bali is more fantastic than that of ancient Java. The +carved work, whether in stone or wood, is generally polychromatic. +Figures are piled one on the top of another as in the sculptures of +Central America and there is a marked tendency to emphasize +projections. Leaves and flowers are very deeply carved and such +features as ears, tongues and teeth are monstrously prolonged. Thus +Balinese statues and reliefs have a curiously bristling and scaly +appearance and are apt to seem barbaric, especially if taken +separately.[458] Yet the general aspect of the temples is not +unpleasing. The brilliant colours and fantastic outlines harmonize +with the tropical vegetation which surrounds them and suggest that the +guardian deities take shape as gorgeous insects. Such bizarre figures +are not unknown in Indian mythology but in Balinese art Chinese +influence is perhaps stronger than Indian. The Chinese probably +frequented the island as early as the Hindus and are now found there +in abundance. Besides the statues called Pusa already mentioned, +Chinese landscapes are often painted behind the seats of the Devas and +in the temple on the Volcano Batoer, where a special place is assigned +to all the Balinese tribes, the Chinese have their own shrine. It is +said that the temples in southern Bali which are older and larger than +those in the north show even more decided signs of Chinese influence +and are surrounded by stone figures of Chinese as guardians. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 369: I have not been able to find anything more than casual +and second-hand statements to the effect that Indian antiquities have +been found in these islands.] + +[Footnote 370: There is no lack of scholarly and scientific works +about Java, but they are mostly written in Dutch and dissertations on +special points are more numerous than general surveys of Javanese +history, literature and architecture. Perhaps the best general account +of the Hindu period in Java will be found in the chapter contributed +by Kern to the publication called _Neerlands Indie_ (Amsterdam, 1911, +chap. VI. II. pp. 219-242). The abundant publications of the +Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen comprise +_Verhandelingen, Notulen_, and the _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, +Land-, en Volkenkunde_ (cited here as _Tijdschrift_), all of which +contain numerous and important articles on history, philology, +religion and archaeology. The last is treated specially in the +publications called _Archaeologisch Onderzoek op Java en Madura_. +Veth's _Java_, vols. I. and IV. and various articles in the +_Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indie_ may also be consulted. I have +endeavoured to mention the more important editions of Javanese books +as well as works dealing specially with the old religion in the notes +to these chapters. + +Although Dutch orthography is neither convenient nor familiar to most +readers I have thought it better to preserve it in transcribing +Javanese. In this system of transcription j=y; tj=ch; dj=j; sj=sh; +w=v; oe=u.] + +[Footnote 371: Ram. IV. 40. 30. Yavadvipam saptarajyopasobhitam +Suvarnarupyakadvipam suvarnakaramanditam.] + +[Footnote 372: Ptolemy's _Geography_, VII. 2. 29 (see also VIII. 27, +10). [Greek: _Iabadiou (e Sabadiou), ho semainei krithes, nesos. +Euphorotate de legetai he nesos einai kai eti pleiston chruson poiein, +echein te metropolin onoma Arguren epi tois dusmikois perasin._]] + +[Footnote 373: The Milinda Panha of doubtful but not very late date +also mentions voyages to China.] + +[Footnote 374: Groeneveldt, _Notes on the Malay Archipelago compiled +from Chinese sources_, 1876 (cited below as Groeneveldt), p. 10. +Confirmed by the statement in the Ming annals book 324 that in 1432 +the Javanese said their kingdom had been founded 1376 years before.] + +[Footnote 375: Kern in _Versl. en Med. K. Ak. v. W. Afd. Lett. 3 Rks_. +I. 1884, pp. 5-12.] + +[Footnote 376: Chap. XL. Legge, p. 113, and Groeneveldt, pp. 6-9.] + +[Footnote 377: He perhaps landed in the present district of Rembang +"where according to native tradition the first Hindu settlement was +situated at that time" (Groeneveldt, p. 9).] + +[Footnote 378: Groeneveldt, p. 9. The transcriptions of Chinese +characters given in the following pages do not represent the modern +sound but seem justified (though they cannot be regarded as certain) +by the instances collected in Julien's _Methode pour dechiffrer et +transcrire les noms sanscrits_. Possibly the syllables Do-a-lo-pa-mo +are partly corrupt and somehow or other represent Purnavarman.] + +[Footnote 379: Kern in _Versl. en Meded, Afd. Lett. 2 R._ XI. _D_. +1882.] + +[Footnote 380: Groeneveldt, pp. 12, 13.] + +[Footnote 381: Groeneveldt, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 382: _History of Java_, vol. II. chap. X.] + +[Footnote 383: Jackson, _Java and Cambodja_. App. IV. in _Bombay +Gazetteer_, vol. I. part 1, 1896.] + +[Footnote 384: It is also possible that when the Javanese traditions +speak of Kaling they mean the Malay Peninsula. Indians in those +regions were commonly known as Kaling because they came from Kalinga +and in time the parts of the Peninsula where they were numerous were +also called Kaling.] + +[Footnote 385: See for this question Pelliot in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. +274 ff. Also Schlegel in _T'oung Pao_, 1899, p. 247, and Chavannes, +_ib_. 1904, p. 192.] + +[Footnote 386: Chap. xxxix. Schiefner, p. 262.] + +[Footnote 387: Though he expressly includes Camboja and Champa in +Koki, it is only right to say that he mentions Nas-gling +(=Yava-dvipa) separately in another enumeration together with Ceylon. +But if Buddhists passed in any numbers from India to Camboja and _vice +versa_, they probably appeared in Java about the same time, or rather +later.] + +[Footnote 388: See Kamaha. pp. 9, 10, and Watters, _Yuan Chwang_, II. +pp. 209-214.] + +[Footnote 389: They preserve to some extent the old civilization of +Madjapahit. See the article "Tengereezen" in _Encyclopaedie van +Nederlandsch-Indie._] + +[Footnote 390: See Kern, _Kawi-studien Arjuna-vivaha_, I. and II. +1871. Juynboll, _Drie Boeken van het oudjavaansche Mahabharata_, 1893, +and _id. Wirataparwwa_, 1912. This last is dated Saka 918 = 996 +A.D.] + +[Footnote 391: Or Jayabaya.] + +[Footnote 392: See _Ramayana. Oudjavaansche Heldendicht_, edited Kern, +1900, and _Wrtta Sancaya_, edited and translated by the same, +1875.] + +[Footnote 393: Composed in 1613 A.D.] + +[Footnote 394: Groeneveldt, p. 14.] + +[Footnote 395: In the work commonly called "Nagarakretagama" (ed. +Brandes, _Verhand. Bataav. Genootschap._ LIV. 1902), but it is stated +that its real name is "Decawarnnana." See _Tijdschrift_, LVI. 1914, +p. 194.] + +[Footnote 396: Or Jayakatong.] + +[Footnote 397: Groeneveldt, pp. 20-34.] + +[Footnote 398: Groeneveldt, pp. 34-53.] + +[Footnote 399: Near Soerabaja. It is said that he married a daughter +of the king of Champa, and that the king of Madjapahit married her +sister. For the connection between the royal families of Java and +Champa at this period see Maspero in _T'oung Pao_, 1911, pp. 595 ff., +and the references to Champa in Nagarakretagama, 15, 1, and 83, 4.] + +[Footnote 400: See Raffles, chap, X, for Javanese traditions +respecting the decline and fall of Madjapahit.] + +[Footnote 401: See Takakusu, _A record of the Buddhist religion_, +especially pp. xl to xlvi.] + +[Footnote 402: In another pronunciation the characters are read +San-fo-chai. The meaning appears to be The Three Buddhas.] + +[Footnote 403: _E.g._ Si-li-ma-ha-la-sha (=Srimaharaja) +Si-li-tieh-hwa (perhaps=Srideva).] + +[Footnote 404: The conquest however was incomplete and about 1400 a +Chinese adventurer ruled there some time. The name was changed to +Ku-Kang, which is said to be still the Chinese name for Palembang.] + +[Footnote 405: The Ming annals expressly state that the name was +changed to Atjeh about 1600.] + +[Footnote 406: For the identification of Po-li see Groeneveldt, p. 80, +and Hose and McDougall, _Pagan Tribes of Borneo_, chap. II. It might +be identified with Bali, but it is doubtful if Hindu civilization had +spread to that island or even to east Java in the sixth century.] + +[Footnote 407: See Hose and McDougall, _l.c._ p. 12.] + +[Footnote 408: See Kern, "Over de Opschriften uit Koetei" in +_Verslagen Meded. Afd. Lett. 2 R. XI. D._ Another inscription +apparently written in debased Indian characters but not yet deciphered +has been found in Sanggau, south-west Borneo.] + +[Footnote 409: Groeneveldt, p. 81. The characters may be read +Kau-di-nya according to Julien's method. The reference is to Liang +annals, book 54.] + +[Footnote 410: See Pleyte, _Die Buddhalegende in den Sculpturen von +Borobudur_. But he points out that the version of the Lalita Vistara +followed by the artist is not quite the same as the one that we +possess.] + +[Footnote 411: Amitabha, Amoghasiddhi, Ratnasambhava, Akshobhya, +Vairocana, sometimes called Dhyani Buddhas, but it does not seem that +this name was in common use in Java or elsewhere. The Kamahayanikan +calls them the Five Tathagatas.] + +[Footnote 412: So in the Kunjarakarna, for which see below. The +Kamahayanikan teaches an elaborate system of Buddha emanations but for +purposes of worship it is not quite clear which should be adored as +the highest.] + +[Footnote 413: Fergusson, _History of Indian and Eastern +Architecture_, ed. 1910, vol. II. p. 439.] + +[Footnote 414: See _Archaeologisch Onderzoek op Java en Madura_, I. +"Tjandi Djago," 1904; II. "Tj. Singasari en Panataran," 1909.] + +[Footnote 415: See Knebel in _Tijds. voor Indische T., L. en +Volkenkunde_, 41, 1909, p. 27.] + +[Footnote 416: See passages quoted in _Archaeol. Onderzoek_, I. pp. +96-97.] + +[Footnote 417: Hayagriva however may be regarded as a Brahmanic god +adopted by the Buddhists.] + +[Footnote 418: See for reasons and references _Archaeol. Onderzoek_, +II. pp. 36-40. The principal members of the king's household probably +committed suicide during the funeral ceremonies.] + +[Footnote 419: Kern in _Tijds. voor T., L. en Volkenkunde_, Deel LII. +1910, p. 107. Similarly in Burma Alompra was popularly regarded as a +Bodhisattva.] + +[Footnote 420: Sanskrit Kavi, a poet. See for Javanese literature Van +der Tuuk in _J.R.A.S._ XIII. 1881, p. 42, and Hinloopen Labberton, +_ib_. 1913, p. 1. Also the article "Litteratuur" in the _Encyc. van +Nederlandsch-Indie_, and many notices in the writings of Kern and +Veth.] + +[Footnote 421: Edited by Gunning, 1903.] + +[Footnote 422: A fragment of it is printed in _Notulen. Batav. Gen_. +LII. 1914, 108.] + +[Footnote 423: Episodes of the Indian epics have also been used as the +subjects of Javanese dramas. See Juynboll, _Indonesische en +achterindische tooneelvoorstellingen uit het Ramayana_, and Hinloopen +Labberton, _Pepakem Sapanti Sakoentala_, 1912.] + +[Footnote 424: Juynboll, _Drie Boeken van het Oudjavaansche +Mahabharata_, p. 28.] + +[Footnote 425: _Archaeol. Onderzoek_, I. p. 98. This statement is +abundantly confirmed by Krom's index of the proper names in the +Nagarakretagama in _Tijdschrift_, LVI. 1914, pp. 495 ff.] + +[Footnote 426: Edited with transl. and notes by J. Kat, 's Gravenhage, +1910.] + +[Footnote 427: Edited with transl. by H. Kern in _Verh. der K. +Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. Afd. Lett. N.R._ III. 3. +1901.] + +[Footnote 428: But this probably represents nizbana and is not a +Pali form. Cf. Bajra, Bayu for Vajra, Vayu.] + +[Footnote 429: Adyabhishiktayushmanta, p. 30. Praptam buddhatvam +bhavadbhir, _ib_. and Esha marga varah sriman mahayana mahodayah +Yena yuyam gamishyanto bhavishyatha Tathagatah.] + +[Footnote 430: Dana, sila, kshanti, virya, dhyana, prajna.] + +[Footnote 431: Maitri, karuna, mudita, upeksha.] + +[Footnote 432: The Karandavyuha teaches a somewhat similar +doctrine of creative emanations. Avalokita, Brahma, Siva, Vishnu +and others all are evolved from the original Buddha spirit and proceed +to evolve the world.] + +[Footnote 433: The use of this word, as a name for the residence of +Vairocana, seems to be peculiar to our author.] + +[Footnote 434: This term may include Sivaite ascetics as well as +Buddhist monks.] + +[Footnote 435: See further discussion in Kern's edition, p. 16.] + +[Footnote 436: As are the Panchpirs in modern India.] + +[Footnote 437: Garbha. Up. 1 and 3, especially the phrase asmin +pancatmake sarire. Pinda Up. 2. Bhinne pancatmake dehe. Maha +Nar. Up. 23. Sa va esha purushah pancadha pancatma.] + +[Footnote 438: See Kern, "Over de Vermenging van Civaisme en Buddhisme +op Java" in _Vers. en Meded. der Kon. Akad. van Wet. Afd. Lett_. 3 _R. +5 Deel_, 1888. + +For the Sutasomajataka see Speyer's translation of the Jatakamala, pp. +291-313, with his notes and references. It is No. 537 in the Pali +Collection of Jatakas.] + +[Footnote 439: See Nanjio Cat. Nos. 137, 138.] + +[Footnote 440: Gotama, Kassapa, Konagamana and Kakusandha.] + +[Footnote 441: About 950-1050 A.D. Fergusson, _Hist. of Indian +Architecture_, II. p. 141.] + +[Footnote 442: See Knebel, "Recherches preparatoires concernant +Krishna et les bas reliefs des temples de Java" in _Tijdschrift_, LI. +1909, pp. 97-174.] + +[Footnote 443: In Camboja the result seems to have been double. Pali +Buddhism entered from Siam and ultimately conquered all other forms of +religion, but for some time Mahayanist Buddhism, which was older in +Camboja, revived and received Court patronage.] + +[Footnote 444: Chap. 37.] + +[Footnote 445: "Bijdrage tot de Kennis van het Mahayana opJava" in +_Bijd. tot de Taal Lund en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie_, 1901 +and 1902.] + +[Footnote 446: This use of advaya and advayavadin strengthens the +suspicion that the origins of the Advaita philosophy are to be sought +in Buddhism.] + +[Footnote 447: It uses the word trikaya but expressly defines it as +meaning Kaya, vak and citta.] + +[Footnote 448: In a passage which is not translated from the Sanskrit +and may therefore reflect the religious condition of Java.] + +[Footnote 449: So too in the Sutasoma Jataka Amoghasiddhi is said to +be Vishnu.] + +[Footnote 450: See Juynboll in _Bijdragen tot de Taal Land en +Volkenkunde van Ned.-Indie_, 1908, pp. 412-420.] + +[Footnote 451: Veth, _Java_, vol. IV. p. 154. The whole chapter +contains much information about the Hindu elements in modern Javanese +religion.] + +[Footnote 452: See Veth, _l.c._ and _ngelmoe_ in _Encycl. van +Nederlandsch-Indie. _] + +[Footnote 453: Also to some extent in Lombok. The Balinese were +formerly the ruling class in this island and are still found there in +considerable numbers.] + +[Footnote 454: It has even been suggested that hinduized Malays +carried some faint traces of Indian religion to Madagascar. See +_T'oung Pao_ 1906, p. 93, where Zanahari is explained as Yang ( = God +in Malay) Hari.] + +[Footnote 455: Groeneveldt, pp. 19, 58, 59.] + +[Footnote 456: This word appears to be the Sanskrit area, an image for +worship.] + +[Footnote 457: _E.g._ Van Eerde, "Hindu Javaansche en Balische +Eeredienst" in _Bijd. T.L. en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie_, +1910. I visited Bali in 1911.] + +[Footnote 458: See Pleyte, _Indonesian Art_, 1901, especially the +seven-headed figure in plate XVI said to be Krishna.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLI + +CENTRAL ASIA + +1 + + +The term Central Asia is here used to denote the Tarim basin, without +rigidly excluding neighbouring countries such as the Oxus region and +Badakshan. This basin is a depression surrounded on three sides by +high mountains: only on the east is the barrier dividing it from China +relatively low. The water of the whole area discharges through the +many branched Tarim river into Lake Lobnor. This so-called lake is now +merely a flooded morass and the basin is a desert with occasional +oases lying chiefly near its edges. The fertile portions were formerly +more considerable but a quarter of a century ago this remote and +lonely region interested no one but a few sportsmen and geographers. +The results of recent exploration have been important and surprising. +The arid sands have yielded not only ruins, statues and frescoes but +whole libraries written in a dozen languages. The value of such +discoveries for the general history of Asia is clear and they are of +capital importance for our special subject, since during many +centuries the Tarim region and its neighbouring lands were centres and +highways for Buddhism and possibly the scene of many changes whose +origin is now obscure. But I am unfortunate in having to discuss +Central Asian Buddhism before scholars have had time to publish or +even catalogue completely the store of material collected and the +reader must remember that the statements in this chapter are at best +tentative and incomplete. They will certainly be supplemented and +probably corrected as year by year new documents and works of art are +made known. + +Tarim, in watery metaphor, is not so much a basin as a pool in a tidal +river flowing alternately to and from the sea. We can imagine that in +such a pool creatures of very different provenance might be found +together. So currents both from east to west and from west to east +passed through the Tarim, leaving behind whatever could live there: +Chinese administration and civilization from the east: Iranians +from the west, bearing with them in the stream fragments that had +drifted from Asia Minor and Byzantium, while still other currents +brought Hindus and Tibetans from the south. + +One feature of special interest in the history of the Tarim is that it +was in touch with Bactria and the regions conquered by Alexander and +through them with western art and thought. Another is that its +inhabitants included not only Iranian tribes but the speakers of an +Aryan language hitherto unknown, whose presence so far east may oblige +us to revise our views about the history of the Aryan race. A third +characteristic is that from the dawn of history to the middle ages +warlike nomads were continually passing through the country. All these +people, whether we call them Iranians, Turks or Mongols had the same +peculiarity: they had little culture of their own but they picked up +and transported the ideas of others. The most remarkable example of +this is the introduction of Islam into Europe and India. Nothing quite +so striking happened in earlier ages, yet tribes similar to the Turks +brought Manichaeism and Nestorian Christianity into China and played no +small part in the introduction of Buddhism. + +A brief catalogue of the languages represented in the manuscripts and +inscriptions discovered will give a safe if only provisional idea of +the many influences at work in Central Asia and its importance as a +receiving and distributing centre. The number of tongues +simultaneously in use for popular or learned purposes was remarkably +large. To say nothing of great polyglot libraries like Tun-huang, a +small collection at Toyog is reported as containing Indian, Manichaean, +Syriac, Sogdian, Uigur and Chinese books. The writing materials +employed were various like the idioms and include imported palm +leaves, birch bark, plates of wood or bamboo, leather and paper, which +last was in use from the first century A.D. onwards. In this dry +atmosphere all enjoyed singular longevity. + +Numerous Sanskrit writings have been found, all dealing with religious +or quasi religious subjects, as medicine and grammar were then +considered to be. Relatively modern Mahayanist literature is abundant +but greater interest attaches to portions of an otherwise lost +Sanskrit canon which agree in substance though not verbally with the +corresponding passages in the Pali Canon and are apparently the +original text from which much of the Chinese Tripitaka was +translated. The manuscripts hitherto published include Sutras from the +Samyukta and Ekottara Agamas, a considerable part of the Dharmapada, +and the Pratimoksha of the Sarvastivadin school. Fa-Hsien states that +the monks of Central Asia were all students of the language of India +and even in the seventh century Hsuan Chuang tells us the same of +Kucha. Portions of a Sanskrit grammar have been found near Turfan and +in the earlier period at any rate Sanskrit was probably understood in +polite and learned society. Some palm leaves from Ming-Oi contain +fragments of two Buddhist religious dramas, one of which is the +Sariputra-prakarana of Asvaghosha. The handwriting is believed +to date from the epoch of Kanishka so that we have here the oldest +known Sanskrit manuscripts, as well as the oldest specimens of Indian +dramatic art.[459] They are written like the Indian classical dramas +in Sanskrit and various forms of Prakrit. The latter represent +hitherto unknown stages in the development of Indian dialects and some +of them are closely allied to the language of Asoka's inscriptions. +Another Prakrit text is the version of the Dharmapada written in +Kharoshthi characters and discovered by the Dutreuil de Rhins +mission near Khotan,[460] and numerous official documents in this +language and alphabet have been brought home by Stein from the same +region. It is probable that they are approximately coeval with the +Kushan dynasty in India and the use of an Indian vernacular as well as +of Sanskrit in Central Asia shows that the connection between the two +countries was not due merely to the introduction of Buddhism. + +Besides these hitherto unknown forms of Prakrit, Central Asia has +astonished the learned world with two new languages, both written in a +special variety of the Brahmi alphabet called Central Asian Gupta. One +is sometimes called Nordarisch and is regarded by some authorities as +the language of the Sakas whose incursions into India appear to +have begun about the second century B.C. and by others as the language +of the Kushans and of Kanishka's Empire. It is stated that the basis +of the language is Iranian but strongly influenced by Indian +idioms.[461] Many translations of Mahayanist literature (for +instance the Suvarnaprabhasa, Vajracchedika and Aparimitayus +Sutras) were made into it and it appears to have been spoken +principally in the southern part of the Tarim basin.[462] The other +new language was spoken principally on its northern edge and has been +called Tokharian, which name implies that it was the tongue of the +Tokhars or Indoscyths.[463] But there is no proof of this and it is +safer to speak of it as the language of Kucha or Kuchanese. It exists +in two different dialects known as A and B whose geographical +distribution is uncertain but numerous official documents dated in the +first half of the seventh century show that it was the ordinary speech +of Kucha and Turfan. It was also a literary language and among the +many translations discovered are versions in it of the Dharmapada and +Vinaya. It is extremely interesting to find that this language spoken +by the early and perhaps original inhabitants of Kucha not only +belongs to the Aryan family but is related more nearly to the western +than the eastern branch. It cannot be classed in the Indo-Iranian +group but shows perplexing affinities to Latin, Greek, Keltic, +Slavonic and Armenian.[464] It is possible that it influenced Chinese +Buddhist literature.[465] + +Besides the "Nordarisch" mentioned above which was written in Brahmi, +three other Iranian languages have left literary remains in Central +Asia, all written in an alphabet of Aramaic origin. Two of them +apparently represent the speech of south-western Persia under the +Sassanids, and of north-western Persia under the Arsacids. The texts +preserved in both are Manichaean but the third Iranian language, or +Sogdian, has a more varied literary content and offers Buddhist, +Manichaean and Christian texts, apparently in that chronological order. +It was originally the language of the region round Samarkand but +acquired an international character for it was used by merchants +throughout the Tarim basin and spread even to China. Some Christian +texts in Syriac have also been found. + +The Orkhon inscriptions exhibit an old Turkish dialect written in the +characters commonly called Runes and this Runic alphabet is used in +manuscripts found at Tun-huang and Miran but those hitherto published +are not Buddhist. But another Turkish dialect written in the Uigur +alphabet, which is derived from the Syriac, was (like Sogdian) +extensively used for Buddhist, Manichaean and Christian literature. The +name Uigur is perhaps more correctly applied to the alphabet than the +language[466] which appears to have been the literary form of the +various Turkish idioms spoken north and south of the Tien-shan. The +use of this dialect for Buddhist literature spread considerably when +the Uigurs broke the power of Tibet in the Tarim basin about 860 and +founded a kingdom themselves: it extended into China and lasted long, +for Sutras in Uigur were printed at Peking in 1330 and Uigur +manuscripts copied in the reign of K'ang Hsi (1662-1723) are reported +from a monastery near Suchow.[467] I am informed that a variety of +this alphabet written in vertical columns is still used in some parts +of Kansu where a Turkish dialect is spoken. Though Turkish was used by +Buddhists in both the east and west of the Tarim basin, it appears to +have been introduced into Khotan only after the Moslim conquest. +Another Semitic script, hitherto unknown and found only in a +fragmentary form, is believed to be the writing of the White Huns or +Hephthalites. + +As the Tibetans were the predominant power in the Tarim basin from at +least the middle of the eighth until the middle of the ninth century, +it is not surprising that great stores of Tibetan manuscripts have +been found in the regions of Khotan, Miran and Tun-huang. In Turfan, +as lying more to the north, traces of Tibetan influence, though not +absent, are fewer. The documents discovered must be anterior to +the ninth century and comprise numerous official and business papers +as well as Buddhist translations.[468] They are of great importance +for the history of the Tibetan language and also indicate that at the +period when they were written Buddhism at most shared with the Bon +religion the allegiance of the Tibetans. No Manichaean or Christian +translations in Tibetan have yet been discovered. + +Vast numbers of Chinese texts both religious and secular are preserved +in all the principal centres and offer many points of interest among +which two may be noticed. Firstly the posts on the old military +frontier near Tun-huang have furnished a series of dated documents +ranging from 98 B.C. to 153 A.D.[469] There is therefore no difficulty +in admitting that there was intercourse between China and Central Asia +at this period. Secondly, some documents of the T'ang dynasty are +Manichaean, with an admixture of Buddhist and Taoist ideas.[470] + +The religious monuments of Central Asia comprise stupas, caves and +covered buildings used as temples or viharas. Buddhist, Manichaean and +Christian edifices have been discovered but apparently no shrines of +the Zoroastrian religion, though it had many adherents in these +regions, and though representations of Hindu deities have been found, +Hinduism is not known to have existed apart from Buddhism.[471] Caves +decorated for Buddhist worship are found not only in the Tarim basin +but at Tun-huang on the frontier of China proper, near Ta-t'ung-fu in +northern Shensi, and in the defile of Lung-men in the province of +Ho-nan. The general scheme and style of these caves are similar, but +while in the last two, as in most Indian caves, the figures and +ornaments are true sculpture, in the caves of Tun-huang and the Tarim +not only is the wall prepared for frescoes, but even the figures are +executed in stucco. This form of decoration was congenial to Central +Asia for the images which embellished the temple walls were moulded in +the same fashion. Temples and caves were sometimes combined, for +instance at Bazaklik where many edifices were erected on a terrace in +front of a series of caves excavated in a mountain corner. Few +roofed buildings are well preserved but it seems certain that some +were high quadrilateral structures, crowned by a dome of a shape found +in Persia, and that others had barrel-shaped roofs, apparently +resembling the chaityas of Ter and Chezarla.[472] Le Coq states that +this type of architecture is also found in Persia.[473] The commonest +type of temple was a hall having at its further end a cella, with a +passage behind to allow of circumambulation. Such halls were +frequently enlarged by the addition of side rooms and sometimes a +shrine was enclosed by several rectangular courts.[474] + +Many stupas have been found either by themselves or in combination +with other buildings. The one which is best preserved (or at any rate +reproduced in greatest detail)[475] is the Stupa of Rawak. It is set +in a quadrangle bounded by a wall which was ornamented on both its +inner and outer face by a series of gigantic statues in coloured +stucco. The dome is set upon a rectangular base disposed in three +stories and this arrangement is said to characterize all the stupas of +Turkestan as well as those of the Kabul valley and adjacent regions. + +This architecture appears to owe nothing to China but to include both +Indian (especially Gandharan) and Persian elements. Many of its +remarkable features, if not common elsewhere, are at least widely +scattered. Thus some of the caves at Ming-Oi have dome-like roofs +ornamented with a pattern composed of squares within squares, set at +an angle with each other. A similar ornamentation is reported from +Pandrenthan in Kashmir and from Bamian.[476] + +The antiquities of Central Asia include frescoes executed on the walls +of caves and buildings, and paintings on silk paper.[477] The origin +and affinities of this art are still the subject of investigation and +any discussion of them would lead me too far from my immediate +subject. But a few statements can be made with some confidence. +The influence of Gandhara is plain in architecture, sculpture, and +painting. The oldest works may be described as simply Gandharan but +this early style is followed by another which shows a development both +in technique and in mythology. It doubtless represents Indian Buddhist +art as modified by local painters and sculptors. Thus in the Turfan +frescoes the drapery and composition are Indian but the faces are +eastern asiatic. Sometimes however they represent a race with red hair +and blue eyes. + +On the whole the paintings testify to the invasion of Far Eastern art +by the ideas and designs of Indian Buddhism rather than to an equal +combination of Indian and Chinese influence but in some forms of +decoration, particularly that employed in the Khan's palace at +Idiqutshahri,[478] Chinese style is predominant. It may be too that +the early pre-buddhist styles of painting in China and Central Asia +were similar. In the seventh century a Khotan artist called Wei-ch'ih +Po-chih-na migrated to China, where both he and his son Wei-ch'ih +I-seng acquired considerable fame. + +Persian influence also is manifest in many paintings. A striking +instance may be seen in two plates published by Stein[479] apparently +representing the same Boddhisattva. In one he is of the familiar +Indian type: the other seems at first sight a miniature of some +Persian prince, black-bearded and high-booted, but the figure has four +arms. As might be expected, it is the Manichaean paintings which are +least Indian in character. They represent a "lost late antique +school"[480] which often recalls Byzantine art and was perhaps the +parent of mediaeval Persian miniature painting. + +The paintings of Central Asia resemble its manuscripts. It is +impossible to look through any collection of them without feeling that +currents of art and civilization flowing from neighbouring and even +from distant lands have met and mingled in this basin. As the reader +turns over the albums of Stein, Grunwedel or Le Coq he is haunted by +strange reminiscences and resemblances, and wonders if they are merely +coincidences or whether the pedigrees of these pictured gods and men +really stretch across time and space to far off origins. Here are +coins and seals of Hellenic design, nude athletes that might adorn a +Greek vase, figures that recall Egypt, Byzantium or the Bayeux +tapestry, with others that might pass for Christian ecclesiastics; +Chinese sages, Krishna dancing to the sound of his flute, +frescoes that might be copied from Ajanta, winged youths to be styled +cupids or cherubs according to our mood.[481] + +Stein mentions[482] that he discovered a Buddhist monastery in the +terminal marshes of the Helmund in the Persian province of Seistan, +containing paintings of a Hellenistic type which show "for the first +time _in situ_ the Iranian link of the chain which connects the +Graeco-Buddhist art of extreme north-west India with the Buddhist art +of Central Asia and the Far East." + +Central Asian art is somewhat wanting in spontaneity. Except when +painting portraits (which are many) the artists do not seem to go to +nature or even their own imagination and visions. They seem concerned +to reproduce some religious scene not as they saw it but as it was +represented by Indian or other artists. + +2 + + +Only one side of Central Asian history can be written with any +completeness, namely its relations with China. Of these some account +with dates can be given, thanks to the Chinese annals which +incidentally supply valuable information about earlier periods. But +unfortunately these relations were often interrupted and also the +political record does not always furnish the data which are of most +importance for the history of Buddhism. Still there is no better +framework available for arranging our data. But even were our +information much fuller, we should probably find the history of +Central Asia scrappy and disconnected. Its cities were united by no +bond of common blood or language, nor can any one of them have had a +continuous development in institutions, letters or art. These were +imported in a mature form and more or less assimilated in a precocious +Augustan age, only to be overwhelmed in some catastrophe which, if not +merely destructive, at least brought the ideas and baggage of another +race. + +It was under the Emperor Wu-ti (140-87 B.C.) of the Han dynasty +that the Chinese first penetrated into the Tarim basin. They had heard +that the Hsiung-nu, of whose growing power they were afraid, had +driven the Yueh-chih westwards and they therefore despatched an envoy +named Chang Ch'ien in the hope of inducing the Yueh-chih to co-operate +with them against the common enemy. Chang Ch'ien made two adventurous +expeditions, and visited the Yueh-chih in their new home somewhere on +the Oxus. His mission failed to attain its immediate political object +but indirectly had important results, for it revealed to China that +the nations on the Oxus were in touch with India on one hand and with +the more mysterious west on the other. Henceforth it was her aim to +keep open the trade route leading westwards from the extremity of the +modern Kansu province to Kashgar, Khotan and the countries with which +those cities communicated. Far from wishing to isolate herself or +exclude foreigners, her chief desire was to keep the road to the west +open, and although there were times when the flood of Buddhism which +swept along this road alarmed the more conservative classes, yet for +many centuries everything that came in the way of merchandize, art, +literature, and religion was eagerly received. The chief hindrance to +this intercourse was the hostility of the wild tribes who pillaged +caravans and blocked the route, and throughout the whole stretch of +recorded history the Chinese used the same method to weaken them and +keep the door open, namely to create or utilize a quarrel between two +tribes. The Empire allied itself with one in order to crush the second +and that being done, proceeded to deal with its former ally. + +Dated records beginning with the year 98 B.C. testify to the presence +of a Chinese garrison near the modern Tun-huang.[483] But at the +beginning of the Christian era the Empire was convulsed by internal +rebellion and ceased to have influence or interest in Central Asia. +With the restoration of order things took another turn. The reign of +the Emperor Ming-ti is the traditional date for the introduction of +Buddhism and it also witnessed the victorious campaigns of the famous +general and adventurer Pan Ch'ao. He conquered Khotan and Kashgar and +victoriously repulsed the attacks of the Kushans or Yueh-chih who were +interested in these regions and endeavoured to stop his progress. The +Chinese annals do not give the name of their king but it must have +been Kanishka if he came to the throne in 78. I confess however that +this silence makes it difficult for me to accept 78-123 A.D. as the +period of Kanishka's reign, for he must have been a monarch of some +celebrity and if the Chinese had come into victorious contact with +him, would not their historians have mentioned it? It seems to me more +probable that he reigned before or after Pan Ch'ao's career in Central +Asia which lasted from A.D. 73-102. With the end of that career +Chinese activity ceased for some time and perhaps the Kushans +conquered Kashgar and Khotan early in the second century. Neither the +degenerate Han dynasty nor the stormy Three Kingdoms could grapple +with distant political problems and during the fourth, fifth and sixth +centuries northern China was divided among Tartar states, short-lived +and mutually hostile. The Empire ceased to be a political power in the +Tarim basin but intercourse with Central Asia and in particular the +influx of Buddhism increased, and there was also a return wave of +Chinese influence westwards. Meanwhile two tribes, the Hephthalites +(or White Huns) and the Turks,[484] successively became masters of +Central Asia and founded states sometimes called Empires--that is to +say they overran vast tracts within which they took tribute without +establishing any definite constitution or frontiers. + +When the T'ang dynasty (618-907) re-united the Empire, the Chinese +Government with characteristic tenacity reverted to its old policy of +keeping the western road open and to its old methods. The Turks were +then divided into two branches, the northern and western, at war with +one another. The Chinese allied themselves with the latter, defeated +the northern Turks and occupied Turfan (640). Then in a series of +campaigns, in which they were supported by the Uigurs, they conquered +their former allies the western Turks and proceeded to organize the +Tarim basin under the name of the Four Garrisons.[485] This was the +most glorious period of China's foreign policy and at no other time +had she so great a position as a western power. The list of her +possessions included Bokhara in the west and starting from +Semirechinsk and Tashkent in the north extended southwards so as to +embrace Afghanistan with the frontier districts of India and +Persia.[486] It is true that the Imperial authority in many of these +regions was merely nominal: when the Chinese conquered a tribe which +claimed sovereignty over them they claimed sovereignty themselves. But +for the history of civilization, for the migration of art and ideas, +even this nominal claim is important, for China was undoubtedly in +touch with India, Bokhara and Persia. + +But no sooner did these great vistas open, than new enemies appeared +to bar the road. The Tibetans descended into the Tarim basin and after +defeating the Chinese in 670 held the Four Garrisons till 692, when +the fortunes of war were reversed. But the field was not left clear +for China: the power of the northern Turks revived, and Mohammedanism, +then a new force but destined to ultimate triumph in politics and +religion alike, appeared in the west. The conquests of the Mohammedan +general Qutayba (705-715) extended to Ferghana and he attacked +Kashgar. In the long reign of Hsuan Tsung China waged a double warfare +against the Arabs and Tibetans. For about thirty years (719-751) the +struggle was successful. Even Tabaristan is said to have acknowledged +China's suzerainty. Her troops crossed the Hindu Kush and reached +Gilgit. But in 751 they sustained a crushing defeat near Tashkent. The +disaster was aggravated by the internal troubles of the Empire and it +was long before Chinese authority recovered from the blow.[487] The +Tibetans reaped the advantage. Except in Turfan, they were the +dominant power of the Tarim basin for a century, they took tribute +from China and when it was refused sacked the capital, Chang-an (763). +It would appear however that for a time Chinese garrisons held out in +Central Asia and Chinese officials exercised some authority, though +they obtained no support from the Empire.[488] But although even late +in the tenth century Khotan sent embassies to the Imperial Court, +China gradually ceased to be a Central Asian power. She made a +treaty with the Tibetans (783) and an alliance with the Uigurs, who +now came to the front and occupied Turfan, where there was a +flourishing Uigur kingdom with Manichaeism as the state religion from +about 750 to 843. In that year the Kirghiz sacked Turfan and it is +interesting to note that the Chinese who had hitherto tolerated +Manichaeism as the religion of their allies, at once began to issue +restrictive edicts against it. But except in Turfan it does not appear +that the power of the Uigurs was weakened.[489] In 860-817 they broke +up Tibetan rule in the Tarim basin and formed a new kingdom of their +own which apparently included Kashgar, Urumtsi and Kucha but not +Khotan. The prince of Kashgar embraced Islam about 945, but the +conversion of Khotan and Turfan was later. With this conversion the +connection of the Tarim basin with the history of Buddhism naturally +ceases, for it does not appear that the triumphal progress of Lamaism +under Khubilai Khan affected these regions. + +3 + + +The Tarim basin, though sometimes united under foreign rule, had no +indigenous national unity. Cities, or groups of towns, divided by +deserts lived their own civic life and enjoyed considerable +independence under native sovereigns, although the Chinese, Turks or +Tibetans quartered troops in them and appointed residents to supervise +the collection of tribute. The chief of these cities or oases were +Kashgar in the west: Kucha, Karashahr, Turfan (Idiqutshahri, Chotscho) +and Hami lying successively to the north-east: Yarkand, Khotan and +Miran to the south-east.[490] It may be well to review briefly the +special history of some of them. + +The relics found near Kashgar, the most western of these cities, are +comparatively few, probably because its position exposed it to the +destructive influence of Islam at an early date. Chinese writers +reproduce the name as Ch'ia-sha, Chieh-ch'a, etc., but also call the +region Su-le, Shu-le, or Sha-le.[491] It is mentioned first in the +Han annals. After the missions of Chang-Ch'ien trade with Bactria and +Sogdiana grew rapidly and Kashgar which was a convenient emporium +became a Chinese protected state in the first century B.C. But when +the hold of China relaxed about the time of the Christian era it was +subdued by the neighbouring kingdom of Khotan. The conquests of +Pan-Ch'ao restored Chinese supremacy but early in the second century +the Yueh-chih interfered in the politics of Kashgar and placed on the +throne a prince who was their tool. The introduction of Buddhism is +ascribed to this epoch.[492] If Kanishka was then reigning the +statement that he conquered Kashgar and Khotan is probably correct. It +is supported by Hsuan Chuang's story of the hostages and by his +assertion that Kanishka's rule extended to the east of the Ts'ung-ling +mountains: also by the discovery of Kanishka's coins in the Khotan +district. Little is heard of Kashgar until Fa-Hsien visited it in +400.[493] He speaks of the quinquennial religious conferences held by +the king, at one of which he was present, of relics of the Buddha and +of a monastery containing a thousand monks all students of the +Hinayana. About 460 the king sent as a present to the Chinese Court an +incombustible robe once worn by the Buddha. Shortly afterwards Kashgar +was incorporated in the dominions of the Hephthalites, and when these +succumbed to the western Turks about 465, it merely changed masters. + +Hsuan Chuang has left an interesting account of Kashgar as he found it +on his return journey.[494] The inhabitants were sincere Buddhists and +there were more than a thousand monks of the Sarvastivadin school. But +their knowledge was not in proportion to their zeal for they read the +scriptures diligently without understanding them. They used an Indian +alphabet into which they had introduced alterations. + +According to Hsuan Chuang's religious conspectus of these regions, +Kashgar, Osh and Kucha belonged to the Small Vehicle, Yarkand and +Khotan mainly to the Great. The Small Vehicle also flourished at Balkh +and at Bamian.[495] In Kapisa the Great Vehicle was predominant but +there were also many Hindu sects: in the Kabul valley too Hinduism and +Buddhism seem to have been mixed: in Persia[496] there were several +hundred Sarvastivadin monks. In Tokhara (roughly equivalent to +Badakshan) there was some Buddhism but apparently it did not flourish +further north in the regions of Tashkent and Samarkand. In the latter +town there were two disused monasteries but when Hsuan Chuang's +companions entered them they were mobbed by the populace. He says that +these rioters were fire worshippers and that the Turks whom he visited +somewhere near Aulieata were of the same religion. This last statement +is perhaps inaccurate but the T'ang annals expressly state that the +population of Kashgar and Khotan was in part Zoroastrian.[497] No +mention of Nestorianism in Kashgar at this date has yet been +discovered, although in the thirteenth century it was a Nestorian see. +But since Nestorianism had penetrated even to China in the seventh +century, it probably also existed in Samarkand and Kashgar. + +The pilgrim Wu-K'ung spent five months in Kashgar about 786, but there +appear to be no later data of interest for the study of Buddhism. + +The town of Kucha[498] lies between Kashgar and Turfan, somewhat to +the west of Karashahr. In the second century B.C. it was already a +flourishing city. Numerous dated documents show that about 630 A.D. +the language of ordinary life was the interesting idiom sometimes +called Tokharian B, and, since the Chinese annals record no alien +invasion, we may conclude that Kucha existed as an Aryan colony +peopled by the speakers of this language some centuries before the +Christian era. It is mentioned in the Han annals and when brought into +contact with China in the reign of Wu-ti (140-87 B.C.) it became a +place of considerable importance, as it lay at the junction[499] of +the western trade routes leading to Kashgar and Aulieata respectively. +Kucha absorbed some Chinese civilization but its doubtful loyalty to +the Imperial throne often involved it in trouble. It is not until the +Western Tsin dynasty that we find it described as a seat of Buddhism. +The Tsin annals say that it was enclosed by a triple wall and +contained a thousand stupas and Buddhist temples as well as a +magnificent palace for the king.[500] This implies that Buddhism had +been established for some time but no evidence has been found to date +its introduction. + +In 383 Fu-chien, Emperor of the Tsin dynasty, sent his general +Lu-Kuang to subdue Kucha.[501] The expedition was successful and among +the captives taken was the celebrated Kumarajiva. Lu-Kuang was so +pleased with the magnificent and comfortable life of Kucha that he +thought of settling there but Kumarajiva prophesied that he was +destined to higher things. So they left to try their fortune in China. +Lu-Kuang rose to be ruler of the state known as Southern Liang and his +captive and adviser became one of the greatest names in Chinese +Buddhism. + +Kumarajiva is a noticeable figure and his career illustrates several +points of importance. First, his father came from India and he himself +went as a youth to study in Kipin (Kashmir) and then returned to +Kucha. Living in this remote corner of Central Asia he was recognized +as an encyclopaedia of Indian learning including a knowledge of the +Vedas and "heretical sastras." Secondly after his return to Kucha +he was converted to Mahayanism. Thirdly he went from Kucha to China +where he had a distinguished career as a translator. Thus we see how +China was brought into intellectual touch with India and how the +Mahayana was gaining in Central Asia territory previously occupied by +the Hinayana. The monk Dharmagupta who passed through Kucha about 584 +says that the king favoured Mahayanism.[502] That Kucha should have +been the home of distinguished translators is not strange for a +statement[503] has been preserved to the effect that Sanskrit texts +were used in the cities lying to the west of it, but that in Kucha +itself Indian languages were not understood and translations were +made, although such Sanskrit words as were easily intelligible were +retained. + +In the time of the Wei, Kucha again got into trouble with China and +was brought to order by another punitive expedition in 448. After this +lesson a long series of tribute-bearing missions is recorded, sent +first to the court of Wei, and afterwards to the Liang, Chou and Sui. +The notices respecting the country are to a large extent repetitions. +They praise its climate, fertility and mineral wealth: the +magnificence of the royal palace, the number and splendour of the +religious establishments. Peacocks were as common as fowls and the +Chinese annalists evidently had a general impression of a brilliant, +pleasure-loving and not very moral city. It was specially famous for +its music: the songs and dances of Kucha, performed by native artists, +were long in favour at the Imperial Court, and a list of twenty airs +has been preserved.[504] + +When the T'ang dynasty came to the throne Kucha sent an embassy to do +homage but again supported Karashahr in rebellion and again brought on +herself a punitive expedition (648). But the town was peaceful and +prosperous when visited by Hsuan Chuang about 630. + +His description agrees in substance with other notices, but he praises +the honesty of the people. He mentions that the king was a native and +that a much modified Indian alphabet was in use. As a churchman, he +naturally dwells with pleasure on the many monasteries and great +images, the quinquennial assemblies and religious processions. +There were more than 100 monasteries with upwards of 5000 brethren who +all followed the Sarvastivada and the "gradual teaching," which +probably means the Hinayana as opposed to the sudden illumination +caused by Mahayanist revelation. The pilgrim differed from his hosts +on the matter of diet and would not join them in eating meat. But he +admits that the monks were strict according to their lights and that +the monasteries were centres of learning. + +In 658 Kucha was made the seat of government for the territory known +as the Four Garrisons. During the next century it sent several +missions to the Chinese and about 788 was visited by Wu-K'ung, who +indicates that music and Buddhism were still flourishing. He mentions +an Abbot who spoke with equal fluency the language of the country, +Chinese and Sanskrit. Nothing is known about Kucha from this date +until the eleventh century when we again hear of missions to the +Chinese Court. The annals mention them under the heading of Uigurs, +but Buddhism seems not to have been extinct for even in 1096 the Envoy +presented to the Emperor a jade Buddha. According to Hsuan Chuang's +account the Buddhism of Karashahr (Yenki) was the same as that of +Kucha and its monasteries enjoyed the same reputation for strictness +and learning. + +Turfan is an oasis containing the ruins of several cities and possibly +different sites were used as the capital at different periods. But the +whole area is so small that such differences can be of little +importance. The name Turfan appears to be modern. The Ming Annals[505] +state that this city lies in the land of ancient Ch'e-shih (or +Ku-shih) called Kao Ch'ang in the time of the Sui. This name was +abolished by the T'ang but restored by the Sung. + +The principal city now generally known as Chotscho seems to be +identical with Kao Ch'ang[506] and Idiqutshahri and is called by +Mohammedans Apsus or Ephesus, a curious designation connected with an +ancient sacred site renamed the Cave of the Seven Sleepers. Extensive +literary remains have been found in the oasis; they include works in +Sanskrit, Chinese, and various Iranian and Turkish idioms but also in +two dialects of so-called Tokharian. Blue-eyed, red-haired and +red-bearded people are frequently portrayed on the walls of Turfan. + +But the early history of this people and of their civilization is +chiefly a matter of theory. In the Han period[507] there was a kingdom +called Ku-shih or Kiu-shih, with two capitals. It was destroyed in 60 +B.C. by the Chinese general Cheng-Chi and eight small principalities +were formed in its place. In the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. +Turfan had some connection with two ephemeral states which arose in +Kansu under the names of Hou Liang and Pei Liang. The former was +founded by Lu-Kuang, the general who, as related above, took Kucha. He +fell foul of a tribe in his territory called Chu-ch'u, described as +belonging to the Hsiung-nu. Under their chieftain Meng-hsun, who +devoted his later years to literature and Buddhism, this tribe took a +good deal of territory from the Hou Liang, in Turkestan as well as in +Kansu, and called their state Pei Liang. It was conquered by the Wei +dynasty in 439 and two members of the late reigning house determined +to try their fortune in Turfan and ruled there successively for about +twenty years. An Chou, the second of these princes, died in 480 and +his fame survives because nine years after his death a temple to +Maitreya was dedicated in his honour with a long inscription in +Chinese. + +Another line of Chinese rulers, bearing the family name of Ch'iu, +established themselves at Kao-ch'ang in 507 and under the Sui dynasty +one of them married a Chinese princess. Turfan paid due homage to the +T'ang dynasty on its accession but later it was found that tributary +missions coming from the west to the Chinese court were stopped there +and the close relations of its king with the western Turks inspired +alarm. Accordingly it was destroyed by the imperial forces in 640. +This is confirmed by the record of Hsuan Chuang. In his biography +there is a description of his reception by the king of Kao-ch'ang on +his outward journey. But in the account of his travels written after +his return he speaks of the city as no longer existent. + +Nevertheless the political and intellectual life of the oasis was not +annihilated. It was conquered by the Uigurs at an uncertain date, but +they were established there in the eighth and ninth centuries and +about 750 their Khan adopted Manichaeism as the state religion. The +many manuscripts in Sogdian and other Persian dialects found at +Turfan show that it had an old and close connection with the west. It +is even possible that Mani may have preached there himself but it does +not appear that his teaching became influential until about 700 A.D. +The presence of Nestorianism is also attested. Tibetan influence too +must have affected Turfan in the eighth and ninth centuries for many +Tibetan documents have been found there although it seems to have been +outside the political sphere of Tibet. About 843 this Uigur Kingdom +was destroyed by the Kirghiz. + +Perhaps the massacres of Buddhist priests, clearly indicated by vaults +filled with skeletons still wearing fragments of the monastic robe, +occurred in this period. But Buddhism was not extinguished and +lingered here longer than in other parts of the Tarim basin. Even in +1420 the people of Turfan were Buddhists and the Ming Annals say that +at Huo-chou (or Kara-Khojo) there were more Buddhist temples than +dwelling houses. + +Let us now turn to Khotan.[508] This was the ancient as well as the +modern name of the principal city in the southern part of the Tarim +basin but was modified in Chinese to Yu-t'ien, in Sanskrit to +Kustana.[509] The Tibetan equivalent is Li-yul, the land of Li, but no +explanation of this designation is forthcoming. + +Traditions respecting the origin of Khotan are preserved in the +travels of Hsuan Chuang and also in the Tibetan scriptures, some of +which are expressly said to be translations from the language of Li. +These traditions are popular legends but they agree in essentials and +appear to contain a kernel of important truth namely that Khotan was +founded by two streams of colonization coming from China and from +India,[510] the latter being somehow connected with Asoka. It is +remarkable that the introduction of Buddhism is attributed not to +these original colonists but to a later missionary who, according to +Hsuan Chuang, came from Kashmir.[511] + +This traditional connection with India is confirmed by the +discovery of numerous documents written in Kharoshthi characters +and a Prakrit dialect. Their contents indicate that this Prakrit was +the language of common life and they were found in one heap with +Chinese documents dated 269 A.D. The presence of this alphabet and +language is not adequately explained by the activity of Buddhist +missionaries for in Khotan, as in other parts of Asia, the +concomitants of Buddhism are Sanskrit and the Brahmi alphabet. + +There was also Iranian influence in Khotan. It shows itself in art and +has left indubitable traces in the language called by some Nordarisch, +but when the speakers of that language reached the oasis or what part +they played there, we do not yet know. + +As a consequence of Chang Ch'ien's mission mentioned above, Khotan +sent an Embassy to the Chinese Court in the reign of Wu-ti (140-87 +B.C.) and the T'ang Annals state that its kings handed down the +insignia of Imperial investiture from that time onwards. There seems +however to have been a dynastic revolution about 60 A.D. and it is +possible that the Vijaya line of kings, mentioned in various Tibetan +works, then began to reign.[512] Khotan became a powerful state but +submitted to the conquering arms of Pan-Ch'ao and perhaps was +subsequently subdued by Kanishka. As the later Han dynasty declined, +it again became strong but continued to send embassies to the Imperial +Court. There is nothing more to mention until the visit of Fa-Hsien in +400. He describes "the pleasant and prosperous kingdom" with evident +gusto. There were some tens of thousands of monks mostly followers of +the Mahayana and in the country, where the homes of the people were +scattered "like stars" about the oases, each house had a small stupa +before the door. He stopped in a well ordered convent with 3000 monks +and mentions a magnificent establishment called The King's New +Monastery. He also describes a great car festival which shows the +Indian colour of Khotanese religion. Perhaps Fa-Hsien and Hsuan Chuang +unduly emphasize ecclesiastical features, but they also did not +hesitate to say when they thought things unsatisfactory and their +praise shows that Buddhism was flourishing. + +In the fifth and sixth centuries Khotan passed through troublous times +and was attacked by the Tanguts, Juan-Juan and White Huns. +Throughout this stormy period missions were sent at intervals to China +to beg for help. The pilgrim Sung Yun[513] traversed the oasis in 519. +His account of the numerous banners bearing Chinese inscriptions hung +up in the temple of Han-mo proves that though the political influence +of China was weak, she was still in touch with the Tarim basin. + +When the T'ang effectively asserted their suzerainty in Central Asia, +Khotan was included in the Four Garrisons. The T'ang Annals while +repeating much which is found in earlier accounts, add some points of +interest, for they say that the Khotanese revere the God of Heaven +(Hsien shen) and also the Law of Buddha.[514] This undoubtedly means +that there were Zoroastrians as well as Buddhists, which is not +mentioned in earlier periods. The annals also mention that the king's +house was decorated with pictures and that his family name was Wei +Ch'ih. This may possibly be a Chinese rendering of Vijaya, the +Sanskrit name or title which according to Tibetan sources was borne by +all the sovereigns of Khotan. + +Hsuan Chuang broke his return journey at Khotan in 644. He mentions the +fondness of the people for music and says that their language differed +from that of other countries. The Mahayana was the prevalent sect but +the pilgrim stopped in a monastery of the Sarvastivadins.[515] He +describes several sites in the neighbourhood, particularly the Go'sringa +or Cow-horn mountain,[516] supposed to have been visited by the Buddha. +Though he does not mention Zoroastrians, he notices that the people of +P'i-mo near Khotan were not Buddhists. + +About 674 the king of Khotan did personal homage at the Chinese Court. +The Emperor constituted his territory into a government called +P'i-sha after the deity P'i-sha-men or Vai'sravana and made him +responsible for its administration. Another king did homage between +742 and 755 and received an imperial princess as his consort. Chinese +political influence was effective until the last decade of the eighth +century but after 790 the conquests of the Tibetans put an end to it +and there is no mention of Khotan in the Chinese Annals for about +150 years. Numerous Tibetan manuscripts and inscriptions found at +Endere testify to these conquests. The rule of the Uigurs who replaced +Tibet as the dominant power in Turfan and the northern Tarim basin +does not appear to have extended to Khotan. + +It is not till 938 that we hear of renewed diplomatic relations with +China. The Imperial Court received an embassy from Khotan and deemed +it of sufficient importance to despatch a special mission in return. +Eight other embassies were sent to China in the tenth century and at +least three of them were accompanied by Buddhist priests. Their object +was probably to solicit help against the attacks of Mohammedans. No +details are known as to the Mohammedan conquest but it apparently took +place between 970 and 1009 after a long struggle. + +Another cultural centre of the Tarim basin must have existed in the +oases near Lob-nor where Miran and a nameless site to the north of the +lake have been investigated by Stein. They have yielded numerous +Tibetan documents, but also fine remains of Gandharan art and Prakrit +documents written in the Kharoshthi character. Probably the use of +this language and alphabet was not common further east, for though a +Kharoshthi fragment was found by Stein in an old Chinese frontier +post[517] the library of Tun-huang yielded no specimens of them. That +library, however, dating apparently from the epoch of the T'ang, +contained some Sanskrit Buddhist literature and was rich in Sogdian, +Turkish, and Tibetan manuscripts. + +4 + + +Ample as are the materials for the study of Buddhism in Central Asia +those hitherto published throw little light on the time and manner of +its introduction. At present much is hypothetical for we have few +historical data--such as the career of Kumarajiva and the inscription +on the Temple of Maitreya at Turfan--but a great mass of literary and +artistic evidence from which various deductions can be drawn. + +It is clear that there was constant intercourse with India and the +Oxus region. The use of Prakrit and of various Iranian idioms points +to actual colonization from these two quarters and it is probable +that there were two streams of Buddhism, for the Chinese pilgrims +agree that Shan-shan (near Lob-nor), Turfan, Kucha and Kashgar were +Hinayanist, whereas Yarkand and Khotan were Mahayanist. Further, much +of the architecture, sculpture and painting is simply Gandharan and +the older specimens can hardly be separated from the Gandharan art of +India by any considerable interval. This art was in part coeval with +Kanishka, and if his reign began in 78 A.D. or later the first +specimens of it cannot be much anterior to the Christian era. The +earliest Chinese notices of the existence of Buddhism in Kashgar and +Kucha date from 400 (Fa-Hsien) and the third century (Annals of the +Tsin, 265-317) respectively, but they speak of it as the national +religion and munificently endowed, so that it may well have been +established for some centuries. In Turfan the first definite record is +the dedication of a temple to Maitreya in 469 but probably the history +of religion there was much the same as in Kucha. + +It is only in Khotan that tradition, if not history, gives a more +detailed narrative. This is found in the works of the Chinese pilgrims +Hsuan Chuang and Sung Yun and also in four Tibetan works which are +apparently translated from the language of Khotan.[518] As the story +is substantially the same in all, it merits consideration and may be +accepted as the account current in the literary circles of Khotan +about 500 A.D. It relates that the Indians who were part-founders of +that city in the reign of Asoka were not Buddhists[519] and the +Tibetan version places the conversion with great apparent accuracy +170 years after the foundation of the kingdom and 404 after the death +of the Buddha. At that time a monk named Vairocana, who was an +incarnation of Manjusri, came to Khotan, according to Hsuan Chuang +from Kashmir.[520] He is said to have introduced a new language as +well as Mahayanism, and the king, Vijayasambhava, built for him the +great monastery of Tsarma outside the capital, which was miraculously +supplied with relics. We cannot be sure that the Tibetan dates +were intended to have the meaning they would bear for our chronology, +that is about 80 B.C., but if they had, there is nothing improbable in +the story, for other traditions assert that Buddhism was preached in +Kashmir in the time of Asoka. On the other hand, there was a dynastic +change in Khotan about 60 A.D. and the monarch who then came to the +throne may have been Vijayasambhava. + +According to the Tibetan account no more monasteries were built for +seven reigns. The eighth king built two, one on the celebrated +Gosirsha or Gosringa mountain. In the eleventh reign after +Vijayasambhava, more chaityas and viharas were built in connection +with the introduction of the silkworm industry. Subsequently, but +without any clear indication of date, the introduction of the +Mahasanghika and Sarvastivadin schools is mentioned. + +The Tibetan annals also mention several persecutions of Buddhism in +Khotan as a result of which the monks fled to Tibet and Bruzha. Their +chronology is confused but seems to make these troubles coincide with +a persecution in Tibet, presumably that of Lang-dar-ma. If so, the +persecution in Khotan must have been due to the early attacks of +Mohammedans which preceded the final conquest in about 1000 A.D.[521] + +Neither the statements of the Chinese annalists about Central Asia nor +its own traditions prove that Buddhism flourished there before the +Christian era. But they do not disprove it and even if the dream of +the Emperor Ming-Ti and the consequent embassy are dismissed as +legends, it is admitted that Buddhism penetrated to China by land not +later than the early decades of that era. It must therefore have been +known in Central Asia previously and perhaps Khotan was the place +where it first flourished. + +It is fairly certain that about 160 B.C. the Yueh-chih moved westwards +and settled in the lands of the Oxus after ejecting the Sakas, but +like many warlike nomads they may have oscillated between the east and +west, recoiling if they struck against a powerful adversary in either +quarter. Le Coq has put forward an interesting theory of their origin. +It is that they were one of the tribes known as Scythians in Europe +and at an unknown period moved eastwards from southern Russia, +perhaps leaving traces of their presence in the monuments still +existing in the district of Minussinsk. He also identifies them with +the red-haired, blue-eyed people of the Chotscho frescoes and the +speakers of the Tokharian language. But these interesting hypotheses +cannot be regarded as proved. It is, however, certain that the +Yueh-chih invaded India,[522] founded the Kushan Empire and were +intimately connected (especially in the person of their great king +Kanishka) with Gandharan art and the form of Buddhism which finds +expression in it. Now the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hsien (_c_. 400) found +the Hinayana prevalent in Shan-shan, Kucha, Kashgar, Osh, Udyana and +Gandhara. Hsuan Chuang also notes its presence in Balkh, Bamian, and +Persia. Both notice that the Mahayana was predominant in Khotan though +not to the exclusion of the other school. It would appear that in +modern language the North-West Frontier province of India, +Afghanistan, Badakshan (with small adjoining states), the Pamir +regions and the Tarim basin all accepted Gandharan Buddhism and at one +time formed part of the Kushan Empire. + +It is probably to this Gandharan Buddhism that the Chinese pilgrims +refer when they speak of the Sarvastivadin school of the Hinayana as +prevalent. It is known that this school was closely connected with the +Council of Kanishka. Its metaphysics were decidedly not Mahayanist but +there is no reason why it should have objected to the veneration of +such Bodhisattvas as are portrayed in the Gandhara sculptures. An +interesting passage in the life of Hsuan Chuang relates that he had a +dispute in Kucha with a Mahayanist doctor who maintained that the +books called Tsa-hsin, Chu-she, and P'i-sha were sufficient for +salvation, and denounced the Yogasastra as heretical, to the great +indignation of the pilgrim[523] whose practical definition of +Mahayanism seems to have been the acceptance of this work, reputed +to have been revealed by Maitreya to Asanga. Such a definition and +division might leave in the Hinayana much that we should not expect to +find there. + +The Mahayanist Buddhism of Khotan was a separate stream and Hsuan +Chuang says that it came from Kashmir. Though Kashmir is not known as +a centre of Mahayanism, yet it would be a natural route for men and +ideas passing from any part of India to Khotan. + +5 + + +The Tarim basin and the lands of the Oxus[524] were a region where +different religions and cultures mingled and there is no difficulty in +supposing that Buddhism might have amalgamated there with +Zoroastrianism or Christianity. The question is whether there is any +evidence for such amalgamation. It is above all in its relations with +China that Central Asia appears as an exchange of religions. It passed +on to China the art and thought of India, perhaps adding something of +its own on the way and then received them back from China with further +additions.[525] It certainly received a great deal from Persia: the +number of manuscripts in different Iranian languages puts this beyond +doubt. Equally undoubted is its debt to India, but it would be of even +greater interest to determine whether Indian Buddhism owes a debt to +Central Asia and to define that debt. For Tibet the relation was +mutual. The Tibetans occupied the Tarim basin during a century and +according to their traditions monks went from Khotan to instruct +Tibet. + +The Buddhist literature discovered in Central Asia represents, like +its architecture, several periods. We have first of all the fragments +of the Sanskrit Agamas, found at Turfan, Tun-huang, and in the Khotan +district: fragments of the dramas and poems of Asvaghosha from +Turfan: the Pratimoksha of the Sarvastivadins from Kucha and numerous +versions of the anthology called Dharmapada or Udana. The most +interesting of these is the Prakrit version found in the neighbourhood +of Khotan, but fragments in Tokharian and Sanskrit have also been +discovered. All this literature probably represents the canon as +it existed in the epoch of Kanishka and of the Gandharan sculptures, +or at least the older stratum in that canon. + +The newer stratum is composed of Mahayanist sutras of which there is a +great abundance, though no complete list has been published.[526] The +popularity of the Prajna-paramita, the Lotus and the Suvarna-prabhasa is +attested. The last was translated into both Uigur (from the Chinese) and +into "Iranien Oriental." To a still later epoch[527] belong the Dharanis +or magical formulae which have been discovered in considerable +quantities. + +Sylvain Levi has shown that some Mahayanist sutras were either written +or re-edited in Central Asia.[528] Not only do they contain lists of +Central Asian place-names but these receive an importance which can be +explained only by the local patriotism of the writer or the public +which he addressed. Thus the Suryagarbha sutra praises the mountain of +Gosringa near Khotan much as the Puranas celebrate in special +chapters called Mahatmyas the merits of some holy place. Even more +remarkable is a list in the Chandragarbha sutra. The Buddha in one of +the great transformation scenes common in these works sends forth rays +of light which produce innumerable manifestations of Buddhas. India +(together with what is called the western region) has a total of 813 +manifestations, whereas Central Asia and China have 971. Of these the +whole Chinese Empire has 255, the kingdoms of Khotan and Kucha have +180 and 99 respectively, but only 60 are given to Benares and 30 to +Magadha. Clearly Central Asia was a very important place for the +author of this list.[529] + +One of the Turkish sutras discovered at Turfan contains a discourse of +the Buddha to the merchants Trapusha and Bhallika who are described as +Turks and Indra is called Kormusta, that is Hormuzd. In another +Brahma is called Asrua, identified as the Iranian deity +Zervan.[530] In these instances no innovation of doctrine is implied +but when the world of spirits and men becomes Central Asian +instead of Indian, it is only natural that the doctrine too should +take on some local colour.[531] + +Thus the dated inscription of the temple erected in Turfan A.D. 469 is +a mixture of Chinese ideas, both Confucian and Taoist, with Indian. It +is in honour of Maitreya, a Bodhisattva known to the Hinayana, but +here regarded not merely as the future Buddha but as an active and +benevolent deity who manifests himself in many forms,[532] a view +which also finds expression in the tradition that the works of Asanga +were revelations made by him. Akasagarbha and the Dharmakaya are +mentioned. But the inscription also speaks of heaven (t'ien) as +appointing princes, and of the universal law (tao) and it contains +several references to Chinese literature. + +Even more remarkable is the admixture of Buddhism in Manichaeism. The +discoveries made in Central Asia make intelligible the Chinese edict +of 739 which accuses the Manichaeans of falsely taking the name of +Buddhism and deceiving the people.[533] This is not surprising for +Mani seems to have taught that Zoroaster, Buddha and Christ had +preceded him as apostles, and in Buddhist countries his followers +naturally adopted words and symbols familiar to the people. Thus +Manichaean deities are represented like Bodhisattvas sitting +cross-legged on a lotus; Mani receives the epithet Ju-lai or +Tathagata: as in Amida's Paradise, there are holy trees bearing +flowers which enclose beings styled Buddha: the construction and +phraseology of Manichaean books resemble those of a Buddhist +Sutra.[534] In some ways the association of Taoism and Manichaeism was +even closer, for the Hu-hua-ching identifies Buddha with Lao-tzu and +Mani, and two Manichaean books have passed into the Taoist Canon.[535] + +Nestorian Christianity also existed in the Tarim basin and became +prominent in the seventh century. This agrees with the record of its +introduction into China by A-lo-pen in 635 A.D., almost simultaneously +with Zoroastrianism. Fragments of the New Testament have been found at +Turfan belonging mostly to the ninth century but one to the fifth. The +most interesting document for the history of Nestorianism is still the +monument discovered at Si-ngan-fu and commonly called the Nestorian +stone.[536] It bears a long inscription partly in Chinese and partly +in Syriac composed by a foreign priest called Adam or in Chinese +King-Tsing giving a long account of the doctrines and history of +Nestorianism. Not only does this inscription contain many Buddhist +phrases (such as Seng and Ssu for Christian priests and monasteries) +but it deliberately omits all mention of the crucifixion and merely +says in speaking of the creation that God arranged the cardinal points +in the shape of a cross. This can hardly be explained as due to +incomplete statement for it reviews in some detail the life of Christ +and its results. The motive of omission must be the feeling that +redemption by his death was not an acceptable doctrine.[537] It is +interesting to find that King-Tsing consorted with Buddhist priests +and even set about translating a sutra from the Hu language. Takakusu +quotes a passage from one of the catalogues of the Japanese +Tripitaka[538] which states that he was a Persian and collaborated +with a monk of Kapisa called Prajna. + +We have thus clear evidence not only of the co-existence of Buddhism +and Christianity but of friendly relations between Buddhist and +Christian priests. The Emperor's objection to such commixture of +religions was unusual and probably due to zeal for pure Buddhism. It +is possible that in western China and Central Asia Buddhism, Taoism, +Manichaeism, Nestorianism and Zoroastrianism all borrowed from one +another just as the first two do in China to-day and Buddhism may have +become modified by this contact. But proof of it is necessary. In most +places Buddhism was in strength and numbers the most important of +all these religions and older than all except Zoroastrianism. Its +contact with Manichaeism may possibly date from the life of Mani, but +apparently the earliest Christian manuscripts found in Central Asia +are to be assigned to the fifth century. + +On the other hand the Chinese Tripitaka contains many translations +which bear an earlier date than this and are ascribed to translators +connected with the Yueh-chih. I see no reason to doubt the statements +that the Happy Land sutra and Prajna-paramita (Nanjio, 25, 5) were +translated before 200 A.D. and portions of the Avatamsaka and Lotus +(Nanjio, 100, 103, 138) before 300 A.D. But if so, the principal +doctrines of Mahayanist Buddhism must have been known in Khotan[539] +and the lands of Oxus before we have definite evidence for the +presence of Christianity there. + +Zoroastrianism may however have contributed to the development and +transformation of Buddhism for the two were certainly in contact. Thus +the coins of Kanishka bear figures of Persian deities[540] more +frequently than images of the Buddha: we know from Chinese sources +that the two religions co-existed at Khotan and Kashgar and possibly +there are hostile references to Buddhism (Buiti and Gaotema the +heretic) in the Persian scriptures.[541] + +It is true that we should be cautious in fancying that we detect a +foreign origin for the Mahayana. Different as it may be from the +Buddhism of the Pali Canon, it is an Indian not an exotic growth. +Deification, pantheism, the creation of radiant or terrible deities, +extreme forms of idealism or nihilism in metaphysics are tendencies +manifested in Hinduism as clearly as in Buddhism. Even the doctrine of +the Buddha's three bodies, which sounds like an imitation of the +Christian Trinity, has roots in the centuries before the Christian +era. But late Buddhism indubitably borrowed many personages from the +Hindu pantheon, and when we find Buddhas and Bodhisattvas such as +Amitabha, Avalokita, Manjusri and Kshitigarbha without clear +antecedents in India we may suspect that they are borrowed from some +other mythology, and if similar figures were known to Zoroastrianism, +that may be their source. + +The most important of them is Amitabha. He is strangely obscure in +the earlier art and literature of Indian Buddhism. Some of the +nameless Buddha figures in the Gandharan sculptures may represent him, +but this is not proved and the works of Grunwedel and Foucher suggest +that compared with Avalokita and Tara his images are late and not +numerous. In the earlier part of the Lotus[542] he is only just +mentioned as if he were of no special importance. He is also mentioned +towards the end of the Awakening of Faith ascribed to Asvaghosha, +but the authorship of the work cannot be regarded as certain and, if +it were, the passage stands apart from the main argument and might +well be an addition. Again in the Mahayana-sutralankara[543] of +Asanga, his paradise is just mentioned. + +Against these meagre and cursory notices in Indian literature may be +set the fact that two translations of the principal Amidist scripture +into Chinese were made in the second century A.D. and four in the +third, all by natives of Central Asia. The inference that the worship +of Amitabha flourished in Central Asia some time before the earliest +of these translations is irresistible. + +According to Taranatha, the Tibetan historian of Buddhism,[544] this +worship goes back to Saraha or Rahulabhadra. He was reputed to have +been the teacher of Nagarjuna and a great magician. He saw Amitabha in +the land of Dhingkota and died with his face turned towards +Sukhavati. I have found no explanation of the name Dhingkota but +the name Saraha does not sound Indian. He is said to have been a sudra +and he is represented in Tibetan pictures with a beard and topknot +and holding an arrow[545] in his hand. In all this there is little +that can be called history, but still it appears that the first person +whom tradition connects with the worship of Amitabha was of low caste, +bore a foreign name, saw the deity in an unknown country, and like +many tantric teachers was represented as totally unlike a Buddhist +monk. It cannot be proved that he came from the lands of the Oxus or +Turkestan, but such an origin would explain much in the tradition. +On the other hand, there would be no difficulty in accounting for +Zoroastrian influence at Peshawar or Takkasila within the frontiers of +India. + +Somewhat later Vasubandhu is stated to have preached faith in Amitabha +but it does not appear that this doctrine ever had in India a tithe of +the importance which it obtained in the Far East. + +The essential features of Amidist doctrine are that there is a +paradise of light belonging to a benevolent deity and that the +good[546] who invoke his name will be led thither. Both features are +found in Zoroastrian writings. The highest heaven (following after the +paradises of good thoughts, good words and good deeds) is called +Boundless Light or Endless Light.[547] Both this region and its +master, Ahuramazda, are habitually spoken of in terms implying +radiance and glory. Also it is a land of song, just as Amitabha's +paradise re-echoes with music and pleasant sounds.[548] Prayers can +win this paradise and Ahura Mazda and the Archangels will come and +show the way thither to the pious.[549] Further whoever recites the +Ahuna-vairya formula, Ahura Mazda will bring his soul to "the lights +of heaven,"[550] and although, so far as I know, it is not expressly +stated that the repetition of Ahura Mazda's name leads to paradise, +yet the general efficacy of his names as invocations is clearly +affirmed.[551] + +Thus all the chief features of Amitabha's paradise are Persian: only +his method of instituting it by making a vow is Buddhist. It is true +that Indian imagination had conceived numerous paradises, and that the +early Buddhist legend tells of the Tushita heaven. But Sukhavati is +not like these abodes of bliss. It appears suddenly in the history of +Buddhism as something exotic, grafted adroitly on the parent trunk but +sometimes overgrowing it.[552] + +Avalokita is also connected with Amitabha's paradise. His figure, +though its origin is not clear, assumes distinct and conspicuous +proportions in India at a fairly early date. There appears to be no +reason for associating him specially with Central Asia. On the other +hand later works describe him as the spiritual son or reflex of +Amitabha. This certainly recalls the Iranian idea of the Fravashi +defined as "a spiritual being conceived as a part of a man's +personality but existing before he is born and in independence of him: +it can also belong to divine beings."[553] Although India offers in +abundance both divine incarnations and explanations thereof yet none +of these describe the relationship between a Dhyani Buddha and his +Boddhisattva so well as the Zoroastrian doctrine of the Fravashi. + +S. Levi has suggested that the Bodhisattva Manjusri is of Tokharian +origin.[554] His worship at Wu-tai-shan in Shan-si is ancient and +later Indian tradition connected him with China. Local traditions also +connect him with Nepal, Tibet, and Khotan, and he is sometimes +represented as the first teacher of civilization or religion. But +although his Central Asian origin is eminently probable, I do not at +present see any clear proof of it. + +The case of the Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha[555] is similar. He appears +to have been known but not prominent in India in the fourth century +A.D.: by the seventh century if not earlier his cult was flourishing +in China and subsequently he became in the Far East a popular deity +second only to Kuan-yin. This popularity was connected with his +gradual transformation into a god of the dead. It is also certain that +he was known in Central Asia[556] but whether he first became +important there or in China is hard to decide. The devotion of the +Chinese to their dead suggests that it was among them that he acquired +his great position, but his role as a guide to the next world has a +parallel in the similar benevolent activity of the Zoroastrian angel +Srosh. + +One of Central Asia's clearest titles to importance in the history +of the East is that it was the earliest and on the whole the +principal source of Chinese Buddhism, to which I now turn. Somewhat +later, teachers also came to China by sea and still later, under the +Yuan dynasty, Lamaism was introduced direct from Tibet. But from at +least the beginning of our era onwards, monks went eastwards from +Central Asia to preach and translate the scriptures and it was across +Central Asia that Chinese pilgrims went to India in search of the +truth. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 459: See Luders, _Bruchstucke Buddhistischer Dramen_, 1911, +and _id., Das Sariputra-prakarana_, 1911.] + +[Footnote 460: See Senart, "Le ms Kharoshthi du Dhammapada," in +_J.A._, 1898, II. p. 193.] + +[Footnote 461: Luders, "Die Sakas und die Nordarische Sprache," +_Sitzungsber. der Kon. Preuss. Akad_. 1913. Konow, _Gotting. +Gel. Anz_. 1912, pp. 551 ff.] + +[Footnote 462: See Hoernle in _J.R.A.S._ 1910, pp. 837 ff. and 1283 +ff.; 1911, pp. 202 ff., 447 ff.] + +[Footnote 463: An old Turkish text about Maitreya states that it was +translated from an Indian language into Tokhri and from Tokhri into +Turkish. See F.K.W. Muller, _Sitzungsber. der Kon. Preuss. Akad_. +1907, p. 958. But it is not clear what is meant by Tokhri.] + +[Footnote 464: The following are some words in this language: Kant, a +hundred; rake, a word; por, fire; soye, son (Greek: uios); suwan, +swese, rain (Greek: uei huetos); alyek, another; okso, an ox.] + +[Footnote 465: The numerous papers on this language are naturally +quickly superseded. But Sieg and Siegling Tokharisch, "Die Sprache der +Indoskythen" (_Sitzungsber. der Berl. Ak. Wiss_. 1908, p. 815), may be +mentioned and Sylvain Levi, "Tokharien B, Langue de Kouteha," _J.A._ +1913, II. p. 311.] + +[Footnote 466: See Radloff Tisastvustik (_Bibl. Buddh._ vol. xii.), p. +v. This manuscript came from Urumtsi. A translation of a portion of +the Saddharma-pundarika (_Bibl. Buddh._ xiv.) was found at Turfan.] + +[Footnote 467: Laufer in _T'oung Pao_, 1907, p. 392; Radloff, +_Kuan-si-im Pursar_, p. vii.] + +[Footnote 468: See especially Stein's _Ancient Khotan_, app. B, and +Francke in _J.R.A.S._ 1914, p. 37.] + +[Footnote 469: Chavannes, _Les documents chinois decouverts par Aurel +Stein_, 1913.] + +[Footnote 470: See especially Chavannes and Pelliot, "Traite +Manicheen" in _J.A._ 1911 and 1913.] + +[Footnote 471: Hsuan Chuang notes its existence however in Kabul and +Kapisa.] + +[Footnote 472: See for these Fergusson-Burgess, _History of Indian +Architecture_, I. pp. 125-8.] + +[Footnote 473: _J.R.A.S._ 1909, p. 313.] + +[Footnote 474: _E.g._ Grunwedel, _Altbuddhistische Kultstatten_, fig. +624.] + +[Footnote 475: Stein, _Ancient Khotan_, plates xiii-xvii and xl, pp. +83 and 482 ff.] + +[Footnote 476: See Grunwedel, _Buddh. Kultstatten_, pp. 129-130 and +plate. Foucher, "L'Art Greco-Bouddhique," p. 145, _J.R.A.S._ 1886, 333 +and plate i.] + +[Footnote 477: See Wachsberger's "Stil-kritische Studien zur Kunst +Chinesisch-Turkestan's" in _Ostasiatische Ztsft._ 1914 and 1915.] + +[Footnote 478: See Grunwedel, _Buddh. Kultstatten_, pp. 332 ff.] + +[Footnote 479: _Ancient Khotan_, vol. II. plates lx and lxi.] + +[Footnote 480: Le Coq in _J.R.A.S._ 1909, pp. 299 ff. See the whole +article.] + +[Footnote 481: For some of the more striking drawings referred to see +Grunwedel, _Buddh. Kultstatten_, figs. 51, 53, 239, 242, 317, 337, +345-349.] + +[Footnote 482: In _Geog. Journal_, May 1916, p. 362.] + +[Footnote 483: Chavannes, _Documents chinois decouverts par Aurel +Stein_, 1913.] + +[Footnote 484: These of course are not the Osmanlis or Turks of +Constantinople. The Osmanlis are the latest of the many branches of +the Turks, who warred and ruled in Central Asia with varying success +from the fifth to the eighth centuries.] + +[Footnote 485: That is Kashgar, Khotan, Kucha and Tokmak for which +last Karashahr was subsequently substituted. The territory was also +called An Hsi.] + +[Footnote 486: See for lists and details Chavannes, _Documents sur les +Tou-kiue Occidentaux_, pp. 67 ff. and 270 ff.] + +[Footnote 487: The conquest and organization of the present Chinese +Turkestan dates only from the reign of Ch'ien Lung.] + +[Footnote 488: Thus the pilgrim Wu-K'ung mentions Chinese officials in +the Four Garrisons.] + +[Footnote 489: See for this part of their history, Grenard's article +in _J.A._ 1900, I. pp. 1-79.] + +[Footnote 490: Pelliot also attributes importance to a Sogdian Colony +to the south of Lob Nor, which may have had much to do with the +transmission of Buddhism and Nestorianism to China. See _J.A._ Jan. +1916, pp. 111-123.] + +[Footnote 491: These words have been connected with the tribe called +Sacae, Sakas, or Sok.] + +[Footnote 492: See Klaproth, _Tabl. Historique_, p. 166, apparently +quoting from Chinese sources. Specht, _J.A._ 1897, II. p. 187. Franke, +_Beitr.-zur Kenntniss Zentral-Asiens_, p. 83. The passage quoted by +Specht from the Later Han Annals clearly states that the Yueh-chih +made a man of their own choosing prince of Kashgar, although, as +Franke points out, it makes no reference to Kanishka or the story of +the hostages related by Hsuan Chuang.] + +[Footnote 493: Fa-Hsien's Chieh-ch'a has been interpreted as Skardo, +but Chavannes seems to have proved that it is Kashgar.] + +[Footnote 494: About 643 A.D. He mentions that the inhabitants +tattooed their bodies, flattened their children's heads and had green +eyes. Also that they spoke a peculiar language.] + +[Footnote 495: At Bamian the monks belonged to the Lokottaravadin +School.] + +[Footnote 496: Beal, _Records_, II. p. 278. The pilgrim is speaking +from hearsay and it is not clear to what part of Persia he refers.] + +[Footnote 497: See Chavannes, _Documents sur les Tou-kiue +Occidentaux_, pp. 121, 125. The inhabitants of K'ang (Samarkand or +Sogdiana) are said to honour both religions. _Ib_. p. 135.] + +[Footnote 498: Known to the Chinese by several slightly different +names such as Ku-chih, Kiu-tse which are all attempts to represent the +same sound. For Kucha see S. Levi's most interesting article "Le +'Tokharien B' langue de Koutcha" in _J.A._ 1913, II. pp. 311 ff.] + +[Footnote 499: _J.A._ 1913, ii. p. 326.] + +[Footnote 500: See Chavannes in Stein's _Ancient Khotan_, p. 544. The +Western Tsin reigned 265-317.] + +[Footnote 501: The circumstances which provoked the expedition are not +very clear. It was escorted by the king of Turfan and other small +potentates who were the vassals of the Tsin and also on bad terms with +Kucha. They probably asked Fu-chien for assistance in subduing their +rival which he was delighted to give. Some authorities (_e.g._ Nanjio +Cat. p. 406) give Karashahr as the name of Kumarajiva's town, but this +seems to be a mistake.] + +[Footnote 502: S. Levi, _J.A._ 1913, ii. p. 348, quoting Hsu Kao Seng +Chuan.] + +[Footnote 503: Quoted by S. Levi from the _Sung Kao Seng Chuan_. See +_J.A._ 1913, II. p. 344 and _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 562.] + +[Footnote 504: As a proof of foreign influence in Chinese culture, it +is interesting to note that there were seven orchestras for the +imperial banquets, including those of Kucha, Bokhara and India and a +mixed one in which were musicians from Samarkand, Kashgar, Camboja and +Japan.] + +[Footnote 505: Quoted by Bretschneider, _Mediaeval Researches_, ii. +189.] + +[Footnote 506: Pelliot, _J.A._ 1912, i. p. 579, suggests that Chotscho +or Qoco is the Turkish equivalent of Kao Ch'ang in T'ang +pronunciation, the nasal being omitted.] + +[Footnote 507: Chavannes, _Tou-kiue Occidentaux_, p. 101.] + +[Footnote 508: For the history of Khotan see Remusat, _Ville de +Khotan_, 1820, and Stein's great work _Ancient Khotan_, especially +chapter vii. For the Tibetan traditions see Rockhill, _Life of the +Buddha_, pp. 230 ff.] + +[Footnote 509: Ku-stana seems to have been a learned perversion of the +name, to make it mean breast of the earth.] + +[Footnote 510: The combination is illustrated by the Sino-Kharoshthi +coins with a legend in Chinese on the obverse and in Prakrit on the +reverse. See Stein, _Ancient Khotan_, p. 204. But the coins are later +than 73 A.D.] + +[Footnote 511: The Tibetan text gives the date of conversion as the +reign of King Vijayasambhava, 170 years after the foundation of +Khotan.] + +[Footnote 512: See Sten Konow in _J.R.A.S._ 1914, p. 345.] + +[Footnote 513: See Stein, _Ancient Khotan_, pp. 170, 456.] + +[Footnote 514: Chavannes, _Tou-kiue_, p. 125, cf. pp. 121 and 170. For +Hsien shen see Giles's _Chinese Dict._ No. 4477.] + +[Footnote 515: Beal, _Life_, p. 205.] + +[Footnote 516: Identified by Stein with Kohmari Hill which is still +revered by Mohammedans as a sacred spot.] + +[Footnote 517: _Desert Cathay_, II. p. 114.] + +[Footnote 518: See Watters, _Yuan Chwang_, II. p. 296. Beal, _Life_. +p. 205. Chavannes, "Voyage de Sung Yun." _B.E.F.E.O._ 1903, 395, and +for the Tibetan sources, Rockhill, _Life of the Buddha_, chap. VIII. +One of the four Tibetan works is expressly stated to be translated +from Khotanese.] + +[Footnote 519: The Tibetan Chronicles of Li-Yul say that they +worshipped Vaisravana and Srimahadevi.] + +[Footnote 520: A monk from Kashmir called Vairocana was also active in +Tibet about 750 A.D.] + +[Footnote 521: It is also possible that Buddhism had a bad time in the +fifth and sixth centuries at the hands of the Tanguts, Juan-Juan and +White Huns.] + +[Footnote 522: The Later Han Annals say that the Hindus are weaker +than the Yueh-chih and are not accustomed to fight because they are +Buddhists. (See _T'oung Pao_, 1910, p. 192.) This seems to imply that +the Yueh-chih were not Buddhists. But even this was the real view of +the compiler of the Annals we do not know from what work he took this +statement nor to what date it refers.] + +[Footnote 523: See Beal, _Life_, p. 39, Julien, p. 50. The books +mentioned are apparently the Samyuktabhidharmahridaya (Nanjio, +1287), Abhidharma Kosha (Nanjio, 1267), Abhidharma-Vibhasha (Nanjio, +1264) and Yogacaryabhumi (Nanjio, 1170).] + +[Footnote 524: The importance of the Tarim basin is due to the +excellent preservation of its records and its close connection with +China. The Oxus regions suffered more from Mohammedan iconoclasm, but +they may have been at least equally important for the history of +Buddhism.] + +[Footnote 525: _E.g._ see the Maitreya inscription of Turfan.] + +[Footnote 526: Or at least is not accessible to me here in Hongkong, +1914.] + +[Footnote 527: I do not mean to say that all Dharanis are late.] + +[Footnote 528: It is even probable that apocryphal Sutras were +composed in Central Asia. See Pelliot in _Melanges d'Indianisme_, +Sylvain Levi, p. 329.] + +[Footnote 529: The list of manifestations in Jambudvipa enumerates 56 +kingdoms. All cannot be identified with certainty, but apparently less +than half are within India proper.] + +[Footnote 530: See _Bibl. Budd._ XII. pp. 44, 46, XIV. p. 45.] + +[Footnote 531: The Turkish sutras repeatedly style the Buddha God +(t'angri) or God of Gods. The expression devatideva is applied to him +in Sanskrit, but the Turkish phrases are more decided and frequent. +The Sanskrit phrase may even be due to Iranian influence.] + +[Footnote 532: An Chou, the Prince to whose memory the temple was +dedicated, seems to be regarded as a manifestation of Maitreya.] + +[Footnote 533: _J.A._ 1913, I. p. 154. The series of three articles by +Chavannes and Pelliot entitled "Un traite Manicheen retrouve en Chine" +(_J.A._ 1911, 1913) is a most valuable contribution to our knowledge +of Manichaeism in Central Asia and China.] + +[Footnote 534: _E.g._ see _J.A._ 1911, pp. 509 and 589. See also Le +Coq, _Sitzb. preuss. Akad. der Wiss._ 48, 1909, 1202-1218.] + +[Footnote 535: _J.A._ 1913, I. pp. 116 and 132.] + +[Footnote 536: See especially Havret, "La stele chretienne de +Si-ngan-fu" in _Varietes Sinologues_, pp. 7, 12 and 20.] + +[Footnote 537: See Havret, _l. c_. III. p. 54, for some interesting +remarks respecting the unwillingness of the Nestorians and also of the +Jesuits to give publicity to the crucifixion.] + +[Footnote 538: See Takakusu, _I-tsing_, pp. 169, 223, and _T'oung +Pao_, 1896, p. 589.] + +[Footnote 539: Turfan and Kucha are spoken of as being mainly +Hinayanist.] + +[Footnote 540: See Stein, _Zoroastrian deities on Indo-Scythian +coins_, 1887.] + +[Footnote 541: See _S.B.E._ IV. (Vendidad) pp. 145, 209; XXIII. p. +184, V. p. III.] + +[Footnote 542: Chap. VII. The notices in Chaps. XXII. and XXIV. are +rather more detailed but also later.] + +[Footnote 543: XII. p. 23.] + +[Footnote 544: Transl. Schiefner, pp. 93, 105 and 303, and Pander's +_Pantheon_, No. 11. But Taranatha also says that he was Aryadeva's +pupil.] + +[Footnote 545: Sara in Sanskrit.] + +[Footnote 546: The doctrine of salvation by faith alone seems to be +later. The longer and apparently older version of the Sukhavati Vyuha +insists on good works as a condition of entry into Paradise.] + +[Footnote 547: _S.B.E._ IV. p. 293; _ib._ XXXIII. pp. 317 and 344.] + +[Footnote 548: It may also be noticed that Ameretat, the Archangel of +immortality, presides over vegetation and that Amida's paradise is +full of flowers.] + +[Footnote 549: _S.B.E._ XXIII. pp. 335-7.] + +[Footnote 550: _S.B.E._ XXXI. p. 261.] + +[Footnote 551: _S.B.E._ XXIII. pp. 21-31 (the Ormasd Yasht).] + +[Footnote 552: Is it possible that there is any connection between +Sukhavati and the land of Saukavastan, governed by an immortal ruler +and located by the Bundehish between Turkistan and Chinistan? I +imagine there is no etymological relationship, but if Saukavastan was +well known as a land of the blessed it may have influenced the choice +of a significant Sanskrit word with a similar sound.] + +[Footnote 553: _E.R.E. sub voce_.] + +[Footnote 554: _J.A._ 1912, I. p. 622. Unfortunately only a brief +notice of his communication is given with no details. See also S. +Levi, _Le Nepal_, pp. 330 ff.] + +[Footnote 555: Ti-tsang in Chinese, Jizo in Japanese. See for his +history Visser's elaborate articles in _Ostasiatische Ztsft._ +1913-1915.] + +[Footnote 556: He was accepted by the Manichaeans as one of the Envoys +of Light. _J.A._ 1911, II. p. 549.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLII + +CHINA + +_Prefatory note._ + + +For the transcription of Chinese words I use the modern Peking +pronunciation as represented in Giles's Dictionary. It may be justly +objected that of all dialects Pekingese is perhaps the furthest removed +from ancient Chinese and therefore unsuited for historical studies and +also that Wade's system of transcription employed by Giles is open to +serious criticism. But, on the other hand, I am not competent to write +according to the pronunciation of Nanking or Canton all the names which +appear in these chapters and, if I were, it would not be a convenience +to my readers. Almost all English works of reference about China use the +forms registered in Giles's Dictionary or near approximations to them, +and any variation would produce difficulty and confusion. French and +German methods of transcribing Chinese differ widely from Wade's and +unfortunately there seems to be no prospect of sinologues agreeing on +any international system. + +INTRODUCTORY. + + +The study of Chinese Buddhism is interesting but difficult.[557] Here +more than in other Asiatic countries we feel that the words and +phrases natural to a European language fail to render justly the +elementary forms of thought, the simplest relationships. But Europeans +are prone to exaggerate the mysterious, topsy-turvy character of the +Chinese mind. Such epithets are based on the assumption that human +thought and conduct normally conform to reason and logic, and that +when such conformity is wanting the result must be strange and hardly +human, or at least such as no respectable European could expect or +approve. But the assumption is wrong. In no country with which I am +acquainted are logic and co-ordination of ideas more wanting than +in the British Isles. This is not altogether a fault, for human +systems are imperfect and the rigorous application of any one +imperfect system must end in disaster. But the student of Asiatic +psychology must begin his task by recognising that in the West and +East alike, the thoughts of nations, though not always of individuals, +are a confused mosaic where the pattern has been lost and a thousand +fancies esteemed at one time or another as pleasing, useful or +respectable are crowded into the available space. This is especially +true in the matter of religion. An observer fresh to the subject might +find it hard to formulate the relations to one another and to the +Crown of the various forms of Christianity prevalent in our Empire or +to understand how the English Church can be one body, when some +sections of it are hardly distinguishable from Roman Catholicism and +others from non-conformist sects. In the same way Chinese religion +offers startling combinations of incongruous rites and doctrines: the +attitude of the laity and of the government to the different churches +is not to be defined in ordinary European terms and yet if one +examines the practice of Europe, it will often throw light on the +oddities of China. + +The difficulty of finding a satisfactory equivalent in Chinese for the +word God is well known and has caused much discussion among +missionaries. Confucius inherited and handed on a worship of Heaven +which inspired some noble sayings and may be admitted to be +monotheism. But it was a singularly impersonal monotheism and had +little to do with popular religion, being regarded as the prerogative +and special cult of the Emperor. The people selected their deities +from a numerous pantheon of spirits, falling into many classes among +which two stand out clearly, namely, nature spirits and spirits of +ancestors. All these deities, as we must call them for want of a +better word, present odd features, which have had some influence on +Chinese Buddhism. The boundary between the human and the spirit worlds +is slight. Deification and euhemerism are equally natural to the +Chinese. Not only are worthies of every sort made into gods,[558] but +foreign deities are explained on the same principle. Thus Yen-lo +(Yama), the king of the dead, is said to have been a Chinese official +of the sixth century A.D. But there is little mythology. The deities +are like the figures on porcelain vases: all know their appearance and +some their names, but hardly anyone can give a coherent account of +them. A poly-daemonism of this kind is even more fluid than Hinduism: +you may invent any god you like and neglect gods that don't concern +you. The habit of mind which produces sects in India, namely the +desire to exalt one's own deity above others and make him the All-God, +does not exist. No Chinese god inspires such feelings. + +The deities of medieval and modern China, including the spirits +recognized by Chinese Buddhism, are curiously mixed and vague +personalities.[559] Nature worship is not absent, but it is nature as +seen by the fancy of the alchemist and astrologer. The powers that +control nature are also identified with ancient heroes, but they are +mostly heroes of the type of St. George and the Dragon of whom history +has little to say, and Chinese respect for the public service and +official rank takes the queer form of regarding these spirits as +celestial functionaries. Thus the gods have a Ministry of Thunder +which supervises the weather and a Board of Medicine which looks after +sickness and health. + +The characteristic expression of Chinese popular religion is not +exactly myth or legend but religious romance. A writer starts from +some slender basis of fact and composes an edifying novel. Thus the +well-known story called Hsi-Yu-Chi[560] purports to be an account of +Hsuan Chuang's journey to India but, except that it represents the +hero as going there and returning with copies of the scriptures, it is +romance pure and simple, a fantastic Pilgrim's Progress, the scene +of which is sometimes on earth and sometimes in the heavens. The +traveller is accompanied by allegorical creatures such as a magic +monkey, a pig, and a dragon horse, who have each their own +significance and may be seen represented in Buddhist and Taoist +temples even to-day. So too another writer, starting from the +tradition that Avalokita (or Kuan-Yin) was once a benevolent human +being, set himself to write the life of Kuan-Yin, represented as a +princess endued with every virtue who cheerfully bears cruel +persecution for her devotion to Buddhism. It would be a mistake to +seek in this story any facts throwing light on the history of +Avalokita and his worship. It is a religious novel, important only +because it still finds numerous readers. + +It is commonly said that the Chinese belong to three religions, +Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, and the saying is not altogether +inaccurate. Popular language speaks of the three creeds and an +ordinary person in the course of his life may take part in rites which +imply a belief in them all.[561] Indeed the fusion is so complete that +one may justly talk of Chinese religion, meaning the jumble of +ceremonies and beliefs accepted by the average man. Yet at the same +time it is possible to be an enthusiast for any one of the three +without becoming unconventional. + +Of the three religions, Confucianism has a disputable claim to the +title. If the literary classes of China find it sufficient, they do so +only by rejecting the emotional and speculative sides of religion. The +Emperor Wan-li[562] made a just epigram when he said that Confucianism +and Buddhism are like the wings of a bird. Each requires the +co-operation of the other. Confucius was an ethical and political +philosopher, not a prophet, hierophant or church founder. As a +moralist he stands in the first rank, and I doubt if either the +Gospels or the Pitakas contain maxims for the life of a good citizen +equal to his sayings. But he ignored that unworldly morality which, +among Buddhists and Christians, is so much admired and so little +practised. In religion he claimed no originality, he brought no +revelation, but he accepted the current ideas of his age and time, +though perhaps he eliminated many popular superstitions. He commended +the worship of Heaven, which, if vague, still connected the deity with +the moral law, and he enjoined sacrifice to ancestors and spirits. But +all this apparently without any theory. His definition of wisdom is +well known: "to devote oneself to human duties and keep aloof from +spirits while still respecting them." This is not the utterance of a +sceptical statesman, equivalent to "remember the political importance +of religion but keep clear of it, so far as you can." The best +commentary is the statement in the _Analects_ that he seldom spoke +about the will of Heaven, yet such of his utterances about it as have +been preserved are full of awe and submission.[563] A certain delicacy +made him unwilling to define or discuss the things for which he felt +the highest reverence, and a similar detached but respectful attitude +is still a living constituent of Chinese society. The scholar and +gentleman will not engage in theological or metaphysical disputes, but +he respectfully takes part in ceremonies performed in honour of such +venerated names as Heaven, Earth and Confucius himself. Less +willingly, but still without remonstrance, he attends Buddhist or +Taoist celebrations. + +If it is hard to define the religious element in Confucianism, it is +still harder to define Taoism, but for another reason, namely, that +the word has more than one meaning. In one sense it is the old popular +religion of China, of which Confucius selected the scholarly and +gentlemanly features. Taoism, on the contrary, rejected no godlings +and no legends however grotesque: it gave its approval to the most +extravagant and material superstitions, especially to the belief that +physical immortality could be insured by drinking an elixir, which +proved fatal to many illustrious dupes. As an organized body it owes +its origin to Chang-Ling _(c._ 130 A.D.) and his grandson +Chang-Lu.[564] The sect received its baptism of blood but made terms +with the Chinese Government, one condition being that a member of the +house of Chang should be recognized as its hereditary Patriarch or +Pope.[565] Rivalry with Buddhism also contributed to give Taoism +something of that consistency in doctrine and discipline which we +associate with the word religion, for in their desire to show that +they were as good as their opponents the Taoists copied them in +numerous and important particulars, for instance triads of deities, +sacred books and monastic institutions. + +The power of inventive imitation is characteristic of Taoism.[566] In +most countries great gods are children of the popular mind. After long +gestation and infancy they emerge as deities bound to humanity by a +thousand ties of blood and place. But the Taoists, whenever they +thought a new deity needful or ornamental, simply invented him, often +with the sanction of an Imperial Edict. Thus Yu-Ti,[567] the precious +or jade Emperor, who is esteemed the supreme ruler of the world, was +created or at least brought into notice about 1012 A.D. by the Emperor +Chen Tsung[568] who pretended to have correspondence with him. He is +probably an adaptation of Indra and is also identified with a prince +of ancient China, but cannot be called a popular hero like Rama or +Krishna, and has not the same hold on the affections of the people. + +But Taoism is also the name commonly given not only to this fanciful +church but also to the philosophic ideas expounded in the Tao-te-ching +and in the works of Chuang-tzu. The Taoist priesthood claim this +philosophy, but the two have no necessary connection. Taoism as +philosophy represents a current of thought opposed to Confucianism, +compared with which it is ascetic, mystic and pantheistic, though +except in comparison it does not deserve such epithets. My use of +pantheistic in particular may raise objection, but it seems to me that +Tao, however hard to define, is analogous to Brahman, the impersonal +Spirit of Hindu philosophy. The universe is the expression of Tao and +in conforming to Tao man finds happiness. For Confucianism, as for +Europe, man is the pivot and centre of things, but less so for +Taoism and Buddhism. Philosophic Taoism, being somewhat abstruse and +unpractical, might seem to have little chance of becoming a popular +superstition. But from early times it was opposed to Confucianism, and +as Confucianism became more and more the hall-mark of the official and +learned classes, Taoism tended to become popular, at the expense of +degrading itself. From early times too it dallied with such +fascinating notions as the acquisition of miraculous powers and +longevity. But, as an appeal to the emotional and spiritual sides of +humanity, it was, if superior to Confucianism, inferior to Buddhism. + +Buddhism, unlike Confucianism and Taoism, entered China as a foreign +religion, but, in using this phrase, we must ask how far any system of +belief prevalent there is accepted as what we call a religion. Even in +Ceylon and Burma people follow the observances of two religions or at +least of a religion and a superstition, but they would undoubtedly +call themselves Buddhists. In China the laity use no such designations +and have no sense of exclusive membership. For them a religion is +comparable to a club, which they use for special purposes. You may +frequent both Buddhist and Taoist temples just as you may belong to +both the Geographical and Zoological Societies. Perhaps the position +of spiritualism in England offers the nearest analogy to a Chinese +religion. There are, I believe, some few persons for whom spiritualism +is a definite, sufficient and exclusive creed. These may be compared +to the Buddhist clergy with a small minority of the laity. But the +majority of those who are interested or even believe in spiritualism, +do not identify themselves with it in this way. They attend seances as +their curiosity or affections may prompt, but these beliefs and +practices do not prevent them from also belonging to a Christian +denomination. Imagine spiritualism to be better organized as an +institution and you will have a fairly accurate picture of the average +Chinaman's attitude to Buddhism and Taoism. One may also compare the +way in which English poets use classical mythology. _Lycidas_, for +instance, is an astounding compound of classical and biblical ideas, +and Milton does not hesitate to call the Supreme Being Jove in a +serious passage. Yet Milton's Christianity has never, so far as I +know, been called in question. + +There is an obvious historical parallel between the religions of +the Chinese and early Roman Empires. In both, the imperial and +official worship was political and indifferent to dogma without being +hostile, provided no sectary refused to call the Emperor Son of Heaven +or sacrifice to his image. In both, ample provision was made outside +the state cult for allaying the fears of superstition, as well as for +satisfying the soul's thirst for knowledge and emotion. A Roman +magistrate of the second century A.D. may have offered official +sacrifices, propitiated local genii, and attended the mysteries of +Mithra, in the same impartial way as Chinese magistrates took part a +few years ago in the ceremonies of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. +In both cases there was entire liberty to combine with the official +religious routine private beliefs and observances incongruous with it +and often with one another: in both there was the same essential +feature that no deity demanded exclusive allegiance. The popular +polytheism of China is indeed closely analogous to the paganism of the +ancient world.[569] Hinduism contains too much personal religion and +real spiritual feeling to make the resemblance perfect, but in dealing +with Apollo, Mars and Venus a Roman of the early Empire seems to have +shown the mixture of respect and scepticism which is characteristic of +China. + +This attitude implies not only a certain want of conviction but also a +utilitarian view of religion. The Chinese visit a temple much as they +visit a shop or doctor, for definite material purposes, and if it be +asked whether they are a religious people in the better sense of the +word, I am afraid the answer must be in the negative. It is with +regret that I express this opinion and I by no means imply that there +are not many deeply religious persons in China, but whereas in India +the obvious manifestations of superstition are a superficial disease +and the heart of the people is keenly sensitive to questions of +personal salvation and speculative theology, this cannot be said of +the masses in China, where religion, as seen, consists of +superstitious rites and the substratum of thought and feeling is +small. + +This struck me forcibly when visiting Siam some years ago. In +Bangkok there is a large Chinese population and several Buddhist +temples have been made over to them. The temples frequented by Siamese +are not unlike catholic churches in Europe: the decoration is roughly +similar, the standard of decorum much the same. The visitors come to +worship, meditate or hear sermons. But in the temples used by the +Chinese, a lower standard is painfully obvious and the atmosphere is +different. Visitors are there in plenty, but their object is to "get +luck," and the business of religion has become transformed into +divination and spiritual gambling. The worshipper, on entering, goes +to a counter where he buys tapers and incense-sticks, together with +some implements of superstition such as rods or inscribed cards. After +burning incense he draws a card or throws the rods up into the air and +takes an augury from the result. Though the contrast presented in Siam +makes the degradation more glaring, yet these temples in Bangkok are +not worse than many which I have seen in China. I gladly set on the +other side of the account some beautiful and reverent halls of worship +in the larger monasteries, but I fear that the ordinary Chinese +temple, whether Taoist or Buddhist, is a ghostly shop where, in return +for ceremonies which involve neither moral nor intellectual effort, +the customer is promised good luck, offspring, and other material +blessings. + +It can hardly be denied that the populace in China are grossly +superstitious. Superstition is a common failing and were statistics +available to show the number and status of Europeans who believe in +fortune-telling and luck, the result might be startling. But in most +civilized countries such things are furtive and apologetic. In China +the strangest forms of magic and divination enjoy public esteem. The +ideas which underlie popular practice and ritual are worthy of African +savages: there has been a monstrous advance in systematization, yet +the ethics and intellect of China, brilliant as are their +achievements, have not leavened the lump. The average Chinese, though +an excellent citizen, full of common sense and shrewd in business, is +in religious matters a victim of fatuous superstition and completely +divorced from the moral and intellectual standards which he otherwise +employs. + +Conspicuous among these superstitions is Feng Shui or +Geomancy,[570] a pseudo-science which is treated as seriously as +law or surveying. It is based on the idea that localities have a sort +of spiritual climate which brings prosperity or the reverse and +depends on the influences of stars and nature spirits, such as the +azure dragon and white tiger. But since these agencies find expression +in the contours of a locality, they can be affected if its features +are modified by artificial means, for instance, the construction of +walls and towers. Buddhism did not disdain to patronize these notions. +The principal hall of a monastery is usually erected on a specially +auspicious site and the appeals issued for the repair of sacred +buildings often point out the danger impending if edifices essential +to the good Feng Shui of a district are allowed to decay. The +scepticism and laughter of the educated does not clear the air, for +superstition can flourish when neither respected nor believed. The +worst feature of religion in China is that the decently educated +public ridicules its external observances, but continues to practise +them, because they are connected with occasions of good fellowship or +because their omission might be a sign of disrespect to departed +relatives or simply because in dealing with uncanny things it is +better to be on the safe side. This is the sum of China's composite +religion as visible in public and private rites. Its ethical value is +far higher than might be supposed, for its most absurd superstitions +also recommend love and respect in family life and a high standard of +civic duty. But China has never admitted that public or private +morality requires the support of a religious creed. + +As might be expected, life and animation are more apparent in sects +than in conventional religion. Since the recent revolution it is no +longer necessary to confute the idea that the Chinese are a stationary +and unemotional race, but its inaccuracy was demonstrated by many +previous movements especially the T'ai-p'ing rebellion, which had at +first a religious tinge. Yet in China such movements, though they may +kindle enthusiasm and provoke persecution, rarely have the religious +value attaching to a sect in Christian, Hindu and Mohammedan +countries. Viewed as an ecclesiastical or spiritual movement, the +T'ai-p'ing is insignificant: it was a secret society permitted by +circumstances to become a formidable rising and in its important +phases the political element was paramount. The same is true of many +sects which have not achieved such notoriety. They are secret +societies which adopt a creed, but it is not in the creed that their +real vitality lies. + +If it is difficult to say how far the Buddhism of China is a religion, +it is equally difficult to define its relation to the State. Students +well acquainted with the literature as well as with the actual +condition of China have expressed diametrically opposite views as to +the religious attitude of the Imperial Government,[571] one stating +roundly that it was "the most intolerant, the most persecuting of all +earthly Governments," and another that it "at no period refused +hospitality and consideration to any religion recommended as +such."[572] + +In considering such questions I would again emphasize the fact that +Chinese terms have often not the same extension as their apparent +synonyms in European languages, which, of course, means that the +provinces of human life and thought have also different boundaries. +For most countries the word clergy has a definite meaning and, in +spite of great diversities, may be applied to Christian clerics, +Mollahs and Brahmans without serious error. It means a class of men +who are the superintendents of religion, but also more. On the one +side, though they may have serious political differences with the +Government, they are usually in touch with it: on the other, though +they may dislike reformers and movements from below, they patronize +and minister to popular sentiment. They are closely connected with +education and learning and sometimes with the law. But in China there +is no class which unites all these features. Learning, law and +education are represented by the Confucian scholars or literati. +Though no one would think of calling them priests, yet they may offer +official sacrifices, like Roman magistrates. Though they are +contemptuous of popular superstition, yet they embody the popular +ideal. It is the pride of a village to produce a scholar. But the +scholarship of the literati is purely Confucian: Buddhist and Taoist +learning have no part in it. + +The priest, whether Buddhist or Taoist, is not in the mind of the +people the repository of learning and law. He is not in religious +matters the counterpart of the secular arm, but rather a private +practitioner, duly licensed but of no particular standing. But he is +skilful in his own profession: he has access to the powers who help, +pity and console, and even the sceptic seeks his assistance when +confronted with the dangers of this world and the next. + +The student of Chinese history may object that at many periods, +notably under the Yuan dynasty, the Buddhist clergy were officially +recognized as an educational body and even received the title of +Kuo-shih or teacher of the people. This is true. Such recognition by +no means annihilated the literati, but it illustrates the decisive +influence exercised by the Emperor and the court. We have, on the one +side, a learned official class, custodians of the best national ideals +but inclined to reject emotion and speculation as well as +superstition: on the other, two priesthoods, prone to superstition but +legitimately strong in so far as they satisfied the emotional and +speculative instincts. The literati held persistently, though +respectfully, to the view that the Emperor should be a Confucianist +pure and simple, but Buddhism and Taoism had such strong popular +support that it was always safe and often politic for an Emperor to +patronize them. Hence an Emperor of personal convictions was able to +turn the balance, and it must be added that Buddhism often flourished +in the courts of weak and dissolute Emperors who were in the hands of +women and eunuchs. Some of these latter were among its most +distinguished devotees. + +All Chinese religions agreed in accepting the Emperor as head of the +Church, not merely titular but active. He exercised a strange +prerogative of creating, promoting and degrading deities. Even within +the Buddhist sphere he regulated the incarnations of Bodhisattvas in +the persons of Lamas and from time to time re-edited the canon[573] or +added new works to it. This extreme Erastianism had its roots in +Indian as well as Chinese ideas. The Confucianist, while reminding the +Emperor that he should imitate the sages and rulers of antiquity, +gladly admitted his right to control the worship of all spirits[574] +and the popular conscience, while probably unable to define what was +meant by the title _Son of Heaven_,[575] felt that it gave him a +viceregal right to keep the gods in order, so long as he did not +provoke famine or other national calamities by mismanagement. The +Buddhists, though tenacious of freedom in the spiritual life, had no +objection to the patronage of princes. Asoka permitted himself to +regulate the affairs of the Church and the success of Buddhists as +missionaries was due in no small measure to their tact in allowing +other sovereigns to follow his example. + +That Buddhism should have obtained in China a favourable reception and +a permanent status is indeed remarkable, for in two ways it was +repugnant to the sentiments of the governing classes to say nothing of +the differences in temper and outlook which divide Hindus and Chinese. +Firstly, its ideal was asceticism and celibacy; it gave family life +the lower place and ignored the popular Chinese view that to have a +son is not only a duty, but also essential for those sacrifices +without which the departed spirit cannot have peace. Secondly, it was +not merely a doctrine but an ecclesiastical organization, a +congregation of persons who were neither citizens nor subjects, not +exactly an _imperium in imperio_ nor a secret society, but +dangerously capable of becoming either. Such bodies have always +incurred the suspicion and persecution of the Chinese Government. Even +in the fifth century Buddhist monasteries were accused of organizing +armed conspiracies and many later sects suffered from the panic which +they inspired in official bosoms. But both difficulties were overcome +by the suppleness of the clergy. If they outraged family sentiment +they managed to make themselves indispensable at funeral +ceremonies.[576] If they had a dangerous resemblance to an _imperium +in imperio_, they minimized it by their obvious desire to exercise +influence through the Emperor. Though it is true that the majority of +anti-dynastic political sects had a Buddhist colour, the most +prominent and influential Buddhists never failed in loyalty. To this +adroitness must be added a solid psychological advantage. The success +of Buddhism in China was due to the fact that it presented religious +emotion and speculation in the best form known there, and when it +began to spread the intellectual soil was not unpropitious. The higher +Taoist philosophy had made familiar the ideas of quietism and the +contemplative life: the age was unsettled, harassed alike by foreign +invasion and civil strife. In such times when even active natures tire +of unsuccessful struggles, the asylum of a monastery has attractions +for many. + +We have now some idea of the double position of Buddhism in China and +can understand how it sometimes appears as almost the established +church and sometimes as a persecuted sect. The reader will do well to +remember that in Europe the relations of politics to religion have not +always been simple: many Catholic sovereigns have quarrelled with +Popes and monks. The French Government supports the claims of Catholic +missions in China but does not favour the Church in France. The fact +that Huxley was made a Privy Councillor does not imply that Queen +Victoria approved of his religious views. In China the repeated +restrictive edicts concerning monasteries should not be regarded as +acts of persecution. Every politician can see the loss to the state if +able-bodied men become monks by the thousand. In periods of literary +and missionary zeal, large congregations of such monks may have a +sufficient sphere of activity but in sleepy, decadent periods they are +apt to become a moral or political danger. A devout Buddhist or +Catholic may reasonably hold that though the monastic life is the best +for the elect, yet for the unworthy it is more dangerous than the +temptations of the world. Thus the founder of the Ming dynasty had +himself been a bonze, yet he limited the number and age of those +who might become monks.[577] On the other hand, he attended Buddhist +services and published an edition of the Tripitaka. In this and in the +conduct of most Emperors there is little that is inconsistent or +mysterious: they regarded religion not in our fashion as a system +deserving either allegiance or rejection, but as a modern Colonial +Governor might regard education. Some Governors are enthusiastic for +education: others mistrust it as a stimulus of disquieting ideas: most +accept it as worthy of occasional patronage, like hospitals and races. +In the same way some Emperors, like Wu-Ti,[578] were enthusiasts for +Buddhism and made it practically the state religion: a few others were +definitely hostile either from conviction or political circumstances, +but probably most sovereigns regarded it as the average British +official regards education, as something that one can't help having, +that one must belaud on certain public occasions, that may now and +then be useful, but still emphatically something to be kept within +limits. + +Outbursts against Buddhism are easy to understand. I have pointed out +its un-Chinese features and the persistent opposition of the literati. +These were sufficient reasons for repressive measures whenever the +Emperor was unbuddhist in his sympathies, especially if the +monasteries had enjoyed a period of prosperity and become crowded and +wealthy. What is harder to understand is the occasional favour shown +by apparently anti-Buddhist Emperors. + +The Sacred Edict of the great K'ang Hsi forbids heterodoxy (i tuan) in +which the official explanation clearly includes Buddhism.[579] It was +published in his extreme youth, but had his mature approval, and until +recently was read in every prefecture twice a month. But the same +Emperor gave many gifts to monasteries, and in 1705 he issued a +decree to the monks of P'uto in which he said, "we since our boyhood +have been earnest students of Confucian lore and have had no time to +become minutely acquainted with the sacred books of Buddhism, but we +are satisfied that Virtue is the one word which indicates what is +essential in both systems. Let us pray to the compassionate Kuan-yin +that she may of her grace send down upon our people the spiritual rain +and sweet dew of the good Law: that she may grant them bounteous +harvests, seasonable winds and the blessings of peace, harmony and +long life and finally that she may lead them to the salvation which +she offers to all beings in the Universe."[580] The two edicts are not +consistent but such inconsistency is no reproach to a statesman nor +wholly illogical. The Emperor reprimands extravagance in doctrine and +ceremonial and commends Confucianism to his subjects as all that is +necessary for good life and good government, but when he finds that +Buddhism conduces to the same end he accords his patronage and +politely admits the existence and power of Kuan-yin. + +But I must pass on to another question, the relation of Chinese to +Indian Buddhism. Chinese Buddhism is often spoken of as a strange and +corrupt degeneration, a commixture of Indian and foreign ideas. Now if +such phrases mean that the pulse of life is feeble and the old lights +dim, we must regretfully admit their truth, but still little is to be +found in Chinese Buddhism except the successive phases of later Indian +Buddhism, introduced into China from the first century A.D. onwards. +In Japan there arose new sects, but in China, when importation ceased, +no period of invention supervened. The T'ien-t'ai school has some +originality, and native and foreign ideas were combined by the +followers of Bodhidharma. But the remaining schools were all founded +by members of Indian sects or by Chinese who aimed at scrupulous +imitation of Indian models. Until the eighth century, when the +formative period came to an end, we have an alternation of Indian or +Central Asian teachers arriving in China to meet with respect and +acceptance, and of Chinese enquirers who visited India in order to +discover the true doctrine and practice and were honoured on their +return in proportion as they were believed to have found it. There is +this distinction between China and such countries as Java, Camboja and +Champa, that whereas in them we find a mixture of Hinduism and +Buddhism, in China the traces of Hinduism are slight. The imported +ideas, however corrupt, were those of Indian Buddhist scholars, not +the mixed ideas of the Indian layman.[581] + +Of course Buddhist theory and practice felt the influence of their new +surroundings. The ornaments and embroidery of the faith are Chinese +and sometimes hide the original material. Thus Kuan-yin, considered +historically, has grown out of the Indian deity Avalokita, but the +goddess worshipped by the populace is the heroine of the Chinese +romance mentioned above. And, since many Chinese are only half +Buddhists, tales about gods and saints are taken only half-seriously; +the Buddha periodically invites the immortals to dine with him in +Heaven and the Eighteen Lohan are described as converted brigands. + +In every monastery the buildings, images and monks obviously bear the +stamp of the country. Yet nearly all the doctrines and most of the +usages have Indian parallels. The ritual has its counterpart in what +I-Ching describes as seen by himself in his Indian travels. China has +added the idea of _feng-shui_, and has modified architectural forms. +For instance the many-storeyed pagoda is an elongation of the +stupa.[582] So, too, in ceremonial, the great prominence given to +funeral rites and many superstitious details are Chinese, yet, as I +have often mentioned in this work, rites on behalf of the dead were +tolerated by early Buddhism. The curious mingling of religious +services with theatrical pagents which Hsuan Chuang witnessed at +Allahabad in the reign of Harsha, has its modest parallel to-day in +many popular festivals. + +The numerous images which crowd a Chinese temple, the four kings, +Arhats and Bodhisattvas, though of unfamiliar appearance to the Indian +student, are Indian in origin. A few Taoist deities may have side +chapels, but they are not among the principal objects of worship. The +greater part of the Chinese Tripitaka is a translation from the +Sanskrit and the Chinese works (only 194 against 1467 translations) +are chiefly exegetical. Thus, though Chinese bonzes countenance native +superstitions and gladly undertake to deal with all the gods and +devils of the land, yet in its doctrine, literature, and even in many +externals their Buddhism remains an Indian importation. If we seek in +it for anything truly Chinese, it is to be found not in the +constituents, but in the atmosphere, which, like a breeze from a +mountain monastery sometimes freshens the gilded shrines and libraries +of verbose sutras. It is the native spirit of the Far East which finds +expression in the hill-side hermit's sense of freedom and in dark +sayings such as _Buddhism is the oak-tree in my garden_. Every free +and pure heart can become a Buddha, but also is one with the life of +birds and flowers. Both the love of nature[583] and the belief that +men can become divine can easily be paralleled in Indian texts, but +they were not, I think, imported into China, and joy in natural beauty +and sympathy with wild life are much more prominent in Chinese than in +Indian art. + +Is then Buddhist doctrine, as opposed to the superstitions tolerated +by Buddhism, something exotic and without influence on the national +life? That also is not true. The reader will perceive from what has +gone before that if he asks for statistics of Buddhism in China, the +answer must be, in the Buddha's own phrase, that the question is not +properly put. It is incorrect to describe China as a Buddhist country. +We may say that it contains so many million Mohammedans or Christians, +because these creeds are definite and exclusive. We cannot quote +similar figures for Buddhism or Confucianism. Yet assuredly Buddhism +has been a great power in China, as great perhaps as Christianity in +Europe, if we remember how much is owed by European art, literature, +law and science to non-Christian sources. The Chinese language is full +of Buddhist phraseology,[584] not only in literature but in +popular songs and proverbs and an inspection of such entries in a +Chinese dictionary as _Fo_ (Buddha), _Kuan Yin_, _Ho Shang_ +(monk)[585] will show how large and not altogether flattering a part +they play in popular speech. + +Popular literature bears the same testimony. It is true that in what +are esteemed the higher walks of letters Buddhism has little place. +The quotations and allusions which play there so prominent a part are +taken from the classics and Confucianism can claim as its own the +historical, lexicographical and critical[586] works which are the +solid and somewhat heavy glory of Chinese literature. But its lighter +and less cultivated blossoms, such as novels, fairy stories and +poetry, are predominantly Buddhist or Taoist in inspiration. This may +be easily verified by a perusal of such works as the _Dream of the Red +Chamber_, _Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio_, and Wieger's _Folk +Lore Chinois Moderne_. The same is true in general of the great +Chinese poets, many of whom did not conceal that (in a poetic and +unascetic fashion) they were attached to Buddhism. + +It may be asked if the inspiration is not Taoist in the main rather +than Buddhist. Side by side with ethics and ceremony, a native stream +of bold and weird imagination has never ceased to flow in China and +there was no need to import tales of the Genii, immortal saints and +vampire beauties. But when any coherency unites these ideas of the +supernatural, that I think is the work of Buddhism and so far as +Taoism itself has any coherency it is an imitation of Buddhism. Thus +the idea of metempsychosis as one of many passing fancies may be +indigenous to China but its prevalence in popular thought and language +is undoubtedly due to Buddhism, for Taoism and Confucianism have +nothing definite to say as to the state of the dead. + +Much the same story of Buddhist influence is told by Chinese art, +especially painting and sculpture. Here too Taoism is by no means +excluded: it may be said to represent the artistic side of the +Chinese mind, as Confucianism represents the political. But it is +impossible to mistake the significance of chronology. As soon as +Buddhism was well established in China, art entered on a new phase +which culminated in the masterpieces of the T'ang and Sung.[587] +Buddhism did not introduce painting into China or even perfect a +rudimentary art. The celebrated roll of Ku K'ai-chih[588] shows no +trace of Indian influence and presupposes a long artistic tradition. +But Mahayanist Buddhism brought across Central Asia new shapes and +motives. Some of its imports were of doubtful artistic value, such as +figures with many limbs and eyes, but with them came ideas which +enriched Chinese art with new dramatic power, passion and solemnity. +Taoism dealt with other worlds but they were gardens of the +Hesperides, inhabited by immortal wizards and fairy queens, not those +disquieting regions where the soul receives the reward of its deeds. +But now the art of Central Asia showed Chinese painters something new; +saints preaching the law with a gesture of authority and deities of +infinite compassion inviting suppliants to approach their thrones. And +with them came the dramatic story of Gotama's life and all the legends +of the Jatakas. + +This clearly is not Taoism, but when the era of great art and +literature begins, any distinction between the two creeds, except for +theological purposes, becomes artificial, for Taoism borrowed many +externals of Buddhism, and Buddhism, while not abandoning its austere +and emaciated saints, also accepted the Taoist ideal of the careless +wandering hermit, friend of mountain pines and deer. Wei Hsieh[589] +who lived under the Chin dynasty, when the strength of Buddhism was +beginning to be felt, is considered by Chinese critics as the earliest +of the great painters and is said to have excelled in both Buddhist +and Taoist subjects. The same may be said of the most eminent names, +such as Ku K'ai-chih and Wu Tao-tzu,[590] and we may also remember +that Italian artists painted the birth of Venus and the origin of the +milky way as well as Annunciations and Assumptions, without any +hint that one incident was less true than another. Buddhism not only +provided subjects like the death of the Buddha and Kuan Yin, the +Goddess of Mercy, which hold in Chinese art the same place as the +Crucifixion and the Madonna in Europe, and generation after generation +have stimulated the noblest efforts of the best painters. It also +offered a creed and ideals suited to the artistic temperament: peace +and beauty reigned in its monasteries: its doctrine that life is one +and continuous is reflected in that love of nature, that sympathetic +understanding of plants and animals, that intimate union of sentiment +with landscape which marks the best Chinese pictures. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 557: For Chinese Buddhism see especially Johnston, _Chinese +Buddhism_, 1913 (cited as Johnston). Much information about the +popular side of Buddhism and Taoism nay be found in _Recherches sur +les superstitions en Chine_ par le Pere Henri Dore, 10 vols. +1911-1916, Shanghai (cited as Dore).] + +[Footnote 558: A curious instance of deification is mentioned in +_Museon_, 1914, p. 61. It appears that several deceased Jesuits have +been deified. For a recent instance of deification in 1913 see Dore, +X. p. 753.] + +[Footnote 559: The spirits called San Kuan [Chinese: ] or San Yuan +[Chinese: ] are a good instance of Chinese deities. The words mean +Three Agents or Principles who strictly speaking have no names: (_a_) +Originally they appear to represent Heaven, Earth and Water. (_b_) +Then they stand for three periods of the year and the astrological +influences which rule each, (_c_) As Agents, and more or less +analogous to human personalities, Heaven gives happiness, Earth +pardons sins and Water delivers from misfortune. _(d)_They are +identified with the ancient Emperors Yao, Shun, Yu. (_e_) They are +also identified with three Censors under the Emperor Li-Wang, B.C. +878-841.] + +[Footnote 560: [Chinese: ] Hsuan Chuang's own account of his travels +bears the slightly different title of Hsi-Yu-Chi. [Chinese: ] The +work noticed here is attributed to Chiu Ch'ang Ch'un, a Taoist priest +of the thirteenth century. It is said to be the Buddhist book most +widely read in Korea where it is printed in the popular script. An +abridged English translation has been published by T. Richard under +the title of _A Mission to Heaven_.] + +[Footnote 561: I am writing immediately after the abolition of the +Imperial Government (1912), and what I say naturally refers to a state +of things which is passing away. But it is too soon to say how the new +regime will affect religion. There is an old saying that China is +supported by the three religions as a tripod by three legs.] + +[Footnote 562: [Chinese: ] strictly speaking the title of his reign +1573-1620.] + +[Footnote 563: Compare _Anal_. IX. 1 and xiv. 38. 2. See also +_Doctrine of the Mean_, chap, xvi, for more positive views about +spirits.] + +[Footnote 564: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ] See De Groot, "Origins of +the Taoist Church" in _Trans. Third Congress Hist. Relig_. 1908.] + +[Footnote 565: Chang Yuan-hsu, who held office in 1912, was deprived +of his titles by the Republican Government. In 1914 petitions were +presented for their restoration, but I do not know with what result. +See _Peking Daily News_, September 5th, 1914.] + +[Footnote 566: Something similar may be seen in Mormonism where +angels and legends have been invented by individual fancy without any +background of tradition.] + +[Footnote 567: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 568: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 569: The sixth Aeneid would seem to a Chinese quite a natural +description of the next world. In it we have Elysium, Tartarus, +transmigration of souls, souls who can find no resting place because +their bodies are unburied, and phantoms showing still the wounds which +their bodies received in life. Nor is there any attempt to harmonize +these discordant ideas.] + +[Footnote 570: [Chinese: ] A somewhat similar pseudo-science called +vatthu-vijja is condemned in the Pali scriptures. _E.g._ Digha N. I. +21. Astrology also has been a great force in Chinese politics. See +Bland and Backhouse, _Ann. and Memoirs, passim_. The favour shown at +different times to Buddhist, Manichaean and Catholic priests was often +due to their supposed knowledge of astrology.] + +[Footnote 571: I may again remind the reader that I am not speaking of +the Chinese Republic but of the Empire. The long history of its +relations to Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism, though it concerns the +past, is of great interest.] + +[Footnote 572: De Groot and Parker. For an elaboration of the first +thesis see especially De Groot's _Sectarianism and Religious +Persecution in China_.] + +[Footnote 573: But it must be remembered that the Chinese canon is not +entirely analogous to the collections of the scriptures current in +India, Ceylon or Europe.] + +[Footnote 574: The Emperor is the Lord of all spirits and has the +right to sacrifice to all spirits, whereas others should sacrifice +only to such spirits as concern them. For the Emperor's title "Lord of +Spirits," see Shu Ching IV., VI. 2-3, and Shih Ching, III., II. 8, 3.] + +[Footnote 575: The title is undoubtedly very ancient and means Son of +Heaven or Son of God. See Hirth, _Ancient History of China_, pp. +95-96. But the precise force of _Son_ is not clear. The Emperor was +Viceregent of Heaven, high priest and responsible for natural +phenomena, but he could not in historical times be regarded as sprung +(like the Emperor of Japan) from a family of divine descent, because +the dynasties, and with them the imperial family, were subject to +frequent change.] + +[Footnote 576: Similarly it is a popular tenet that if a man becomes a +monk all his ancestors go to Heaven. See _Paraphrase of sacred Edict_, +VII.] + +[Footnote 577: Japanese Emperors did the same, _e.g._ Kwammu +Tenno in 793.] + +[Footnote 578: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 579: K'ang Hsi is responsible only for the text of the Edict +which merely forbids heterodoxy. But his son Yung Cheng who published +the explanation and paraphrase repaired the Buddhist temples at P'uto +and the Taoist temple at Lung-hu-shan.] + +[Footnote 580: See Johnston, p. 352. I have not seen the Chinese text +of this edict. In Laufer and Francke's _Epigraphische Denkmaler aus +China_ is a long inscription of Kang Hsi's giving the history both +legendary and recent of the celebrated sandal-wood image of the +Buddha.] + +[Footnote 581: This indicates that the fusion of Buddhism and Hinduism +was less complete than some scholars suppose. Where there was a +general immigration of Hindus, the mixture is found, but the Indian +visitors to China were mostly professional teachers and their teaching +was definitely Buddhist. There are, however, two non-Buddhist books in +the Chinese Tripitaka. Nanjio Cat. Nos. 1295 and 1300.] + +[Footnote 582: It has been pointed out by Fergusson and others that +there were high towers in China before the Buddhist period. Still, the +numerous specimens extant date from Buddhist times, many were built +over relics, and the accounts of both Fa-hsien and Hsuan Chuang show +that the Stupa built by Kanishka at Peshawar had attracted the +attention of the Chinese. + +I regret that de Groot's interesting work _Der Thupa: das heiligste +Heiligtum des Buddhismus in China_, 1919, reached me too late for me +to make use of it.] + +[Footnote 583: The love of nature shown in the Pali Pitakas +(particularly the Thera and Theri Gatha) has often been noticed, but +it is also strong in Mahayanist literature. _E.g._ Bodhicaryavatara +VIII. 26-39 and 86-88.] + +[Footnote 584: See especially Watters, _Essays on the Chinese +Language_, chaps, VIII and IX, and Clementi, _Cantonese Love Songs in +English_, pp. 9 to 12] + +[Footnote 585: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 586: I cannot refrain from calling attention to the +difference between the Chinese and most other Asiatic peoples +(especially the Hindus) as exhibited in their literature. Quite apart +from European influence the Chinese produced several centuries ago +catalogues of museums and descriptive lists of inscriptions, works +which have no parallel in Hindu India.] + +[Footnote 587: There are said to have been four great schools of +Buddhist painting under the T'ang. See Kokka 294 and 295.] + +[Footnote 588: Preserved in the British Museum and published.] + +[Footnote 589: [Chinese: ] of the [Chinese: ] dynasty.] + +[Footnote 590: [Chinese: ] + + + + +CHAPTER XLIII + +CHINA _(continued)_ + +HISTORY. + + +The traditional date for the introduction of Buddhism is 62 A.D., when +the chronicles tell how the Emperor Ming-Ti of the Later Han Dynasty +dreamt that he saw a golden man fly into his palace[591] and how his +courtiers suggested that the figure was Fo-t'o[592] or Buddha, an +Indian God. Ming-Ti did not let the matter drop and in 65 sent an +embassy to a destination variously described as the kingdom of the Ta +Yueh Chih[593] or India with instructions to bring back Buddhist +scriptures and priests. On its return it was accompanied by a monk +called Kasyapa Matanga,[594] a native of Central India. A second +called Chu Fa-Lan,[595] who came from Central Asia and found some +difficulty in obtaining permission to leave his country, followed +shortly afterwards. Both were installed at Loyang, the capital of the +dynasty, in the White Horse Monastery,[596] so called because the +foreign monks rode on white horses or used them for carrying books. + +The story has been criticized as an obvious legend, but I see no +reason why it should not be true to this extent that Ming-Ti sent an +embassy to Central Asia (not India in our sense) with the result that +a monastery was for the first time established under imperial +patronage. The gravest objection is that before the campaigns of Pan +Ch'ao,[597] which began about 73 A.D., Central Asia was in rebellion +against China. But those campaigns show that the Chinese Court was +occupied with Central Asian questions and to send envoys to enquire +about religion may have been politically advantageous, for they could +obtain information without asserting or abandoning China's claims to +sovereignty. The story does not state that there was no Buddhism in +China before 62 A.D. On the contrary it implies that though it was not +sufficiently conspicuous to be known to the Emperor, yet there was no +difficulty in obtaining information about it and other facts support +the idea that it began to enter China at least half a century earlier. +The negotiations of Chang Ch'ien[598] with the Yueh Chih (129-119 +B.C.) and the documents discovered by Stein in the ancient military +posts on the western frontier of Kansu[599] prove that China had +communication with Central Asia, but neither the accounts of Chang +Ch'ien's journeys nor the documents contain any allusion to Buddhism. +In 121 B.C. the Annals relate that "a golden man" was captured from +the Hsiung-nu but, even if it was an image of Buddha, the incident had +no consequences. More important is a notice in the Wei-lueh which +gives a brief account of the Buddha's birth and states that in the +year 2 B.C. an ambassador sent by the Emperor Ai to the court of the +Yueh Chih was instructed in Buddhism by order of their king.[600] Also +the Later Han Annals intimate that in 65 A.D. the Prince of Ch'u[601] +was a Buddhist and that there were Sramanas and Upasakas in his +territory. + +The author of the Wei-lueh comments on the resemblance of Buddhist +writings to the work of Lao-tzu, and suggests that the latter left +China in order to teach in India. This theory found many advocates +among the Taoists, but is not likely to commend itself to European +scholars. Less improbable is a view held by many Chinese +critics[602] and apparently first mentioned in the Sui annals, namely, +that Buddhism was introduced into China at an early date but was +exterminated by the Emperor Shih Huang Ti (221-206) in the course of +his crusade against literature. But this view is not supported by any +details and is open to the general objection that intercourse between +China and India _via_ Central Asia before 200 B.C. is not only +unproved but improbable. + +Still the mystical, quietist philosophy of Lao-tzu and +Chuang-tzu has an undoubted resemblance to Indian thought. No one +who is familiar with the Upanishads can read the Tao-Te-Ching without +feeling that if Brahman is substituted for Tao the whole would be +intelligible to a Hindu. Its doctrine is not specifically Buddhist, +yet it contains passages which sound like echoes of the Pitakas. +Compare Tao-Te-Ching, 33. 1, "He who overcomes others is strong: he +who overcomes himself is mighty," with Dhammapada, 103, "If one man +overcome a thousand thousand in battle and another overcome himself, +this last is the greatest of conquerors"; and 46. 2, "There is no +greater sin that to look on what moves desire: there is no greater +evil than discontent: there is no greater disaster than covetousness," +with Dhammapada, 251, "There is no fire like desire, there is no +monster like hatred, there is no snare like folly, there is no torrent +like covetousness." And if it be objected that these are the +coincidences of obvious ethics, I would call attention to 39. 1, +"Hence if we enumerate separately each part that goes to form a cart, +we have no cart at all." Here the thought and its illustration cannot +be called obvious and the resemblance to well-known passages in the +Samyutta Nikaya and Questions of Milinda[603] is striking. + +Any discussion of the indebtedness of the Tao-Te-Ching to India is too +complicated for insertion here since it involves the question of +its date or the date of particular passages, if we reject the +hypothesis that the work as we have it was composed by Lao-tzu in +the sixth century B.C.[604] But there is less reason to doubt the +genuineness of the essays of Chuang-tzu who lived in the fourth +century B.C. In them we find mention of trances which give superhuman +wisdom and lead to union with the all-pervading spirit, and of magical +powers enjoyed by sages, similar to the Indian _iddhi_. He approves +the practice of abandoning the world and enunciates the doctrines of +evolution and reincarnation. He knows, as does also the Tao-Te-Ching, +methods of regulating the breathing which are conducive to mental +culture and long life. He speaks of the six faculties of perception, +which recall the Shadayatana, and of name and real existence +(namarupam) as being the conditions of a thing.[605] He has also a +remarkable comparison of death to the extinction of a fire: "what we +can point to are the faggots that have been consumed: but the fire is +transmitted and we know not that it is over and ended." Several +Buddhist parallels to this might be cited.[606] + +The list of such resemblances might be made longer and the explanation +that Indian ideas reached China sporadically, at least as early as the +fourth century B.C., seems natural. I should accept it, if there were +any historical evidence besides these literary parallels. But there +seems to be none and it may be justly urged that the roots of this +quietism lie so deep in the Chinese character, that the plant cannot +have sprung from some chance wind-wafted seed. That character has two +sides, one seen in the Chinese Empire and the classical philosophy, +excellent as ethics but somewhat stiff and formal: the other in +revolutions and rebellions, in the free life of hermits and wanderers, +in poetry and painting. This second side is very like the temper of +Indian Buddhism and easily amalgamated with it,[607] but it has a +special note of its own. + +The curiosity of Ming-Ti did not lead to any immediate triumph of +Buddhism. We read that he was zealous in honouring Confucius but not +that he showed devotion to the new faith. Indeed it is possible that +his interest was political rather than religious. Buddhism was also +discredited by its first convert, the Emperor's brother Chu-Ying, who +rebelled unsuccessfully and committed suicide. Still it flourished in +a quiet way and the two foreign monks in the White Horse Monastery +began that long series of translations which assumed gigantic +proportions in the following centuries. To Kasyapa is ascribed a +collection of extracts known as the Sutra of forty-two sections which +is still popular.[608] This little work adheres closely to the +teaching of the Pali Tripitaka and shows hardly any traces of the +Mahayana. According to the Chinese annals the chief doctrines preached +by the first Buddhist missionaries were the sanctity of all animal +life, metempsychosis, meditation, asceticism and Karma. + +It is not until the third century[609] that we hear much of Buddhism +as a force at Court or among the people, but meanwhile the task of +translation progressed at Lo-yang. The Chinese are a literary race and +these quiet labours prepared the soil for the subsequent +efflorescence. Twelve[610] translators are named as having worked +before the downfall of the Han Dynasty and about 350 books are +attributed to them. None of them were Chinese. About half came from +India and the rest from Central Asia, the most celebrated of the +latter being An Shih-kao, a prince of An-hsi or Parthia.[611] The +Later Han Dynasty was followed by the animated and romantic epoch +known as the Three Kingdoms (221-265) when China was divided between +the States of Wei, Wu and Shu. Loyang became the capital of Wei and +the activity of the White Horse Monastery continued. We have the names +of five translators who worked there. One of them was the first to +translate the Patimokkha,[612] which argues that previously few +followed the monastic life. At Nanking, the capital of Wu, we also +hear of five translators and one was tutor of the Crown Prince. This +implies that Buddhism was spreading in the south and that monks +inspired confidence at Court. + +The Three Kingdoms gave place to the Dynasty known as Western +Tsin[613] which, for a short time (A.D. 265-316), claimed to unite the +Empire, and we now reach the period when Buddhism begins to become +prominent. It is also a period of political confusion, of contest +between the north and south, of struggles between Chinese and Tartars. +Chinese histories, with their long lists of legitimate sovereigns, +exaggerate the solidity and continuity of the Empire, for the +territory ruled by those sovereigns was often but a small fraction of +what we call China. Yet the Tartar states were not an alien and +destructive force to the same extent as the conquests made by +Mohammedan Turks at the expense of Byzantium. The Tartars were neither +fanatical, nor prejudiced against Chinese ideals in politics and +religion. On the contrary, they respected the language, literature and +institutions of the Empire: they assumed Chinese names and sometimes +based their claim to the Imperial title on the marriage of their +ancestors with Chinese princesses. + +During the fourth century and the first half of the fifth some twenty +ephemeral states, governed by Tartar chieftains and perpetually +involved in mutual war, rose and fell in northern China. The most +permanent of them was Northern Wei which lasted till 535 A.D. But the +Later Chao and both the Earlier and Later Ts'in are important for our +purpose.[614] Some writers make it a reproach to Buddhism that its +progress, which had been slow among the civilized Chinese, became +rapid in the provinces which passed into the hands of these ruder +tribes. But the phenomenon is natural and is illustrated by the fact +that even now the advance of Christianity is more rapid in Africa than +in India. The civilization of China was already old and +self-complacent: not devoid of intellectual curiosity and not +intolerant, but sceptical of foreign importations and of dealings with +the next world. But the Tartars had little of their own in the way of +literature and institutions: it was their custom to assimilate the +arts and ideas of the civilized nations whom they conquered: the more +western tribes had already made the acquaintance of Buddhism in +Central Asia and such native notions of religion as they possessed +disposed them to treat priests, monks and magicians with respect. + +Of the states mentioned, the Later Chao was founded by Shih-Lo[615] +(273-332), whose territories extended from the Great Wall to the Han +and Huai in the South. He showed favour to an Indian monk and diviner +called Fo-t'u-ch'eng[616] who lived at his court and he appears to +have been himself a Buddhist. At any rate the most eminent of his +successors, Shih Chi-lung,[617] was an ardent devotee and gave general +permission to the population to enter monasteries, which had not been +granted previously. This permission is noticeable, for it implies, +even at this early date, the theory that a subject of the Emperor has +no right to become a monk without his master's leave. + +In 381 we are told that in north-western China nine-tenths of the +inhabitants were Buddhists. In 372 Buddhism was introduced into Korea +and accepted as the flower of Chinese civilization. + +The state known as the Former Ts'in[618] had its nucleus in +Shensi, but expanded considerably between 351 and 394 A.D. under +the leadership of Fu-Chien,[619] who established in it large colonies +of Tartars. At first he favoured Confucianism but in 381 became a +Buddhist. He was evidently in close touch with the western regions and +probably through them with India, for we hear that sixty-two states +of Central Asia sent him tribute. + +The Later Ts'in dynasty (384-417) had its headquarters in Kansu and +was founded by vassals of the Former Ts'in. When the power of Fu-Chien +collapsed, they succeeded to his possessions and established +themselves in Ch'ang-an. Yao-hsing,[620] the second monarch of this +line was a devout Buddhist, and deserves mention as the patron of +Kumarajiva,[621] the most eminent of the earlier translators. + +Kumarajiva was born of Indian parents in Kucha and, after following +the school of the Sarvastivadins for some time, became a Mahayanist. +When Kucha was captured in 383 by the General of Fu-Chien, he was +carried off to China and from 401 onwards he laboured at Ch'ang-an for +about ten years. He was appointed Kuo Shih,[622] or Director of Public +Instruction, and lectured in a hall specially built for him. He is +said to have had 3000 disciples and fifty extant translations are +ascribed to him. Probably all the Tartar kingdoms were well disposed +towards Buddhism, though their unsettled condition made them +precarious residences for monks and scholars. This was doubtless true +of Northern Wei, which had been growing during the period described, +but appears as a prominent home of Buddhism somewhat later. + +Meanwhile in the south the Eastern Tsin Dynasty, which represented the +legitimate Empire and ruled at Nanking from 317 to 420, was also +favourable to Buddhism and Hsiao Wu-Ti, the ninth sovereign of this +line, was the first Emperor of China to become a Buddhist. + +The times were troubled, but order was gradually being restored. The +Eastern Tsin Dynasty had been much disturbed by the struggles of rival +princes. These were brought to an end in 420 by a new dynasty known as +Liu Sung which reigned in the south some sixty years. The north +was divided among six Tartar kingdoms, which all perished before 440 +except Wei. Wei then split into an Eastern and a Western kingdom which +lasted about a hundred years. In the south, the Liu Sung gave place to +three short dynasties, Ch'i, Liang and Ch'en, until at last the Sui +(589-605) united China. + +The Liu Sung Emperor Wen-Ti (424-454) was a patron of Confucian +learning, but does not appear to have discouraged Buddhism. The Sung +annals record that several embassies were sent from India and Ceylon +to offer congratulations on the flourishing condition of religion in +his dominions, but they also preserve memorials from Chinese officials +asking for imperial interference to prevent the multiplication of +monasteries and the growing expenditure on superstitious ceremonies. +This marks the beginning of the desire to curb Buddhism by restrictive +legislation which the official class displayed so prominently and +persistently in subsequent centuries. A similar reaction seems to have +been felt in Wei, where the influential statesman Ts'ui Hao,[623] a +votary of Taoism, conducted an anti-Buddhist campaign. He was helped +in this crusade by the discovery of arms in a monastery at Ch'ang-an. +The monks were accused of treason and debauchery and in 446 Toba +Tao,[624] the sovereign of Wei, issued an edict ordering the +destruction of Buddhist temples and sacred books as well as the +execution of all priests. The Crown Prince, who was a Buddhist, was +able to save many lives, but no monasteries or temples were left +standing. The persecution, however, was of short duration. Toba Tao +was assassinated and almost the first act of his successor was to +re-establish Buddhism and allow his subjects to become monks. From +this period date the sculptured grottoes of Yun-Kang in northern +Shan-si which are probably the oldest specimens of Buddhist art in +China. In 471 another ruler of Wei, Toba Hung, had a gigantic image of +Buddha constructed and subsequently abdicated in order to devote +himself to Buddhist studies. His successor marks a reaction, for +he was an ardent Confucianist who changed the family name to Yuan and +tried to introduce the Chinese language and dress. But the tide of +Buddhism was too strong. It secured the favour of the next Emperor in +whose time there are said to have been 13,000 temples in Wei. + +In the Sung dominions a conspiracy was discovered in 458 in which a +monk was implicated, and restrictive, though not prohibitive, +regulations were issued respecting monasteries. The Emperor Ming-Ti, +though a cruel ruler was a devout Buddhist and erected a monastery in +Hu-nan, at the cost of such heavy taxation that his ministers +remonstrated. The fifty-nine years of Liu Sung rule must have been on +the whole favourable to Buddhism, for twenty translators flourished, +partly natives and partly foreigners from Central Asia, India and +Ceylon. In 420 a band of twenty-five Chinese started on a pilgrimage +to India. They had been preceded by the celebrated pilgrim +Fa-Hsien[625] who travelled in India from 399 to 414. + +In the reign of Wu-Ti, the first Emperor of the Ch'i dynasty, one of +the imperial princes, named Tzu Liang,[626] cultivated the society +of eminent monks and enjoyed theological discussions. From the +specimens of these arguments which have been preserved we see that the +explanation of the inequalities of life as the result of Karma had a +great attraction for the popular mind and also that it provoked the +hostile criticism of the Confucian literati. + +The accession of the Liang dynasty and the long reign of its first +emperor Wu-Ti (502-549) were important events in the history of +Buddhism, for this monarch rivalled Asoka in pious enthusiasm if not +in power and prosperity. He obviously set the Church above the state +and it was while he was on the throne that Bodhidharma came to China +and the first edition of the Tripitaka was prepared. + +His reign, though primarily of importance for religion, was not +wanting in political interest, and witnessed a long conflict with Wei. +Wu-Ti was aided by the dissensions which distracted Wei but failed to +achieve his object, probably as a result of his religious +preoccupations, for he seemed unable to estimate the power of the +various adventurers who from time to time rose to pre-eminence in the +north and, holding war to be wrong, he was too ready to accept +insincere overtures for peace. Wei split into two states, the Eastern +and Western, and Hou-Ching,[627] a powerful general who was not +satisfied with his position in either, offered his services to Wu-Ti, +promising to add a large part of Ho-nan to his dominions. He failed in +his promise but Wu-Ti, instead of punishing him, first gave him a post +as governor and then listened to the proposals made by the ruler of +Eastern Wei for his surrender. On this Hou-Ching conspired with an +adopted son of Wu-Ti, who had been set aside as heir to the throne and +invested Nanking. The city was captured after the horrors of a +prolonged siege and Wu-Ti died miserably. + +Wu-Ti was not originally a Buddhist. In fact until about 510, when he +was well over forty, he was conspicuous as a patron of Confucianism. +The change might be ascribed to personal reasons, but it is noticeable +that the same thing occurred in Wei, where a period of Confucianism +was succeeded by a strong wave of Buddhism which evidently swept over +all China. Hu,[628] the Dowager Empress of Wei, was a fervent devotee, +though of indifferent morality in both public and private life since +she is said to have poisoned her own son. In 518 she sent Sung Yun and +Hui Sheng[629] to Udyana in search of Buddhist books of which they +brought back 175. + +Wu-Ti's conversion is connected with a wandering monk and magician +called Pao-Chih,[630] who received the privilege of approaching him at +all hours. A monastery was erected in Nanking at great expense and +edicts were issued forbidding not only the sacrifice of animals but +even the representation of living things in embroidery, on the ground +that people might cut up such figures and thus become callous to the +sanctity of life. The emperor expounded sutras in public and wrote a +work on Buddhist ritual.[631] The first Chinese edition of the +Tripitaka, in manuscript and not printed, was collected in 518. +Although Wu-Ti's edicts, particularly that against animal +sacrifices, gave great dissatisfaction, yet the Buddhist movement +seems to have been popular and not merely an imperial whim, for many +distinguished persons, for instance the authors Liu Hsieh and Yao +Ch'a,[632] took part in it. + +In 520 (or according to others, in 525) Bodhidharma (generally called +Ta-mo in Chinese) landed in Canton from India. He is described as the +son of a king of a country called Hsiang-chih in southern India, and +the twenty-eighth Patriarch.[633] He taught that merit does not lie in +good works and that knowledge is not gained by reading the scriptures. +The one essential is insight, which comes as illumination after +meditation. Though this doctrine had subsequently much success in the +Far East, it was not at first appreciated and Bodhidharma's +introduction to the devout but literary Emperor in Nanking was a +fiasco. He offended his Majesty by curtly saying that he had acquired +no merit by causing temples to be built and books to be transcribed. +Then, in answer to the question, what is the most important of the +holy doctrines, he replied "where all is emptiness, nothing can be +called holy." "Who," asked the astonished Emperor, "is he who thus +replies to me?" "I do not know," said Bodhidharma. + +Not being able to come to any understanding with Wu-Ti, Bodhidharma +went northwards, and is said to have crossed the Yang-tse standing on +a reed, a subject frequently represented in Chinese art.[634] He +retired to Lo-yang where he spent nine years in the Shao-Lin[635] +temple gazing silently at a wall, whence he was popularly known as the +wall-gazer. One legend says that he sat so long in contemplation that +his legs fell off, and a kind of legless doll which is a favourite +plaything in Japan is still called by his name. But according to +another tale he preserved his legs. He wished to return to India but +died in China. When Sung Yun, the traveller mentioned above, was +returning from India, he met him in a mountain pass bare-footed and +carrying one sandal in his hand.[636] When this was reported, his +coffin was opened and was found to contain nothing but the other +sandal which was long preserved as a precious relic in the Shao-Lin +temple. + +Wu-Ti adopted many of the habits of a bonze. He was a strict +vegetarian, expounded the scriptures in public and wrote a work on +ritual. He thrice retired into a monastery and wore the dress of a +Bhikkhu. These retirements were apparently of short duration and his +ministers twice redeemed him by heavy payments. + +In 538 a hair of the Buddha was sent by the king of Fu-nan and +received with great ceremony. In the next year a mission was +despatched to Magadha to obtain Sanskrit texts. It returned in 546 +with a large collection of manuscripts and accompanied by the learned +Paramartha who spent twenty years in translating them.[637] Wu-Ti, in +his old age, became stricter. All luxury was suppressed at Court, but +he himself always wore full dress and showed the utmost politeness, +even to the lowest officials. He was so reluctant to inflict the +punishment of death that crime increased. In 547 he became a monk for +the third time and immediately afterwards the events connected with +Hou-Ching (briefly sketched above) began to trouble the peace of his +old age. During the siege of Nanking he was obliged to depart from his +vegetarian diet and eat eggs. When he was told that his capital was +taken he merely said, "I obtained the kingdom through my own efforts +and through me it has been lost. So I need not complain." + +Hou-Ching proceeded to the palace, but,[638] overcome with awe, knelt +down before Wu-Ti who merely said, "I am afraid you must be fatigued +by the trouble it has cost you to destroy my kingdom." Hou-Ching was +ashamed and told his officers that he had never felt such fear +before and would never dare to see Wu-Ti again. Nevertheless, the aged +Emperor was treated with indignity and soon died of starvation. His +end, though melancholy, was peaceful compared with that in store for +Hou-Ching who, after two years of fighting and murdering, assumed the +imperial title, but immediately afterwards was defeated and slain. The +people ate his body in the streets of Nanking and his own wife is said +to have swallowed mouthfuls of his flesh. + +One of Wu-Ti's sons, Yuan-Ti, who reigned from 552 to 555, inherited +his father's temper and fate with this difference that he was a +Taoist, not a Buddhist. He frequently resided in the temples of that +religion, studied its scriptures and expounded them to his people. A +great scholar, he had accumulated 140,000 volumes, but when it was +announced to him in his library that the troops of Wei were marching +on his capital, he yielded without resistance and burnt his books, +saying that they had proved of no use in this extremity. + +This alternation of imperial patronage in the south may have been the +reason why Wen Hsuan Ti, the ruler of Northern Ch'i,[639] and for the +moment perhaps the most important personage in China, summoned +Buddhist and Taoist priests to a discussion in 555. Both religions +could not be true, he said, and one must be superfluous. After hearing +the arguments of both he decided in favour of Buddhism and ordered the +Taoists to become bonzes on pain of death. Only four refused and were +executed. + +Under the short Ch'en dynasty (557-589) the position of Buddhism +continued favourable. The first Emperor, a mild and intelligent +sovereign, though circumstances obliged him to put a great many people +out of the way, retired to a monastery after reigning for two years. +But in the north there was a temporary reaction. Wu-Ti, of the +Northern Chou dynasty,[640] first of all defined the precedence of the +three religions as Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism and then, in 575, +prohibited the two latter, ordering temples to be destroyed and +priests to return to the world. But as usual the persecution was not +of long duration. Five years later Wu-Ti's son withdrew his father's +edict and in 582, the founder of the Sui dynasty, gave the population +permission to become monks. He may be said to have used Buddhism +as his basis for restoring the unity of the Empire and in his old age +he became devout. The Sui annals observe that Buddhist books had +become more numerous under this dynasty than those of the +Confucianists, and no less than three collections of the Tripitaka +were made between 594 and 616. + +With the seventh century began the great T'ang dynasty (620-907). +Buddhism had now been known to the rulers of China for about 550 +years. It began as a religion tolerated but still regarded as exotic +and not quite natural for the sons of Han. It had succeeded in +establishing itself as the faith of the majority among both Tartars +and Chinese. The rivalry of Taoism was only an instance of that +imitation which is the sincerest flattery. Though the opposition of +the mandarins assumed serious proportions whenever they could induce +an Emperor to share their views, yet the hostile attitude of the +Government never lasted long and was not shared by the mass of the +people. It is clear that the permissions to practise Buddhism which +invariably followed close on the prohibitions were a national relief. +Though Buddhism tended to mingle with Taoism and other indigenous +ideas, the many translations of Indian works and the increasing +intercourse between Chinese and Hindus had diffused a knowledge of its +true tenets and practice. + +The T'ang dynasty witnessed a triangular war between Confucianism, +Buddhism and Taoism. As a rule Confucianism attacked the other two as +base superstitions but sometimes, as in the reign of Wu Tsung, Taoism +seized a chance of being able to annihilate Buddhism. This war +continued under the Northern Sung, though the character of Chinese +Buddhism changed, for the Contemplative School, which had considerable +affinities to Taoism, became popular at the expense of the T'ien T'ai. +After the Northern Sung (except under the foreign Mongol dynasty) we +feel that, though Buddhism was by no means dead and from time to time +flourished exceedingly, yet Confucianism had established its claim to +be the natural code and creed of the scholar and statesman. The +Chinese Court remained a strange place to the end but scholarship and +good sense had a large measure of success in banishing extravagance +from art and literature. Yet, alas, the intellectual life of China +lost more in fire and brilliancy than it gained in sanity. Probably +the most critical times for literature and indeed for thought were +those brief periods under the Sui and T'ang[641] when Buddhist and +Taoist books were accepted as texts for the public examinations and +the last half century of the Northern Sung, when the educational +reforms of Wang An Shih were intermittently in force. The innovations +were cancelled in all cases. Had they lasted, Chinese style and +mentality might have been different. + +The T'ang dynasty, though on the whole favourable to Buddhism, and +indeed the period of its greatest prosperity, opened with a period of +reaction. To the founder, Kao Tsu, is attributed the saying that +Confucianism is as necessary to the Chinese as wings to a bird or +water to a fish. The imperial historiographer Fu I[642] presented to +his master a memorial blaming Buddhism because it undervalued natural +relationships and urging that monks and nuns should be compelled to +marry. He was opposed by Hsiao Yu,[643] who declared that hell was +made for such people as his opponent--an argument common to many +religions. The Emperor followed on the whole advice of Fu I. +Magistrates were ordered to inquire into the lives of monks and nuns. +Those found pure and sincere were collected in the large +establishments. The rest were ordered to return to the world and the +smaller religious houses were closed. Kao Tsu abdicated in 627 but his +son Tai Tsung continued his religious policy, and the new Empress was +strongly anti-Buddhist, for when mortally ill she forbade her son to +pray for her recovery in Buddhist shrines. Yet the Emperor cannot have +shared these sentiments at any rate towards the end of his reign.[644] +He issued an edict allowing every monastery to receive five new monks +and the celebrated journey of Hsuan Chuang[645] was made in his +reign. When the pilgrim returned from India, he was received with +public honours and a title was conferred on him. Learned monks were +appointed to assist him in translating the library he had brought back +and the account of his travels was presented to the Emperor who also +wrote a laudatory preface to his version of the Prajnaparamita. It was +in this reign also that Nestorian missionaries first appeared in China +and were allowed to settle in the capital. Diplomatic relations were +maintained with India. The Indian Emperor Harsha sent an envoy in 641 +and two Chinese missions were despatched in return. The second, led by +Wang Hsuan-Ts'e,[646] did not arrive until after the death of Harsha +when a usurper had seized the throne. Wang Hsuan-Ts'e collected a +small army in Tibet, dethroned the usurper and brought him as a +prisoner to China. + +The latter half of the seventh century is dominated by the figure of +the Dowager Empress Wu, the prototype of the celebrated lady who took +charge of China's fate in our own day and, like her, superhuman in +decision and unscrupulousness, yet capable of inspiring loyalty. She +was a concubine of the Emperor Tai Tsung and when he died in 649 lived +for a short time as a Buddhist nun. The eventful life of Wu Hou, who +was at least successful in maintaining order at home and on the +frontiers, belongs to the history of China rather than of Buddhism. +She was not an ornament of the faith nor an example of its principles, +but, mindful of the protection it had once afforded her, she gave it +her patronage even to the extent of making a bonze named Huai I[647] +the minister of her mature passions when she was nearly seventy +years old. A magnificent temple, at which 10,000 men worked daily, was +built for him, but the Empress was warned that he was collecting a +body of vigorous monks nominally for its service, but really for +political objects. She ordered these persons to be banished. Huai I +was angry and burnt the temple. The Empress at first merely ordered it +to be rebuilt, but finding that Huai I was growing disrespectful, she +had him assassinated. + +We hear that the Mahamegha-sutra[648] was presented to her and +circulated among the people with her approval. About 690 she assumed +divine honours and accommodated these pretensions to Buddhism by +allowing herself to be styled Maitreya or Kuan-yin. After her death at +the age of 80, there does not appear to have been any religious +change, for two monks were appointed to high office and orders were +issued that Buddhist and Taoist temples should be built in every +Department. But the earlier part of the reign of Hsuan Tsung[649] +marks a temporary reaction. It was represented to him that rich +families wasted their substance on religious edifices and that the +inmates were well-to-do persons desirous of escaping the burdens of +public service. He accordingly forbade the building of monasteries, +making of images and copying of sutras, and 12,000 monks were ordered +to return to the world. In 725 he ordered a building known as "Hall of +the Assembled Spirits" to be renamed "Hall of Assembled Worthies," +because spirits were mere fables. + +In the latter part of his life he became devout though addicted to +Taoism rather than Buddhism. But he must have outgrown his +anti-Buddhist prejudices, for in 730 the seventh collection of the +Tripitaka was made under his auspices. Many poets of this period such +as Su Chin and the somewhat later Liu Tsung Yuan[650] were Buddhists +and the paintings of the great Wu Tao-tzu and Wang-wei (painter as +well as poet) glowed with the inspiration of the T'ien-t'ai teaching. +In 740 there were in the city of Ch'ang-An alone sixty-four +monasteries and twenty-seven nunneries. A curious light is thrown +on the inconsistent and composite character of Chinese religious +sentiment--as noticeable to-day as it was twelve hundred years ago--by +the will of Yao Ch'ung[651] a statesman who presented a celebrated +anti-Buddhist memorial to this Emperor. In his will he warns his +children solemnly against the creed which he hated and yet adds the +following direction. "When I am dead, on no account perform for me the +ceremonies of that mean religion. But if you feel unable to follow +orthodoxy in every respect, then yield to popular custom and from the +first seventh day after my death until the last (_i.e._ seventh) +seventh day, let mass be celebrated by the Buddhist clergy seven +times: and when, as these masses require, you must offer gifts to me, +use the clothes which I wore in life and do not use other valuable +things." + +In 751 a mission was sent to the king of Ki-pin.[652] The staff +included Wu-K'ung,[653] also known as Dharmadhatu, who remained some +time in India, took the vows and ultimately returned to China with +many books and relics. It is probable that in this and the following +centuries Hindu influence reached the outlying province of Yunnan +directly through Burma.[654] + +Letters, art and pageantry made the Court of Hsuan Tsung brilliant, +but the splendour faded and his reign ended tragically in disaster and +rebellion. The T'ang dynasty seemed in danger of collapse. But it +emerged successfully from these troubles and continued for a century +and a half. During the whole of this period the Emperors with one +exception[655] were favourable to Buddhism, and the latter half of the +eighth century marks in Buddhist history an epoch of increased +popularity among the masses but also the spread of ritual and +doctrinal corruption, for it is in these years that its connection +with ceremonies for the repose and honour of the dead became more +intimate. + +These middle and later T'ang Emperors were not exclusive +Buddhists. According to the severe judgment of their own officials, +they were inclined to unworthy and outlandish superstitions. Many of +them were under the influence of eunuchs, magicians and soothsayers, +and many of those who were not assassinated died from taking the +Taoist medicine called Elixir of Immortality. Yet it was not a period +of decadence and dementia. It was for China the age of Augustus, not +of Heliogabalus. Art and literature flourished and against Han-Yu, the +brilliant adversary of Buddhism, may be set Liu Tsung Yuan,[656] a +writer of at least equal genius who found in it his inspiration. A +noble school of painting grew up in the Buddhist monasteries and in a +long line of artists may be mentioned the great name of Wu Tao-tzu, +whose religious pictures such as Kuan-yin, Purgatory and the death of +the Buddha obtained for him a fame which is still living. Among the +streams which watered this paradise of art and letters should +doubtless be counted the growing importance of Central and Western +Asia in Chinese policy and the consequent influx of their ideas. In +the mid T'ang period Manichaeism, Nestorianism and Zoroastrianism all +were prevalent in China. The first was the religion of the Uigurs. So +long as the Chinese had to keep on good terms with this tribe +Manichaeism was respected, but when they were defeated by the Kirghiz +and became unimportant, it was abruptly suppressed (843). In this +period, too, Tibet became of great importance for the Chinese. Their +object was to keep open the passes leading to Ferghana and India. But +the Tibetans sometimes combined with the Arabs, who had conquered +Turkestan, to close them and in 763 they actually sacked Chang An. +China endeavoured to defend herself by making treaties with the Indian +border states, but in 175 the Arabs inflicted a disastrous defeat on +her troops. A treaty of peace was subsequently made with Tibet.[657] + +When Su-Tsung (756-762), the son of Hsuan-Tsung, was safely +established on the throne, he began to show his devotion to Buddhism. +He installed a chapel in the Palace which was served by several +hundred monks and caused his eunuchs and guards to dress up as +Bodhisattvas and Genii. His ministers, who were required to worship +these maskers, vainly remonstrated as also when he accepted a sort of +Sibylline book from a nun who alleged that she had ascended to heaven +and received it there. + +The next Emperor, Tai-Tsung, was converted to Buddhism by his Minister +Wang Chin,[658] a man of great abilities who was subsequently +sentenced to death for corruption, though the Emperor commuted the +sentence to banishment. Tai-Tsung expounded the scriptures in public +himself and the sacred books were carried from one temple to another +in state carriages with the same pomp as the sovereign. In 768 the +eunuch Yu Chao-En[659] built a great Buddhist temple dedicated to the +memory of the Emperor's deceased mother. In spite of his minister's +remonstrances, His Majesty attended the opening and appointed 1000 +monks and nuns to perform masses for the dead annually on the +fifteenth day of the seventh month. This anniversary became generally +observed as an All Souls' Day, and is still one of the most popular +festivals in China. Priests both Buddhist and Taoist recite prayers +for the departed, rice is scattered abroad to feed hungry ghosts and +clothes are burnt to be used by them in the land of shadows. Large +sheds are constructed in which are figures representing scenes from +the next world and the evening is enlivened by theatricals, music and +fire-works.[660] + +The establishment of this festival was due to the celebrated teacher +Amogha (Pu-k'ung), and marks the official recognition by Chinese +Buddhism of those services for the dead which have rendered it popular +at the cost of forgetting its better aspects. Amogha was a native of +Ceylon (or, according to others, of Northern India), who arrived in +China in 719 with his teacher Vajrabodhi. After the latter's death he +revisited India and Ceylon in search of books and came back in 746. He +wished to return to his own country, but permission was refused and +until his death in 774 he was a considerable personage at Court, +receiving high rank and titles. The Chinese Tripitaka contains 108 +translations[661] ascribed to him, mostly of a tantric character, +though to the honour of China it must be said that the erotic +mysticism of some Indian tantras never found favour there. Amogha is a +considerable, though not auspicious, figure in the history of Chinese +Buddhism, and, so far as such changes can be the work of one man, on +him rests the responsibility of making it become in popular estimation +a religion specially concerned with funeral rites.[662] + +Some authors[663] try to prove that the influx of Nestorianism under +the T'ang dynasty had an important influence on the later development +of Buddhism in China and Japan and in particular that it popularized +these services for the dead. But this hypothesis seems to me unproved +and unnecessary. Such ceremonies were an essential part of Chinese +religion and no faith could hope to spread, if it did not countenance +them: they are prominent in Hinduism and not unknown to Pali +Buddhism.[664] Further the ritual used in China and Japan has often +only a superficial resemblance to Christian masses for the departed. +Part of it is magical and part of it consists in acquiring merit by +the recitation of scriptures which have no special reference to the +dead. This merit is then formally transferred to them. Doubtless +Nestorianism, in so far as it was associated with Buddhism, tended to +promote the worship of Bodhisattvas and prayers addressed directly to +them, but this tendency existed independently and the Nestorian +monument indicates not that Nestorianism influenced Buddhism but that +it abandoned the doctrine of the atonement. + +In 819 a celebrated incident occurred. The Emperor Hsien-Tsung had +been informed that at the Fa-men monastery in Shen-si a bone of the +Buddha was preserved which every thirty years exhibited miraculous +powers. As this was the auspicious year, he ordered the relic to be +brought in state to the capital and lodged in the Imperial Palace, +after which it was to make the round of the monasteries in the city. +This proceeding called forth an animated protest from Han-Yu,[665] one +of the best known authors and statesmen then living, who presented a +memorial, still celebrated as a masterpiece. The following extract +will give an idea of its style. "Your Servant is well aware that your +Majesty does not do this (give the bone such a reception) in the vain +hope of deriving advantage therefrom but that in the fulness of our +present plenty there is a desire to comply with the wishes of the +people in the celebration at the capital of this delusive mummery.... +For Buddha was a barbarian. His language was not the language of +China. His clothes were of an alien cut. He did not utter the maxims +of our ancient rulers nor conform to the customs which they have +handed down. He did not appreciate the bond between prince and +minister, the tie between father and son. Had this Buddha come to our +capital in the flesh, your Majesty might have received him with a few +words of admonition, giving him a banquet and a suit of clothes, +before sending him out of the country with an escort of soldiers. + +"But what are the facts? The bone of a man long since dead and +decomposed is to be admitted within the precincts of the Imperial +Palace. Confucius said, 'respect spiritual beings but keep them at a +distance.' And so when princes of old paid visits of condolence, it +was customary to send a magician in advance with a peach-rod in his +hand, to expel all noxious influences before the arrival of his +master. Yet now your Majesty is about to introduce without reason a +disgusting object, personally taking part in the proceedings without +the intervention of the magician or his wand. Of the officials not one +has raised his voice against it: of the Censors[666] not one has +pointed out the enormity of such an act. Therefore your servant, +overwhelmed with shame for the Censors, implores your Majesty that +these bones may be handed over for destruction by fire or water, +whereby the root of this great evil may be exterminated for all time +and the people may know how much the wisdom of your Majesty surpasses +that of ordinary men."[667] + +The Emperor became furious when he read the memorial and wished to +execute its author on the spot. But Han-Yu's many friends saved him +and the sentence was commuted to honourable banishment as governor of +a distant town. Shortly afterwards the Emperor died, not of Buddhism, +but of the elixir of immortality which made him so irritable that his +eunuchs put him out of the way. Han-Yu was recalled but died the next +year. Among his numerous works was one called Yuan Tao, much of which +was directed against non-Confucian forms of religion. It is still a +thesaurus of arguments for the opponents of Buddhism and, let it be +added, of Christianity. + +It is not surprising that the prosperity of the Buddhist church should +have led to another reaction, but it came not so much from the +literary and sceptical class as from Taoism which continued to enjoy +the favour of the T'ang Emperors, although they died one after another +of drinking the elixir. The Emperor Wu-Tsung was more definitely +Taoist than his predecessors. In 843 he suppressed Manichaeism and in +845, at the instigation of his Taoist advisers, he dealt Buddhism the +severest blow which it had yet received. In a trenchant edict[668] he +repeated the now familiar arguments that it is an alien and maleficent +superstition, unknown under the ancient and glorious dynasties and +injurious to the customs and morality of the nation. Incidentally he +testifies to its influence and popularity for he complains of the +crowds thronging the temples which eclipse the imperial palaces in +splendour and the innumerable monks and nuns supported by the +contributions of the people. Then, giving figures, he commands that +4600 great temples and 40,000 smaller rural temples be demolished, +that their enormous[669] landed property be confiscated, that 260,500 +monks and nuns be secularized and 150,000 temple slaves[670] set free. +These statistics are probably exaggerated and in any case the Emperor +had barely time to execute his drastic orders, though all despatch +was used on account of the private fortunes which could be amassed +incidentally by the executive. + +As the Confucian chronicler of his doings observes, he suppressed +Buddhism on the ground that it is a superstition but encouraged Taoism +which is no better. Indeed the impartial critic must admit that it is +much worse, at any rate for Emperors. Undeterred by the fate of his +predecessors Wu-Tsung began to take the elixir of immortality. He +suffered first from nervous irritability, then from internal pains, +which were explained as due to the gradual transformation of his +bones, and at the beginning of 846 he became dumb. No further +explanation of his symptoms was then given him and his uncle Hsuan +Tsung was raised to the throne. His first act was to revoke the +anti-Buddhist edict, the Taoist priests who had instigated it were put +to death, the Emperor and his ministers vied in the work of +reconstruction and very soon things became again much as they were +before this great but brief tribulation. Nevertheless, in 852 the +Emperor received favourably a memorial complaining of the Buddhist +reaction and ordered that all monks and nuns must obtain special +permission before taking orders. He was beginning to fall under Taoist +influence and it is hard to repress a smile on reading that seven +years later he died of the elixir. His successor I-Tsung (860-874), +who died at the age of 30, was an ostentatious and dissipated +Buddhist. In spite of the remonstrances of his ministers he again sent +for the sacred bone from Fa-men and received it with even more respect +than his predecessor had shown, for he met it at the Palace gate and +bowed before it. + +During the remainder of the T'ang dynasty there is little of +importance to recount about Buddhism. It apparently suffered no +reverses, but history is occupied with the struggle against the +Tartars. The later T'ang Emperors entered into alliance with various +frontier tribes, but found it hard to keep them in the position of +vassals. The history of China from the tenth to the thirteenth +centuries is briefly as follows. The T'ang dynasty collapsed chiefly +owing to the incapacity of the later Emperors and was succeeded by a +troubled period in which five short dynasties founded by military +adventurers, three of whom were of Turkish race, rose and fell in 53 +years.[671] In 960 the Sung dynasty united the Chinese elements in +the Empire, but had to struggle against the Khitan Tartars in the +north-east and against the kingdom of Hsia in the north-west. With the +twelfth century appeared the Kins or Golden Tartars, who demolished +the power of the Khitans in alliance with the Chinese but turned +against their allies and conquered all China north of the Yang-tze and +continually harassed, though they did not capture, the provinces to +the south of it which constituted the reduced empire of the Sungs. But +their power waned in its turn before the Mongols, who, under Chinggiz +Khan and Ogotai, conquered the greater part of northern Asia and +eastern Europe. In 1232 the Sung Emperor entered into alliance with +the Mongols against the Kins, with the ultimate result that though the +Kins were swept away, Khubilai, the Khan of the Mongols, became +Emperor of all China in 1280. + +The dynasties of T'ang and Sung mark two great epochs in the history +of Chinese art, literature and thought, but whereas the virtues and +vices of the T'ang may be summed up as genius and extravagance, those +of the Sung are culture and tameness. But this summary judgment does +not do justice to the painters, particularly the landscape painters, +of the Sung and it is noticeable that many of the greatest masters, +including Li Lung-Mien,[672] were obviously inspired by Buddhism. The +school which had the greatest influence on art and literature was the +Ch'an[673] or contemplative sect better known by its Japanese name +Zen. Though founded by Bodhidharma it did not win the sympathy and +esteem of the cultivated classes until the Sung period. About this +time the method of block-printing was popularized and there began a +steady output of comprehensive histories, collected works, +encyclopaedias and biographies which excelled anything then published +in Europe. Antiquarian research and accessible editions of classical +writers were favourable to Confucianism, which had always been the +religion of the literati. + +It is not surprising that the Emperors of this literary dynasty were +mostly temperate in expressing their religious emotions. T'ai-Tsu, the +founder, forbade cremation and remonstrated with the Prince of T'ang, +who was a fervent Buddhist. Yet he cannot have objected to religion in +moderation, for the first printed edition of the Tripitaka was +published in his reign (972) and with a preface of his own. The early +and thorough application of printing to this gigantic Canon is a +proof--if any were needed--of the popular esteem for Buddhism. + +Nor did this edition close the work of translation: 275 later +translations, made under the Northern Sung, are still extant and +religious intercourse with India continued. The names and writings of +many Hindu monks who settled in China are preserved and Chinese +continued to go to India. Still on the whole there was a decrease in +the volume of religious literature after 900 A.D.[674] In the twelfth +century the change was still more remarkable. Nanjio does not record a +single translation made under the Southern Sung and it is the only +great dynasty which did not revise the Tripitaka. + +The second Sung Emperor also, T'ai Tsung, was not hostile, for he +erected in the capital, at enormous expense, a stupa 360 feet high to +contain relics of the Buddha. The fourth Emperor, Jen-tsung, a +distinguished patron of literature, whose reign was ornamented by a +galaxy of scholars, is said to have appointed 50 youths to study +Sanskrit but showed no particular inclination towards Buddhism. +Neither does it appear to have been the motive power in the projects +of the celebrated social reformer, Wang An-Shih. But the dynastic +history says that he wrote a book full of Buddhist and Taoist fancies +and, though there is nothing specifically Buddhist in his political +and economic theories, it is clear from the denunciations against him +that his system of education introduced Buddhist and Taoist subjects +into the public examinations.[675] It is also clear that this system +was favoured by those Emperors of the Northern Sung dynasty who were +able to think for themselves. In 1087 it was abolished by the +Empress Dowager acting as regent for the young Che Tsung, but as soon +as he began to reign in his own right he restored it, and it +apparently remained in force until the collapse of the dynasty in +1127. + +The Emperor Hui-Tsung (1101-1126) fell under the influence of a Taoist +priest named Lin Ling-Su.[676] This young man had been a Buddhist +novice in boyhood but, being expelled for misconduct, conceived a +hatred for his old religion. Under his influence the Emperor not only +reorganized Taoism, sanctioning many innovations and granting many new +privileges, but also endeavoured to suppress Buddhism, not by +persecution, but by amalgamation. By imperial decree the Buddha and +his Arhats were enrolled in the Taoist pantheon: temples and +monasteries were allowed to exist only on condition of describing +themselves as Taoist and their inmates had the choice of accepting +that name or of returning to the world. + +But there was hardly time to execute these measures, so rapid was the +reaction. In less than a year the insolence of Lin Ling-Su brought +about his downfall: the Emperor reversed his edict and, having begun +by suppressing Buddhism, ended by oppressing Taoism. He was a painter +of merit and perhaps the most remarkable artist who ever filled a +throne. In art he probably drew no distinction between creeds and +among the pictures ascribed to him and preserved in Japan are some of +Buddhist subjects. But like Hsuan Tsung he came to a tragic end, and +in 1126 was carried into captivity by the Kin Tartars among whom he +died. + +Fear of the Tartars now caused the Chinese to retire south of the +Yang-tse and Hang-chow was made the seat of Government. The century +during which this beautiful city was the capital did not produce the +greatest names in Chinese history, but it witnessed the perfection of +Chinese culture, and the background of impending doom heightens the +brilliancy of this literary and aesthetic life. Such a society was +naturally eclectic in religion but Buddhism of the Ch'an school +enjoyed consideration and contributed many landscape painters to the +roll of fame. But the most eminent and perhaps the most characteristic +thinker of the period was Chu-Hsi (1130-1200), the celebrated +commentator on Confucius who reinterpreted the master's writings +to the satisfaction of succeeding ages though in his own life he +aroused opposition as well as enthusiasm. Chu-Hsi studied Buddhism in +his youth and some have detected its influence in his works, although +on most important points he expressly condemned it. I do not see that +there is much definite Buddhism in his philosophy, but if Mahayanism +had never entered China this new Confucianism would probably never +have arisen or would have taken another shape. Though the final result +may be anti-Buddhist yet the topics chosen and the method of treatment +suggest that the author felt it necessary to show that the Classics +could satisfy intellectual curiosity and supply spiritual ideals just +as well as this Indian religion. Much of his expositions is occupied +with cosmology, and he accepts the doctrine of world periods, +recurring in an eternal series of growth and decline: also he teaches +not exactly transmigration but the transformation of matter into +various living forms.[677] His accounts of sages and saints point to +ideals which have much in common with Arhats and Buddhas and, in +dealing with the retribution of evil, he seems to admit that when the +universe is working properly there is a natural _Karma_ by which good +or bad actions receive even in this life rewards in kind, but that in +the present period of decline nature has become vitiated so that vice +and virtue no longer produce appropriate results. + +Chu-Hsi had a celebrated controversy with Lu Chiu-Yuan,[678] a thinker +of some importance who, like himself, is commemorated in the tablets +of Confucian temples, although he was accused of Buddhist tendencies. +He held that learning was not indispensable and that the mind could in +meditation rise above the senses and attain to a perception of the +truth. Although he strenuously denied the charge of Buddhist leanings, +it is clear that his doctrine is near in spirit to the mysticism of +Bodhidharma and sets no store on the practical ethics and studious +habits which are the essence of Confucianism. + +The attitude of the Yuan or Mongol dynasty (1280-1368) towards +Buddhism was something new. Hitherto, whatever may have been the +religious proclivities of individual Emperors, the Empire had been +a Confucian institution. A body of official and literary opinion +always strong and often overwhelmingly strong regarded imperial +patronage of Buddhism or Taoism as a concession to the whims of the +people, as an excrescence on the Son of Heaven's proper faith or even +a perversion of it. But the Mongol Court had not this prejudice and +Khubilai, like other members of his house[679] and like Akbar in +India, was the patron of all the religions professed by his subjects. +His real object was to encourage any faith which would humanize his +rude Mongols. Buddhism was more congenial to them than Confucianism +and besides, they had made its acquaintance earlier. Even before +Khubilai became Emperor, one of his most trusted advisers was a +Tibetan lama known as Pagspa, Bashpa or Pa-ssu-pa.[680] He received +the title of Kuo-Shih, and after his death his brother succeeded to +the same honours. + +Khubilai also showed favour to Mohammedans, Christians, Jews and +Confucianists, but little to Taoists. This prejudice was doubtless due +to the suggestions of his Buddhist advisers, for, as we have seen, +there was often rivalry between the two religions and on two occasions +at least (in the reigns of Hui Tsung and Wu Tsung) the Taoists made +determined, if unsuccessful, attempts to destroy or assimilate +Buddhism. Khubilai received complaints that the Taoists represented +Buddhism as an offshoot of Taoism and that this objectionable +perversion of truth and history was found in many of their books, +particularly the Hua-Hu-Ching.[681] An edict was issued ordering all +Taoist books to be burnt with the sole exception of the Tao-Te-Ching +but it does not appear that the sect was otherwise persecuted. + +The Yuan dynasty was consistently favourable to Buddhism. Enormous +sums were expended on subventions to monasteries, printing books and +performing public ceremonies. Old restrictions were removed and no new +ones were imposed. But the sect which was the special recipient of the +imperial favour was not one of the Chinese schools but Lamaism, +the form of Buddhism developed in Tibet, which spread about this time +to northern China, and still exists there. It does not appear that in +the Yuan period Lamaism and other forms of Buddhism were regarded as +different sects.[682] A lamaist ecclesiastic was the hierarchical head +of all Buddhists, all other religions being placed under the +supervision of a special board. + +The Mongol Emperors paid attention to religious literature. Khubilai +saw to it that the monasteries in Peking were well supplied with books +and ordered the bonzes to recite them on stated days. A new collection +of the Tripitaka (the ninth) was published 1285-87. In 1312, the +Emperor Jen-tsung ordered further translations to be made into Mongol +and later had the whole Tripitaka copied in letters of gold. It is +noticeable that another Emperor, Cheng Tsung, had the Book of Filial +Piety translated into Mongol and circulated together with a brief +preface by himself. + +It is possible that the Buddhism of the Yuan dynasty was tainted with +Saktism from which the Lama monasteries of Peking (in contrast to +all other Buddhist sects in China) are not wholly free. The last +Emperor, Shun-ti, is said to have witnessed indecent plays and dances +in the company of Lamas and created a scandal which contributed to the +downfall of the dynasty.[683] In its last years we hear of some +opposition to Buddhism and of a reaction in favour of Confucianism, in +consequence of the growing numbers and pretensions of the Lamas. + +Whole provinces were under their control and Chinese historians dwell +bitterly on their lawlessness. It was a common abuse for wealthy +persons to induce a Lama to let their property be registered in his +name and thus avoid all payment of taxes on the ground that priests +were exempt from taxation by law.[684] + +The Mongols were driven out by the native Chinese dynasty known as +Ming, which reigned from 1368 to 1644. It is not easy to point out +any salient features in religious activity or thought during this +period, but since the Ming claimed to restore Chinese civilization +interrupted by a foreign invasion, it was natural that they should +encourage Confucianism as interpreted by Chu-Hsi. Yet Buddhism, +especially Lamaism, acquired a new political importance. Both for the +Mings and for the earlier Manchu Emperors the Mongols were a serious +and perpetual danger, and it was not until the eighteenth century that +the Chinese Court ceased to be preoccupied by the fear that the tribes +might unite and again overrun the Empire. But the Tibetan and +Mongolian hierarchy had an extraordinary power over these wild +horsemen and the Government of Peking won and used their goodwill by +skilful diplomacy, the favours shown being generally commensurate to +the gravity of the situation. Thus when the Grand Lama visited Peking +in 1652 he was treated as an independent prince: in 1908 he was made +to kneel. + +Few Ming Emperors showed much personal interest in religion and most +of them were obviously guided by political considerations. They wished +on the one hand to conciliate the Church and on the other to prevent +the clergy from becoming too numerous or influential. Hence very +different pictures may be drawn according as we dwell on the +favourable or restrictive edicts which were published from time to +time. Thus T'ai-Tsu, the founder of the dynasty, is described by one +authority as always sympathetic to Buddhists and by another as a +crowned persecutor.[685] He had been a bonze himself in his youth but +left the cloister for the adventurous career which conducted him to +the throne. It is probable that he had an affectionate recollection of +the Church which once sheltered him, but also a knowledge of its +weaknesses and this knowledge moved him to publish restrictive edicts +as to the numbers and qualifications of monks. On the other hand he +attended sermons, received monks in audience and appointed them as +tutors to his sons. He revised the hierarchy and gave appropriate +titles to its various grades. He also published a decree ordering that +all monks should study three sutras (Lankavatara, Prajnaparamita +and Vajracchedika), and that three brief commentaries on these works +should be compiled (see Nanjio's Catalogue, 1613-15). + +It is in this reign that we first hear of the secular clergy, that is +to say, persons who acted as priests but married and did not live in +monasteries. Decrees against them were issued in 1394 and 1412, but +they continued to increase. It is not clear whether their origin +should be sought in a desire to combine the profits of the priesthood +with the comforts of the world or in an attempt to evade restrictions +as to the number of monks. In later times this second motive was +certainly prevalent, but the celibacy of the clergy is not strictly +insisted on by Lamaists and a lax observance of monastic rules[686] +was common under the Mongol dynasty. + +The third Ming Emperor, Ch'eng-tsu,[687] was educated by a Buddhist +priest of literary tastes named Yao Kuang-Hsiao,[688] whom he greatly +respected and promoted to high office. Nevertheless he enacted +restrictions respecting ordination and on one occasion commanded that +1800 young men who presented themselves to take the vows should be +enrolled in the army instead. His prefaces and laudatory verses were +collected in a small volume and included in the eleventh collection of +the Tripitaka,[689] called the Northern collection, because it was +printed at Peking. It was published with a preface of his own +composition and he wrote another to the work called the Liturgy of +Kuan-yin,[690] and a third introducing selected memoirs of various +remarkable monks.[691] His Empress had a vision in which she imagined +a sutra was revealed to her and published the same with an +introduction. He was also conspicuously favourable to the Tibetan +clergy. In 1403 he sent his head eunuch to Tibet to invite the +presence of Tson-kha-pa, who refused to come himself but sent a +celebrated Lama called Halima.[692] On arriving at the capital Halima +was ordered to say masses for the Emperor's relatives. These +ceremonies were attended by supernatural manifestations and he +received as a recognition of his powers the titles of Prince of the +Great Precious Law and Buddha of the Western Paradise.[693] His three +principal disciples were styled Kuo Shih, and, agreeably to the +precedent established under the Yuan dynasty, were made the chief +prelates of the whole Buddhist Church. Since this time the Red or +Tibetan Clergy have been recognized as having precedence over the Grey +or Chinese. + +In this reign the Chinese made a remarkable attempt to assert their +authority in Ceylon. In 1405 a mission was sent with offerings to the +Sacred Tooth and when it was ill received a second mission despatched +in 1407 captured the king of Ceylon and carried him off as a prisoner +to China. Ceylon paid tribute for fifty years, but it does not appear +that these proceedings had much importance for religion.[694] + +In the reigns of Ying Tsung and Ching-Ti[695] (1436-64) large numbers +of monks were ordained, but, as on previous occasions, the great +increase of candidates led to the imposition of restrictions and in +1458 an edict was issued ordering that ordinations should be held only +once a year. The influence of the Chief Eunuchs during this period was +great, and two successive holders of this post, Wang-Chen and +Hsing-An,[696] were both devoted Buddhists and induced the Emperors +whom they served to expend enormous sums on building monasteries and +performing ceremonies at which the Imperial Court were present. + +The end of the fifteenth century is filled by two reigns, Hsien +Tsung and Hsiao Tsung. The former fell under the influence of his +favourite concubine Wan and his eunuchs to such an extent that, in the +latter part of his life, he ceased to see his ministers and the chief +eunuch became the real ruler of China. It is also mentioned both in +1468 and 1483 that he was in the hands of Buddhist priests who +instructed him in secret doctrines and received the title of Kuo-Shih +and other distinctions. His son Hsiao Tsung reformed these abuses: the +Palace was cleansed: the eunuchs and priests were driven out and some +were executed: Taoist books were collected and burnt. The celebrated +writer Wang Yang Ming[697] lived in this reign. He defended and +illustrated the doctrine of Lu Chin-Yuan, namely that truth can be +obtained by meditation. To express intuitive knowledge, he used the +expression _Liang Chih_[698] (taken from Mencius). _Liang Chih_ is +inherent in all human minds, but in different degrees, and can be +developed or allowed to atrophy. To develop it should be man's +constant object, and in its light when pure all things are understood +and peace is obtained. The phrases of the Great Learning "to complete +knowledge," "investigate things," and "rest in the highest +excellence," are explained as referring to the _Liang Chih_ and the +contemplation of the mind by itself. We cannot here shut our eyes to +the influence of Bodhidharma and his school, however fervently Wang +Yang Ming may have appealed to the Chinese Classics. + +The reign of Wu-tsung (1506-21) was favourable to Buddhism. In 1507 +40,000 men became monks, either Buddhist or Taoist. The Emperor is +said to have been learned in Buddhist literature and to have known +Sanskrit[699] as well as Mongol and Arabic, but he was in the hands of +a band of eunuchs, who were known as the eight tigers. In 1515 he sent +an embassy to Tibet with the object of inducing the Grand Lama to +visit Peking, but the invitation was refused and the Tibetans expelled +the mission with force. The next Emperor, Shih-T'sung (1522-66), +inclined to Taoism rather than Buddhism. He ordered the images of +Buddha in the Forbidden City to be destroyed, but still appears to +have taken part in Buddhist ceremonies at different periods of his +reign. Wan Li (1573-1620), celebrated in the annals of porcelain +manufacture, showed some favour to Buddhism. He repaired many +buildings at P'u-t'o and distributed copies of the Tripitaka to the +monasteries of his Empire. In his edicts occurs the saying that +Confucianism and Buddhism are like the two wings of a bird: each +requires the co-operation of the other. + +European missionaries first arrived during the sixteenth century, and, +had the Catholic Church been more flexible, China might perhaps have +recognized Christianity, not as the only true religion but as standing +on the same footing as Buddhism and Taoism. The polemics of the early +missionaries imply that they regarded Buddhism as their chief rival. +Thus Ricci had a public controversy with a bonze at Hang-Chou, and his +principal pupil Hsu Kuang-Ch'i[700] wrote a tract entitled "The errors +of the Buddhists exposed." Replies to these attacks are preserved in +the writings of the distinguished Buddhist priest Shen Chu-Hung.[701] + +In 1644 the Ming dynasty collapsed before the Manchus and China was +again under foreign rule. Unlike the Mongols, the Manchus had little +inclination to Buddhism. Even before they had conquered China, their +prince, T'ai Tsung, ordered an inspection of monasteries and limited +the number of monks. But in this edict he inveighs only against the +abuse of religion and admits that "Buddha's teaching is at bottom pure +and chaste, true and sincere: by serving him with purity and piety, +one can obtain happiness."[702] Shun-Chih, the first Manchu Emperor, +wrote some prefaces to Buddhist works and entertained the Dalai Lama +at Peking in 1652.[703] His son and successor, commonly known as +K'ang-Hsi (1662-1723), dallied for a while with Christianity, but the +net result of his religious policy was to secure to Confucianism all +that imperial favour can give. I have mentioned above his Sacred Edict +and the partial favour which he showed to Buddhism. He gave +donations to the monasteries of P'u-t'o, Hang-chou and elsewhere: he +published the Kanjur with a preface of his own[704] and the twelfth +and last collection of the Tripitaka was issued under the auspices of +his son and grandson. The latter, the Emperor Ch'ien Lung, also +received the Teshu Lama not only with honour, but with interest and +sympathy, as is clear from the inscription preserved at Peking, in +which he extols the Lama as a teacher of spiritual religion.[705] He +also wrote a preface to a sutra for producing rain[706] in which he +says that he has ordered the old editions to be carefully corrected +and prayer and worship to be offered, "so that the old forms which +have been so beneficial during former ages might still be blessed to +the desired end." Even the late Empress Dowager accepted the +ministrations of the present Dalai Lama when he visited Peking in +1908, although, to his great indignation she obliged him to kneel at +Court.[707] Her former colleague, the Empress Tzu-An was a devout +Buddhist. The statutes of the Manchu dynasty (printed in 1818) contain +regulations for the celebration of Buddhist festivals at Court, for +the periodical reading of sutras to promote the imperial welfare, and +for the performance of funeral rites. + +Still on the whole the Manchu dynasty showed less favour to Buddhism +than any which preceded it and its restrictive edicts limiting the +number of monks and prescribing conditions for ordination were +followed by no periods of reaction. But the vitality of Buddhism is +shown by the fact that these restrictions merely led to an increase of +the secular clergy, not legally ordained, who in their turn claimed +the imperial attention. Ch'ien Lung began in 1735 by giving them the +alternative of becoming ordinary laymen or of entering a monastery but +this drastic measure was considerably modified in the next few years. +Ultimately the secular clergy were allowed to continue as such, if +they could show good reason, and to have one disciple each. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 591: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1910, Le Songe et l'Ambassade de +l'Empereur Ming Ti, par M. H. Maspero, where the original texts are +translated and criticized. It is a curious coincidence that Ptolemy +Soter is said to have introduced the worship of Serapis to Egypt from +Sinope in consequence of a dream.] + +[Footnote 592: [Chinese: ] No doubt then pronounced something like +Vut-tha.] + +[Footnote 593: [Chinese: ] or [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 594: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 595: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 596: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 597: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 598: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 599: See Chavannes, _Les documents Chinois decouverts par +Aurel Stein_, 1913, Introduction. The earliest documents are of 98 +B.C.] + +[Footnote 600: The Wei-lueh or Wei-lio [Chinese: ], composed between +239 and 265 A.D., no longer exists as a complete work, but a +considerable extract from it dealing with the countries of the West is +incorporated in the San Kuo Chih [Chinese: ] of P'ei-Sung-Chih +[Chinese: ] (429 A.D.). See Chavannes, translation and notes in +_T'oung Pao_, 1905, pp. 519-571.] + +[Footnote 601: [Chinese: ] See Chavannes, _l.c._ p. 550.] + +[Footnote 602: See Francke, _Zur Frage der Einfuhrung des Buddhismus +in China_, 1910, and Maspero's review in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1910, p. 629. +Another Taoist legend is that Dipankara Buddha or Jan Teng, described +as the teacher of Sakyamuni was a Taoist and that Sakyamuni +visited him in China. Giles quotes extracts from a writer of the +eleventh century called Shen Kua to the effect that Buddhism had been +flourishing before the Ch'in dynasty but disappeared with its advent +and also that eighteen priests were imprisoned in 216 B.C. But the +story adds that they recited the Prajnaparamita which is hardly +possible at that epoch.] + +[Footnote 603: Sam. Nik. v. 10. 6. Cf. for a similar illustration in +Chuang-tzu, _S.B.E._ XL. p. 126.] + +[Footnote 604: I may say, however, that I think it is a compilation +containing very ancient sayings amplified by later material which +shows Buddhist influence. This may be true to some extent of the +Essays of Chuang-tzu as well.] + +[Footnote 605: See Legge's translation in _S.B.E._ Part I. pp. 176, +257, II. 46, 62; _ib._ I. pp. 171, 192, II. 13; _ib._ II. p. 13; _ib._ +II. p. 9, I. p. 249; _ib._ pp. 45, 95, 100, 364, II. p. 139; _ib._ II. +p. 139; _ib._ II. p. 129.] + +[Footnote 606: _Ib._ I. p. 202; cf. the Buddha's conversation with +Vaccha in Maj. Nik. 72.] + +[Footnote 607: Kumarajiva and other Buddhists actually wrote +commentaries on the Tao-Te-Ching.] + +[Footnote 608: [Chinese: ] It speaks, however, in section 36 of being +born in the condition or family of a Bodhisattva (P'u-sa-chia), where +the word seems to be used in the late sense of a devout member of the +Buddhist Church.] + +[Footnote 609: But the Emperor Huan is said to have sacrificed to +Buddha and Lao-tzu. See Hou Han Shu in _T'oung Pao_, 1907, p. 194. +For early Buddhism see "Communautes et Moines Bouddhistes Chinois au +II et au III siecles," by Maspero in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1910, p. 222. In the +second century lived Mou-tzu [Chinese: ] a Buddhist author with a +strong spice of Taoism. His work is a collection of questions and +answers, somewhat resembling the Questions of Milinda. See translation +by Pelliot (in _T'oung Pao_, vol. XIX. 1920) who gives the date +provisionally as 195 A.D.] + +[Footnote 610: Accounts of these and the later translators are found +in the thirteen catalogues of the Chinese Tripitaka (see Nanjio, p. +xxvii) and other works such as the Kao Sang-Chuan (Nanjio, No. 1490).] + +[Footnote 611: [Chinese: ]. He worked at translations in Loyang +148-170.] + +[Footnote 612: Dharmakala, see Nanjio, p. 386. The Vinaya used in +these early days of Chinese Buddhism was apparently that of the +Dharmagupta school. See _J.A._ 1916, II. p. 40. An Shih-kao (_c_. A.D. +150) translated a work called The 3000 Rules for Monks (Nanjio, 1126), +but it is not clear what was the Sanskrit original.] + +[Footnote 613: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 614: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 615: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 616: [Chinese: ] He was a remarkable man and famous in his +time, for he was credited not only with clairvoyance and producing +rain, but with raising the dead. Remusat's account of him, based on +the Tsin annals, may still be read with interest. See _Nouv. Melanges +Asiatiques_, II. 1829, pp. 179 ff. His biography is contained in chap. +95 of the Tsin [Chinese: ] annals.] + +[Footnote 617: [Chinese: ] Died 363 A.D.] + +[Footnote 618: Ts'in [Chinese: ] must be distinguished from Tsin +[Chinese: ], the name of three short but legitimate dynasties.] + +[Footnote 619: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 620: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 621: See Nanjio, Catalogue, p. 406.] + +[Footnote 622: [Chinese: ] For this title see Pelliot in _T'oung +Pao_, 1911, p. 671.] + +[Footnote 623: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 624: [Chinese: ] He was canonized under the name of Wu +[Chinese: ], and the three great persecutions of Buddhism are +sometimes described as the disasters of the three Wu, the others being +Wu of the North Chou dynasty (574) and Wu of the T'ang (845).] + +[Footnote 625: [Chinese: ] For the 25 pilgrims see Nanjio, p. 417.] + +[Footnote 626: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 627: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 628: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 629: [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ]. See Chavannes, "Voyage de Song +Yun dans l'Udyana et le Gandhara, 518-522," p. E in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1903, +pp. 379-441. For an interesting account of the Dowager Empress see pp. +384-5.] + +[Footnote 630: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 631: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 632: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 633: See chap. XXIII. p. 95, and chap. XLV below (on schools +of Chinese Buddhism), for more about Bodhidharma. The earliest Chinese +accounts of him seem to be those contained in the Liang and Wei +annals. But one of the most popular and fullest accounts is to be +found in the Wu Teng Hui Yuan (first volume) printed at Kushan near +Fuchow.] + +[Footnote 634: His portraits are also frequent both in China and Japan +(see _Ostasiat. Ztsft_ 1912, p. 226) and the strongly marked features +attributed to him may perhaps represent a tradition of his personal +appearance, which is entirely un-Chinese. An elaborate study of +Bodhidharma written in Japanese is noticed in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1911, p. +457.] + +[Footnote 635: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 636: The legend does not fit in well with chronology since +Sung-Yun is said to have returned from India in 522.] + +[Footnote 637: See Takakusu in _J.R.A.S._ 1905, p. 33.] + +[Footnote 638: Mailla, _Hist. Gen. de la Chine_, p. 369.] + +[Footnote 639: [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 640: [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 641: See Biot, _Hist, de l'instruction publique en Chine_, +pp. 289, 313.] + +[Footnote 642: [Chinese: ] Is celebrated in Chinese history as one +of the greatest opponents of Buddhism. He collected all the objections +to it in 10 books and warned his son against it on his death bed. +Giles, _Biog. Dict_. 589.] + +[Footnote 643: [Chinese: ] An important minister and apparently a +man of talent but of ungovernable and changeable temper. In 639 he +obtained the Emperor's leave to become a priest but soon left his +monastery. The Emperor ordered him to be canonized under the name Pure +but Narrow. Giles, _Biog. Dict._ 722. The monk Fa-Lin [Chinese: ] +also attacked the views of Fu I in two treatises which have been +incorporated in the Chinese Tripitaka. See Nanjio, Cat. Nos. 1500, +1501.] + +[Footnote 644: Subsequently a story grew up that his soul had visited +hell during a prolonged fainting fit after which he recovered and +became a devout Buddhist. See chap. XI of the Romance called +Hsi-yu-chi, a fantastic travesty of Hsuan Chuang's travels, and +Wieger, _Textes Historiques_, p. 1585.] + +[Footnote 645: [Chinese: ] This name has been transliterated in an +extraordinary number of ways. See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1905, pp. 424-430. +Giles gives Hsuan Chuang in his _Chinese Dictionary_, but Hsuan Tsang +in his _Biographical Dictionary_. Probably the latter is more correct. +Not only is the pronunciation of the characters variable, but the +character [Chinese: ] was tabooed as being part of the Emperor K'ang +Hsi's personal name and [Chinese: ] substituted for it. Hence the +spelling Yuan Chuang.] + +[Footnote 646: [Chinese: ] See Vincent Smith, _Early History of +India_, pp. 326-327, and Giles, _Biog. Dict._, _s.v._ Wang Hsuan-T'se. +This worthy appears to have gone to India again in 657 to offer robes +at the holy places.] + +[Footnote 647: [Chinese: ] Some of the principal statues in the caves +of Lung-men were made at her expense, but other parts of these caves +seem to date from at least 500 A.D. Chavannes, _Mission Archeol._ tome +I, deuxieme partie.] + +[Footnote 648: [Chinese: ] Ta-Yun-Ching. See _J.A._ 1913, p. 149. +The late Dowager Empress also was fond of masquerading as Kuan-yin but +it does not appear that the performance was meant to be taken +seriously.] + +[Footnote 649: "That romantic Chinese reign of Genso (713-756) which +is the real absolute culmination of Chinese genius." Fenollosa, +_Epochs of Chinese and Japanese art_ I. 102.] + +[Footnote 650: [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 651: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 652: [Chinese: ] The meaning of this name appears to vary +at different times. At this period it is probably equivalent to Kapisa +or N.E. Afghanistan.] + +[Footnote 653: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 654: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 161. This does not exclude +the possibility of an opposite current, _viz._ Chinese Buddhism +flowing into Burma.] + +[Footnote 655: Wu-Tsung, 841-847.] + +[Footnote 656: "Liu-Tsung-Yuan has left behind him much that for +purity of style and felicity of expression has rarely been surpassed," +Giles, _Chinese Literature_, p. 191.] + +[Footnote 657: Apparently in 783 A.D. See Waddell's articles on +Ancient Historical Edicts at Lhasa in _J.R.A.S._ 1909, 1910, 1911.] + +[Footnote 658: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 659: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 660: See Eitel, _Handbook of Chinese Buddhism_, p. 185 +_s.v._ Ullambana, a somewhat doubtful word, apparently rendered into +Chinese as Yu-lan-p'en.] + +[Footnote 661: Sec Nanjio Catalogue, pp. 445-448.] + +[Footnote 662: He is also said to have introduced the images of the +Four Kings which are now found in every temple. A portrait of him by +Li Chien is reproduced in Tajima's _Masterpieces_, vol. viii, plate +ix. The artist was perhaps his contemporary.] + +[Footnote 663: _E.g._ Sacki, _The Nestorian Monument in China_, 1916. +See also above, p. 217.] + +[Footnote 664: See Khuddaka-Patha, 7; Peta Vatthu, 1, 5 and the +commentary; Milinda Panha, iv. 8, 29; and for modern practices my +chapter on Siam, and Copleston, _Buddhism_, p. 445.] + +[Footnote 665: [Chinese: ] Some native critics, however, have doubted +the authenticity of the received text and the version inserted in the +Official History seems to be a summary. See Wieger, _Textes +Historiques_, vol. iii. pp. 1726 ff., and Giles, _Chinese Literature_, +pp. 200 ff.] + +[Footnote 666: The officials whose duty it was to remonstrate with the +Emperor if he acted wrongly.] + +[Footnote 667: Giles, _Chinese Literature_, pp. 201, 202--somewhat +abbreviated.] + +[Footnote 668: See Wieger, _Textes Historiques_, vol. III. pp. 1744 +ff.] + +[Footnote 669: "Thousands of ten-thousands of Ch'ing." A Ch'ing = +15.13 acres.] + +[Footnote 670: Presumably similar to the temple slaves of Camboja, +etc.] + +[Footnote 671: One Emperor of this epoch, Shih-Tsung of the later Chou +dynasty, suppressed monasteries and coined bronze images into +currency, declaring that Buddha, who in so many births had sacrificed +himself for mankind, would have no objection to his statues being made +useful. But in the South Buddhism nourished in the province of Fukien +under the princes of Min [Chinese: ] and the dynasty which called +itself Southern T'ang.] + +[Footnote 672: [Chinese: ] See Kokka No. 309, 1916.] + +[Footnote 673: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 674: The decrease in translations is natural for by this +time Chinese versions had been made of most works which had any claim +to be translated.] + +[Footnote 675: See Biot, _L'instruction publique en Chine_, p. 350.] + +[Footnote 676: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 677: See Le Gall, _Varietes Sinologiques_, No. 6 Tchou-Hi: +Sa doctrine Son influence. Shanghai, 1894, pp. 90, 122.] + +[Footnote 678: [Chinese: ] Compare the similar doctrines of Wang +Yang-Ming.] + +[Footnote 679: _E.g._ his elder brother Mangku who showed favour to +Buddhists, Mohammedans and Nestorians alike. He himself wished to +obtain Christian teachers from the Pope, by the help of Marco Polo, +but probably merely from curiosity.] + +[Footnote 680: More accurately hPhags-pa. It is a title rather than a +name, being the Tibetan equivalent of Arya. Khubilai seems to be the +correct transcription of the Emperor's name. The Tibetan and Chinese +transcriptions are Hvopilai and Hu-pi-lieh.] + +[Footnote 681: For this curious work see _B.E.F.E.O._ 1908, p. 515, +and _J.A._ 1913, I, pp. 116-132. For the destruction of Taoist books +see Chavannes in _T'oung Pao_, 1904, p. 366.] + +[Footnote 682: At the present day an ordinary Chinese regards a Lama +as quite different from a Hoshang or Buddhist monk.] + +[Footnote 683: The Yuan Emperors were no doubt fond of witnessing +religious theatricals in the Palace. See for extracts from Chinese +authors, _New China Review_, 1919, pp. 68 ff. Compare the performances +of the T'ang Emperor Su Tsung mentioned above.] + +[Footnote 684: For the ecclesiastical abuses of the time see Koppen, +II. 103, and de Mailla, _Histoire de la Chine_, IX. 475, 538.] + +[Footnote 685: See Wieger, _Textes Historiques_, III. p. 2013, and De +Groot, _Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China_, I. p. 82. He +is often called Hung Wu which is strictly speaking the title of his +reign. He was certainly capable of changing his mind, for he degraded +Mencius from his position in Confucian temples one year and restored +him the next.] + +[Footnote 686: See de Mailla, _Histoire de la Chine_, IX. p. 470.] + +[Footnote 687: Often called Yung-Lo which is strictly the title of his +reign.] + +[Footnote 688: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 689: See Nanjio, Cat. 1613-16.] + +[Footnote 690: See Beal, _Catena of Buddhist Scriptures_, p. 398. The +Emperor says: "So we, the Ruler of the Empire ... do hereby bring +before men a mode for attaining to the condition of supreme Wisdom. We +therefore earnestly exhort all men ... carefully to study the +directions of this work and faithfully to follow them."] + +[Footnote 691: Nanjio, Cat. 1620. See also _ib._ 1032 and 1657 for the +Empress's sutra.] + +[Footnote 692: Or Kalima [Chinese: ] In Tibetan Karma de bshin +gshegs-pa. He was the fifth head of the Karma-pa school. See Chandra +Das's dictionary, _s.v._, where a reference is given to +kLong-rdol-gsung-hbum. It is noticeable that the Karma-pa is one of +the older and more Tantric sects.] + +[Footnote 693: [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ] Yuan Shih K'ai prefixed to +this latter the four characters [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 694: See Yule, _Cathay and the Way Thither_, pp. 75 ff.] + +[Footnote 695: When Ying Tsung was carried away by the Mongols in 1449 +his brother Ching-Ti was made Emperor. Though Ying Tsung was sent back +in 1450, he was not able to oust Ching-Ti from the throne till 1457.] + +[Footnote 696: [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 697: [Chinese: ] His real name was Wang Shou Jen +[Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 698: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 699: Though the ecclesiastical study of Sanskrit decayed +under the Ming dynasty, Yung-lo founded in 1407 a school of language +for training interpreters at which Sanskrit was taught among other +tongues.] + +[Footnote 700: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 701: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 702: De Groot, _l.c._ p. 93.] + +[Footnote 703: Some authorities say that he became a monk before he +died, but the evidence is not good. See Johnston in _New China +Review_, Nos. 1 and 2, 1920.] + +[Footnote 704: See _T'oung Pao_, 1909, p. 533.] + +[Footnote 705: See E. Ludwig, _The visit of the Tcshoo Lama to +Peking_, Tien Tsin Press, 1904.] + +[Footnote 706: The Ta-yun-lung-ch'ing-yu-ching. Nanjio's Catalogue, +Nos. 187-8, 970, and see Beal, _Catena of Buddhist Scriptures_, pp. +417-9.] + +[Footnote 707: See for an account of his visit "The Dalai Lamas and +their relations with the Manchu Emperor of China" in _T'oung Pao_, +1910, p. 774.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLIV + +CHINA (_continued_) + +THE CANON + + +The Buddhist scriptures extant in the Chinese language are known +collectively as San Tsang[708] or the three store-houses, that is to +say, Tripitaka. Though this usage is justified by both eastern and +European practice, it is not altogether happy, for the Chinese +thesaurus is not analogous to the Pali Canon or to any collection of +sacred literature known in India, being in spite of its name arranged +in four, not in three, divisions. It is a great _Corpus Scriptorum +Sanctorum_, embracing all ages and schools, wherein translations of +the most diverse Indian works are supplemented by original +compositions in Chinese. Imagine a library comprising Latin +translations of the Old and New Testaments with copious additions from +the Talmud and Apocryphal literature; the writings of the Fathers, +decrees of Councils and Popes, together with the _opera omnia_ of the +principal schoolmen and the early protestant reformers and you will +have some idea of this theological miscellany which has no claim to be +called a canon, except that all the works included have at some time +or other received a certain literary or doctrinal hall-mark. + +1 + + +The collection is described in the catalogue compiled by Bunyiu +Nanjio.[709] It enumerates 1662 works which are classified in four +great divisions, (_a_) Sutra, (_b_) Vinaya, (_c_) Abhidharma, (_d_) +Miscellaneous. The first three divisions contain translations only; +the fourth original Chinese works as well. + +The first division called Ching or Sutras amounts to nearly two-thirds +of the whole, for it comprises no less than 1081 works and is +subdivided as follows: (_a_) Mahayana Sutras, 541, (_b_) Hinayana +Sutras, 240, (_c_) Mahayana and Hinayana Sutras, 300 in number, +admitted into the canon under the Sung and Yuan dynasties, A.D. +960-1368. Thus whereas the first two subdivisions differ in doctrine, +the third is a supplement containing later translations of both +schools. The second subdivision, or Hinayana Sutras, which is less +numerous and complicated than that containing the Mahayana Sutras, +shows clearly the character of the whole collection. It is divided +into two classes of which the first is called A-han, that is, +Agama.[710] This comprises translations of four works analogous to the +Pali Nikayas, though not identical with the texts which we possess, +and also numerous alternative translations of detached sutras. All +four were translated about the beginning of the fifth century whereas +the translations of detached sutras are for the most part earlier. +This class also contains the celebrated Sutra of Forty-two Sections, +and works like the Jataka-nidana. The second class is styled Sutras of +one translation.[711] The title is not used rigorously, but the works +bearing it are relatively obscure and it is not always clear to what +Sanskrit texts they correspond. It will be seen from the above that +the Chinese Tripitaka is a literary and bibliographical collection +rather than an ecclesiastical canon. It does not provide an authorized +version for the edification of the faithful, but it presents for the +use of the learned all translations of Indian works belonging to a +particular class which possess a certain age and authority. + +The same characteristic marks the much richer collection of Mahayana +Sutras, which contains the works most esteemed by Chinese Buddhists. +It is divided into seven classes: + + 1. [Chinese: ] Pan-jo (Po-jo) or Prajnaparamita.[712] + + 2. [Chinese: ] Pao-chi or Ratnakuta. + + 3. [Chinese: ] Ta-chi or Mahasannipata. + + 4. [Chinese: ] Hua-yen or Avatamsaka. + + 5. [Chinese: ] Nieh-pan or Parinirvana. + + 6. [Chinese: ] Sutras in more than one translation + but not falling into any of the above five + classes. + + 7. [Chinese: ] Other sutras existing in only one translation. + +Each of the first five classes probably represents a collection of sutras +analogous to a Nikaya and in one sense a single work but translated into +Chinese several times, both in a complete form and in extracts. Thus the +first class opens with the majestic Mahaprajnaparamita in 600 fasciculi +and equivalent to 200,000 stanzas in Sanskrit. This is followed by +several translations of shorter versions including two of the little +sutras called the Heart of the Prajnaparamita, which fills only one leaf. +There are also six translations of the celebrated work known as the +Diamond-cutter,[713] which is the ninth sutra in the Mahaprajnaparamita +and all the works classed under the heading Pan-jo seem to be alternative +versions of parts of this great Corpus. + +The second and third classes are collections of sutras which no longer +exist as collections in Sanskrit, though the Sanskrit text of some +individual sutras is extant. That called Pao-chi or Ratnakuta opens +with a collection of forty-nine sutras which includes the longer +version of the Sukhavativyuha. This collection is reckoned as one +work, but the other items in the same class are all or nearly all of +them duplicate translations of separate sutras contained in it. This +is probably true of the third class also. At least seven of the works +included in it are duplicate translations of the first, which is +called Mahasannipata, and the sutras called Candragarbha, Kshitig., +Sumerug., and Akasag., appear to be merely sections, not separate +compositions, although this is not clear from the remarks of Nanjio +and Wassiljew. + +The principal works in class 4 are two translations, one fuller than +the other, of the Hua-yen or Avatamsaka Sutra,[714] still one of the +most widely read among Buddhist works, and at least sixteen of the +other items are duplicate renderings of parts of it. Class 5 +consists of thirteen works dealing with the death of the Buddha and +his last discourses. The first sutra, sometimes called the northern +text, is imperfect and was revised at Nanking in the form of the +southern text.[715] There are two other incomplete versions of the +same text. To judge from a specimen translated by Beal[716] it is a +collection of late discourses influenced by Vishnuism and does not +correspond to the Mahaparinibbanasutta of the Pali Canon. + +Class 6 consists of sutras which exist in several translations, but +still do not, like the works just mentioned, form small libraries in +themselves. It comprises, however, several books highly esteemed and +historically important, such as the Saddharmapundarika (six +translations), the Suvarnaprabhasa, the Lalitavistara, the +Lankavatara, and the Shorter Sukhavativyuha,[717] all extant in three +translations. In it are also included many short tracts, the originals +of which are not known. Some of them are Jatakas, but many[718] deal +with the ritual of image worship or with spells. These characteristics +are still more prominent in the seventh class, consisting of sutras +which exist in a single translation only. The best known among them +are the Surangama and the Mahavairocana (Ta-jih-ching), which is +the chief text of the Shin-gon or Mantra School.[719] + +The Lu-tsang or Vinaya-pitaka is divided into Mahayana and Hinayana +texts, neither very numerous. Many of the Mahayana texts profess to be +revelations by Maitreya and are extracts of the Yogacaryabhumisastra[720] +or similar to it. For practical purposes the most important is the +Fan-wang-ching[721] or net of Brahma. The Indian original of this work is +not known, but since the eighth century it has been accepted in China as +the standard manual for the monastic life.[722] + +The Hinayana Vinaya comprises five very substantial recensions of +the whole code, besides extracts, compendiums, and manuals. The five +recensions are: (_a_) Shih-sung-lu in sixty-five fasciculi, translated +in A.D. 404. This is said to be a Vinaya of the Sarvastivadins, but +I-Ching[723] expressly says that it does not belong to the +Mulasarvastivadin school, though not unlike it. (_b_) The Vinaya of +this latter translated by I-Ching who brought it from India. (_c_) +Shih-fen-lu-tsang in sixty fasciculi, translated in 405 and said to +represent the Dharmagupta school. (_d_) The Mi-sha-so Wu-fen Lu or +Vinaya of the Mahisasakas, said to be similar to the Pali Vinaya, +though not identical with it.[724] (_e_) Mo-ko-seng-chi Lu or +Mahasanghika Vinaya brought from India by Fa-Hsien and translated 416 +A.D. It is noticeable that all five recensions are classed as +Hinayanist, although (_b_) is said to be the Vinaya used by the +Tibetan Church. Although Chinese Buddhists frequently speak of the +five-fold Vinaya,[725] this expression does not refer to these five +texts, as might be supposed, and I-Ching condemns it, saying that[726] +the real number of divisions is four. + +The Abhidharma-Pitaka or Lun-tsang is, like the Sutra Pitaka, divided +into Mahayanist and Hinayanist texts and texts of both schools +admitted into the Canon after 960 A.D. The Mahayanist texts have no +connection with the Pali Canon and their Sanskrit titles do not +contain the word Abhidharma.[727] They are philosophical treatises +ascribed to Asvaghosha, Nagarjuna, Asanga, Vasubandhu and others, +including three works supposed to have been revealed by Maitreya to +Asanga.[728] The principal of these is the Yogacarya-bhumisastra, a +scripture of capital importance for the Yogacarya school. It describes +the career of a Bodhisattva and hence parts of it are treated as +belonging to the Vinaya. Among other important works in this section +may be mentioned the Madhyamaka Sastra of Nagarjuna, the +Mahayanasutralankara of Asanga, and the Awakening of Faith ascribed to +Asvaghosha.[729] + +The Hinayana texts also show no correspondence with the Pali Pitaka but +are based on the Abhidharma works of the Sarvastivadin school.[730] These +are seven in number, namely the Jnanaprasthanasastra of Katyayaniputra +with six accessory treatises or Padas.[731] The Mahavibhashasastra, or +commentary on the Jnanaprasthana, and the Abhidharmakosa[732] are also in +this section. + +The third division of the Abhidharma is of little importance but +contains two curious items: a manual of Buddhist terminology composed +as late as 1272 by Pagspa for the use of Khubilai's son and the +Sankhyakarikabhashya, which is not a Buddhist work but a compendium of +Sankhya philosophy.[733] + +The fourth division of the whole collection consists of miscellaneous +works, partly translated from Sanskrit and partly composed in Chinese. +Many of the Indian works appear from their title not to differ much +from the later Mahayana Sutras, but it is rather surprising to find in +this section four translations[734] of the Dharmapada (or at least of +some similar anthology) which are thus placed outside the Sutra +Pitaka. Among the works professing to be translated from Sanskrit are +a History of the Patriarchs, the Buddhacarita of Asvaghosha, a work +similar to the Questions of King Milinda, Lives of Asvaghosha, +Nagarjuna, Vasubandhu and others and the Suhrillekha or Friendly +Epistle ascribed to Nagarjuna. + +The Chinese works included in this Tripitaka consist of nearly two +hundred books, historical, critical, controversial and homiletic, +composed by one hundred and two authors. Excluding late treatises on +ceremonial and doctrine, the more interesting may be classified as +follows: + +_(a) Historical._--Besides general histories of Buddhism, there are +several collections of ecclesiastical biography. The first is the +Kao-seng-chuan,[735] or Memoirs of eminent Monks (not, however, excluding +laymen), giving the lives of about five hundred worthies who lived +between 67 and 519 A.D. The series is continued in other works dealing +with the T'ang and Sung dynasties. For the Contemplative School there are +further supplements carrying the record on to the Yuan. There are also +several histories of the Chinese patriarchs. Of these the latest and +therefore most complete is the Fo-tsu-t'ung-chi[736] composed about 1270 +by Chih P'an of the T'ien-T'ai school. The Ching-te-ch'uan-teng-lu[737] +and other treatises give the succession of patriarchs according to the +Contemplative School. Among historical works may be reckoned the travels +of various pilgrims who visited India. + +(_b_) _Critical_.--There are thirteen catalogues of the Tripitaka as it +existed at different periods. Several of them contain biographical +accounts of the translators and other notes. The work called +Chen-cheng-lun criticizes several false sutras and names. There are also +several encyclopaedic works containing extracts from the Tripitaka, +arranged according to subjects, such as the Fa-yuan-chu-lin[738] in 100 +volumes; concordances of numerical categories and a dictionary of +Sanskrit terms, Fan-i-ming-i-chi,[739] composed in 1151. + +(_c_) The literature of several Chinese sects is well represented. +Thus there are more than sixty works belonging to the T'ien T'ai +school beginning with the San-ta-pu or three great books attributed to +the founder and ending with the ecclesiastical history of Chih-p'an, +written about 1270. The Hua-yen school is represented by the writings +of four patriarchs and five monks: the Lu or Vinaya school by eight +works attributed to its founder, and the Contemplative School by a +sutra ascribed to Hui-neng, the sixth patriarch, by works on the +history of the Patriarchs and by several collections of sayings or +short compositions. + +(_d_) _Controversial_.--Under this heading may be mentioned +polemics against Taoism, including two collections of the +controversies which took place between Buddhists and Taoists from A.D. +71 till A.D. 730: replies to the attacks made against Buddhism by +Confucian scholars and refutations of the objections raised by +sceptics or heretics such as the Che-i-lun and the Yuan-jen-lun, or +Origin of man.[740] This latter is a well-known text-book written by +the fifth Patriarch of the Hua-yen school and while criticizing +Confucianism, Taoism, and the Hinayana, treats them as imperfect +rather than as wholly erroneous.[741] Still more conciliatory is the +Treatise on the three religions composed by Liu Mi of the Yuan +dynasty,[742] which asserts that all three deserve respect as teaching +the practice of virtue. It attacks, however, anti-Buddhist +Confucianists such as Han-Yu and Chu-Hsi. + +The Chinese section contains three compositions attributed to imperial +personages of the Ming, viz., a collection of the prefaces and +laudatory verses written by the Emperor T'ai-Tsung, the +Shen-Seng-Chuan or memoirs of remarkable monks with a preface by the +Emperor Ch'eng-tsu, and a curious book by his consort the Empress +Jen-Hsiao, introducing a sutra which Her Majesty states was +miraculously revealed to her on New Year's day, 1398 (see Nanjio, No. +1657). + +Though the Hindus were careful students and guardians of their sacred +works, their temperament did not dispose them to define and limit the +scriptures. But, as I have mentioned above,[743] there is some +evidence that there was a loose Mahayanist canon in India which was +the origin of the arrangement found in the Chinese Tripitaka, in so +far as it (1) accepted Hinayanist as well as Mahayanist works, and (2) +included a great number of relatively late sutras, arranged in classes +such as Prajnaparamita and Mahasannipata. + +2 + + +The Tripitaka analyzed by Nanjio, which contains works assigned to +dates ranging from 67 to 1622 A.D., is merely the best known +survivor among several similar thesauri.[744] From 518 A.D. onwards +twelve collections of sacred literature were made by imperial order +and many of these were published in more than one edition. The +validity of this Canon depends entirely on imperial authority, but, +though Emperors occasionally inserted the works of writers whom they +esteemed,[745] it does not appear that they aimed at anything but +completeness nor did they favour any school. The Buddhist Church, like +every other department of the Empire, received from them its share of +protection and supervision and its claims were sufficient to induce +the founder, or at least an early Sovereign, of every important +dynasty to publish under his patronage a revised collection of the +scriptures. The list of these collections is as follows:[746] + + 1. A.D. 518 in the time of Wu-Ti, founder of the Liang. + 2. " 533-4 Hsiao-Wu of the Northern Wei. + 3. " 594 } Wan-ti, founder of the Sui. + 4. " 602 } Wan-ti, founder of the Sui. + 5. " 605-16 Yang-Ti of the Sui. + 6. " 695 the Empress Wu of the T'ang. + 7. " 730 Hsuan-Tsung of the T'ang. + 8. " 971 T'ai-Tsu, founder of the Sung. + 9. " 1285-7 Khubilai Khan, founder of the Yuan. + 10. " 1368-98 Hung-Wu, founder of the Ming. + 11. " 1403-24 Yung-Lo of the Ming. + 12. " 1735-7 Yung-Ching and Ch'ien-Lung of the Ch'ing.[747] + +Of these collections, the first seven were in MS. only: the last five +were printed. The last three appear to be substantially the same. The +tenth and eleventh collections are known as southern and +northern,[748] because they were printed at Nanking and Peking +respectively. They differ only in the number of Chinese works admitted +and similarly the twelfth collection is merely a revision of the tenth +with the addition of fifty-four Chinese works. + +As mentioned, the Tripitaka contains thirteen catalogues of the +Buddhist scriptures as known at different dates.[749] Of these the +most important are (_a_) the earliest published between 506 and 512 +A.D., (_b_) three published under the T'ang dynasty and known as +Nei-tien-lu, T'u-chi (both about 664 A.D.), and K'ai-yuan-lu (about +720 A.D.), (_c_) Chih-Yuan-lu or catalogue of Yuan dynasty, about +1285, which, besides enumerating the Chinese titles, transliterates +the Sanskrit titles and states whether the Indian works translated are +also translated into Tibetan. (_d_) The catalogue of the first Ming +collection. + +The later collections contain new material and differ from the earlier +by natural accretion, for a great number of translations were produced +under the T'ang and Sung. Thus the seventh catalogue (695 A.D.) +records that 859 new works were admitted to the Canon. But this +expansion was accompanied by a critical and sifting process, so that +whereas the first collection contained 2213 works, the Ming edition +contains only 1622. This compression means not that works of +importance were rejected as heretical or apocryphal, for, as we have +seen, the Tripitaka is most catholic, but that whereas the earlier +collections admitted multitudinous extracts or partial translations of +Indian works, many of these were discarded when complete versions had +been made. + +Nanjio considers that of the 2213 works contained in the first +collection only 276 are extant. Although the catalogues are preserved, +all the earlier collections are lost: copies of the eighth and +ninth were preserved in the Zo-jo-ji Library of Tokyo[750] and +Chinese and Japanese editions of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth are +current. So far as one can judge, when the eighth catalogue, or +K'ai-yuan-lu, was composed (between 713 and 741), the older and major +part of the Canon had been definitively fixed and the later +collections merely add the translations made by Amogha, and by writers +of the Sung and Yuan dynasties. + +The editions of the Chinese Tripitaka must be distinguished from the +collections, for by editions are meant the forms in which each +collection was published, the text being or purporting to be the same +in all the editions of each collection. It is said[751] that under the +Sung and Yuan twenty different editions were produced. These earlier +issues were printed on long folding sheets and a nun called +Fa-chen[752] is said to have first published an edition in the shape +of ordinary Chinese books. In 1586 a monk named Mi-Tsang[753] imitated +this procedure and his edition was widely used. About a century later +a Japanese priest known as Tetsu-yen[754] reproduced it and his +publication, which is not uncommon in Japan, is usually called the +O-baku edition. There are two modern Japanese editions: (_a_) that +of Tokyo, begun in 1880, based on a Korean edition[755] with various +readings taken from other Chinese editions. (_b_) That of Kyoto, 1905, +which is a reprint of the Ming collection.[756] A Chinese edition has +been published at Shanghai (1913) at the expense of Mrs. Hardoon, a +Chinese lady well known as a munificent patron of the faith, and I +believe another at Nanking, but I do not know if it is complete or +not.[757] + +3 + + +The translations contained in the Chinese Tripitaka belong to several +periods.[758] In the earliest, which extends to the middle of the +fourth century, the works produced were chiefly renderings of detached +sutras.[759] Few treatises classified as Vinaya or Abhidharma were +translated and those few are mostly extracts or compilations. The +sutras belong to both the Hina and Mahayana. The earliest extant +translation or rather compilation, the Sutra of Forty-two sections, +belongs to the former school, and so do the majority of the +translations made by An-Shih-Kao (148-170 A.D.), but from the second +century onwards the Prajnaparamita and Amitabha Sutras make their +appearance.[760] Many of the translations made in this period are +described as incomplete or incorrect and the fact that most of them +were superseded or supplemented by later versions shows that the +Chinese recognized their provisional character. Future research will +probably show that many of them are paraphrases or compendiums rather +than translations in our sense. + +The next period, roughly speaking 375-745 A.D., was extraordinarily +prolific in extensive and authoritative translations. The translators +now attack not detached chapters or discourses but the great monuments +of Indian Buddhist literature. Though it is not easy to make any +chronological bisection in this period, there is a clear difference in +the work done at the beginning and at the end of it. From the end of +the fourth century onwards a desire to have complete translations of +the great canonical works is apparent. Between 385 and 445 A.D. were +translated the four Agamas, analogous to the Nikayas of the Pali +Canon, three great collections of the Vinaya, and the principal +scriptures of the Abhidharma according to the Sarvastivadin school. +For the Mahayana were translated the great sutras known as Avatamsaka, +Lankavatara, and many others, as well as works ascribed to +Asvaghosha and Nagarjuna. After 645 A.D. a further development of +the critical spirit is perceptible, especially in the labours of Hsuan +Chuang and I-Ching. They attempt to give the religious public not only +complete works in place of extracts and compendiums, but also to +select the most authoritative texts among the many current in India. +Thus, though many translations had appeared under the name of +Prajnaparamita, Hsuan Chuang filled 600 fasciculi with a new rendering +of the gigantic treatise. I-Ching supplemented the already bulky +library of Vinaya works with versions of the Mulasarvastivadin +recension and many auxiliary texts. + +Amogha (Pu-K'ung) whose literary labours extended from 746 to 774 A.D. +is a convenient figure to mark the beginning of the next and last +period, although some of its characteristics appear a little earlier. +They are that no more translations are made from the great Buddhist +classics--partly no doubt because they had all been translated +already, well or ill--but that renderings of works described as +Dharani or Tantra pullulate and multiply. Though this literature +deserves such epithets as decadent and superstitious, yet it would +appear that Indian Tantras of the worst class were not palatable to +the Chinese. + +4 + + +The Chinese Tripitaka is of great importance for the literary history +of Buddhism, but the material which it offers for investigation is +superabundant and the work yet done is small. We are confronted by +such questions as, can we accept the dates assigned to the +translators, can we assume that, if the Chinese translations or +transliterations correspond with Indian titles, the works are the +same, and if the works are professedly the same, can we assume that +the Chinese text is a correct presentment of the Indian original? + +The dates assigned to the translators offer little ground for +scepticism. The exactitude of the Chinese in such matters is well +attested, and there is a general agreement between several authorities +such as the Catalogues of the Tripitaka, the memoirs known as +Kao-Seng Chuan with their continuations, and the chapter on Buddhist +books in the Sui annals. There are no signs of a desire to claim +improbable accuracy or improbable antiquity. Many works are said to be +by unknown translators, doubtful authorship is frankly discussed, and +the movement of literature and thought indicated is what we should +expect. We have first fragmentary and incomplete translations +belonging to both the Maha and Hinayana: then a series of more +complete translations beginning about the fifth century in which the +great Hinayana texts are conspicuous: then a further series of +improved translations in which the Hinayana falls into the background +and the works of Asanga and Vasubandhu come to the front. This +evidently reflects the condition of Buddhist India about 500-650 A.D., +just as the translations of the eighth century reflect its later and +tantric phase. + +But can Chinese texts be accepted as reasonably faithful reproductions +of the Indian originals whose names they bear, and some of which have +been lost? This question is really double; firstly, did the +translators reproduce with fair accuracy the Indian text before them, +and secondly, since Indian texts often exist in several recensions, +can we assume that the work which the translators knew under a certain +Sanskrit name is the work known to us by that name? In reply it must +be said that most Chinese translators fall short of our standards of +accuracy. In early times when grammars and dictionaries were unknown +the scholarly rendering of foreign books was a difficult business, +for professional interpreters would usually be incapable of +understanding a philosophic treatise. The method often followed was +that an Indian explained the text to a literary Chinese, who recast +the explanation in his own language. The many translations of the more +important texts and the frequent description of the earlier ones as +imperfect indicate a feeling that the results achieved were not +satisfactory. Several so-called translators, especially Kumarajiva, +gave abstracts of the Indian texts.[761] Others, like Dharmaraksha, +who made a Chinese version of Asvaghosha's Buddhacarita, so +amplified and transposed the original that the result can hardly +be called a translation.[762] Others combined different texts in one. +Thus the work called Ta-o-mi-to-ching[763] consists of extracts taken +from four previous translations of the Sukhavativyuha and rearranged +by the author under the inspiration of Avalokita to whom, as he tells +us, he was wont to pray during the execution of his task. Others +again, like Dharmagupta, anticipated a method afterwards used in +Tibet, and gave a word for word rendering of the Sanskrit which is +hardly intelligible to an educated Chinese. The later versions, _e.g._ +those of Hsuan Chuang, are more accurate, but still a Chinese +rendering of a lost Indian document cannot be accepted as a faithful +representation of the original without a critical examination.[764] + +Often, however, the translator, whatever his weaknesses may have been, +had before him a text differing in bulk and arrangement from the Pali +and Sanskrit texts which we possess. Thus, there are four Chinese +translations of works bearing some relation to the Dhammapada of the +Pali Canon. All of these describe the original text as the compilation +of Dharmatrata, to whom is also ascribed the compilation of the +Tibetan Udanavarga.[765] His name is not mentioned in connection with +the Pali text, yet two of the Chinese translations are closely related +to that text. The Fa-chu-ching[766] is a collection of verses +translated in 224 A.D. and said to correspond with the Pali except +that it has nine additional chapters and some additional stanzas. The +Fa-chu-p'i-yu-ching[767] represents another edition of the same +verses, illustrated by a collection of parables. It was translated +between 290 and 306. The Ch'u-yao-ching,[768] translated in 399, is a +similar collection of verses and parables, but founded on another +Indian work of much greater length. A revised translation containing +only the verses was made between 980 and 1001.[769] They are said to +be the same as the Tibetan Udana, and the characteristics of this +book, going back apparently to a Sanskrit original, are that it is +divided into thirty-three chapters, and that though it contains about +300 verses found in Pali, yet it is not merely the Pali text plus +additions, but an anthology arranged on a different principle and only +partly identical in substance.[770] + +There can be little doubt that the Pali Dhammapada is one among +several collections of verses, with or without an explanatory +commentary of stories. In all these collections there was much common +matter, both prose and verse, but some were longer, some shorter, some +were in Pali and some in Sanskrit. Whereas the Chinese Dhammapada is +longer than the Indian texts, the Chinese version of Milinda's +Questions[771] is much shorter and omits books iv-vii. It was made +between 317 and 420 A.D. and the inference is that the original Indian +text received later additions. + +A more important problem is this: what is the relation to the Pali Canon +of the Chinese texts bearing titles corresponding to Dirgha, Madhyama, +Samyukta and Ekottara? These collections of sutras do not call themselves +Nikaya but A-han or Agama: the titles are translated as Ch'ang (long), +Chung (medium), Tsa (miscellaneous) and Tseng-i, representing Ekottara +rather than Anguttara.[772] There is hence _prima facie_ reason to +suppose that these works represent not the Pali Canon, but a somewhat +similar Sanskrit collection. That one or many Sanskrit works may have +coexisted with a somewhat similar Pali work is clearly shown by the +Vinaya texts, for here we have the Pali Canon and Chinese translations of +five Sanskrit versions, belonging to different schools, but apparently +covering the same ground and partly identical. For the Sutra Pitaka no +such body of evidence is forthcoming, but the Sanskrit fragments of the +Samyuktagama found near Turfan contain parts of six sutras which are +arranged in the same order as in the Chinese translation and are +apparently the original from which it was made. It is noticeable that +three of the four great Agamas were translated by monks who came from +Tukhara or Kabul. Gunabhadra, however, the translator of the +Samyuktagama, came from Central India and the text which he translated +was brought from Ceylon by Fa-Hsien. It apparently belonged to the +Abhayagiri monastery and not to the Mahavihara. Nanjio,[773] however, +states that about half of it is repeated in the Chinese versions of the +Madhyama and Ekottara Agamas. It is also certain that though the Chinese +Agamas and Pali Nikayas contain much common matter, it is differently +distributed.[774] + +There was in India a copious collection of sutras, existing primarily +as oral tradition and varying in diction and arrangement, but codified +from time to time in a written form. One of such codifications is +represented by the Pali Canon, at least one other by the Sanskrit text +which was rendered into Chinese. With rare exceptions the Chinese +translations were from the Sanskrit.[775] The Sanskrit codification of +the sutra literature, while differing from the Pali in language +and arrangement, is identical in doctrine and almost identical in +substance. It is clearly the product of the same or similar schools, +but is it earlier or later than the Pali or contemporary with it? The +Chinese translations merely fix the latest possible date. A portion of +the Samyuktagama (Nanjio, No. 547) was translated by an unknown author +between 220 and 280. This is probably an extract from the complete +work which was translated about 440, but it would be difficult to +prove that the Indian original was not augmented or rearranged between +these dates. The earliest translation of a complete Agama is that of +the Ekottaragama, 384 A.D. But the evidence of inscriptions[776] shows +that works known as Nikayas existed in the third century B.C. The +Sanskrit of the Agamas, so far as it is known from the fragments found +in Central Asia, does not suggest that they belong to this epoch, but +is compatible with the theory that they date from the time of Kanishka +of which if we know little, we can at least say that it produced much +Buddhist Sanskrit literature. M. Sylvain Levi has suggested that the +later appearance of the complete Vinaya in Chinese is due to the late +compilation of the Sanskrit original.[777] It seems to me that other +explanations are possible. The early translators were clearly shy of +extensive works and until there was a considerable body of Chinese +monks, to what public would these theological libraries appeal? Still, +if any indication were forthcoming from India or Central Asia that the +Sanskrit Agamas were arranged or rearranged in the early centuries of +our era, the late date of the Chinese translations would certainly +support it. But I am inclined to think that the Nikayas were rewritten +in Sanskrit about the beginning of our era, when it was felt that +works claiming a certain position ought to be composed in what had +become the general literary language of India.[778] Perhaps those +who wrote them in Sanskrit were hardly conscious of making a +translation in our sense, but simply wished to publish them in the +best literary form. + +It seems probable that the Hinayanist portion of the Chinese Tripitaka +is in the main a translation of the Canon of the Sarvastivadins which +must have consisted of: + + (1) Four Agamas or Nikayas only, for the Dhammapada + is placed outside the Sutta Pitaka. + + (2) A voluminous Vinaya covering the same ground as the + Pali recension but more copious in legend and anecdote. + + (3) An Abhidharma entirely different from the Pali works + bearing this name. + +It might seem to follow from this that the whole Pali Abhidharma and +some important works such as the Thera-Therigatha were unknown to the +Hinayanists of Central Asia and Northern India in the early centuries +of our era. But caution is necessary in drawing such inferences, for +until recently it might have been said that the Sutta Nipata also was +unknown, whereas fragments of it in a Sanskrit version have now been +discovered in Eastern Turkestan.[779] The Chinese editors draw a clear +distinction between Hinayanist and Mahayanist scriptures. They exclude +from the latter works analogous to the Pali Nikayas and Vinaya, and +also the Abhidharma of the Sarvastivadins. But the labours of Hsuan +Chuang and I-Ching show that this does not imply the rejection of all +these works by Mahayanists. + +5 + + +Buddhist literary activity has an interesting side aspect, namely the +expedients used to transliterate Indian words, which almost +provided the Chinese with an alphabet. To some extent Indian names, +particularly proper names possessing an obvious meaning, are +translated. Thus Asoka becomes Wu-yu, without sorrow: Asvaghosha, +Ma-ming or horse-voice, and Udyana simply Yuan or park.[780] But many +proper names did not lend themselves to such renderings and it was a +delicate business to translate theological terms like Nirvana and +Samadhi. The Buddhists did not perhaps invent the idea of using the +Chinese characters so as to spell with moderate precision,[781] but +they had greater need of this procedure than other writers and they +used it extensively[782] and with such variety of detail that though +they invented some fifteen different syllabaries, none of them +obtained general acceptance and Julien[783] enumerates 3000 Chinese +characters used to represent the sounds indicated by 47 Indian +letters. Still, they gave currency[784] to the system known as +_fan-ch'ieh_ which renders a syllable phonetically by two characters, +the final of the first and the initial of the second not being +pronounced. Thus, in order to indicate the sound Chung, a Chinese +dictionary will use the two characters _chu yung_, which are to be +read together as _Ch ung_. + +The transcriptions of Indian words vary in exactitude and the later +are naturally better. Hsuan Chuang was a notable reformer and probably +after his time Indian words were rendered in Chinese characters as +accurately as Chinese words are now transcribed in Latin letters. It +is true that modern pronunciation makes such renderings as Fo seem a +strange distortion of the original. But it is an abbreviation of +Fo-t'o and these syllables were probably once pronounced something +like Vut-tha.[785] Similarly Wen-shu-shih-li[786] seems a parody of +Manjusri. But the evidence of modern dialects shows that the +first two syllables may have been pronounced as Man-ju. The pupil was +probably taught to eliminate the obscure vowel of _shih_, and _li_ was +taken as the nearest equivalent of _ri_, just as European authors +write _chih_ and _tzu without pretending that they are more than +conventional signs for Chinese sounds unknown to our languages. It was +certainly possible to transcribe not only names but Sanskrit prayers +and formulae in Chinese characters, and though many writers sneer at +the gibberish chanted by Buddhist priests yet I doubt if this +ecclesiastical pronunciation, which has changed with that of the +spoken language, is further removed from its original than the Latin +of Oxford from the speech of Augustus. + +Sanskrit learning flourished in China for a considerable period. In +the time of the T'ang, the clergy numbered many serious students of +Indian literature and the glossaries included in the Tripitaka show +that they studied the original texts. Under the Sung dynasty (A.D. +1151) was compiled another dictionary of religious terms[787] and the +study of Sanskrit was encouraged under the Yuan. But the ecclesiastics +of the Ming produced no new translations and apparently abandoned the +study of the original texts which was no longer kept alive by the +arrival of learned men from India. It has been stated that Sanskrit +manuscripts are still preserved in Chinese monasteries, but no details +respecting such works are known to me. The statement is not improbable +in itself[788] as is shown by the Library which Stein discovered at +Tun-huang and by the Japanese palm-leaf manuscripts which came +originally from China. A few copies of Sanskrit sutras printed in +China in the Lanja variety of the Devanagari alphabet have been +brought to Europe.[789] Max Muller published a facsimile of part of +the Vajracchedika obtained at Peking and printed in Sanskrit from +wooden blocks. The place of production is unknown, but the characters +are similar to those used for printing Sanskrit in Tibet, as may be +seen from another facsimile (No. 3) in the same work. Placards and +pamphlets containing short invocations in Sanskrit and Tibetan are +common in Chinese monasteries, particularly where there is any +Lamaistic influence, but they do not imply that the monks who use them +have any literary acquaintance with those languages. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 708: [Chinese: ] For an account of some of the scriptures +here mentioned see chap. XX.] + +[Footnote 709: _A catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist +Tripitaka_. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1893. An index to the Tokyo +edition has been published by Fujii. Meiji XXXI (1898). See too Forke, +_Katalog des Pekinger Tripitaka_, 1916.] + +[Footnote 710: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 711: Tan-i-ching [Chinese: ]. Some of the works classed +under Tan-i-ching appear to exist in more than one form, _e.g._ +Nanjio, Nos. 674 and 804.] + +[Footnote 712: These characters are commonly read Pojo by Chinese +Buddhists but the Japanese reading Hannya shows that the +pronunciation of the first character was Pan.] + +[Footnote 713: Vajracchedika or [Chinese: ] Chin Kang.] + +[Footnote 714: Winternitz (_Gesch. Ind. Lit_. II. i. p. 242) states on +the authority of Takakusu that this work is the same as the +Gandavyuha. See also Pelliot in _J. A_. 1914, II. pp. 118-21. The +Gandavyuha is probably an extract of the Avatamsaka.] + +[Footnote 715: Nos. 113 and 114 [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 716: _Catena of Buddhist Scriptures_, pp. 160 ff.] + +[Footnote 717: The longer Sukhavativyuha is placed in the Ratnakuta +class.] + +[Footnote 718: The Sutra of Kuan-yin with the thousand hands and eyes +is very popular and used in most temples. Nanjio, No. 320.] + +[Footnote 719: No. 399 [Chinese: ] and 530 [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 720: Said to have been revealed to Asanga by Maitreya. No. +1170.] + +[Footnote 721: [Chinese: ] No. 1087. It has nothing to do with the +Pali Sutra of the same name. Digha, I.] + +[Footnote 722: See below for an account of it.] + +[Footnote 723: _Record of Buddhist Practices_, p. 20.] + +[Footnote 724: See Oldenberg, _Vinaya_, vol. I. pp. xxiv-xlvi.] + +[Footnote 725: See Watters, _Yuan Chwang_, I. p. 227. The five schools +are given as Dharmagupta, Mahis'asika, Sarvastivadin, Ka'syapiya and +Mahasanghika. For the last Vatsiputra or Sthavira is sometimes +substituted.] + +[Footnote 726: _Record of Buddhist Practices_, p. 8.] + +[Footnote 727: The Chinese word lun occurs frequently in them, but +though it is used to translate Abhidharma, it is of much wider +application and means discussion of Sastra.] + +[Footnote 728: See Watters, _Yuan Chwang_, I, pp. 355 ff.] + +[Footnote 729: Nos. 1179, 1190, 1249.] + +[Footnote 730: For a discussion of this literature see Takakusu on the +Abhidharma Literature of the Sarvastivadins, _J. Pali Text Society_, +1905, pp. 67 ff.] + +[Footnote 731: Nanjio, Cat. Nos. 1273, 1275, 1276, 1277, 1292, 1281, +1282, 1296, 1317. This last work was not translated till the eleventh +century.] + +[Footnote 732: Nanjio, Cat. Nos. 1263, 1267 and 1269.] + +[Footnote 733: See Takakusu's study of these translations in +_B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 1 ff. and pp. 978 ff.] + +[Footnote 734: Nanjio, Cat. Nos. 1321, 1353, 1365, 1439.] + +[Footnote 735: [Chinese: ] No. 1490.] + +[Footnote 736: [Chinese: ] No. 1661. For more about the Patriarchs see +the next chapter.] + +[Footnote 737: [Chinese: ] No. 1524, written A.D. 1006.] + +[Footnote 738: [Chinese: ] No. 1482.] + +[Footnote 739: [Chinese: ] No. 1640.] + +[Footnote 740: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ] Nos. 1634 and 1594.] + +[Footnote 741: See for some account of it Masson-Oursel's article in +_J.A._ 1915, I. pp. 229-354.] + +[Footnote 742: [Chinese: ] by [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 743: See chap. XX on the Mahayanist canon in India.] + +[Footnote 744: It is described at the beginning as Ta Ming San Tsang, +but strictly speaking it must be No. 12 of the list, as it contains a +work said to have been written about 1622 A.D. (p. 468).] + +[Footnote 745: Thus the Emperor Jen Tsung ordered the works of Ch'i +Sung [Chinese: ] to be admitted to the Canton in 1062.] + +[Footnote 746: Taken from Nanjio's Catalogue, p. xxvii.] + +[Footnote 747: Ch'ien-Lung is said to have printed the Tripitaka in +four languages, Chinese, Tibetan, Mongol and Manchu, the whole +collection filling 1392 vols. See Mollendorf in China Branch, _J.A.S._ +xxiv. 1890, p. 28.] + +[Footnote 748: But according to another statement the southern +recension was not the imperial collection begun in 1368 but a private +edition now lost. See Nanjio, Cat. p. xxiii.] + +[Footnote 749: See for the complete list Nanjio, Cat. p. xxvii. Those +named above are (_a_) [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ], +Nos. 1483, 1485, 1487, and (_b_) [Chinese: ], No. 1612. For the date +of the first see Maspero in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1910, p. 114. There was a +still earlier catalogue composed by Tao-an in 374 of which only +fragments have been preserved. See Pelliot in _T'oung Pao_, XIX. 1920, +p. 258.] + +[Footnote 750: For the Korean copy now in Japan, see Courant, +_Bibliographie coreenne_, vol. III. pp. 215-19.] + +[Footnote 751: See Nanjio, Cat. p. xxii.] + +[Footnote 752: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 753: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 754: Also called Do-ko.] + +[Footnote 755: The earlier collections of the Tripitaka seem to have +been known in Korea and about 1000 A.D. the king procured from China a +copy of the Imperial Edition, presumably the eighth collection (971 +A.D.). He then ordered a commission of scholars to revise the text and +publish an edition of his own. The copy of this edition, on which the +recent Tokyo edition was founded, was brought to Japan in the Bun-mei +period 1469-1486.] + +[Footnote 756: A supplement to the Tripitaka containing non-canonical +works in 750 volumes (Dai Nippon Zoku-Zokyo) was published in +1911.] + +[Footnote 757: The Peking Tripitaka catalogued by Forke appears to be +a set of 1223 works represented by copies taken from four editions +published in 1578, 1592, 1598 and 1735 A.D., all of which are editions +of the collections numbered 11 and 12 above.] + +[Footnote 758: For two interesting lives of translators see the +_T'oung Pao_, 1909, p. 199, and 1905, p. 332, where will be found the +biographies of Seng Hui, a Sogdian who died in 280 and Jinagupta a +native of Gandhara (528-605).] + +[Footnote 759: But between 266 and 313 Dharmaraksha translated the +Saddharmapundarika (including the additional chapters 21-26) and the +Lalitavistara. His translation of the Prajnaparamita is incomplete.] + +[Footnote 760: In the translations of Lokakshi 147-186, Chih-Ch'ien +223-243, Dharmaraksha 266-313.] + +[Footnote 761: But his translation of the Lotus won admiration for its +literary style. See Anesaki Nichiren, p. 17. Wieger (_Croyances_, p. +367) says that the works of An-shih-kao illustrate the various methods +of translation: absolutely literal renderings which have hardly any +meaning in Chinese: word for word translations to which is added a +paraphrase of each sentence in Chinese idiom: and elegant renderings +by a native in which the original text obviously suffers.] + +[Footnote 762: Yet it must have been intended as such. The title +expressly describes the work as composed by the Bodhisattva Ma-Ming +(Asvaghosha) and translated by Dharmaraksha. Though his idea of a +translation was at best an amplified metrical paraphrase, yet he +coincides verbally with the original so often that his work can hardly +be described as an independent poem inspired by it.] + +[Footnote 763: [Chinese: ] No. 203.] + +[Footnote 764: See Sukhavativyuha, ed. Max Muller and Bunyiu Nanjio, +Oxford, 1883. In the preface, pp. vii-ix, is a detailed comparison of +several translations and in an appendix, pp. 79 ff., a rendering of +Sanghavarman's Chinese version of verses which occur in the work. +Chinese critics say that Tao-an in the third century was the first to +introduce a sound style of translation. He made no translations +himself which have survived but was a scholar and commentator who +influenced others.] + +[Footnote 765: This is an anthology (edited by Beckh, 1911: translated +by Rockhill, 1892) in which 300 verses are similar to the Pali +Dhammapada.] + +[Footnote 766: [Chinese: ] No. 1365.] + +[Footnote 767: [Chinese: ] No. 1353.] + +[Footnote 768: [Chinese: ] No. 1321.] + +[Footnote 769: [Chinese: ] Fa-chi-yao-sung-ching, No. 1439.] + +[Footnote 770: There seem to be at least two other collections. +Firstly a Prakrit anthology of which Dutreuil de Rhins discovered a +fragmentary MS. in Khotan and secondly a much amplified collection +preserved in the Korean Tripitaka and reprinted in the Tokyo edition +(xxiv.'g). The relation of these to the other recensions is not +clear.] + +[Footnote 771: Nanjio, Cat. 1358. See Pelliot, _J.A._ 1914, II. p. +379.] + +[Footnote 772: [Chinese: ] For the relations of the Chinese +translations to the Pali Tripitaka, and to a Sanskrit Canon now +preserved only in a fragmentary state, see _inter alia_, Nanjio, Cat. +pp. 127 ff., especially Nos. 542, 543, 545. Anesaki, _J.R.A.S._ 1901, +p. 895; _id_. "On some problems of the textual history of the Buddhist +scriptures," in _Trans. A. S. Japan_, 1908, p. 81, and more especially +his longer article entitled, "The Four Buddhist Agamas in Chinese" in +the same year of the _Trans.; id._ "Traces of Pali Texts in a Mahayana +Treatise," _Museon_, 1905. S. Levi, Le Samyuktagama Sanskrit, _T'oung +Pao_, 1904, p. 297.] + +[Footnote 773: No. 544.] + +[Footnote 774: Thus seventy sutras of the Pali Anguttara are found in +the Chinese Madhyama and some of them are repeated in the Chinese +Ekottara. The Pali Majjhima contains 125 sutras, the Chinese +Madhyamagama 222, of which 98 are common to both. Also twenty-two Pali +Majjhima dialogues are found in the Chinese Ekottara and Samyukta, +seventy Chinese Madhyama dialogues in Pali Anguttara, nine in Digha, +seven in Samyutta and five in Khuddaka. Anesaki, _Some Problems of the +textual history of the Buddhist Scriptures_. See also Anesaki in +_Museon_, 1905, pp. 23 ff. on the Samyutta Nikaya.] + +[Footnote 775: Anesaki, "Traces of Pali Texts," _Museon_, 1905, shows +that the Indian author of the Mahaprajnaparamita Sastra may have known +Pali texts, but the only certain translation from the Pali appears to +be Nanjio, No. 1125, which is a translation of the Introduction to +Buddhaghosa's Samanta-pasadika or commentary on the Vinaya. See +Takakusu in _J.R.A.S._ 1896, p. 415. Nanjio's restoration of the title +as Sudarsana appears to be incorrect.] + +[Footnote 776: See _Epigraphia Indica_, vol. II. p. 93.] + +[Footnote 777: In support of this it may be mentioned that Fa-Hsien +says that at the time of his visit to India the Vinaya of the +Sarvastivadins was preserved orally and not committed to writing.] + +[Footnote 778: The idea that an important book ought to be in Sanskrit +or deserves to be turned into Sanskrit is not dead in India. See +Grierson, _J.R.A.S._ 1913, p. 133, who in discussing a Sanskrit +version of the Ramayana of Tulsi Das mentions that translations of +vernacular works into Sanskrit are not uncommon.] + +[Footnote 779: _J.R.A.S._ 1916, p. 709. Also, the division into five +Nikayas is ancient. See Buhler in _Epig. Indica_, II. p. 93. Anesaki +says (_Trans. A.S. Japan_, 1908, p. 9) that Nanjio, No. 714, Pen Shih +is the Itivuttakam, which could not have been guessed from Nanjio's +entry. Portions of the works composing the fifth Nikaya (_e.g._ the +Sutta Nipata) occur in the Chinese Tripitaka in the other Nikayas. For +mentions of the fifth Nikaya in Chinese, see _J.A._ 1916, II. pp. +32-33, where it is said to be called Tsa-Tsang. This is also the +designation of the last section of the Tripitaka, Nanjio, Nos. 1321 to +1662, and as this section contains the Dharmapada, it might be +supposed to be an enormously distended version of the Kshudraka +Nikaya. But this can hardly be the case, for this Tsa-Tsang is placed +as if it was considered as a fourth Pitaka rather than as a fifth +Nikaya.] + +[Footnote 780: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 781: See Watters, _Essays on the Chinese Language_, pp. 36, +51, and, for the whole subject of transcription, Stanislas Julien, +_Methode pour dechiffrer et transcrire les noms Sanscrits qui se +rencontrent dans les livres chinois_.] + +[Footnote 782: Entire Sanskrit compositions were sometimes transcribed +in Chinese characters. See Kien Ch'ui Fan Tsan, _Bibl. Budd_. XV. and +Max Muller, _Buddhist Texts from Japan_, III. pp. 35-46.] + +[Footnote 783: _L.c._ pp. 83-232.] + +[Footnote 784: See _inter alia_ the Preface to K'ang Hsi's Dictionary. +The _fan-ch'ieh_ [Chinese: ] system is used in the well-known +dictionary called Yu-Pien composed 543 A.D.] + +[Footnote 785: Even in modern Cantonese Fo is pronounced as Fat.] + +[Footnote 786: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 787: Nanjio, Cat. No. 1640.] + +[Footnote 788: History repeats itself. I have seen many modern Burmese +and Sinhalese MSS. in Chinese monasteries.] + +[Footnote 789: _Buddhist Texts from Japan_, ed. Max Muller in +_Anecdota Oxoniensia_, Aryan Series, I, II and III. For the Lanja +printed text see the last facsimile in I, also III. p. 34 and _Bibl. +Budd._ XIV (Kuan-si-im Pusar), pp. vi, vii. Another copy of this Lanja +printed text was bought in Kyoto, 1920.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLV + +CHINA (_continued_) + +SCHOOLS[790] OF CHINESE BUDDHISM + + +The Schools (Tsung) of Chinese Buddhism are an intricate subject of +little practical importance, for observers agree that at the present +day all salient differences of doctrine and practice have been +obliterated, although the older monasteries may present variations in +details and honour their own line of teachers. A particular +Bodhisattva may be singled out for reverence in one locality or some +religious observance may be specially enjoined, but there is little +aggressiveness or self assertion among the sects, even if they are +conscious of having a definite name: they each tolerate the deities, +rites and books of all and pay attention to as many items as leisure +and inertia permit. There is no clear distinction between Mahayana and +Hinayana. + +The main division is of course into Lamaism on one side and all +remaining sects on the other. Apart from this we find a record of ten +schools which deserve notice for various reasons. Some, though obscure +in modern China, have flourished after transportation to Japan: some, +such as the T'ien-t'ai, are a memorial of a brilliant epoch: some +represent doctrines which, if not now held by separate bodies, at +least indicate different tendencies, such as magical ceremonies, +mystical contemplation, or faith in Amitabha. + +The more important schools were comparatively late, for they date +from the sixth and seventh centuries. For two or three hundred years +the Buddhists of China were a colony of strangers, mainly occupied in +making translations. By the fifth century the extent and diversity of +Indian literature became apparent and Fa-Hsien went to India to +ascertain which was the most correct Vinaya and to obtain copies of +it. Theology was now sufficiently developed to give rise to two +schools both Indian in origin and merely transported to China, known +as Ch'eng-shih-tsung and San-lun-tsung.[791] + +The first is considered as Hinayanist and equivalent to the +Sautrantikas.[792] In the seventh century it passed over to Japan +where it is known as Ji-jitsu-shu, but neither there nor in China had +it much importance. The San-lun-tsung recognizes as three authorities +(from which it takes its name) the Madhyamikasastra and +Dvadasanikayasastra of Nagarjuna with the Satasastra of his +pupil Deva. It is simply the school of these two doctors and +represents the extreme of Mahayanism. It had some importance in Japan, +where it was called San-Ron-Shu. + +The arrival of Bodhidharma at Canton in 520 (or 526) was a great event +for the history of Buddhist dogma, although his special doctrines did +not become popular until much later. He introduced the contemplative +school and also the institution of the Patriarchate, which for a time +had some importance. He wrote no books himself, but taught that true +knowledge is gained in meditation by intuition[793] and communicated +by transference of thought. The best account of his teaching is +contained in the Chinese treatise which reports the sermon preached by +him before the Emperor Wu-Ti in 520.[794] The chief thesis of this +discourse is that the only true reality is the Buddha nature[795] +in the heart of every man. Prayer, asceticism and good works are vain. +All that man need do is to turn his gaze inward and see the Buddha in +his own heart. This vision, which gives light and deliverance, comes +in a moment. It is a simple, natural act like swallowing or dreaming +which cannot be taught or learnt, for it is not something imparted but +an experience of the soul, and teaching can only prepare the way for +it. Some are impeded by their karma and are physically incapable of +the vision, whatever their merits or piety may be, but for those to +whom it comes it is inevitable and convincing. + +We have only to substitute _atman_ for Buddha or Buddha nature to see +how closely this teaching resembles certain passages in the +Upanishads, and the resemblance is particularly strong in such +statements as that the Buddha nature reveals itself in dreams, or that +it is so great that it embraces the universe and so small that the +point of a needle cannot prick it. The doctrine of Maya is clearly +indicated, even if the word was not used in the original, for it is +expressly said that all phenomena are unreal. Thus the teaching of +Bodhidharma is an anticipation of Sankara's monism, but it is +formulated in consistently Buddhist language and is in harmony with +the views of the Madhyamika school and of the Diamond-cutter. This +Chinese sermon confirms other evidence which indicates that the ideas +of the Advaita philosophy, though Brahmanic in their origin and +severely condemned by Gotama himself, were elaborated in Buddhist +circles before they were approved by orthodox Hindus. + +Bodhidharma's teaching was Indian but it harmonized marvellously with +Taoism and Chinese Buddhists studied Taoist books.[796] A current of +Chinese thought which was old and strong, if not the main stream, bade +man abstain from action and look for peace and light within. It was, I +think, the junction of this native tributary with the river of +inflowing Buddhism which gave the Contemplative School its importance. +It lost that importance because it abandoned its special doctrines +and adopted the usages of other schools. When Taoism flourished +under the Sung Emperors it was also flourishing and influenced art as +well as thought, but it probably decayed under the Yuan dynasty which +favoured religion of a different stamp. It is remarkable that +Bodhidharma appears to be unknown to both Indian and Tibetan[797] +writers but his teaching has imparted a special tone and character to +a section (though not the whole) of Far Eastern Buddhism. It is called +in Chinese Tsung-men or Ch'an-tsung, but this word Ch'an[798] is +perhaps better known to Europe in its Japanese form Zen. + +Bodhidharma is also accounted the twenty-eighth Patriarch, a title +which represents the Chinese Tsu Shih[799] rather than any Indian +designation, for though in Pali literature we hear of the succession +of teachers,[800] it is not clear that any of them enjoyed a style or +position such as is implied in the word Patriarch. Hindus have always +attached importance to spiritual lineage and every school has a list +of teachers who have transmitted its special lore, but the sense of +hierarchy is so weak that it is misleading to describe these +personages as Popes, Patriarchs or Bishops, and apart from the +personal respect which the talents of individuals may have won, it +does not appear that there was any succession of teachers who could be +correctly termed heads of the Church. Even in China such a title is of +dubious accuracy for whatever position Bodhidharma and his successors +may have claimed for themselves, they were not generally accepted as +being more than the heads of a school and other schools also gave +their chief teachers the title of Tsu-shih. From time to time the +Emperor appointed overseers of religion with the title of +Kuo-shih,[801] instructor of the nation, but these were officials +appointed by the Crown, not prelates consecrated by the Church. + +Twenty-eight Patriarchs are supposed to have flourished between the +death of the Buddha and the arrival of Bodhidharma in China. The +Chinese lists[802] do not in the earlier part agree with the +Singhalese accounts of the apostolic succession and contain few +eminent names with the exception of Asvaghosha, Nagarjuna, Deva and +Vasubandhu. + +According to most schools there were only twenty-four Patriarchs. +These are said to have been foretold by the Buddha and twenty-four is +a usual number in such series.[803] The twenty-fourth Patriarch Simha +Bhikshu or Simhalaputra went to Kashmir and suffered martyrdom there +at the hands of Mihirakula[804] without appointing a successor. But +the school of Bodhidharma continues the series, reckoning him as the +twenty-eighth, and the first of the Chinese Patriarchs. Now since the +three Patriarchs between the martyr and Bodhidharma are all described +as living in southern India, whereas such travellers as Fa-Hsien +obviously thought that the true doctrine was to be found in northern +India, and since Bodhidharma left India altogether, it is probable +that the later Patriarchs represent the spiritual genealogy of +some school which was not the Church as established at Nalanda.[805] + +It will be convenient to summarize briefly here the history of +Bodhidharma's school. Finding that his doctrines were not altogether +acceptable to the Emperor Wu-Ti (who did not relish being told that +his pious exertions were vain works of no value) he retired to Lo-yang +and before his death designated as his successor Hui-k'o. It is +related of Hui-k'o that when he first applied for instruction he could +not attract Bodhidharma's attention and therefore stood before the +sage's door during a whole winter night until the snow reached his +knees. Bodhidharma indicated that he did not think this test of +endurance remarkable. Hui-k'o then took a knife, cut off his own arm +and presented it to the teacher who accepted him as a pupil and +ultimately gave him the insignia of the Patriarchate--a robe and bowl. +He taught for thirty-four years and is said to have mixed freely with +the lowest and most debauched reprobates. His successors were +Seng-ts'an, Tao-hsin, Hung-jen, and Hui-neng[806] who died in 713 and +declined to nominate a successor, saying that the doctrine was well +established. The bowl of Bodhidharma was buried with him. Thus the +Patriarch was not willing to be an Erastian head of the Church and +thought the Church could get on without him. The object of the +Patriarchate was simply to insure the correct transmission from +teacher to scholar of certain doctrines, and this precaution was +especially necessary in sects which rejected scriptural authority and +relied on personal instruction. So soon as there were several +competent teachers handing on the tradition such a safeguard was felt +to be unnecessary. + +That this feeling was just is shown by the fact that the school of +Bodhidharma is still practically one in teaching. But its small regard +for scripture and insistence on oral instruction caused the principal +monasteries to regard themselves as centres with an apostolic +succession of their own and to form divisions which were geographical +rather than doctrinal. They are often called school (tsung), but +the term is not correct, if it implies that the difference is similar +to that which separates the Ch'an-tsung and Lu-tsung or schools of +contemplation and of discipline. Even in the lifetime of Hui-neng +there seems to have been a division, for he is sometimes called the +Patriarch of the South, Shen-Hsiu[807] being recognized as Patriarch +of the North. But all subsequent divisions of the Ch'an-tsung trace +their lineage to Hui-neng. Two of his disciples founded two schools +called Nan Yueh and Ch'ing Yuan[808] and between the eighth and tenth +centuries these produced respectively two and three subdivisions, +known together as Wu-tsung or five schools. They take their names from +the places where their founders dwelt and are the schools of Wei-Yang, +Lin-Chi, Ts'ao-Tung, Yun-Men and Fa-Yen.[809] This is the +chronological order, but the most important school is the Lin-Chi, +founded by I-Hsuan,[810] who resided on the banks of a river[811] in +Chih-li and died in 867. It is not easy to discriminate the special +doctrines[812] of the Lin-Chi for it became the dominant form of the +school to such an extent that other variants are little more than +names. But it appears to have insisted on the transmission of +spiritual truths not only by oral instruction but by a species of +telepathy between teacher and pupil culminating in sudden +illumination. At the present day the majority of Chinese monasteries +profess to belong to the Ch'an-tsung and it has encroached on other +schools. Thus it is now accepted on the sacred island of P'uto which +originally followed the Lu-tsung. + +Although the Ch'an school did not value the study of scripture as part +of the spiritual life, yet it by no means neglected letters and can +point to a goodly array of ecclesiastical authors, extending down +to modern times.[813] More than twenty of their treatises have been +admitted into the Tripitaka. Several of these are historical and +discuss the succession of Patriarchs and abbots, but the most +characteristic productions of the sect are collections of aphorisms, +usually compiled by the disciples of a teacher who himself committed +nothing to writing.[814] + +In opposition to the Contemplative School or Tsung-men, all the others +are sometimes classed together as Chiao-men. This dichotomy perhaps +does no more than justice to the importance of Bodhidharma's school, +but is hardly scientific, for, whatever may be the numerical +proportion, the other schools differ from one another as much as they +differ from it. They all agree in recognizing the authority not only +of a founder but of a special sacred book. We may treat first of one +which, like the Tsung-men, belongs specially to the Buddhism of the +Far East and is both an offshoot of the Tsung-men and a protest +against it--there being nothing incompatible in this double +relationship. This is the T'ien-t'ai[815] school which takes its name +from a celebrated monastery in the province of Che-kiang. The founder +of this establishment and of the sect was called Chih-K'ai or +Chih-I[816] and followed originally Bodhidharma's teaching, but +ultimately rejected the view that contemplation is all-sufficient, +while still claiming to derive his doctrine from Nagarjuna. He had a +special veneration for the Lotus Sutra and paid attention to +ceremonial. He held that although the Buddha-mind is present in all +living beings, yet they do not of themselves come to the knowledge and +use of it, so that instruction is necessary to remove error and +establish true ideas. The phrase Chih-kuan[817] is almost the motto of +the school: it is a translation of the two words Samatha and +Vipassana, taken to mean calm and insight. + +The T'ien-T'ai is distinguished by its many-sided and almost +encyclopaedic character. Chih-I did not like the exclusiveness of the +Contemplative School. He approved impartially of ecstasy, literature, +ceremonial and discipline: he wished to find a place for everything +and a point of view from which every doctrine might be admitted to +have some value. Thus he divided the teaching of the Buddha into five +periods, regarded as progressive not contradictory, and expounded +respectively in (_a_) the Hua-yen Sutra; (_b_) the Hinayana Sutras; +(_c_) the Leng-yen-ching; (_d_) the Prajna-paramita; (_e_) the Lotus +Sutra which is the crown, quintessence and plenitude of all Buddhism. +He also divided religion into eight parts,[818] sometimes counted as +four, the latter half of the list being the more important. The names +are collection, progress, distinction and completion. These terms +indicate different ways of looking at religion, all legitimate but not +equally comprehensive or just in perspective. By collection is meant +the Hinayana, the name being apparently due to the variously +catalogued phenomena which occupy the disciple in the early stages of +his progress: the scriptures, divisions of the universe, states of the +human minds and so on. Progress (T'ung, which might also be rendered +as transition or communication) is applicable to the Hina and Mahayana +alike and regards the religious life as a series of stages rising from +the state of an unconverted man to that of a Buddha. Pieh, or +distinction, is applicable only to the Mahayana and means the special +excellences of a Bodhisattva. Yuan, completeness or plenitude, is the +doctrine of the Lotus which embraces all aspects of religion. In a +similar spirit of synthesis and conciliation Chih-I uses Nagarjuna's +view that truth is not of one kind. From the stand-point of absolute +truth all phenomena are void or unreal; on the other hand they are +indubitably real for practical purposes. More just is the middle view +which builds up the religious character. It sees that all phenomena +both exist and do not exist and that thought cannot content itself +with the hypothesis either of their real existence or of the void. +Chih-I's teaching as to the nature of the Buddha is almost +theistic. It regards the fundamental (pen) Buddhahood as not merely +the highest reality but as constant activity exerting itself for the +good of all beings. Distinguished from this fundamental Buddhahood is +the derivative Buddhahood or trace (chi) left by the Buddha among men +to educate them. There has been considerable discussion in the school +as to the relative excellence of the _pen_ and the _chi_.[819] + +The T'ien-T'ai school is important, not merely for its doctrines, but +as having produced a great monastic establishment and an illustrious +line of writers. In spite of the orders of the Emperor who wished to +retain him at Nanking, Chih-I retired to the highlands of Che-Kiang +and twelve monasteries still mark various spots where he is said to +have resided. He had some repute as an author, but more as a preacher. +His words were recorded by his disciple Kuan-Ting[820] and in this way +have been preserved two expositions of the Lotus and a treatise on his +favourite doctrine of Chih-Kuan which together are termed the +San-ta-pu, or Three Great Books. Similar spoken expositions of other +sutras are also preserved. Some smaller treatises on his chief +doctrines seem to be works of his own pen.[821] A century later +Chan-Jan,[822] who is reckoned the ninth Patriarch of the T'ien-t'ai +school, composed commentaries on the Three Great Books as well as some +short original works. During the troubled period of the Five +Dynasties, the T'ien-t'ai monasteries suffered severely and the sacred +books were almost lost. But the school had a branch in Korea and a +Korean priest called Ti-Kuan[823] re-established it in China. It +continued to contribute literature to the Tripitaka until 1270 but +after the tenth century its works, though numerous, lose their +distinctive character and are largely concerned with magical formulae +and the worship of Amida. + +The latter is the special teaching of the Pure Land school, also +known as the Lotus school, or the Short Cut.[824] It is indeed a +short cut to salvation, striking unceremoniously across all systems, +for it teaches that simple faith in Amitabha (Amida) and invocation of +his name can take the place of moral and intellectual endeavour. Its +popularity is in proportion to its facility: its origin is ancient, +its influence universal, but perhaps for this very reason its +existence as a corporation is somewhat indistinct. It is also +remarkable that though the Chinese Tripitaka contains numerous works +dedicated to the honour of Amitabha, yet they are not described as +composed by members of the Pure Land school but appear to be due to +authors of all schools.[825] + +The doctrine, if not the school, was known in China before 186, in +which year there died at Lo-yang, a monk of the Yueh-chih called +Lokakshi, who translated the longer Sukhavati-vyuha. So far as I know, +there is no reason for doubting these statements.[826] The date is +important for the history of doctrine, since it indicates that the +sutra existed in Sanskrit some time previously. Another translation by +the Parthian An Shih-Kao, whose activity falls between 148 and 170 +A.D. may have been earlier and altogether twelve translations were +made before 1000 A.D. of which five are extant.[827] Several of the +earlier translators were natives of Central Asia, so it is permissible +to suppose that the sutra was esteemed there. The shorter +Sukhavati-vyuha was translated by Kumarajiva (_c._ 402) and later by +Hsuan Chuang. The Amitayurdhyanasutra was translated by Kalayasas +about 424. These three books[828] are the principal scriptures of the +school and copies of the greater Sukhavati may still be found in +almost every Chinese monastery, whatever principles it professes. + +Hui Yuan[829] who lived from 333 to 416 is considered as the founder +of the school. He was in his youth an enthusiastic Taoist and +after he turned Buddhist is said to have used the writings of +Chuang-tzu to elucidate his new faith. He founded a brotherhood, +and near the monastery where he settled was a pond in which lotus +flowers grew, hence the brotherhood was known as the White Lotus +school.[830] For several centuries[831] it enjoyed general esteem. +Pan-chou, one of its Patriarchs, received the title of Kuo-shih about +770 A.D., and Shan-tao, who nourished about 650 and wrote +commentaries, was one of its principal literary men.[832] He +popularized the doctrine of the Pai-tao or White Way, that is, the +narrow bridge leading to Paradise across which Amitabha will guide the +souls of the faithful. But somehow the name of White Lotus became +connected with conspiracy and rebellion until it was dreaded as the +title of a formidable secret society, and ceased to be applied to the +school as a whole. The teaching and canonical literature of the Pure +Land school did not fall into disrepute but since it was admitted by +other sects to be, if not the most excellent way, at least a +permissible short cut to heaven, it appears in modern times less as a +separate school than as an aspect of most schools.[833] The simple and +emotional character of Amidism, the directness of its "Come unto me," +appeal so strongly to the poor and uneducated, that no monastery or +temple could afford to neglect it. + +Two important Indian schools were introduced into China in the sixth and +seventh centuries respectively and flourished until about 900 A.D. when +they began to decay. These are the Chu-she-tsung and Fa-hsiang-tsung.[834] +The first name is merely a Chinese transcription of the Sanskrit Ko'sa and +is due to the fact that the chief authority of the school is the +Abhidharmakosasastra of Vasubandhu.[835] This work expounds the doctrine +of the Sarvastivadins, but in a liberal spirit and without ignoring other +views. Though the Chu-she-tsung represented the best scholastic tradition +of India more adequately than any other Chinese sect, yet it was too +technical and arid to become popular and both in China and Japan (where it +is known as Kusha-shu) it was a system of scholastic philosophy rather than +a form of religion. In China it did not last many centuries. + +The Fa-Hsiang school is similar inasmuch as it represented Indian +scholasticism and remained, though much esteemed, somewhat academic. +The name is a translation of Dharmalakshana and the school is also +known as Tz'u-en-tsung,[836] and also as Wei-shih-hsiang-chiao +because its principal text-book is the Ch'eng-wei-shih-lun.[837] This +name, equivalent to Vidyamatra, or Vijnanamatra, is the title of a +work by Hsuan Chuang which appears to be a digest of ten Sanskrit +commentaries on a little tract of thirty verses ascribed to +Vasubandhu. As ultimate authorities the school also recognizes the +revelations made to Asanga by Maitreya[838] and probably the +Mahayanasutralankara[839] expresses its views. It claims as its +founder Silabhadra the teacher of Hsuan Chuang, but the latter was +its real parent. + +Closely allied to it but reckoned as distinct is the school called the +Hua-yen-tsung[840] because it was based on the Hua-yen-ching or +Avatamsakasutra. The doctrines of this work and of Nagarjuna may be +conveniently if not quite correctly contrasted as pantheistic and +nihilistic. The real founder and first patriarch was Tu-Fa-Shun who +died in 640 but the school sometimes bears the name of Hsien-Shou, the +posthumous title of its third Patriarch who contributed seven works to +the Tripitaka.[841] It began to wane in the tenth century but has +a distinguished literary record. + +The Lu-tsung or Vinaya school[842] was founded by Tao Hsuan (595-667). +It differs from those already mentioned inasmuch as it emphasizes +discipline and asceticism as the essential part of the religious life. +Like the T'ien-t'ai this school arose in China. It bases itself on +Indian authorities, but it does not appear that in thus laying stress +on the Vinaya it imitated any Indian sect, although it caught the +spirit of the early Hinayana schools. The numerous works of the +founder indicate a practical temperament inclined not to mysticism or +doctrinal subtlety but to biography, literary history and church +government. Thus he continued the series called Memoirs of Eminent +Monks and wrote on the family and country of the Buddha. He compiled a +catalogue of the Tripitaka, as it was in his time, and collections of +extracts, as well as of documents relating to the controversies +between Buddhists and Taoists.[843] Although he took as his chief +authority the Dharmagupta Vinaya commonly known as the Code in Four +Sections, he held, like most Chinese Buddhists, that there is a +complete and perfect doctrine which includes and transcends all the +vehicles. But he insisted, probably as a protest against the laxity or +extravagance of many monasteries, that morality and discipline are the +indispensable foundation of the religious life. He was highly esteemed +by his contemporaries and long after his death the Emperor Mu-tsung +(821-5) wrote a poem in his honour. The school is still respected and +it is said that the monks of its principal monastery, Pao-hua-shan in +Kiangsu, are stricter and more learned than any other. + +The school called Chen-yen (in Japanese Shin-gon), true word, or +Mi-chiao,[844] secret teaching, equivalent to the Sanskrit Mantrayana +or Tantrayana, is the latest among the recognized divisions of Chinese +Buddhism since it first made its appearance in the eighth century. The +date, like that of the translation of the Amida scriptures is +important, for the school was introduced from India and it follows +that its theories and practices were openly advocated at this period +and probably were not of repute much earlier. It is akin to the +Buddhism of Tibet and may be described in its higher aspects as an +elaborate and symbolic pantheism, which represents the one spirit +manifesting himself in a series of emanations and reflexes. In its +popular and unfortunately commoner aspect it is simply polytheism, +fetichism and magic. In many respects it resembles the Pure Land +school. Its principal deity (the word is not inaccurate) is Vairocana, +analogous to Amitabha, and probably like him a Persian sun god in +origin. It is also a short cut to salvation, for, without denying the +efficiency of more laborious and ascetic methods, it promises to its +followers a similar result by means of formulae and ceremonies. Like +the Pure Land school it has become in China not so much a separate +corporation as an aspect, and often the most obvious and popular +aspect, of all Buddhist schools. + +It claims Vajrabodhi as its first Patriarch. He was a monk of the +Brahman caste who arrived in China from southern India[845] in 719 and +died in 730 after translating several Tantras and spells. His +companion and successor was Amoghavajra of whose career something has +already been said. The fourth Patriarch, Hui Kuo, was the instructor +of the celebrated Japanese monk Kobo Daishi who established the school +in Japan under the name of Shingon.[846] + +The principal scripture of this sect is the Ta-jih-ching or sutra of +the Sun-Buddha.[847] A distinction is drawn between exoteric and +esoteric doctrine (the "true word") and the various phases of Buddhist +thought are arranged in ten classes. Of these the first nine are +merely preparatory, but in the last or esoteric phase, the adept +becomes a living Buddha and receives full intuitive knowledge. In this +respect the Tantric school resembles the teaching of Bodhidharma but +not in detail. It teaches that Vairocana is the whole world, which is +divided into Garbhadhatu (material) and Vajradhatu (indestructible), +the two together forming Dharmadhatu. The manifestations of +Vairocana's body to himself--that is Buddhas and Bodhisattvas--are +represented symbolically by diagrams of several circles.[848] But it +would be out of place to dwell further on the dogmatic theology of the +school, for I cannot discover that it was ever of importance in China +whatever may have been its influence in Japan. What appealed only too +powerfully to Chinese superstition was the use of spells, charms and +magical formulae and the doctrine that since the universe is merely +idea, thoughts and facts are equipollent. This doctrine (which need +not be the outcome of metaphysics, but underlies the magical practices +of many savage tribes) produced surprising results when applied to +funeral ceremonies, which in China have always formed the major part +of religion, for it was held that ceremonial can represent and control +the fortunes of the soul, that is to say that if a ceremony represents +figuratively the rescue of a soul from a pool of blood, then the soul +which is undergoing that punishment will be delivered. It was not +until the latter part of the eighth century that such theories and +ceremonies were accepted by Chinese Buddhism, but they now form a +large part of it. + +Although in Japan Buddhism continued to produce new schools until the +thirteenth century, no movement in China attained this status after +about 730, and Lamaism, though its introduction produced considerable +changes in the north, is not usually reckoned as a Tsung. But numerous +societies and brotherhoods arose especially in connection with the +Pure Land school and are commonly spoken of as sects. They differ from +the schools mentioned above in having more or less the character of +secret societies, sometimes merely brotherhoods like the Freemasons +but sometimes political in their aims. Among those whose tenets are +known that which has most religion and least politics in its +composition appears to be the Wu-wei-chiao,[849] founded about 1620 by +one Lo-tsu[850] who claimed to have received a revelation contained in +five books. It is strictly vegetarian and antiritualistic, +objecting to the use of images, incense and candles in worship. + +There are many other sects with a political tinge. The proclivity of the +Chinese to guilds, corporations and secret societies is well known and +many of these latter have a religious basis. All such bodies are under +the ban of the Government, for they have always been suspected with more +or less justice of favouring anti-social or anti-dynastic ideas. But, +mingled with such political aspirations, there is often present the +desire for co-operation in leading privately a religious life which, if +made public, would be hampered by official restrictions. The most +celebrated of these sects is the White Lotus. Under the Yuan dynasty it +was anti-Mongol, and prepared the way for the advent of the Ming. When +the Ming dynasty in its turn became decadent, we hear again of the White +Lotus coupled with rebellion, and similarly after the Manchus had passed +their meridian, its beautiful but ill-omened name frequently appears. It +seems clear that it is an ancient and persistent society with some idea +of creating a millennium, which becomes active when the central +government is weak and corrupt. Not unlike the White Lotus is the secret +society commonly known as the Triad but called by its members the Heaven +and Earth Association. The T'ai-p'ing sect, out of which the celebrated +rebellion arose, was similar but its inspiration seems to have come from +a perversion of Christianity. The Tsai-Li sect[851] is still prevalent in +Peking, Tientsin, and the province of Shantung. I should exceed the scope +of my task if I attempted to examine these sects in detail,[852] for +their relation to Buddhism is often doubtful. Most of them combine with +it Taoist and other beliefs and some of them expect a Messiah or King of +Righteousness who is usually identified with Maitreya. It is easy to see +how at this point hostility to the existing Government arises and +provokes not unnatural resentment.[853] + +Recently several attempts have been made to infuse life and order +into Chinese Buddhism. Japanese influence can be traced in most of +them and though they can hardly be said to represent a new school, +they attempt to go back to Mahayanism as it was when first introduced +into China. The Hinayana is considered as a necessary preliminary to +the Mahayana and the latter is treated as existing in several schools, +among which are included the Pure Land school, though the +Contemplative and Tantric schools seem not to be regarded with favour. +They are probably mistrusted as leading to negligence and +superstition.[854] + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 790: [Chinese: ] See especially Hackmann, "Die Schulen +des chinesischen Buddhismus" (in the _Mitth. Seminars fur +Orientalische Sprachen_, Berlin, 1911), which contains the text and +translation of an Essay by a modern Chinese Buddhist, Yang Wen Hui. +Such a review of Chinese sects from the contemporary Buddhist point of +view has great value, but it does not seem to me that Mr. Yang explains +clearly the dogmatic tenets of each sect, the obvious inference being +that such tenets are of little practical importance. Chinese +monasteries often seem to combine several schools. Thus the +Tz'u-Fu-Ssu monastery near Peking professes to belong both to +the Lin-Chi and Pure Land schools and its teachers expound the +Diamond-cutter, Lotus and Shou-Leng-Ching. So also in India. See Rhys +Davids in article Sects Buddhist, _E.R.E._ Hackmann gives a list of +authorities. Edkins, _Chinese Buddhism_ (chaps. VII and VIII), may +still be consulted, though the account is far from clear.] + +[Footnote 791: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 792: It based itself on the Satyasiddhisastra of +Harivarman, Nanjio, Cat. 1274.] + +[Footnote 793: This meditation however is of a special sort. The six +Paramitas are, Dana, Sila, Kshanti, Virya, Dhyana and Prajna. The +meditation of Bodhidharma is not the Dhyana of this list, but +meditation on Prajna, the highest of the Paramitas. See Hackmann's +Chinese text, p. 249.] + +[Footnote 794: Ta-mo-hsue-mai-lun, analyzed by Wieger in his _Histoire +des Croyances religieuses en Chine_, pp. 520 ff. I could wish for more +information about this work, but have not been able to find the +original.] + +[Footnote 795: Also called Fa-shen or dharmakaya in the discourse. +Bodhidharma said that he preached the _seal of the heart_ (hsinyin). +This probably corresponds to some Sanskrit expression, but I have not +found the Indian equivalent.] + +[Footnote 796: I-Ching, in his _Memoirs of Eminent Monks_, mentions +three pilgrims as having studied the works of Chuang-tzu and his +own style shows that he was well-read in this author.] + +[Footnote 797: He is not mentioned by Taranatha.] + +[Footnote 798: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 799: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 800: Acariyaparampara. There is a list of such teachers in +Mahavamsa, V. 95 ff., Dipavamsa, IV. 27 ff. and V. 69.] + +[Footnote 801: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 802: The succession of Patriarchs is the subject of several works +comprised in the Chinese Tripitaka. Of these the Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching +(Nanjio, 1340) is the most important, because it professes to be translated +(A.D. 472) from an Indian work, which, however, is not in the Tibetan Canon +and is not known in Sanskrit. The Chinese text, as we have it, is probably +not a translation from the Sanskrit, but a compilation made in the sixth +century which, however, acquired considerable authority. See Maspero in +_Melanges d'Indianisme_: Sylvain Levi, pp. 129-149, and _B.E.F.E.O._1911, +pp. 344-348. Other works are the Fo-tsu-t'ung-chi (Nanjio, 1661), of Chih +P'an (_c._ 1270), belonging to the T'ien-t'ai school, and the +Ching-te-ch'uan-teng-lu together with the Tsung-men-t'ung-yao-hsu-chi +(Nanjio, 1524, 1526) both belonging to the school of Bodhidharma. See also +Nanjio, 1528, 1529. The common list of Patriarchs is as follows: 1. +Mahakasyapa; 2. Ananda; 3. Sanavasa or Sanakavasa; 4. Upagupta; 5. +Dhritaka; 6. Micchaka. Here the name of Vasumitra is inserted by some but +omitted by others; 7. Buddhanandi; 8. Buddhamitra; 9. Parsva; 10. +Punyayasas; 11. Asvaghosha; 12. Kapimala; 13. Nagarjuna; 14. Deva +(Kanadeva); 15. Rahulata; 16. Sanghanandi; 17. Sanghayasas; 18. Kumarata; +19. Jayata; 20. Vasubandhu; 21. Manura; 22. Haklena or Padmaratna; 23. +Simha Bhikshu; 24. Basiasita; 25. Putnomita or Punyamitra; 26. Prajnatara; +27 (or 28, if Vasumitra is reckoned) Bodhidharma. Many of these names are +odd and are only conjectural restorations made from the Chinese +transcription, for which see Nanjio, 1340. Other lists of Patriarchs vary +from that given above, partly because they represent the traditions of +other schools. It is not strange, for instance, if the Sarvastivadins did +not recognize Nagarjuna as a Patriarch. Two of their lists have been +preserved by Seng-yu (Nanjio, 1476) who wrote about 520. Some notes on the +Patriarchs and reproductions of Chinese pictures representing them will be +found in Dore, pp. 244 ff. It is extremely curious that Asvaghosha is +represented as a woman.] + +[Footnote 803: It is found, for instance, in the lists of the Jain +Tirthankaras and in some accounts of the Buddhas and of the Avataras +of Vishnu.] + +[Footnote 804: See Watters, _Yuan Chwang_, p. 290. But the dates offer +some difficulty, for Mihirakula, the celebrated Hun chieftain, is +usually supposed to have reigned about 510-540 A.D. Taranatha +(Schiefner, p. 95) speaks of a martyr called Malikabuddhi. See, too, +_ib._ p. 306.] + +[Footnote 805: It is clear that the school of Valabhi was to some +extent a rival of Nalanda.] + +[Footnote 806: For a portrait of Hui-neng see Kokka, No. 297. The +names of Bodhidharma's successors are in Chinese characters [Chinese: +]] + +[Footnote 807: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 808: [Chinese: ] Much biographical information respecting +this and other schools will be found in Dore, vols. VII and VIII. But +there is little to record in the way of events or literary and +doctrinal movements.] + +[Footnote 809: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 810: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 811: Lin-Chi means coming to the ford. Is this an allusion +to the Pali expression Sotapanno? The name appears in Japanese as +Rinzai. Most educated Chinese monks when asked as to their doctrine +say they belong to the Lin-Chi.] + +[Footnote 812: They are generally called the three mysteries (Hsuan) +and the three important points (Yao), but I have not been able to +obtain any clear explanation of what they mean. See Edkins, _Chinese +Buddhism_, p. 164, and Hackmann, _l.c._ p. 250.] + +[Footnote 813: Wieger, _Bouddhisme Chinois_, p. 108, states that 230 +works belonging to this sect were published under the Manchu dynasty.] + +[Footnote 814: See _e.g._ Nanjio, Cat. 1527, 1532.] + +[Footnote 815: [Chinese: ] Tendai in Japanese. It is also called in +China [Chinese: ] Fa-hua.] + +[Footnote 816: [Chinese: ] Also often spoken of as Chih-che-ta-shih. +[Chinese: ] Officially he is often styled the fourth Patriarch of +the school. See Dore, p. 449.] + +[Footnote 817: [Chinese: ] In Pali Buddhism also, especially in +later works, Samatha and Vipassana may be taken as a compendium of the +higher life as they are respectively the results of the two sets of +religious exercises called Adhicitta and Adhipanna. (See Ang. Nik. III +88.)] + +[Footnote 818: In Chinese [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ], +[Chinese: ], [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ], [Chinese: ]. +Tun, Chien, Pi-mi, Pu-ting, Tsang, T'ung, Pieh, Yuan. See Nanjio, +1568, and for very different explanations of these obscure words. +Edkins, _Chinese Buddhism_, p. 182, and Richard's _New Testament of +Higher Buddhism_, p. 41. Masson-Oursel in _J.A._ 1915, I. p. 305.] + +[Footnote 819: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 820: [Chinese: ] The books are Nanjio, Nos. 1534, 1536, +1538.] + +[Footnote 821: Among them is the compendium for beginners called +Hsiao-chih-kuan, (Nanjio, 1540), partly translated in Beal's _Catena_, +pp. 251 ff.] + +[Footnote 822: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 823: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 824: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 825: The list of Chinese authors in Nanjio's Catalogue, App. +III, describes many as belonging to the T'ien-t'ai, Avatamsaka or +Dhyana schools, but none as belonging to the Ching-T'u.] + +[Footnote 826: For the authorities, see Nanjio, p. 381.] + +[Footnote 827: Nanjio, p. 10, note.] + +[Footnote 828: They are all translated in _S.B.E._ XLIX. The two +former exist in Sanskrit. The Amitayurdhyana is known only in the +Chinese translation. They are called in Chinese [Chinese: ], +[Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 829: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 830: [Chinese: ] The early history of the school is +related in a work called Lien-she-kao-hsien-ch'uan, said to date from +the Tsin dynasty. See for some account of the early worthies, Dore, +pp. 280 ff. and 457 ff. Their biographies contain many visions and +miracles.] + +[Footnote 831: Apparently at least until 1042. See De Groot, +_Sectarianism_, p. 163. The dated inscriptions in the grottoes of +Lung-men indicate that the cult of Amitabha flourished especially from +647 to 715. See Chavannes, _Mission. Archeol._ Tome I, deuxieme +partie, p. 545.] + +[Footnote 832: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 833: See for instance the tract called Hsuan-Fo-P'u +[Chinese: ] and translated by Richard under the title of _A Guide to +Buddhahood_, pp. 97 ff.] + +[Footnote 834: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 835: See Watters, _On Yuan Chwang_, I. 210, and also +Takakusu, _Journal of the Pali Text Soc_. 1905, p. 132.] + +[Footnote 836: [Chinese: ] The name refers not to the doctrines of +the school, but to Tz'u-en-tai-shih, a title given to Kuei-chi the +disciple of Hsuan Chuang who was one of its principal teachers and +taught at a monastery called Tz'u-en.] + +[Footnote 837: [Chinese: ] See Nanjio, Cat. Nos. 1197 and 1215.] + +[Footnote 838: See Watters, _On Yuan Chwang_, I. pp. 355 ff.] + +[Footnote 839: Ed. and transl. by Sylvain Levi, 1911.] + +[Footnote 840: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 841: His name when alive was Fa-tsang. See Nanjio, Cat. p. +462, and Dore, 450. The Empress Wu patronized him.] + +[Footnote 842: [Chinese: ] Also called Nan Shan or Southern mountain +school from a locality in Shensi.] + +[Footnote 843: [Chinese: ] Nanjio, Cat. 1493, 1469, 1470, 1120, +1481, 1483, 1484, 1471.] + +[Footnote 844: [Chinese: ] or [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 845: From Mo-lai-ye, which seems to mean the extreme south +of India. Dore gives some Chinese legends about him, p. 299.] + +[Footnote 846: For an appreciative criticism of the sect as known in +Japan, see Anesaki's _Buddhist Art_, chap. III.] + +[Footnote 847: Nanjio, No. 530. Nos. 533, 534 and 1039 are also +important texts of this sect.] + +[Footnote 848: In the T'ien-t'ai and Chen-yen schools, and indeed in +Chinese Buddhism generally, Dharma (_Fa_ in Chinese) is regarded as +cosmic law. Buddhas are the visible expression of Dharma. Hence they +are identified with it and the whole process of cosmic evolution is +regarded as the manifestation of Buddhahood.] + +[Footnote 849: [Chinese: ] See the account by Edkins, _Chinese +Buddhism_, pp. 271 ff.] + +[Footnote 850: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 851: [Chinese: ] See _China Mission Year Book_, 1896, p. +43.] + +[Footnote 852: For some account of them, see Stanton, The Triad +Society, White Lotus Society, etc., 1900, reprinted from _China +Review_, vols. XXI, XXII, and De Groot, _Sectarianism and religious +persecution in China_, vol. I. pp. 149-259.] + +[Footnote 853: The Republic of China has not changed much from the +ways of the Empire. The Peking newspapers of June 17, 1914, contain a +Presidential Edict stating that "the invention of heretical religions +by ill-disposed persons is strictly prohibited by law," and that +certain religious societies are to be suppressed.] + +[Footnote 854: See, for an account of such a reformed sect, O. +Francke, "Ein Buddhistischer Reformversuch in China," _T'oung Pao_, +1909, p. 567.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLVI + +CHINA _(continued)_ + +CHINESE BUDDHISM AT THE PRESENT DAY + + +The Buddhism treated of in this chapter does not include Lamaism, +which being identical with the religion of Tibet and Mongolia is more +conveniently described elsewhere. Ordinary Chinese Buddhism and +Lamaism are distinct, but are divided not so much by doctrine as by +the race, language and usages of the priests. Chinese Buddhism has +acquired some local colour, but it is still based on the teaching and +practice imported from India before the Yuan dynasty, whereas Lamaist +tradition is not direct: it represents Buddhism as received not from +India but from Tibet. Some holy places, such as P'uto and Wu-t'ai-shan +are frequented by both Lamas and Chinese monks, and Tibetan prayers +and images may sometimes be seen in Chinese temples, but as a rule the +two divisions do not coalesce. + +Chinese Buddhism has a physiognomy and language of its own. The +Paraphrase of the Sacred Edict in a criticism, which, though +unfriendly, is not altogether inaccurate, says that Buddhists attend +only to the heart, claim that Buddha can be found in the heart, and +aim at becoming Buddhas. This sounds strange to those who are +acquainted only with the Buddhism of Ceylon and Burma, but is +intelligible as a popular statement of Bodhidharma's doctrine. +Heart[855] means the spiritual nature of man, essentially identical +with the Buddha nature and capable of purification and growth so that +all beings can become Buddhas. But in the Far East the doctrine became +less pantheistic and more ethical than the corresponding Indian ideas. +The Buddha in the heart is the internal light and monitor rather than +the universal spirit. Amida, Kuan-yin and Ti-tsang with other radiant +and benevolent spirits have risen from humanity and will help man to +rise as they have done. Chinese Buddhists do not regard Amida's vows +as an isolated achievement. All Boddhisattvas have done the same +and carried out their resolution in countless existences. Like the +Madonna these gracious figures appeal directly to the emotions and +artistic senses and their divinity offers no difficulty, for in China +Church and State alike have always recognized deification as a natural +process. One other characteristic of all Far Eastern Buddhism may be +noticed. The Buddha is supposed to have preached many creeds and codes +at different periods of his life and each school supposes its own to +be the last, best and all inclusive. + +As indicated elsewhere, the essential part of the Buddhist Church is +the monkhood and it is often hard to say if a Chinese layman is a +Buddhist or not. It will therefore be best to describe briefly the +organization and life of a monastery, then the services performed +there and to some extent attended by the laity, and thirdly the rites +performed by monks on behalf of the laity, especially funeral +ceremonies. + +The Chinese Tripitaka contains no less than five recensions of the +Vinaya, and the later pilgrims who visited India made it their special +object to obtain copies of the most correct and approved code. But +though the theoretical value of these codes is still admitted, they +have for practical purposes been supplemented by other manuals of +which the best known are the Fan-wang-ching or Net of Brahma[856] and +the Pai-chang-ts'ung-lin-ch'ing-kuei or Rules of Purity of the +Monasteries of Pai Chang. + +The former is said to have been translated in A.D. 406 by Kumarajiva +and to be one chapter of a larger Sanskrit work. Some passages of it, +particularly the condemnation of legislation which forbids or imposes +conditions on the practice of Buddhism,[857] read as if they had been +composed in China rather than India, and its whole attitude towards +the Hinayanist Vinaya as something inadequate and superseded, can +hardly have been usual in India or China even in the time of I-Ching +(700 A.D.). Nothing is known of the Indian original, but it certainly +was not the Brahmajalasutta of the Pali Canon.[858] Though the +translation is ascribed to so early a date, there is no evidence +that the work carried weight as an authority before the eighth +century. Students of the Vinaya, like I-Ching, ignore it. But when the +scholarly endeavour to discover the most authentic edition of the +Vinaya began to flag, this manual superseded the older treatises. +Whatever external evidence there may be for attributing it to +Kumarajiva, its contents suggest a much later date and there is no +guarantee that a popular manual may not have received additions. The +rules are not numbered consecutively but as 1-10 and 1-48, and it may +be that the first class is older than the second. In many respects it +expounds a late and even degenerate form of Buddhism for it +contemplates not only a temple ritual (including the veneration of +images and sacred books), but also burning the head or limbs as a +religious practice. But it makes no allusion to salvation through +faith in Amitabha and says little about services to be celebrated for +the dead.[859] + +Its ethical and disciplinary point of view is dogmatically Mahayanist +and similar to that of the Bodhicaryavatara. The Hinayana is several +times denounced[860] and called heretical, but, setting aside a little +intolerance and superstition, the teaching of this manual is truly +admirable and breathes a spirit of active charity--a desire not only +to do no harm but to help and rescue. + +It contains a code of ten primary and forty-eight secondary +commandments, worded as prohibitions, but equivalent to positive +injunctions, inasmuch as they blame the neglect of various active +duties. The ten primary commandments are called Pratimoksha and he who +breaks them is Parajika,[861] that is to say, he _ipso facto_ leaves +the road leading to Buddhahood and is condemned to a long series of +inferior births. They prohibit taking life, theft, unchastity, lying, +trading in alcoholic liquors, evil speaking, boasting, avarice, hatred +and blasphemy. Though infraction of the secondary commandments has +less permanently serious consequence, their observance is +indispensable for all monks. Many of them are amplifications of the +ten major commandments and are directed against indirect and +potential sins, such as the possession of weapons. The Bhikshu may not +eat flesh, drink alcohol, set forests on fire or be connected with any +business injurious to others, such as the slave trade. He is warned +against gossip, sins of the eye, foolish practices such as divination +and even momentary forgetfulness of his high calling and duties. But +it is not sufficient that he should be self-concentrated and without +offence. He must labour for the welfare and salvation of others, and +it is a sin to neglect such duties as instructing the ignorant, +tending the sick, hospitality, saving men or animals from death or +slavery, praying[862] for all in danger, exhorting to repentance, +sympathy with all living things. A number of disciplinary rules +prescribe a similarly high standard for daily monastic life. The monk +must be strenuous and intelligent; he must yield obedience to his +superiors and set a good example to the laity: he must not teach for +money or be selfish in accepting food and gifts. As for creed he is +strictly bidden to follow and preach the Mahayana: it is a sin to +follow or preach the doctrine of the Sravakas[863] or read their books +or not aspire to ultimate Buddhahood. Very remarkable are the +injunctions to burn one's limbs in honour of Buddhas: to show great +respect to copies of the scriptures and to make vows. From another +point of view the first and forty-seventh secondary commandments are +equally remarkable: the first bids officials discharge their duties +with due respect to the Church and the other protests against improper +legislation. + +The Fan-wang-ching is the most important and most authoritative +statement of the general principles regulating monastic life in China. +So far as my own observation goes, it is known and respected in all +monasteries. The Pai-chang-ch'ing-kuei[864] deals rather with the +details of organization and ritual and has not the same universal +currency. It received the approval of the Yuan dynasty[865] and is +still accepted as authoritative in many monasteries and gives a +correct account of their general practice. It was composed by a monk +of Kiang-si, who died in 814 A.D. He belonged to the Ch'an school, but +his rules are approved by others. I will not attempt to summarize +them, but they include most points of ritual and discipline mentioned +below. The author indicates the relations which should prevail between +Church and State by opening his work with an account of the ceremonies +to be performed on the Emperor's birthday, and similar occasions. + +Large Buddhist temples almost always form part of a monastery, but +smaller shrines, especially in towns, are often served by a single +priest. The many-storeyed towers called pagodas which are a +characteristic beauty of Chinese landscapes, are in their origin +stupas erected over relics but at the present day can hardly be called +temples or religious buildings, for they are not places of worship and +generally owe their construction to the dictates of Feng-shui or +geomancy. Monasteries are usually built outside towns and by +preference on high ground, whence _shan_ or mountain has come to be +the common designation of a convent, whatever its position. The sites +of these establishments show the deep feeling of cultivated Chinese +for nature and their appreciation of the influence of scenery on +temper, an appreciation which connects them spiritually with the +psalms of the monks and nuns preserved in the Pali Canon. The +architecture is not self-assertive. Its aim is not to produce edifices +complete and satisfying in their own proportions but rather to +harmonize buildings with landscape, to adjust courts and pavilions to +the slope of the hillside and diversify the groves of fir and bamboo +with shrines and towers as fantastic and yet as natural as the +mountain boulders. The reader who wishes to know more of them should +consult Johnston's _Buddhist China_, a work which combines in a rare +degree sound knowledge and literary charm. + +A monastery[866] is usually a quadrangle surrounded by a wall. +Before the great gate, which faces south, or in the first court is +a tank, spanned by a bridge, wherein grows the red lotus and tame fish +await doles of biscuit. The sides of the quadrangle contain dwelling +rooms, refectories, guest chambers, store houses, a library, printing +press and other premises suitable to a learned and pious foundation. +The interior space is divided into two or three courts, bordered by a +veranda. In each court is a hall of worship or temple, containing a +shelf or alcove on which are set the sacred images: in front of them +stands a table, usually of massive wood, bearing vases of flowers, +bowls for incense sticks and other vessels. The first temple is called +the Hall of the Four Great Kings and the figures in it represent +beings who are still in the world of transmigration and have not yet +attained Buddhahood. They include gigantic images of the Four Kings, +Maitreya, the Buddha designate of the future, and Wei-to,[867] a +military Bodhisattva sometimes identified with Indra. Kuan-ti, the +Chinese God of War, is often represented in this building. The chief +temple, called the Precious Hall of the Great Hero,[868] is in the +second court and contains the principal images. Very commonly there +are nine figures on either side representing eighteen disciples of the +Buddha and known as the Eighteen Lohan or Arhats.[869] Above the altar +are one or more large gilt images. When there is only one it is +usually Sakya-muni, but more often there are three. Such triads are +variously composed and the monks often speak of them vaguely as the +"three precious ones," without seeming to attach much importance to +their identity.[870] The triad is loosely connected with the idea of +the three bodies of Buddha but this explanation does not always apply +and the central figure is sometimes O-mi-to or Kuan-yin, who are the +principal recipients of the worship offered by the laity. The latter +deity has usually a special shrine at the back of the main altar and +facing the north door of the hall, in which her merciful activity as +the saviour of mankind is represented in a series of statuettes or +reliefs. Other Bodhisattvas such as Ta-shih-chi (Mahasthamaprapta) and +Ti-tsang also have separate shrines in or at the side of the great +hall.[871] The third hall contains as a rule only small images. It is +used for expounding the scriptures and for sermons, if the monastery +has a preacher, but is set apart for the religious exercises of the +monks rather than the devotions of the laity. In very large +monasteries there is a fourth hall for meditation. + +Monasteries are of various sizes and the number of monks is not +constant, for the peripatetic habit of early Buddhism is not extinct: +at one time many inmates may be absent on their travels, at +another there may be an influx of strangers. There are also wandering +monks who have ceased to belong to a particular monastery and spend +their time in travelling. A large monastery usually contains from +thirty to fifty monks, but a very large one may have as many as three +hundred. The majority are dedicated by their parents as children, but +some embrace the career from conviction in their maturity and these, +if few, are the more interesting. Children who are brought up to be +monks receive a religious education in the monastery, wear monastic +clothes and have their heads shaved. At the age of about seventeen +they are formally admitted as members of the order and undergo three +ceremonies of ordination, which in their origin represented stages of +the religious life, but are now performed by accumulation in the +course of a few days. One reason for this is that only monasteries +possessing a licence from the Government[872] are allowed to hold +ordinations and that consequently postulants have to go some distance +to be received as full brethren and are anxious to complete the +reception expeditiously. At the first ordination the candidates are +accepted as novices: at the second, which follows a day or two +afterwards and corresponds to the upasampada, they accept the robes +and bowl and promise obedience to the rules of the Pratimoksha. But +these ceremonies are of no importance compared with the third, called +Shou Pu-sa-chieh[873] or acceptance of the Bodhisattva precepts, that +is to say the fifty-eight precepts enunciated in the Fan-wang-ching. +The essential part of this ordination is the burning of the +candidate's head in from three to eighteen places. The operation +involves considerable pain and is performed by lighting pieces of +charcoal set in a paste which is spread over the shaven skull. + +Although the Fan-wang-ching does not mention this burning of the head +as part of ordination, yet it emphatically enjoins the practice of +burning the body or limbs, affirming that those who neglect it are not +true Bodhisattvas.[874] The prescription is founded on the +twenty-second chapter of the Lotus[875] which, though a later +addition, is found in the Chinese translation made between 265 and +316 A.D.[876] I-Ching discusses and reprobates such practices. Clearly +they were known in India when he visited it, but not esteemed by the +better Buddhists, and the fact that they form no part of the ordinary +Tibetan ritual indicates that they had no place in the decadent Indian +Buddhism which in various stages of degeneration was introduced into +Tibet.[877] In Korea and Japan branding is practised but on the breast +and arms rather than on the head. + +It would appear then that burning and branding as part of initiation +were known in India in the early centuries of our era but not commonly +approved and that their general acceptance in China was subsequent to +the death of I-Ching in A.D. 713.[878] This author clearly approved of +nothing but the double ordination as novice and full monk. The third +ordination as Bodhisattva must be part of the later phase inaugurated +by Amogha about 750.[879] + +This practice is defended as a trial of endurance, but the earlier and +better monks were right in rejecting it, for in itself it is an +unedifying spectacle and it points to the logical conclusion that, if +it is meritorious to cauterize the head, it is still more meritorious +to burn the whole body. Cases of suicide by burning appear to have +occurred in recent years, especially in the province of +Che-Kiang.[880] The true doctrine of the Mahayana is that everyone +should strive for the happiness and salvation of all beings, but this +beautiful truth may be sadly perverted if it is held that the +endurance of pain is in itself meritorious and that such acquired +merit can be transferred to others. Self-torture, seems not to be +unknown in the popular forms of Chinese Buddhism.[881] + +The postulant, after receiving these three ordinations, becomes a full +monk or Ho-shang[882] and takes a new name. The inmates of every +monastery owe obedience to the abbot and some abbots have an official +position, being recognized by the Government as representing the +clergy of a prefecture, should there be any business to be transacted +with the secular authorities. But there is no real hierarchy outside +the monasteries, each of which is an isolated administrative unit. +Within each monastery due provision is made for discipline and +administration. The monks are divided into two classes, the Western +who are concerned with ritual and other purely religious duties and +the Eastern who are relatively secular and superintend the business of +the establishment.[883] This is often considerable for the income is +usually derived from estates, in managing which the monks are assisted +by a committee of laymen. Other laymen of humbler status[884] live +around the monastery and furnish the labour necessary for agriculture, +forestry and whatever industries the character of the property calls +into being. As a rule there is a considerable library. Even a +sympathetic stranger will often find that the monks deny its +existence, because many books have been destroyed in political +troubles, but most monasteries possess copies of the principal +scriptures and a complete Tripitaka, usually the edition of 1737, is +not rare. Whether the books are much read I do not know, but I have +observed that after the existence of the library has been +admitted, it often proves difficult to find the key. There is also +a printing press, where are prepared notices and prayers, as well as +copies of popular sutras. + +The food of the monks is strictly vegetarian, but they do not go round +with the begging bowl nor, except in a few monasteries, is it +forbidden to eat after midday. As a rule there are three meals, the +last about 6 p.m., and all must be eaten in silence. The three +garments prescribed by Indian Buddhism are still worn, but beneath +them are trousers, stockings, and shoes which are necessary in the +Chinese climate. There is no idea that it is wrong to sleep on a bed, +to receive presents or own property. + +Two or three services are performed daily in the principal temple, +early in the morning, about 4 p.m., and sometimes in the middle of the +day. A specimen of this ritual may be seen in the service called by +Beal the Liturgy of Kuan Yin.[885] It consists of versicles, responses +and canticles, and, though strangely reminiscent both in structure and +externals (such as the wearing of vestments) of the offices of the +Roman Church,[886] appears to be Indian in origin. I-Ching describes +the choral services which he attended in Nalanda and elsewhere--the +chanting, bowing, processions--and the Chinese ritual is, I think, +only the amplification of these ceremonies. It includes the +presentation of offerings, such as tea, rice and other vegetables. The +Chinese pilgrims testify that in India flowers, lights and incense +were offered to relics and images (as in Christian churches), and the +Bodhicaryavatara,[887] one of the most spiritual of later Mahayanist +works, mentions offerings of food and drink as part of worship. Many +things in Buddhism lent themselves to such a transformation or parody +of earlier teaching. Offerings of food to hungry ghosts were +countenanced, and it was easy to include among the recipients other +spirits. It was meritorious to present food, raiment and property to +living saints: oriental, and especially Chinese, symbolism found +it natural to express the same devotion by offerings made before +images. + +In the course of most ceremonies, the monks make vows on behalf of all +beings and take oath to work for their salvation. They are also +expected to deliver and hear sermons and to engage in meditation. Some +of them superintend the education of novices which consists chiefly in +learning to read and repeat religious works. Quite recently elementary +schools for the instruction of the laity have been instituted in some +monasteries.[888] + +The regularity of convent life is broken by many festivals. The year +is divided into two periods of wandering, two of meditation and one of +repose corresponding to the old Vassa. Though this division has become +somewhat theoretical, it is usual for monks to set out on excursions +in the spring and autumn. In each month there are six fasts, including +the two uposatha days. On these latter the 250 rules of the +Pratimoksha are recited in a refectory or side hall and subsequently +the fifty-eight rules of the Fan-wang-ching are recited with greater +ceremony in the main temple. + +Another class of holy days includes the birthdays[889] not only of +Sakya-muni, but of other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, the anniversaries +of events in Sakya-muni's life and the deaths of Bodhidharma and other +Saints, among whom the founder or patron of each monastery has a +prominent place. Another important and popular festival is called +Yu-lan-pen or All Souls' day, which is an adaptation of Buddhist +usages to Chinese ancestral worship. Of many other festivals it may be +said that they are purely Chinese but countenanced by Buddhism: such +are the days which mark the changes of the seasons, those sacred to +Kuan-ti and other native deities, and (before the revolution) imperial +birthdays. + +The daily services are primarily for the monks, but the laity may +attend them, if they please. More frequently they pay their devotions +at other hours, light a few tapers and too often have recourse to some +form of divination before the images. Sometimes they defray the +cost of more elaborate ceremonies to expiate sins or ensure +prosperity. But the lay attendance in temples is specially large at +seasons of pilgrimage. For an account of this interesting side of +Chinese religious life I cannot do better than refer the reader to Mr. +Johnston's volume already cited. + +Though the services of the priesthood may be invoked at every crisis +of life, they are most in requisition for funeral ceremonies. A +detailed description of these as practised at Amoy has been given by +De Groot[890] which is probably true in essentials for all parts of +China. These rites unite in incongruous confusion several orders of +ideas. Pre-Buddhist Chinese notions of the life after death seem not +to have included the idea of hell. The disembodied soul is honoured +and comforted but without any clear definition of its status. Some +representative--a person, figure, or tablet--is thought capable of +giving it a temporary residence and at funeral ceremonies offerings +are made to such a representative and plays performed before it. +Though Buddhist language may be introduced into this ritual, its +spirit is alien to even the most corrupt Buddhism. + +Buddhism familiarized China with the idea that the average man stands +in danger of purgatory and this doctrine cannot be described as late +or Mahayanist.[891] Those epithets are, however, merited by the +subsidiary doctrine that such punishment can be abridged by vicarious +acts of worship which may take the form of simple prayer addressed to +benevolent beings who can release the tortured soul. More often the +idea underlying it is that the recitation of certain formulae acquires +merit for the reciter who can then divert this merit to any +purpose.[892] This is really a theological refinement of the ancient +and widespread notion that words have magic force. Equally ancient and +unBuddhist in origin is the theory of sympathetic magic. Just as by +sticking pins into a wax figure you may kill the person represented, +so by imitating physical operations of rescue, you may deliver a soul +from the furnaces and morasses of hell. Thus a paper model of +hades is made which is knocked to pieces and finally burnt: the spirit +is escorted with music and other precautions over a mock bridge, and, +most singular of all, the priests place over a receptacle of water a +special machine consisting of a cylinder containing a revolving +apparatus which might help a creature immersed in the fluid to climb +up. This strange mummery is supposed to release those souls who are +condemned to sojourn in a pool of blood.[893] This, too, is a +superstition countenanced only by Chinese Buddhism, for the punishment +is incurred not so much by sinners as by those dying of illnesses +which defile with blood. Many other rites are based on the notion that +objects--or their paper images--ceremonially burnt are transmitted to +the other world for the use of the dead. Thus representations in paper +of servants, clothes, furniture, money and all manner of things are +burned together with the effigy of the deceased and sometimes also +certificates and passports giving him a clean bill of health for the +Kingdom of Heaven. + +As in funeral rites, so in matters of daily life, Buddhism gives its +countenance and help to popular superstition, to every kind of charm +for reading the future, securing happiness and driving away evil +spirits. In its praise may be said that this patronage, though far too +easy going, is not extended to cruel or immoral customs. But the +reader will ask, is there no brighter side? I believe that there is, +but it is not conspicuous and, as in India, public worship and temple +ritual display the lower aspects of religion. But in China a devout +Buddhist is generally a good man and the objects of Buddhist +associations are praiseworthy and philanthropic. They often include +vegetarianism and abstinence from alcohol and drugs. The weakness of +the religion to-day is no doubt the want of intelligence and energy +among the clergy. There are not a few learned and devout monks, but +even devotion is not a characteristic of the majority. On the other +hand, those of the laity who take their religion seriously generally +attain a high standard of piety and there have been attempts to +reform Buddhism, to connect it with education and to spread a +knowledge of the more authentic scriptures.[894] + +When one begins to study Buddhism in China, one fears it may be +typified by the neglected temples on the outskirts of Peking, sullen +and mouldering memorials of dynasties that have passed away. But later +one learns not only that there are great and nourishing monasteries in +the south, but that even in Peking one may often step through an +archway into courtyards of which the prosaic streets outside give no +hint and find there refreshment for the eye and soul, flower gardens +and well-kept shrines tended by pious and learned guardians. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 855: [Chinese: ] For a specimen of devotional literature +about the heart see the little tract translated in China Branch, +_R.A.S._ XXIII. pp. 9-22.] + +[Footnote 856: [Chinese: ] For text translation and commentary, see +De Groot, _Code du Mahayana en Chine_, 1893, see also Nanjio, No. +1087.] + +[Footnote 857: De Groot, p. 81.] + +[Footnote 858: The identity of name seems due to a similarity of +metaphor. The Brahmajala sutta is a net of many meshes to catch all +forms of error. The Fan-wang-ching compares the varieties of Buddhist +opinion to the meshes of a net (De Groot, _l.c._ p. 26), but the net +is the all-inclusive common body of truth.] + +[Footnote 859: See, however, sections 20 and 39.] + +[Footnote 860: See especially De Groot, _l.c._ p. 58, where the +reading of the Abhidharma is forbidden. Though this name is not +confined to the Hinayana, A-pi-t'an in Chinese seems to be rarely used +as a title of Mahayanist books.] + +[Footnote 861: The Indian words are transliterated in the Chinese +text.] + +[Footnote 862: More accurately reading the sutras on their behalf, but +this exercise is practically equivalent to intercessory prayer.] + +[Footnote 863: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 864: The full title is [Chinese: ] Pai Chang is apparently +to be taken as the name of the author, but it is the designation of a +monastery used as a personal name. See Hackmann in _T'oung Pao_, 1908, +pp. 651-662. It is No. 1642 in Nanjio's Catalogue. He says that it has +been revised and altered.] + +[Footnote 865: See _T'oung Pao_, 1904, pp. 437 ff.] + +[Footnote 866: It is probable that the older Chinese monasteries +attempted to reproduce the arrangement of Nalanda and other Indian +establishments. Unfortunately Hsuan Chuang and the other pilgrims give +us few details as to the appearance of Indian monasteries: they tell +us, however, that they were surrounded by a wall, that the monks' +quarters were near this wall, that there were halls where choral +services were performed and that there were triads of images. But the +Indian buildings had three stories. See Chavannes, _Memoire sur les +Religieux Eminents_, 1894, p. 85.] + +[Footnote 867: [Chinese: ] or [Chinese: ] For this personage see the +article in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1916. No. 3, by Peri who identifies him with +Wei, the general of the Heavenly Kings who appeared to Tao Hsuan the +founder of the Vinaya school and became popular as a protecting deity +of Buddhism. The name is possibly a mistaken transcription of +Skandha.] + +[Footnote 868: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 869: [Chinese: ] See Levi and Chavannes' two articles in +_J.A._ 1916, I and II, and Watters in _J.R.A.S._ 1898, p. 329, for an +account of these personages. The original number, still found in a few +Chinese temples as well as in Korea, Japan and Tibet was sixteen. +Several late sutras contain the idea that the Buddha entrusted the +protection of his religion to four or sixteen disciples and bade them +not enter Nirvana but tarry until the advent of Maitreya. The +Ta-A-lo-han-nan-t'i-mi-to-lo-so-shuo-fa-chu-chi (Nanjio, 1466) is an +account of these sixteen disciples and of their spheres of influence. +The Buddha assigned to each a region within which it is his duty to +guard the faith. They will not pass from this life before the next +Buddha comes. Pindola is the chief of them. Nothing is known of +the work cited except that it was translated in 654 by Hsuan Chuang, +who, according to Watters, used an earlier translation. As the Arhats +are Indian personalities, and their spheres are mapped out from the +point of view of Indian geography, there can be no doubt that we have +to do with an Indian idea, imported into Tibet as well as into China +where it became far more popular than it had ever been in India. The +two additional Arhats (who vary in different temples, whereas the +sixteen are fixed) appear to have been added during the T'ang dynasty +and, according to Watters, in imitation of a very select order of +merit instituted by the Emperor T'ai Tsung and comprising eighteen +persons. Chavannes and Levi see in them spirits borrowed from the +popular pantheon. + +Chinese ideas about the Lohans at the present day are very vague. +Their Indian origin has been forgotten and some of them have been +provided with Chinese biographies. (See Dore, p. 216.) One popular +story says that they were eighteen converted brigands. + +In several large temples there are halls containing 500 images of +Arhats, which include many Chinese Emperors and one of them is often +pointed out as being Marco Polo. But this is very doubtful. See, +however, Hackmann, _Buddhismus_, p. 212.] + +[Footnote 870: Generally they consist of Sakya-muni and two +superhuman Buddhas or Bodhisattvas, such as O-mi-to (Amitabha) and +Yo-shih-fo (Vaidurya): Pi-lu-fo (Vairocana) and Lo-shih-fo (Lochana): +Wen-shu (Manjus-ri) and P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra). The common +European explanation that they are the Buddhas of the past, present +and future is not correct.] + +[Footnote 871: [Chinese: ] and [Chinese: ] For the importance of +Ti-tsang in popular Buddhism, which has perhaps been underestimated, +see Johnston, chap. VII.] + +[Footnote 872: I speak of the Old Imperial Government which came to an +end in 1911.] + +[Footnote 873: [Chinese: ]] + +[Footnote 874: De Groot, _l.c._ p.51.] + +[Footnote 875: See Kern's translation, especially pp. 379 and 385.] + +[Footnote 876: See Nanjio, Nos. 138 and 139. The practice is not +entirely unknown in the legends of Pali Buddhism. In the Lokapannatti, +a work existing in Burma but perhaps translated from the Sanskrit, +Asoka burns himself in honour of the Buddha, but is miraculously +preserved. See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 421 and 427.] + +[Footnote 877: See I-Tsing, _Records of the Buddhist Religion_, trans. +Takakusu, pp. 195 ff., and for Tibet, Waddell, _Buddhism of Tibet_, p. +178, note 3, from which it appears that it is only in Eastern Tibet +and probably under Chinese influence that branding is in vogue. For +apparent instances in Central Asian art, see Grunwedel, _Budd. +Kultst._ p. 23, note 1.] + +[Footnote 878: Branding is common in many Hindu sects, especially the +Madhvas, but is reprobated by others.] + +[Footnote 879: It is condemned as part of the superstition of Buddhism +in a memorial of Han Yu, 819 A.D.] + +[Footnote 880: See those cited by De Groot, _l. c_. p. 228, and the +article of MacGowan (_Chinese Recorder_, 1888) there referred to. See +also Hackmann, _Buddhism as a Religion_, p. 228. Chinese sentiment +often approves suicide, for instance, if committed by widows or the +adherents of defeated princes. For a Confucian instance, see Johnston, +p. 341.] + +[Footnote 881: See _e.g._ Du Bose, _The Dragon, Image and Demon_, p. +265. I have never seen such practices myself. See also _Paraphrase of +the Sacred Edict_, VII. 8.] + +[Footnote 882: [Chinese: ] This word, which has no derivation in +Chinese, is thought to be a corruption of some vernacular form of the +Sanskrit Upadhyaya current in Central Asia. See I-tsing, transl. +Takakusu, p. 118. Upadhyaya became Vajjha (as is shown by the modern +Indian forms Ojha or Jha and Tamil Vaddyar). See Bloch in +_Indo-Germanischen Forschungen_, vol. XXV. 1909, p. 239. Vajjha might +become in Chinese Ho-sho or Ho-shang for Ho sometimes represents the +Indian syllable _va_. See Julien, _Methode_, p. 109, and Eitel, +_Handbook of Chinese Buddhism_, p. 195.] + +[Footnote 883: For details see Hackmann in _T'oung Pao_, 1908.] + +[Footnote 884: They apparently correspond to the monastic lay servants +or "pure men" described by I-Ching, chap. XXXII, as living as +Nalanda.] + +[Footnote 885: _A Catena of Buddhist Scriptures from the Chinese_, pp. +339 ff.] + +[Footnote 886: The abbot and several upper priests wear robes, which +are generally red and gold, during the service. The abbot also carries +a sort of sceptre. The vestments of the clergy are said to be derived +from the robes of honour which used to be given to them when they +appeared at Court.] + +[Footnote 887: II. 16. Cf. the rituals in De la Vallee Poussin's +_Bouddhisme et Materiaux_, pp. 214 ff. Taranatha frequently mentions +burnt offerings as part of worship in medieval Magadha.] + +[Footnote 888: I do not refer to the practice of turning disused +temples into schools which is frequent. In some monasteries the monks, +while retaining possession, have themselves opened schools.] + +[Footnote 889: It is not clear to me what is really meant by the +_birthdays_ of beings like Maitreya and Amitabha.] + +[Footnote 890: _Actes du Sixieme Congres des Orientalistes_, Leide, +1883, sec. IV. pp. 1-120.] + +[Footnote 891: _E.g._ in Dipavamsa, XIII; Mahav. XIV. Mahinda is +represented as converting Ceylon by accounts of the terrors of the +next world.] + +[Footnote 892: The merit of good deeds can be similarly utilized. The +surviving relatives feed the poor or buy and maintain for the rest of +its life an animal destined to slaughter. The merit then goes to the +deceased.] + +[Footnote 893: It may possibly be traceable to Manichaeism which taught +that souls are transferred from one sphere to another by a sort of +cosmic water wheel. See Cumont's article, "La roue A puiser les ames +du Manicheisme" in _Rev. de l'Hist, des Religions_, 1915, p. 384. +Chavannes and Pelliot have shown that traces of Manichaeism lingered +long in Fu-Kien. The metaphor of the endless chain of buckets is also +found in the Yuan Jen Lun.] + +[Footnote 894: See Francke, "Ein Buddhistischer Reformversuch in +China," _T'oung Pao_, 1909, pp. 567-602.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLVII + +KOREA[895] + + +The Buddhism of Korea cannot be sharply distinguished from the +Buddhism of China and Japan. Its secluded mountain monasteries have +some local colour, and contain halls dedicated to the seven stars and +the mountain gods of the land. And travellers are impressed by the +columns of rock projecting from the soil and carved into images +(miriok), by the painted walls of the temples and by the huge +rolled-up pictures which are painted and displayed on festival days. +But there is little real originality in art: in literature and +doctrine none at all. Buddhism started in Korea with the same +advantages as in China and Japan but it lost in moral influence +because the monks continually engaged in politics and it did not win +temporal power because they were continually on the wrong side. Yet +Korea is not without importance in the annals of far-eastern Buddhism +for, during the wanderings and vicissitudes of the faith, it served as +a rest-house and depot. It was from Korea that Buddhism first entered +Japan: when, during the wars of the five dynasties the T'ien-t'ai +school was nearly annihilated in China, it was revived by a Korean +priest and the earliest extant edition of the Chinese Tripitaka is +known only by a single copy preserved in Korea and taken thence to +Japan. + +For our purposes Korean history may be divided into four periods: + + I. The three States (B.C. 57-A.D. 668). + II. The Kingdom of Silla (668-918). + III. The Kingdom of Korye (918-1392). + IV. The Kingdom of Chosen (1392-1910). + +The three states were Koguryu in the north, Pakche in the south-west +and Silla in the south-east.[896] Buddhism, together with Chinese +writing, entered Koguryu from the north in 372 and Pakche from the +south a few years later. Silla being more distant and at war with the +other states did not receive it till about 424. In 552 both Japan and +Pakche were at war with Silla and the king of Pakche, wishing to make +an alliance with the Emperor of Japan sent him presents which included +Buddhist books and images. Thus Korea was the intermediary for +introducing Buddhism, writing, and Chinese culture into Japan, and +Korean monks played an important part there both in art and religion. +But the influence of Korea must not be exaggerated. The Japanese +submitted to it believing that they were acquiring the culture of +China and as soon as circumstances permitted they went straight to the +fountain head. The principal early sects were all imported direct from +China. + +The kingdom of Silla, which became predominant in the seventh century, +had adopted Buddhism in 528, and maintained friendly intercourse with +the T'ang dynasty. As in Japan Chinese civilization was imitated +wholesale. This tendency strengthened Buddhism at the time, but its +formidable rival Confucianism was also introduced early in the eighth +century, although it did not become predominant until the +thirteenth.[897] + +In the seventh century the capital of Silla was a centre of Buddhist +culture and also of trade. Merchants from India, Tibet and Persia are +said to have frequented its markets and several Korean pilgrims +visited India. + +In 918 the Wang dynasty, originating in a northern family of humble +extraction, overthrew the kingdom of Silla and with it the old Korean +aristocracy. This was replaced by an official nobility modelled on +that of China: the Chinese system of examinations was adopted and a +class of scholars grew up. But with this attempt to reconstruct +society many abuses appeared. The number of slaves greatly +increased,[898] and there were many hereditary low castes, the +members of which were little better than slaves. Only the higher +castes could compete in examinations or hold office and there were +continual struggles and quarrels between the military and civil +classes. Buddhism flourished much as it flourished in the Hei-an +period of Japan, but its comparative sterility reflected the inferior +social conditions of Korea. Festivals were celebrated by the Court +with great splendour: magnificent monasteries were founded: the bonzes +kept troops and entered the capital armed: the tutor of the heir +apparent and the chancellor of the kingdom were often ecclesiastics, +and a law is said to have been enacted to the effect that if a man had +three sons one of them must become a monk. But about 1250 the +influence of the Sung Confucianists began to be felt. The bonzes were +held responsible for the evils of the time, for the continual feuds, +exactions and massacres, and the civil nobility tended to become +Confucianist and to side against the church and the military. The +inevitable outburst was delayed but also rendered more disastrous when +it came by the action of the Mongols who, as in China, were patrons of +Buddhism. The Yuan dynasty invaded Korea, placed regents in the +principal towns and forced the Korean princes to marry Mongol wives. +It was from Korea that Khubilai despatched his expeditions against +Japan, and in revenge the Japanese harried the Korean coast throughout +the fourteenth century. But so long as the Yuan dynasty lasted the +Korean Court which had become Mongol remained faithful to it and to +Buddhism; when it was ousted by the Ming, a similar movement soon +followed in Korea. The Mongolized dynasty of Korye was deposed and +another, which professed to trace its lineage back to Silla, mounted +the throne and gave the country the name of Chosen. + +This revolution was mainly the work of the Confucianist party in the +nobility and it was not unnatural that patriots and reformers should +see in Buddhism nothing but the religion of the corrupt old regime of +the Mongols. During the next century and a half a series of +restrictive measures, sometimes amounting to persecution, were applied +to it. Two kings who dared to build monasteries and favour bonzes were +deposed. Statues were melted down, Buddhist learning was forbidden: +marriages and burials were performed according to the rules of +Chu-hsi. About the beginning of the sixteenth century (the date is +variously given as 1472 and 1512 and perhaps there was more than +one edict) the monasteries in the capital and all cities were closed +and this is why Korean monasteries are all in the country and often in +almost inaccessible mountains. It is only since the Japanese +occupation that temples have been built in towns. + +At first the results of the revolution were beneficial. The great +families were compelled to discharge their body-guards whose +collisions had been a frequent cause of bloodshed. The public finances +and military forces were put into order. Printing with moveable type +and a phonetic alphabet were brought into use and vernacular +literature began to flourish. But in time the Confucian literati +formed a sort of corporation and became as troublesome as the bonzes +had been. The aristocracy split into two hostile camps and Korean +politics became again a confused struggle between families and +districts in which progress and even public order became impossible. +For a moment, however, there was a national cause. This was when +Hideyoshi invaded Korea in 1592 as part of his attack on China. The +people rose against the Japanese troops and, thanks to the death of +Hideyoshi rather than to their own valour, got rid of them. It is said +that in this struggle the bonzes took part as soldiers fighting under +their abbots and that the treaty of peace was negotiated by a Korean +and a Japanese monk.[899] + +Nevertheless it does not appear that Buddhism enjoyed much +consideration in the next three centuries. The Hermit Kingdom, as it +has been called, became completely isolated and stagnant nor was there +any literary or intellectual life except the mechanical study of the +Chinese classics. Since the annexation by Japan (1910) conditions have +changed and Buddhism is encouraged. Much good work has been done in +collecting and reprinting old books, preserving monuments and copying +inscriptions. The monasteries were formerly under the control of +thirty head establishments or sees, with somewhat conflicting +interests. But about 1912 these thirty sees formed a union under a +president who resides in Seoul and holds office for a year. A +theological seminary also has been founded and a Buddhist magazine is +published. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 895: See various articles in the _Trans. of the Korean +Branch of the R.A.S._, and F. Starr, _Korean Buddhism_. Also M. +Courant, _Bibliographie coreenne_, especially vol. III. chap. 2.] + +[Footnote 896: The orthography of these three names varies +considerably. The Japanese equivalents are Koma, Kudara and Shiragi. +There are also slight variations in the dates given for the +introduction of Buddhism into various states. It seems probable that +Marananda and Mukocha, the first missionaries to Pakche and Silla were +Hindus or natives of Central Asia who came from China and some of the +early art of Silla is distinctly Indian in style. See Starr, _l.c._ +plates VIII and IX.] + +[Footnote 897: These dates are interesting, as reflecting the changes +of thought in China. In the sixth century Chinese influence meant +Buddhism. It is not until the latter part of the Southern Sung, when +the philosophy of Chu-hsi had received official approval, that +Chinese influence meant Confucianism.] + +[Footnote 898: The reasons were many, but the upper classes were +evidently ready to oppress the lower. Poor men became the slaves of +the rich to obtain a livelihood. All children of slave women were +declared hereditary slaves and so were the families of criminals.] + +[Footnote 899: These statements are taken from Maurice Courant's +Epitome of Korean History in Madrolle's _Guide to North China_, p. +428. I have not been successful in verifying them in Chinese or +Japanese texts. See, however, Starr, _Korean Buddhism_, pp. 29-30.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLVIII + +ANNAM + + +The modern territory called Annam includes the ancient Champa, and it +falls within the French political sphere which includes Camboja. Of +Champa I have treated elsewhere in connection with Camboja, but Annam +cannot be regarded as the heir of this ancient culture. It represents +a southward extension of Chinese influence, though it is possible that +Buddhism may have entered it in the early centuries of our era either +by sea or from Burma. + +At the present day that part of the French possessions which occupies +the eastern coast of Asia is divided into Tonkin, Annam and Cochin +China. The Annamites are predominant in all three provinces and the +language and religion of all are the same, except that Cochin China +has felt the influence of Europe more strongly than the others. But +before the sixteenth century the name Annam meant rather Tonkin and +the northern portion of modern Annam, the southern portion being the +now vanished kingdom of Champa. + +Until the tenth century A.D.[900] Annam in this sense was a part of +the Chinese Empire, although it was occasionally successful in +asserting its temporary independence. In the troubled period which +followed the downfall of the T'ang dynasty this independence became +more permanent. An Annamite prince founded a kingdom called +Dai-co-viet[901] and after a turbulent interval there arose the Li +dynasty which reigned for more than two centuries (1009-1226 A.D.). It +was under this dynasty that the country was first styled An-nam: +previously the official designation of the land or its inhabitants was +Giao-Chi.[902] The Annamites were at this period a considerable +military power, though their internal administration appears to have +been chaotic. They were occasionally at war with China, but as a rule +were ready to send complimentary embassies to the Emperor. With +Champa, which was still a formidable antagonist, there was a continual +struggle. Under the Tran dynasty (1225-1400) the foreign policy of +Annam followed much the same lines. A serious crisis was created by +the expedition of Khubilai Khan in 1285, but though the Annamites +suffered severely at the beginning of the invasion, they did not lose +their independence and their recognition of Chinese suzerainty +remained nominal. In the south the Chams continued hostilities and, +after the loss of some territory, invoked the aid of China with the +result that the Chinese occupied Annam. They held it, however, only +for five years (1414-1418). + +In 1428 the Li dynasty came to the throne and ruled Annam at least in +name until the end of the eighteenth century. At first they proved +vigorous and capable; they organized the kingdom in provinces and +crushed the power of Champa. But after the fifteenth century the kings +became merely titular sovereigns and Annamite history is occupied +entirely with the rivalry of the two great families, Trinh and Nguyen, +who founded practically independent kingdoms in Tonkin and +Cochin-China respectively. In 1802 a member of the Nguyen family made +himself Emperor of all Annam but both he and his successors were +careful to profess themselves vassals of China. + +Thus it will be seen that Annam was at no time really detached from +China. In spite of political independence it always looked towards the +Chinese Court and though complimentary missions and nominal vassalage +seem unimportant, yet they are significant as indicating admiration +for Chinese institutions. Between Champa and Annam on the other hand +there was perpetual war: in the later phases of the contest the +Annamites appear as invaders and destroyers. They seem to have +disliked the Chams and were not disposed to imitate them. Hence it is +natural that Champa, so long as it existed as an independent kingdom, +should mark the limit of _direct_ Indian influence on the mainland of +Eastern Asia, though afterwards Camboja became the limit. By direct, I +do not mean to exclude the possibility of transmission through Java or +elsewhere, but by whatever route Indian civilization came to +Champa, it brought its own art, alphabet and language, such +institutions as caste and forms of Hinduism and Buddhism which had +borrowed practically nothing from non-Indian sources. In Annam, on the +other hand, Chinese writing and, for literary purposes, a form of the +Chinese language were in use: the arts, customs and institutions were +mainly Chinese: whatever Buddhism can be found was imported from China +and is imperfectly distinguished from Taoism: of Hinduism there are +hardly any traces.[903] + +The Buddhism of Annam is often described as corrupt and decadent. +Certainly it would be vain to claim for it that its doctrine and +worship are even moderately pure or primitive, but it cannot be said +to be moribund. The temples are better kept and more numerously +attended than in China and there are also some considerable +monasteries. As in China very few except the monks are exclusive +Buddhists and even the monks have no notion that the doctrines of +Lao-tzu and Confucius are different from Buddhism. The religion of +the ordinary layman is a selection made according to taste from a mass +of beliefs and observances traceable to several distinct sources, +though no Annamite is conscious that there is anything incongruous in +this heterogeneous combination. This fusion of religions, which is +more complete even than in China, is illustrated by the temples of +Annam which are of various kinds.[904] First we have the Chua or +Buddhist temples, always served by bonzes or nuns. They consist of +several buildings of which the principal contains an altar bearing a +series of images arranged on five or six steps, which rise like the +tiers of a theatre. In the front row there is usually an image of the +infant Sakyamuni and near him stand figures of Atnan (Ananda) +and Muc-Lien (Maudgalyayana). On the next stage are Taoist deities +(the Jade Emperor, the Polar Star, and the Southern Star) and on the +higher stages are images representing (_a_) three Buddhas[905] with +attendants, (_b_) the Buddhist Triratna and (_c_) the three +religions, Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism. But the arrangement of +the images is subject to much variation and the laity hardly know who +are the personages represented. At side altars there are generally +statues of Quan-Am, guardian deities, eminent bonzes and other +worthies. Representations of hell are also common. Part of the temple +is generally set apart for women who frequent it in the hope of +obtaining children by praying to Quan-Am and other goddesses. Buddhist +literature is sometimes printed in these Chua and such works as the +Amitayurdhyanasutra and collections of Dharanis are commonly placed +on the altars. + +Quan-Am (Kuan-Yin) is a popular deity and the name seems to be given +to several goddesses. They would probably be described as incarnations +of Avalokita, if any Annamite were to define his beliefs (which is not +usual), but they are really legendary heroines who have left a +reputation for superhuman virtue. One was a daughter of the Emperor +Chuang of the Chou dynasty. Another (Quan-Am-Thi-Kinh), represented as +sitting on a rock and carrying a child in her arms, was a much +persecuted lady who passed part of her life disguised as a bonze. A +third form, Quan-Am-Toa-Son, she who dwells on the mountains, has an +altar in nearly every temple and is specially worshipped by women who +wish for sons. At Hanoi there is a small temple, rising on one column +out of the water near the shore of a lake, like a lotus in a tank, +and containing a brass image of Quan-Am with eight arms, which is +evidently of Indian origin. Sometimes popular heroines such as Cao +Tien, a princess who was drowned, are worshipped without (it would +seem) being identified with Quan-Am. + +But besides the Chua there are at least three other kinds of religious +edifices: (i) Dinh. These are municipal temples dedicated to beings +commonly called genii by Europeans, that is to say, superhuman +personages, often, but not always, departed local worthies, who for +one reason or another are supposed to protect and supervise a +particular town or village. The Dinh contains a council room as well +as a shrine and is served by laymen. The genius is often represented +by an empty chair and his name must not be pronounced within the +temple. (ii) Taoist deities are sometimes worshipped in special +temples, but the Annamites do not seem to think that such worship is +antagonistic to Buddhism or even distinct from it. (iii) Temples +dedicated to Confucius (Van mien) are to be found in the towns, but +are generally open only on certain feast days, when they are visited +by officials. Sometimes altars dedicated to the sage may be found in +natural grottoes or other picturesque situations. Besides these +numerous elements, Annamite religion also includes the veneration of +ancestors and ceremonies such as the worship of Heaven and Earth +performed in imitation of the Court of Peking. To this must be added +many local superstitions in which the worship of animals, especially +the tiger, is prominent. But a further analysis of this composite +religion does not fall within my province. + +There is little to be said about the history of Buddhism in Annam, but +native tradition places its introduction as late as the tenth +century.[906] Buddhist temples usually contain a statue of Phat +To[907] who is reported to have been the first adherent of the faith +and to have built the first pagoda. He was the tutor of the Emperor +Li-Thai-To who came to the throne in 1009. Phat-To may therefore have +been active in the middle of the tenth century and this agrees with +the statement that the Emperor Dinh Tien-Hoang De (968-979) was a +fervent Buddhist who built temples and did his best to make +converts.[908] One Emperor, Li Hue-Ton, abdicated and retired to a +monastery. + +The Annals of Annam[909] record a discussion which took place before +the Emperor Thai-Ton (1433-1442) between a Buddhist and a sorcerer. +Both held singularly mixed beliefs but recognized the Buddha as a +deity. The king said that he could not decide between the two sects, +but gave precedence to the Buddhists. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 900: The dates given are 111 B.C.-939 A.D.] + +[Footnote 901: French scholars use a great number of accents and even +new forms of letters to transcribe Annamite, but since this language +has nothing to do with the history of Buddhism or Hinduism and the +accurate orthography is very difficult to read, I have contented +myself with a rough transcription.] + +[Footnote 902: This is the common orthography, but Chiao Chih would be +the spelling according to the system of transliterating Chinese +adopted in this book.] + +[Footnote 903: It is said that the story of the Ramayana is found in +Annamite legends (_B.E.F.E.O._ 1905, p. 77), and in one or two places +the Annamites reverence statues of Indian deities.] + +[Footnote 904: The most trustworthy account of Annamite religion is +perhaps Dumoutier, _Les Cultes Annamites_, Hanoi, 1907. It was +published after the author's death and consists of a series of notes +rather than a general description. See also Diguet, _Les Annamites_, +1906, especially chap. VI.] + +[Footnote 905: Maitreya is called Ri-lac = Chinese Mi-le. The +equivalence of the syllables _ri_ and _mi_ seems strange, but certain. +Cf. A-ri-da = Amida or O-mi-to.] + +[Footnote 906: Pelliot (Meou-Tseu, traduit et annote, in _T'oung Pao_, +vol. XIX. p. 1920) gives reasons for thinking that Buddhism was +prevalent in Tonkin in the early centuries of our era, but, if so, it +appears to have decayed and been reintroduced. Also at this time +Chiao-Chih may have meant Kuang-tung.] + +[Footnote 907: Diguet, _Les Annamites_, p. 303.] + +[Footnote 908: Maybon et Russier, _L'Histoire d'Annam_, p. 45.] + +[Footnote 909: Dumoutier, _Les Cultes Annamites_, p. 58.] + + + + +CHAPTER XLIX + +TIBET + +INTRODUCTORY + + +The religion of Tibet and Mongolia, often called Lamaism, is probably +the most singular form of Buddhism in existence and has long attracted +attention in Europe on account of its connection with politics and its +curious resemblance to the Roman Church in ritual as well as in +statecraft. The pontiffs and curia of Lhasa emulated the authority of +the medieval papacy, so that the Mings and Manchus in China as well as +the British in India had to recognize them as a considerable power. + +Tibet had early relations with Kashmir, Central Asia and China which +may all have contributed something to its peculiar civilization, but +its religion is in the main tantric Buddhism imported from Bengal and +invigorated from time to time by both native and Indian reformers. But +though almost every feature of Lamaism finds a parallel somewhere in +India, yet too great insistence on its source and historical +development hardly does justice to the originality of the Tibetans. +They borrowed a foreign faith wholesale, but still the relative +emphasis which they laid on its different aspects was something new. +They had only a moderate aptitude for asceticism, meditation and +metaphysics, although they manfully translated huge tomes of Sanskrit +philosophy, but they had a genius for hierarchy, discipline and +ecclesiastical polity unknown to the Hindus. Thus taking the common +Asiatic idea that great and holy men are somehow divine, they made it +the principle of civil and sacerdotal government by declaring the +prelates of the church to be deities incarnate. Yet in strange +contrast to these practical talents, a certain innate devilry made +them exaggerate all the magical, terrifying and demoniac elements to +be found in Indian Tantrism. + +The extraordinary figures of raging fiends which fill Tibetan shrines +suggest at first that the artists simply borrowed and made more +horrible the least civilized fancies of Indian sculpture, yet the +majesty of Tibetan architecture (for, judging by the photographs of +Lhasa and Tashilhumpo, it deserves no less a name) gives another +impression. The simplicity of its lines and the solid, spacious walls +unadorned by carving recall Egypt rather than India and harmonize not +with the many-limbed demons but with the calm and dignified features +of the deified priests who are also portrayed in these halls. + +An atmosphere of mystery and sorcery has long hung about the +mountainous regions which lie to the north of India. Hindus and +Chinese alike saw in them the home of spirits and wizards, and the +grand but uncanny scenery of these high plateaux has influenced the +art and ideas of the natives. The climate made it natural that priests +should congregate in roomy strongholds, able to defy the cold and +contain the stores necessary for a long winter, and the massive walls +seem to imitate the outline of the rocks out of which they grow. But +the strange shapes assumed by mists and clouds, often dyed many +colours by the rising or setting sun, suggest to the least imaginative +mind an aerial world peopled by monstrous and magical figures. At +other times, when there is no fog, distant objects seem in the still, +clear atmosphere to be very near, until the discovery that they are +really far away produces a strange feeling that they are unreal and +unattainable. + +In discussing this interesting faith, I shall first treat of its +history and then of the sacred books on which it professes to be +based. In the light of this information it will be easier to +understand the doctrines of Lamaism and I shall finally say something +about its different sects, particularly as there is reason to think +that the strength of the Established Church, of which the Grand Lama +is head, has been exaggerated. + + + + +CHAPTER L + +TIBET (_continued_) + +HISTORY + + +It is generally stated that Buddhism was first preached in Tibet at +the instance of King Srong-tsan-gam-po[910] who came to the throne in +629 A.D. Some legendary notices of its earlier appearance[911] will +bear the natural interpretation that the Tibetans (like the Chinese) +had heard something about it from either India or Khotan before they +invited instructors to visit them.[912] + +At this time Tibet played some part in the politics of China and +northern India. The Emperor Harsha and the T'ang Emperor T'ai Tsung +exchanged embassies but a second embassy sent from China arrived after +Harsha's death and a usurper who had seized the throne refused to +receive it. The Chinese with the assistance of the kings of Tibet and +Nepal dethroned him and carried him off captive. There is therefore +nothing improbable in the story that Srong-tsan-gam-po had two wives, +who were princesses of Nepal and China respectively. He was an active +ruler, warlike but progressive, and was persuaded by these two ladies +that Buddhism was a necessary part of civilization. According to +tradition he sent to India a messenger called Thonmi Sanbhota, who +studied there for several years, adapted a form of Indian writing to +the use of his native language and translated the Karanda Vyuha. +Recent investigators however have advanced the theory that the Tibetan +letters are derived from the alphabet of Indian origin used in Khotan +and that Sanbhota made its acquaintance in Kashmir.[913] Though the +king and his two wives are now regarded as the first patrons of +Lamaism and worshipped as incarnations of Avalokita and Tara, it does +not appear that his direct religious activity was great or that he +built monasteries. But his reign established the foundations of +civilization without which Buddhism could hardly have flourished, he +to some extent unified Central Tibet, he chose the site of Lhasa as +the capital and introduced the rudiments of literature and art. But +after his death in 650 we hear little more of Buddhism for some +decades. + +About 705 King Khri-gtsug-lde-btsan is said to have built monasteries, +caused translations to be made, and summoned monks from Khotan. His +efforts bore little fruit, for no Tibetans were willing to take the +vows, but the edict of 783 preserved in Lhasa mentions his zeal for +religion, and he prepared the way for Khri-sron-lde-btsan in whose +reign Padma-Sambhava, the real founder of Lamaism, arrived in +Tibet.[914] + +This event is said to have occurred in 747 and the epoch is +noticeable for two reasons. Firstly Tibet, which had become an +important military power, was now brought into contact both in peace +and war with China and Central Asia. It was predominant in the Tarim +Basin and ruled over parts of Ssu-chuan and Yunnan. China was +obliged to pay tribute and when it was subsequently refused the +Tibetans sacked the capital, Chang-an. In 783 China made a treaty of +peace with Tibet. The king was the son of a Chinese princess and thus +blood as well as wide experience disposed him to open Tibet to foreign +ideas. But in 747 relations with China were bad, so he turned towards +India and invited to his Court a celebrated Pandit named +Santarakshita, who advised him to send for Padma-Sambhava. + +Secondly this was the epoch when Amogha flourished in China and +introduced the Mantrayana system or Chen Yen. This was the same form +of corrupt Buddhism which was brought to Tibet and was obviously the +dominant sect in India in the eighth century. It was pliant and +amalgamated easily with local observances, in China with funeral +rites, in Tibet with demonolatry. + +At this time Padma-Sambhava was one of the most celebrated exponents +of Tantric Buddhism, and in Tibet is often called simply the Teacher +(Guru or Mahacarya). His portraits represent him as a man of strongly +marked and rather angry features, totally unlike a conventional monk. +A popular account of his life[915] is still widely read and may +contain some grains of history, though the narrative as a whole is +fantastic. It describes him as born miraculously in Udyana but as +having studied at Bodhgaya and travelled in many regions with the +intention of converting all the world. According to his plan, the +conversion of his native land was to be his last labour, and when he +had finished his work in Tibet he vanished thither miraculously. Thus +Udyana is not represented as the source and home of Tantric Buddhism +but as being like Tibet a land of magic and mystery but, like +Tibet, needing conversion: both are disposed to welcome Tantric ideas +but those ideas are elaborated by Padma-Sambhava not in Udyana but in +Bengal which from other sources we know to have been a centre of +Tantrism. + +Some other points of interest in these legends may be noticed. +Padma-Sambhava is not celibate but is accompanied by female +companions. He visits many countries which worship various deities and +for each he has a new teaching suited to its needs. Thus in Tibet, +where the older religion consisted of defensive warfare against the +attacks of evil spirits,[916] he assumes the congenial character of a +victorious exorcist, and in his triumphant progress subdues local +demons as methodically as if he were suppressing the guerilla warfare +of native tribes. He has new revelations called Terma which he hides +in caves to be discovered by his successors. These revelations are +said to have been in an unknown language.[917] Those at present +existing are in Tibetan but differ from the canonical scriptures in +certain orthographical peculiarities. The legend thus admits that +Padma-Sambhava preached a non-celibate and magical form of Buddhism, +ready to amalgamate with local superstitions and needing new +revelations for its justification. + +He built the monastery of Samye[918] about thirty miles from Lhasa on +the model of Odantapuri in Bengal. Santarakshita became abbot and +from this period dates the foundation of the order of Lamas.[919] Mara +(Thse Ma-ra) was worshipped as well as the Buddhas, but however +corrupt the cultus may have been, Samye was a literary centre where +many translations were made. Among the best known translators was a +monk from Kashmir named Vairocana.[920] It would appear however that +there was considerable opposition to the new school not only from +the priests of the old native religion but from Chinese +Buddhists.[921] + +Numerous Tibetan documents discovered in the Tarim basin[922] date +from this period. The absence in them of Buddhist personal names and +the rarity of direct references to Buddhism indicate that though known +in Tibet it was not yet predominant. Buddhist priests (ban-de) are +occasionally mentioned but the title Lama has not been found. The +usages of the Bonpo religion seem familiar to the writers and there +are allusions to religious struggles. + +When Padma-Sambhava vanished from Tibet, the legend says that he left +behind him twenty-five disciples, all of them magicians, who +propagated his teaching. At any rate it flourished in the reign of +Ralpachan (the grandson of Khri-sron-lde-btsan). Monasteries +multiplied and received land and the right to collect tithes. To each +monk was assigned a small revenue derived from five tenants and the +hierarchy was reorganized.[923] Many translators were at work in this +period and a considerable part of the present canon was then rendered +into Tibetan. The king's devotion to Buddhism was however unpopular +and he was murdered[924] apparently at the instigation of his brother +and successor Lang-dar-ma,[925] who endeavoured to extirpate Lamaism. +Monasteries were destroyed, books burnt, Indian monks were driven out +of the country and many Lamas were compelled to become hunters or +butchers. But the persecution only lasted three years,[926] for the +wicked king was assassinated by a Lama who has since been canonized by +the Church and the incident of his murder or punishment is still acted +in the mystery plays performed at Himis and other monasteries. + +After the death of Lang-dar-ma Tibet ceased to exist as a united +kingdom and was divided among clans and chieftains. This was +doubtless connected with the collapse of Tibetan power in the Tarim +basin, but whether as effect or cause it is hard to say. The +persecution may have had a political motive: Lang-dar-ma may have +thought that the rise of monastic corporations, and their right to own +land and levy taxes were a menace to unity and military efficiency. +But the political confusion which followed on his death was not due to +the triumphant restoration of Lamaism. Its recovery was slow. The +interval during which Buddhism almost disappeared is estimated by +native authorities as from 73 to 108 years, and its subsequent revival +is treated as a separate period called phyi-dar or later diffusion in +contrast to the sna-dar or earlier diffusion. The silence of +ecclesiastical history during the tenth century confirms the gravity +of the catastrophe.[927] On the other hand the numerous translations +made in the ninth century were not lost and this indicates that there +were monasteries to preserve them, for instance Samye. + +At the beginning of the eleventh century we hear of foreign monks +arriving from various countries. The chronicles[928] say that the chief +workers in the new diffusion were La-chen, Lo-chen, the royal Lama Yeses +Hod and Atisa. The first appears to have been a Tibetan but the pupil of +a teacher who had studied in Nepal. Lo-chen was a Kashmiri and several +other Kashmiri Lamas are mentioned as working in Tibet. Yeses Hod was a +king or chieftain of mNa-ris in western Tibet who is said to have been +disgusted with the debased Tantrism which passed as Buddhism. He +therefore sent young Lamas to study in India and also invited thence +learned monks. The eminent Dharmapala, a monk of Magadha who was on a +pilgrimage in Nepal, became his tutor. Yeses Hod came to an unfortunate +end. He was taken captive by the Raja of Garlog, an enemy of Buddhism, +and died in prison. It is possible that this Raja was the ruler of +Garhwal and a Mohammedan. The political history of the period is far from +clear, but evidently there were numerous Buddhist schools in Bengal, +Kashmir and Nepal and numerous learned monks ready to take up their +residence in Tibet. This readiness has been explained as due to fear of +the rising tide of Islam, but was more probably the result of the revival +of Buddhism in Bengal during the eleventh century. The most illustrious +of these pandits was Atisa[929] (980-1053), a native of Bengal, who was +ordained at Odontapuri and studied in Burma.[930] Subsequently he was +appointed head of the monastery of Vikramasila and was induced to visit +Tibet in 1038.[931] He remained there until his death fifteen years +later; introduced a new calendar and inaugurated the second period of +Tibetan Buddhism which is marked by the rise of successive sects +described as reforms. It may seem a jest to call the teaching of Atisa a +reform, for he professed the Kalacakra, the latest and most corrupt form +of Indian Buddhism, but it was doubtless superior in discipline and +coherency to the native superstitions mixed with debased tantrism, which +it replaced. + +As in Japan during the eleventh and twelfth centuries many monasteries +were founded and grew in importance, and what might have happened in +Japan but for the somewhat unscrupulous prescience of Japanese +statesmen actually did happen in Tibet. Among the numerous contending +chiefs none was pre-eminent: the people were pugnacious but +superstitious. They were ready to build and respect when built the +substantial structures required to house monastic communities during +the rigorous winter. Hence the monasteries became the largest and +safest buildings in the land, possessing the double strength of walls +and inviolability. The most important was the Sakya monastery. Its +abbots were of royal blood and not celibate, and this dynasty of +ecclesiastical statesmen practically ruled Tibet at a critical period +in the history of eastern Asia and indeed of the world, namely, the +conquests of Chinggiz[932] and the rise of the Mongol Empire. + +There is no evidence that Chinggiz was specially favourable to +Buddhism. His principle was one King and one God[933] and like other +princes of his race he thought of religions not as incompatible +systems but as different methods of worship of no more importance than +the different languages used in prayer. The destruction wrought by the +Mongol conquerors has often been noticed, but they had also an ample, +unifying temper which deserves recognition. China, Russia and Persia +all achieved a unity after the Mongol conquest which they did not +possess before, and though this unification may be described as a +protest and reaction, yet but for the Mongols and their treatment of +large areas as units it would not have been possible. The Mings could +not have united China before the Yuan dynasty as they did after it. + +In spite of some statements to the contrary there is no proof that the +early Mongols invaded or conquered central Tibet, but Khubilai subdued +the eastern provinces and through the Lamaist hierarchy established a +special connection between Tibet and his dynasty. This connection +began even in the time of his predecessor, for the head Lama of the +Sakya monastery commonly known as Sakya Pandita (or Sa-skya-pan-cen) +was summoned to the Mongol Court in 1246-8, and cured the Emperor of +an illness.[934] This Lama was a man of great learning and influence. +He had received a double education both secular and religious, and was +acquainted with foreign languages. The favourable impression which he +created no doubt facilitated the brilliant achievements of his nephew +and successor, who is commonly known as Bashpa or Pagspa.[935] + +Khubilai Khan was not content with the vague theism of Central Asia +and wished to give his rude Mongols a definite religion with some +accessories of literature and manners. Confucianism was clearly too +scholastic for a fighting race and we may surmise that he rejected +Christianity as distant and unimportant, Mohammedanism as +inconveniently mixed with politics. But why did he prefer Lamaism to +Chinese Buddhism? The latter can hardly have been too austerely pure +to suit his ends, and Tibetan was as strange as Chinese to the +Mongols. But the Mongol Court had already been favourably impressed by +Tibetan Lamas and the Emperor probably had a just feeling that the +intellectual calibre of the Mongols and Tibetans was similar and also +that it was politic to conciliate the uncanny spiritual potentates who +ruled in a land which it was difficult to invade. At any rate he +summoned the abbot of Sakya to China in 1261 and was initiated by him +into the mysteries of Lamaism.[936] + +It is said that before Pagspa's birth the God Ganesa showed his +father all the land of Tibet and told him that it would be the kingdom +of his son. In later life when he had difficulties at the Chinese +Court Mahakala appeared and helped him, and the mystery which he +imparted to Khubilai is called the Hevajravasita.[937] These +legends indicate that there was a large proportion of Sivaism in the +religion first taught to the Mongols, larger perhaps than in the +present Lamaism of Lhasa. + +The Mongol historian Sanang Setsen relates[938] that Pagspa took a +higher seat than the Emperor when instructing him and on other +occasions sat on the same level. This sounds improbable, but it is +clear that he enjoyed great power and dignity. In China he received +the title of Kuo-Shih or instructor of the nation and was made the +head of all Buddhists, Lamaists and other. In Tibet he was recognized +as head of the Church and tributary sovereign, though it would appear +that the Emperor named a lay council to assist him in the government +and also had a commissioner in each of the three provinces. This was a +good political bargain and laid the foundations of Chinese influence +in a country which he could hardly have subdued by force. + +Pagspa was charged by the Emperor to provide the Mongols with an +alphabet as well as a religion. For this purpose he used a square +form of the Tibetan letters,[939] written not in horizontal but in +vertical lines. But the experiment was not successful. The characters +were neither easy to write nor graceful, and after Pagspa's death his +invention fell into disuse and was replaced by an enlarged and +modified form of the Uigur alphabet. This had already been employed +for writing Mongol by Sakya Pandita and its definitive form for that +purpose was elaborated by the Lama Chos-kyi-hod-zer in the reign of +Khubilai's successor. This alphabet is of Aramaic origin, and had +already been utilized by Buddhists for writing religious works, so its +application to Mongol was merely an extension of its general currency +in Asia.[940] + +Pagspa also superintended the preparation of a new edition of the +Tripitaka, not in Mongol but in Chinese. Among the learned editors +were persons acquainted with Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan and Uigur. An +interesting but natural feature of this edition is that it notes +whether the various Chinese texts are found in the Tibetan Canon or +not. + +Khubilai further instituted a bureau of fine arts, the head of which +was a Lama called Aniko, skilled in both sculpture and painting. He +and his Chinese pupil Liu Yuan introduced into Peking various branches +of Tibetan art such as Buddhist images of a special type, ornamental +ironwork and gold tapestry. The Chinese at this period appear to have +regarded Tibetan art as a direct importation from India.[941] And no +doubt Tibetan art was founded on that of Nepal which in its turn came +from Bengal. Miniature painting is a characteristic of both. But in +later times the individuality of Tibet, shown alike in its monstrous +deities and its life-like portraits of Lamas, imposed itself on Nepal. +Indian and Tibetan temples are not alike. In the former there is +little painting but the walls and pillars are covered with a +superabundance of figures carved in relief: in Tibet pictures and +painted banners are the first thing to strike the eye, but carvings in +relief are rare. + +It is hard to say to what extent the Mongols beyond such parts of +northern China as felt the direct influence of the imperial court were +converted to Lamaism. At any rate their conversion was only temporary +for, as will be related below, a reconversion was necessary in the +sixteenth century. It looks as if the first growth of Mongolian +Buddhism was part of a political system and collapsed together with +it. But so long as the Yuan dynasty reigned, Lamaist influence was +strong and the downfall of the Yuan was partly caused by their +subservience to the clergy and extravagant expenditure on religious +buildings and ceremonies. After the departure of Pagspa, other Lamas +held a high position at the Court of Peking such as Chos-kyi-hod-zer +and gYun-ston rDo-rje-dpal. The latter was a distinguished exponent +of the Kalacakra system and the teacher of the historian Bu-ston who +is said to have arranged the Tibetan Canon. + +Although the Yuan dynasty heaped favours upon priests and monasteries, +it does not appear that religion flourished in Tibet during the +fourteenth century for at the end of that period the grave abuses +prevalent provoked the reforming zeal of Tsong-kha-pa. Prom 1270 to +1340 the abbots of Sakya were rulers of both Church and State, and we +hear that in 1320 they burned the rival monastery of Dikung. The +language of Sanang Setsen implies that each abbot was appointed or +invested by the Emperor[942] and their power declined with the Yuan +dynasty. Other monasteries increased in importance and a chief known +as Phagmodu[943] succeeded, after many years of fighting, in founding +a lay dynasty which ruled parts of Tibet until the seventeenth +century. + +In 1368 the Ming superseded the Yuan. They were not professed +Buddhists to the same extent and they had no preference for Lamaism +but they were anxious to maintain good relations with Tibet and to +treat it as a friendly but vassal state. They accorded imperial +recognition (with an implication of suzerainty) to the dynasty of +Phagmodu and also to the abbots of eight monasteries. Though they were +doubtless glad to see Tibet a divided and contentious house, it does +not appear that they interfered actively in its affairs or did more +than recognize the _status quo_. In the time of Khubilai the +primacy of Sakya was a reality: seventy years later Sakya was only one +among several great monasteries. + +The advent of the Ming dynasty coincided with the birth of +Tsong-kha-pa,[944] the last reformer of Lamaism and organizer of the +Church as it at present exists. The name means the man of the +onion-bank, a valley near the monastery of Kumbum in the district of +Amdo, which lies on the western frontiers of the Chinese province of +Kansu. He became a monk at the age of seven and from the hair cut off +when he received the tonsure is said to have sprung the celebrated +tree of Kumbum which bears on its leaves wondrous markings.[945] +According to the legend, his birth and infancy were attended by +miracles. He absorbed instruction from many teachers and it has been +conjectured that among them were Roman Catholic missionaries.[946] In +early manhood he proceeded to Tibet and studied at Sakya, Dikung and +finally at Lhasa. His reading convinced him that Lamaism as he found +it was not in harmony with the scriptures, so with the patronage of +the secular rulers and the support of the more earnest clergy he +successfully executed a thorough and permanent work of reform. This +took visible shape in the Gelugpa, the sect presided over by the Grand +Lama, which acquired such paramount importance in both ecclesiastical +and secular matters that it is justly termed the Established Church of +Tibet. It may also be conveniently termed the Yellow Church, yellow +being its special colour particularly for hats and girdles, in +opposition to the red or unreformed sects which use red for the same +purpose. Tsong-kha-pa's reforms took two principal lines. Firstly he +made monastic discipline stricter, insisting on celibacy and frequent +services of prayer: secondly he greatly reduced, although he did not +annihilate, the tantric and magical element in Lamaism. These +principles were perpetuated by an effective organization. He himself +founded the great monastery of Gandan near Lhasa and became its first +abbot. During his lifetime or shortly afterwards were founded three +others, Sera and Depung both near Lhasa and Tashilhunpo.[947] He +himself seems to have ruled simply in virtue of his personal authority +as founder, but his nephew and successor Geden-dub[948] claimed the +same right as an incarnation of the divine head of the Church, and +this claim was supported by a hierarchy which became overwhelmingly +powerful. + +Tsong-kha-pa died in 1417 and is said to have been transfigured and +carried up into heaven while predicting to a great crowd the future +glories of his church. His mortal remains, however, preserved in a +magnificent mausoleum within the Gandan monastery, still receive great +veneration. + +Among his more eminent disciples were Byams-chen-chos-rje and +mKhas-grub-rje who in Tibetan art are often represented as accompanying +him. The first played a considerable part in China. The Emperor Yung-Lo +sent an embassy to invite Tsong-kha-pa to his capital. Tsong-kha-pa felt +unable to go himself but sent his pupil to represent him. +Byams-chen-chos-rje was received with great honour.[949] The main object +of the Ming Emperors was to obtain political influence in Tibet through +the Lamas but in return the Lamas gained considerable prestige. The +Kanjur was printed in China (1410) and Byams-chen-chos-rje and his +disciples were recognized as prelates of the whole Buddhist Church within +the Empire. He returned to Tibet laden with presents and titles and +founded the monastery of Serra in 1417. Afterwards he went back to China +and died there at the age of eighty-four. + +mKhas-grub-rje founded the monastery of Tashilhunpo and became its +abbot, being accepted as an incarnation of the Buddha Amitabha. He was +eighth in the series of incarnations, which henceforth were localized +at Tashilhunpo, but the first is said to have been Subhuti, a disciple +of Gotama, and the second Manjusrikirti, king of the country of +Sambhala.[950] + +The abbot of Tashilhunpo became the second personage in the +ecclesiastical and political hierarchy. The head of it was the prelate +commonly known as the Grand Lama and resident at Lhasa. +Geden-dub,[951] the nephew of Tsong-kha-pa, is reckoned by common +consent as the first Grand Lama (though he seems not to have borne the +title) and the first incarnation of Avalokita as head of the Tibetan +Church.[952] The Emperor Ch'eng Hua (1365-1488) who had occasion to +fight on the borders of Tibet confirmed the position of these two sees +as superior to the eight previously recognized and gave the occupants +a patent and seal. From this time they bore the title of rGyal-po or +king. + +It was about this time that the theory of successive incarnations[953] +which is characteristic of Lamaism was developed and defined. At least +two ideas are combined in it. The first is that divine persons appear +in human form. This is common in Asia from India to Japan, especially +among the peoples who have accepted some form of Hindu religion. The +second is that in a school, sect or church there is real continuity of +life. In the unreformed sects of Tibet this was accomplished by the +simple principle of heredity so that celibacy, though undeniably +correct, seemed to snap the thread. But it was reunited by the theory +that a great teacher is reborn in the successive occupants of his +chair. Thus the historian Taranatha is supposed to be reborn in the +hierarchs of Urga. But frequently the hereditary soul is identified +with a Buddha or Bodhisattva, as in the great incarnations of +Lhasa and Tashilhunpo. This dogma has obvious advantages. It imparts +to a Lamaist see a dignity which the papacy cannot rival but it is to +the advantage of the Curia rather than of the Pope for the incarnate +deity of necessity succeeds to his high office as an infant, is in +the hands of regents and not unfrequently dies when about twenty years +of age. These incarnations are not confined to the great sees of +Tibet. The heads of most large monasteries in Mongolia claim to be +living Buddhas and even in Peking there are said to be six. + +The second Grand Lama[954] enjoyed a long reign, and set the hierarchy +in good order, for he distinguished strictly clerical posts, filled by +incarnations, from administrative posts. He was summoned to Peking by +the Emperor, but declined to go and the somewhat imperative embassy +sent to invite him was roughly handled. His successor, the third Grand +Lama bSod-nams,[955] although less noticed by historians than the +fifth, perhaps did more solid work for the holy see of Lhasa than any +other of his line for he obtained, or at least received, the +allegiance of the Mongols who since the time of Khubilai had woefully +backslidden from the true faith. + +As mentioned above, the conversion of the Mongols to Buddhism took +place when their capital was at Peking and chiefly affected those +resident in China. But when the Yuan dynasty had been dethroned and +the Mongols, driven back into their wilds, were frequently at war with +China, they soon relapsed into their original superstitions. About +1570 Altan[956] Khagan, the powerful chief of the Tumed, became +more nearly acquainted with Tibet, since some Lamas captured in a +border fray had been taken to his Court. After causing China much loss +and trouble he made an advantageous peace and probably formed the idea +(which the Manchus subsequently proved to be reasonable) that if the +Mongols were stronger they might repeat the conquests of Khubilai. The +Ming dynasty was clearly decadent and these mysterious priests of +Tibet appeared to be on the upward grade.[957] They might help him +both to become the undisputed chief of all the Mongol tribes and also +to reconquer Peking. So he sent an embassy to invite the Grand Lama's +presence, and when it was not successful he followed it with a second. + +The Grand Lama then accepted and set out on his travels with great +pomp. According to the story he appeared to the astonished Mongols in +the guise of Avalokita with four arms (of which two remained folded on +his breast) and the imprint of his horse's hoofs showed the six mystic +syllables _om mani padme hum_. These wonders are so easily explicable +that they may be historical. + +A great congregation was held near Lake Kokonor and Sanang Setsen +records an interesting speech made there by one of his ancestors +respecting the relations of Church and State, which he compared with +the sun and moon. The Lama bestowed on the Khagan high sounding titles +and received himself the epithet Dalai or Talai, the Mongol word for +sea, signifying metaphorically vast extent and profundity.[958] This +is the origin of the name Dalai Lama by which the Tibetan pontiff is +commonly known to Europeans. The hierarchy was divided into four +classes parallel to the four ranks of Mongol nobles: the use of meat +was restricted and the custom of killing men and horses at funerals +forbidden. The observance of Buddhist festivals was made compulsory +and native idols were destroyed, but the deities which they +represented were probably identified with others in the new pantheon. +The Grand Lama specially recommended to the Mongols the worship of the +Blue Mahakala, a six armed representation of Siva standing on a +figure of Ganesa, and he left with them a priest who was esteemed +an incarnation of Manjusri, and for whom a temple and monastery +were built in Kuku-khoto. + +His Holiness then returned to Tibet, but when Altan Khagan died in +1583 he made a second tour in Mongolia in order to make sure of the +allegiance of the new chiefs. He also received an embassy from the +Chinese Emperor Wan-Li, who conferred on him the same titles that +Khubilai had given to Pagspa. The alliance between the Tibetans and +Mongols was naturally disquieting to the Ming dynasty and they sought +to minimize it by showing extreme civility to the Lamas. + +This Grand Lama died at the age of forty-seven, and it is significant +that the next incarnation appeared in the Mongol royal house, being a +great-grandson of Altan Khagan. Until he was fourteen he lived in +Mongolia and when he moved to Lhasa a Lama was appointed to be his +vicar and Primate of all Mongolia with residence at Kuren or +Urga.[959] The prelates of this line are considered as incarnations of +the historian Taranatha.[960] In common language they bear the name of +rJe-btsun-dam-pa but are also called Maidari Khutuktu, that is +incarnation of Maitreya. About this time the Emperor of China issued a +decree, which has since been respected, that these hierarchs must be +reborn in Tibet, or in other words that they must not reappear in a +Mongol family for fear of uniting religion and patriotism too closely. + +Lozang,[961] the fifth Grand Lama, is by common consent the most +remarkable of the pontifical line. He established the right of himself +and his successors--or, as he might have said, of himself in his +successive births--to the temporal and ecclesiastical sovereignty of +Tibet: he built the Potala and his dealings with the Mongols and +the Emperor of China are of importance for general Asiatic history. + +From the seventeenth century onwards there were four factors in +Tibetan politics. + +1. The Gelugpa or Yellow Church, very strong but anxious to become +stronger both by increasing its temporal power and by suppressing +other sects. Its attitude towards Chinese and Mongols showed no +prejudice and was dictated by policy. + +2. The Tibetan chiefs and people, on the whole respectful to the +Yellow Church but not single-hearted nor forgetful of older sects: +averse to Chinese and prone to side with Mongols. + +3. The Mongols, conscious of their imperfect civilization and anxious +to improve themselves by contact with the Lamas. As a nation they +wished to repeat their past victories over China, and individual +chiefs wished to make themselves the head of the nation. People and +princes alike respected all Lamas. + +4. The Chinese, apprehensive of the Mongols and desirous to keep them +tranquil, caring little for Lamaism in itself but patiently determined +to have a decisive voice in ecclesiastical matters, since the Church +of Lhasa had become a political power in their border lands. + +Lo-zang was born as the son of a high Tibetan official about 1616 and +was educated in the Depung monastery under the supervision of +Chos-kyi-Gyal-tsan, abbot of Tashilhunpo and a man of political +weight. The country was then divided into Khamdo, Wu and Tsang, or +Eastern, Central and Western Tibet, and in each province there ruled a +king of the Phagmodu dynasty. In Central Tibet, and specially at +Lhasa, the Gelugpa was the established church and accepted by the king +but in the other provinces there was much religious strife and the +older sects were still predominant. About 1630 the regent of Tsang +captured Lhasa and made himself sovereign of all Tibet. He was a +follower of the Sakya sect and his rule was a menace to the authority +and even to the existence of the Yellow Church, which for some years +suffered much tribulation. When the young Grand Lama grew up, he and +his preceptor determined to seek foreign aid and appealed to Gushi +Khan.[962] This prince was a former pupil of Chos-kyi-Gyal-tsan +and chief of the Oelot, the ancestors of the Kalmuks and other western +tribes, but then living near Kokonor. He was a staunch member of the +Yellow Church and had already made it paramount in Khamdo which he +invaded in 1638. He promptly responded to the appeal, invaded Tibet, +took the regent prisoner, and, after making himself master of the +whole country, handed over his authority to the Grand Lama, retaining +only the command of his Mongol garrisons. This arrangement was +advantageous to both parties. The Grand Lama not only greatly +increased his ecclesiastical prestige but became a temporal sovereign +of considerable importance. Gushi, who had probably no desire to +reside permanently in the Snow Land, received all the favours which a +grateful Pope could bestow on a king and among the superstitious +Mongols these had a real value. Further the Oelot garrisons which +continued to occupy various points in Tibet gave him a decisive voice +in the affairs of the country, if there was ever a question of using +force. + +The Grand Lamas had hitherto resided in the Depung monastery but +Lo-zang now moved to the hill of Marpori, the former royal residence +and began to build on it the Potala[963] palace which, judging from +photographs, must be one of the most striking edifices in the world, +for its stately walls continue the curves of the mountain side and +seem to grow out of the living rock. His old teacher was given the +title of Panchen Rinpoche, which has since been borne by the abbots of +Tashilhunpo, and the doctrine that the Grand Lamas of Lhasa and +Tashilhunpo are respectively incarnations of Avalokita and Amitabha +was definitely promulgated.[964] + +The establishment of the Grand Lama as temporal ruler of Tibet +coincided with the advent of the Manchu dynasty (1644). The Emperor +and the Lama had everything to gain from friendly relations and their +negotiations culminated in a visit which Lo-zang paid to Peking in +1652-3. He was treated as an independent sovereign and received from +the Emperor a long title containing the phrase "Self-existent Buddha, +Universal Ruler of the Buddhist faith." In return he probably +undertook to use his influence with the Mongols to preserve peace and +prevent raids on China. + +After his return to Tibet, he appears to have been a real as well as a +nominal autocrat for his preceptor and Gushi Khan both died, and the +new Manchu dynasty had its hands full. His chief adviser was the +Desi[965] or Prime Minister, supposed to be his natural son. In 1666 +the great Emperor K'ang-hsi succeeded to the throne: and shortly +afterwards the restlessness of the Mongol Princes began to inspire the +Chinese Court with apprehension. In 1680 Lo-zang died but his death +was a state secret. It was apparently known in Tibet and an infant +successor was selected but the Desi continued to rule in Lo-zang's +name and even the Emperor of China had no certain knowledge of his +suspected demise but probably thought that the fiction of his +existence was the best means of keeping the Mongols in order. It was +not until 1696 that his death and the accession of a youth named +Thsang-yang Gya-thso were made public. + +But the young Grand Lama, who owing to the fiction that his +predecessor was still alive had probably been brought up less strictly +than usual, soon began to inspire alarm at Peking for he showed +himself wilful and intelligent. He wrote love songs which are still +popular and his licentious behaviour was quite out of harmony with the +traditions of the holy see. In 1701, under joint pressure from the +Chinese and Mongols, he resigned his ecclesiastical rights and handed +over the care of the Church to the abbot of Tashilhunpo, while +retaining his position as temporal ruler. But the Chinese still felt +uneasy and in 1705 succeeded in inducing him to undertake a journey to +Peking. When he got as far as Mongolia he died of either dropsy or +assassination. The commander of the Oelot garrisons in Tibet was a +friend of the Chinese, and at once produced a new Grand Lama called +Yeses, a man of about twenty-five, who claimed to be the true +reincarnation of the fifth Grand Lama, the pretensions of the +dissolute youth who had just died being thus set aside. It suited the +Chinese to deal with an adult, who could be made to understand +that he had received and held his office only through their good will, +but the Tibetans would have none of this arrangement. They clung to +the memory of the dissolute youth and welcomed with enthusiasm the +news that he had reappeared in Li-t'ang as a new-born child, who was +ultimately recognized as the seventh Grand Lama named Kalzang. The +Chinese imprisoned the infant with his parents in the monastery of +Kumbum in Kansu and gave all their support to Yeses. For the better +control of affairs in Lhasa two Chinese Agents were appointed to +reside there with the Manchu title of Amban.[966] + +But the Tibetans would not accept the rule of Yeses and in 1717 the +revolutionary party conspired with the Oelot tribes of Ili to put +Kalzang on the throne by force. The troops sent to take the holy child +were defeated by the Chinese but those which attacked Lhasa were +completely successful. Yeses abdicated and the city passed into the +possession of the Mongols. The Chinese Government were greatly alarmed +and determined to subdue Tibet. Their first expedition was a failure +but in 1720 they sent a second and larger, and also decided to install +the youthful Kalzang as Grand Lama, thus conciliating the religious +feelings of the Tibetans. The expedition met with little difficulty +and the result of it was that China became suzerain of the whole +country. By imperial edict the young Grand Lama was recognized as +temporal ruler, the four ministers or Kalon were given Chinese titles, +and garrisons were posted to keep open the road from China. But the +Tibetans were still discontented. In 1727 a rebellion, instigated it +was said by the family of the Grand Lama, broke out, and the Prime +Minister was killed. This rising was not permanently successful and +the Chinese removed the Grand Lama to the neighbourhood of their +frontier. They felt however that it was unsafe to give ground for +suspicion that they were ill-treating him and in 1734 he was +reinstated in the Potala. But the dislike of the Tibetans for Chinese +supervision was plain. In 1747 there was another rebellion. The +population of Lhasa rose and were assisted by Oelot troops who +suddenly arrived on the scene. Chinese rule was saved only by the +heroism of the two Chinese Agents, who invited the chief conspirators +to a meeting and engaged them in personal combat. They lost their +own lives but killed the principal rebels. The Chinese then +abolished the office of Prime Minister, increased their garrison and +gave the Agents larger powers. + +About 1758 the Grand Lama died and was succeeded by an infant called +Jambal. The real authority was wielded by the Panchen Lama who acted +as regent and was so influential that the Emperor Ch'ien-Lung insisted +on his visiting Peking.[967] He had a good reception and probably +obtained some promise that the government of Tibet would be left more +in the hands of the Church but he died of smallpox in Peking and +nothing came of his visit except a beautiful tomb and an epitaph +written by the Emperor. After his death a new complication appeared. +The prelates of the Red Church encouraged an invasion of the Gurkhas +of Nepal in the hope of crushing the Yellow Church. The upshot was +that the Chinese drove out the Gurkhas but determined to establish a +more direct control. The powers of the Agents were greatly increased +and not even the Grand Lama was allowed the right of memorializing the +throne, but had to report to the Agents and ask their orders. + +In 1793 Ch'ien-Lung issued a remarkable edict regulating the +appearance of incarnations which, as he observed, had become simply +the hereditary perquisites of certain noble Mongol families. He +therefore ordered that when there was any question of an incarnation +the names of the claimants to the distinction should be written on +slips of paper and placed in a golden bowl: that a religious service +should be held and at its close a name be drawn from the bowl in the +presence of the Chinese Agents and the public. The child whose name +should be drawn was to be recognized as the true incarnation but +required investiture by an imperial patent. + +A period of calm followed, and when the Grand Lama died in 1804 the +Tibetans totally neglected this edict and selected a child born in +eastern Tibet. The Chinese Court, desirous of avoiding unnecessary +trouble, approved[968] the choice on the ground that the infant's +precocious ability established his divine character but when he +died in 1815 and an attempt was made to repeat this irregularity, a +second edict was published, insisting that the names of at least three +candidates must be placed in the golden urn and that he whose name +should be first drawn must be Grand Lama. This procedure was followed +but the child elected by the oracle of the urn died before he was +twenty and another infant was chosen as his successor in 1838. As a +result the Lama who was regent acquired great power and also +unpopularity. His tyranny caused the Tibetans to petition the Emperor; +and His Majesty sent a new Agent to investigate his conduct. Good +reason was shown for holding him responsible for the death of the +Grand Lama in 1838 and for other misdeeds. The Emperor then degraded +and banished him and, what is more singular, forbade him to reappear +in a human reincarnation. + +The reigns of Grand Lamas in the nineteenth century have mostly been +short. Two others were selected in 1858 and 1877 respectively. The +latter who is the present occupant of the post was the son of a +Tibetan peasant: he was duly chosen by the oracle of the urn and +invested by the Emperor. In 1893 he assumed personal control of the +administration and terminated a regency which seems to have been +oppressive and unpopular. The British Government were anxious to +negotiate with him about Sikhim and other matters, but finding it +impossible to obtain answers to their communications sent an +expedition to Lhasa in 1904. The Grand Lama then fled to Urga, in +which region he remained until 1907. In the autumn of 1908 he was +induced to visit Peking where he was received with great ceremony but, +contrary to the precedent established when the fifth Grand Lama +attended Court, he was obliged to kneel and kotow before the Empress +Dowager. Neither could he obtain the right to memorialize the throne, +but was ordered to report to the Agents. The Court duly recognized his +religious position. On the birthday of the Empress he performed a +service for her long life, at which Her Majesty was present. It was +not wholly successful, for a week or two later he officiated at her +funeral. At the end of 1908 he left for Lhasa. He visited India in +1910 but this created dissatisfaction at Peking. In the same year[969] +a decree was issued deposing him from his spiritual as well as his +temporal powers and ordering the Agents to seek out a new child by +drawing lots from the golden urn. This decree was probably _ultra +vires_ and certainly illogical, for if the Chinese Government +recognized the Lama as an incarnation, they could not, according to +the accepted theory, replace him by another incarnation before his +death. And if they regarded him as a false incarnation, they should +have ordered the Agents to seek out not a child but a man born about +the time that the last Grand Lama died. At any rate the Tibetans paid +no attention to the decree. + +The early deaths of Grand Lamas in the nineteenth century have +naturally created a presumption that they were put out of the way and +contemporary suspicion accused the regent in 1838. There is no +evidence that the deaths of the other three were regarded as unnatural +but the earlier Grand Lamas as well as the abbots of Tashilhunpo lived +to a good age. On the other hand the Grand Lamas of Urga are said to +die young. If the pontiffs of some lines live long and those of others +die early, the inference is not that the life of a god incarnate is +unhealthy but that in special cases special circumstances interfere +with it, and on the whole there are good grounds for suspecting foul +play. But it is interesting to note that most Europeans who have made +the acquaintance of high Lamas speak in praise of their character and +intelligence. So Manning (the friend of Charles Lamb) of the ninth +Grand Lama (1811), Bogle of the Tashi Lama about 1778, Sven Hedin of +his successor in 1907, and Waddell of the Lama Regent in 1904. + +The above pages refer to the history of Lamaism in Tibet and Mongolia. +It also spread to China, European Russia, Ladak, Sikhim and Bhutan. In +China it is confined to the north and its presence is easily +explicable by the genuine enthusiasm of Khubilai and the encouragement +given on political grounds by the Ming and Manchu dynasties. Further, +several Mongol towns such as Kalgan and Kuku-khoto are within the +limits of the eighteen provinces. + +The Kalmuks who live in European Russia are the descendants of tribes +who moved westwards from Dzungaria in the seventeenth century. Many of +them left Russia and returned to the east in 1771, but a considerable +number remained behind, chiefly between the Volga and the Don, and +the population professing Lamaism there is now reckoned at about +100,000. + +Buddhist influences may have been at work in Ladak from an early +period. In later times it can be regarded as a dependency of Tibet, at +any rate for ecclesiastical purposes, for it formed part of Tibet +until the disruption of the kingdom in the tenth century and it +subsequently accepted the sovereignty of Lhasa in religious and +sometimes in political matters. Concerning the history of Bhutan, I +have been able to discover but little. The earliest known inhabitants +are called Tephu and the Tibetans are said to have conquered them +about 1670. Lamaism probably entered the country at this time, if not +earlier.[970] At any rate it must have been predominant in 1774 when +the Tashi Lama used his good offices to conclude peace between the +Bhutiyas and the East India Company. The established church however is +not the Gelugpa but the Dugpa, which is a subdivision of the +Kar-gyu-pa. There are two rulers in Bhutan, the Dharmaraja or +spiritual and the Debraja or temporal. The former is regarded as an +incarnation of the first class, though it is not clear of what +deity.[971] + +The conversion of Sikhim is ascribed to a saint named Latsun Ch'embo, +who visited it about 1650 with two other Lamas. They associated with +themselves a native chief whom they ordained as a Lama and made king. +All four then governed Sikhim. Though Latsun Ch'embo is represented as +a friend of the fifth Grand Lama, the two sects at present found in +Sikhim are the Nying-ma-pa, the old unreformed style of Lamaism, and +the Karmapa, a branch of the Kar-gyu-pa, analogous to the Dugpa of +Bhutan. The principal monasteries are at Pemiongchi (Peme-yang-tse) +and Tashiding.[972] + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 910: Tibetan orthography Sron-btsan-sgam-po. It is hard +to decide what is the best method of representing Tibetan words in +Latin letters: + +(_a_) The orthography differs from the modern pronunciation more than +in any other language, except perhaps English, but it apparently +represents an older pronunciation and therefore has historical value. +Also, a word can be found in a Tibetan dictionary only if the native +spelling is faithfully reproduced. On the other hand readers +interested in oriental matters know many words in a spelling which is +a rough representation of the modern pronunciation. It seems pedantic +to write bKah-hgyur and hBras-spuns when the best known +authorities speak of Kanjur and Debung. On the whole, I have decided +to represent the commoner words by the popular orthography as given by +Rockhill, Waddell and others while giving the Tibetan spelling in a +foot-note. But when a word cannot be said to be well known even among +Orientalists I have reproduced the Tibetan spelling. + +(_b_) But it is not easy to reproduce this spelling clearly and +consistently. On the whole I have followed the system used by Sarat +Chandra Das in his Dictionary. It is open to some objections, as, for +instance, that the sign h has more than one value, but the more +accurate method used by Grunwedel in his _Mythologie_ is extremely +hard to read. My transcription is as follows in the order of the +Tibetan consonants. + + k, kh, g, n, c, oh, j, ny. + t, th, d, n, p, ph, b, m. + ts, ths, ds, w. + zh, z, h, y. + r, l, s, s, h. + +Although tsh is in some respects preferable to represent an aspirated +ts, yet it is liable to be pronounced as in the English words _hat +shop_, and perhaps ths is on the whole better.] + +[Footnote 911: See Waddell, _Buddhism of Tibet_, p. 19.] + +[Footnote 912: It has been argued (_e.g., J.R.A.S._, 1903, p. 11) that +discoveries in Central Asia indicate that Tibetan civilization and +therefore Tibetan Buddhism are older than is generally supposed. But +recent research shows that Central Asian MSS. of even the eighth +century say little about Buddhism, whatever testimony they may bear to +civilization.] + +[Footnote 913: See Hoernle MS. _Remains found in E. Turkestan_, 1916, +pp. xvii ff., and Francke, _Epig. Ind_. XI. 266 ff., and on the other +side Laufer in _J.A.O.S._ 1918, pp. 34 ff. There is a considerable +difference between the printed and cursive forms of the Tibetan +alphabet. Is it possible that they have different origins and that the +former came from Bengal, the latter from Khotan?] + +[Footnote 914: There were some other streams of Buddhism, for the king +had a teacher called Santarakshita who advised him to send for +Padma-Sambhava and Padma-Sambhava was opposed by Chinese bonzes.] + +[Footnote 915: The Pad-ma-than-yig. It indicates some acquaintance +with Islam and mentions Hulugu Khan. See _T'oung Pao_, 1896, pp. 526 +ff. See for a further account Grunwedel, _Mythologie_, p. 47, Waddell, +_Buddhism_, p. 380, and the Tibetan text edited and translated by +Laufer under the title _Der Roman einer tibetischen Konigin_, +especially pp. 250 ff. Also E. Schlagintweit, "Die Lebensbeschreibung +von Padma-Sambhava," _Abhand. k. bayer. Akad._ I. CL. xxi. Bd. ii. +Abth. 419-444, and _ib._ I. CL. xxii. Bd. iii. Abth. 519-576.] + +[Footnote 916: Much of Chinese popular religion has the same +character. See De Groot, _Religious System of China_, vol. VI. pp. +929, 1187. "The War against Spectres."] + +[Footnote 917: Both he and the much later Saskya Pandita are said to +have understood the Bruzha language, for which see _T'oung Pao_, +1908, pp. 1-47.] + +[Footnote 918: Or bSam-yas. See Waddell, _Buddhism_, p. 266, for an +account of this monastery at the present day.] + +[Footnote 919: The Tibetan word bLama means upper and is properly +applicable to the higher clergy only though commonly used of all.] + +[Footnote 920: He was temporarily banished owing to the intrigues of +the Queen, who acted the part of Potiphar's wife, but he was +triumphantly restored. A monk called Vairocana is also said to have +introduced Buddhism into Khotan from Kashmir, but at a date which +though uncertain must be considerably earlier than this.] + +[Footnote 921: See _Journal of Buddhist Text Society_, 1893, p. 5. I +imagine that by Hoshang Mahayana the followers of Bodhidharma are +meant.] + +[Footnote 922: _J.R.A.S._ 1914, pp. 37-59.] + +[Footnote 923: See Rockhill, _Life of the Buddha_, p. 225.] + +[Footnote 924: Various dates are given for his death, ranging from 838 +to 902. See Rockhill (_Life of the Buddha_), p. 225, and Bushell in +_J.R.A.S._ 1880, pp. 440 ff. But the treaty of 822 was made in his +reign.] + +[Footnote 925: g Lan-dar-ma.] + +[Footnote 926: But see for other accounts Rockhill (_Life of the +Buddha_), p. 226. According to Csoma de Koros's tables the date of the +persecution was 899.] + +[Footnote 927: See the chronological table in Waddell's _Buddhism_, p. +576. Not a single Tibetan event is mentioned between 899 and 1002.] + +[Footnote 928: Pag Som Jon Zang. Ed. Sarat Chandra Das, p. 183.] + +[Footnote 929: Or Dipankara Srijnana. See for a life of him +_Journal of Buddhist Text Society_, 1893, "Indian Pandits in Tibet," +pp. 7 ff.] + +[Footnote 930: Suvarnadvipa, where he studied, must be Thaton and +it is curious to find that it was a centre of tantric learning.] + +[Footnote 931: From 1026 onwards see the chronological tables of +Sum-pa translated by Sarat Chandra Das in _J.A.S.B._ 1889, pp. 40-82. +They contain many details, especially of ecclesiastical biography. The +Tibetan system of computing time is based on cycles of sixty years +beginning it would seem not in 1026 but 1027, so that in many dates +there is an error of a year. See Pelliot, _J.A._ 1913, I. 633, and +Laufer, _T'oung Pao_, 1913, 569.] + +[Footnote 932: Or Jenghiz Khan. The form in the text seems to be the +more correct.] + +[Footnote 933: Tegri or Heaven. This monotheism common to the ancient +Chinese, Turks and Mongols did not of course exclude the worship of +spirits.] + +[Footnote 934: Guyuk was Khagan at this time but the _Mongol History +of Sanang Setsen_ (Schmidt, p. 3) says that the Lama was summoned by +the Khagan Godan. It seems that Godan was never Khagan, but as an +influential prince he may have sent the summons.] + +[Footnote 935: hPhagspa (corrupted in Mongol to Bashpa) is merely a +title equivalent to Ayra in Sanskrit. His full style was hPhagspa +bLo-gros-rgyal-mthsan.] + +[Footnote 936: By abhisekha or sprinkling with water.] + +[Footnote 937: Vasita is a magical formula which compels the +obedience of spirits or natural forces. Hevajra (apparently the same +as Heruka) is one of the fantastic beings conceived as manifestations +of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas made for a special purpose, closely +corresponding, as Grunwedel points out, to the manifestations of +Siva.] + +[Footnote 938: Schmidt's edition, p. 115.] + +[Footnote 939: It is given in Isaac Taylor's _The Alphabet_, vol. II. +p. 336. See also _J.R.A.S._ 1910, pp. 1208-1214.] + +[Footnote 940: _E.g._ see the Tisastvustik, a sutra in a Turkish +dialect and Uigur characters found at Turfan and published in +_Bibliotheca Buddhica_, XII.] + +[Footnote 941: See Kokka, No. 311, 1916, _Tibetan Art in China_.] + +[Footnote 942: _Sanang Setsen_, p. 121. The succession of the Sakya +abbots is not clear but the primacy continued in the family. See +Koppen, II. p. 105.] + +[Footnote 943: Strictly speaking a place-name.] + +[Footnote 944: The Tibetan orthography is bTson (or +Tson)-kha-pa. He was called rJe-rin-po-che bLo-bzan-grags-pa in +Tibetan and Arya-maharatna Sumatikirti in Sanskrit. The Tibetan +orthography of the monastery is sKu-hbum or hundred thousand +pictures. See, for accounts of his life, Sarat Chandra Das in +_J.A.S.B._ 1882, pp. 53-57 and 127. Huth, _Buddhismus in der +Mongolei_, ii. pp. 175 ff.] + +[Footnote 945: There is some difference of statement as to whether +these markings are images of Tsong-kha-pa or Tibetan characters. Hue, +though no Buddhist, thought them miraculous. See his _Travels in +Tartary_, vol. ii. chap. ii. See also Rockhill, _Land of the Lamas_, +p. 67, and Filchner, _Das Kloster Kumbum_, chap. vi.] + +[Footnote 946: But the tradition mentioned by Hue that he was +instructed by a long-nosed stranger from the west, has not been found +in any Tibetan biography.] + +[Footnote 947: Tibetan orthography writes dGah-ldan, Se-ra, +hBras-spuns and bKra-sis-Lhun-po. dGah-ldan, the happy, is a +translation of the Sanskrit Tushita or Paradise. Tsong-kha-pa's +reformed sect was originally called dGah-lugs-pa or those who +follow the way of dGa[.]-ldan. But this possibly suggested those who +pursue pleasure and the name was changed to dGe-lugs-pa or those of +the virtuous order.] + +[Footnote 948: dGe-'dun grub.] + +[Footnote 949: He was not the same as Ha-li-ma (see p. 277) of whom more +is heard in Chinese accounts. Ha-li-ma or Karma was fifth head of the +Karma-pa school and was invited on his own merits to China where he died +in 1426 or 1414. See Huth, _l.c._ vol. I. p. 109 and vol. II. p. 171. +Also Koppen, _die Rel. des Buddha_, II. 107. Byams-chen-chos-rje was +invited as the representative of Tsong-ka-pa. See Huth, _l.c._ vol. I. p. +120, vol. II. p. 129.] + +[Footnote 950: See for a list of the Lamas of Tashilhunpo and their +lives _J.A.S.B._ 1882, pp. 15-52. The third incarnation was Abhayakara +Gupta, a celebrated Bengali Pandit who flourished in the reign of +Ramapala. This appears to have been about 1075-1115, but there is +considerable discrepancy in the dates given.] + +[Footnote 951: See for his life _J.A.S.B._ 1882, p. 24.] + +[Footnote 952: Tsong-kha-pa is not reckoned in this series of +incarnations, for firstly he was regarded as an incarnation of +Manjusri and secondly Geden-dub was born before his death and +hence could not represent the spirit which dwelt in him.] + +[Footnote 953: Tibetan sPrul-pa, Mongol Khubilghan. Both are +translations of the Sanskrit Nirmana and the root idea is not +incarnation but transformation in an illusive form.] + +[Footnote 954: The following list of Grand Lamas is taken from +Grunwedel's _Mythologie_, p. 206. Their names are followed by the +title rGya-mThso and in many cases the first part of the name is a +title. + + 1. dGe-hdun-dub, 1391-1478. + 2. dGe-hdun, 1479-1541. + 3. bSod-nams, 1543-1586. + 4. Yon-tan, 1587-1614. + 5. Nag-dban bLo-bzan, 1617-1680. + 6. Rin-chen Thsans-dbyans, 1693-1703. + 7. bLo-bzan sKal-dan, 1705-1758. + 8. bLo-bzan hJam-dpal, 1759-1805. + 9. bLo-bzan Lun-rtogs, 1806-1815. + 10. bLo-bzan Thsul-khrims, 1817-1837. + 11. bLo-bzan dGe-dmu, 1838-1855. + 12. bLo-bzan Phrin-las, 1856-1874. + 13. Nag-dban bLo-bzan Thub-ldam, 1875. +] + +[Footnote 955: See for an account of his doings Sanang Setsen, chap. +IX. Huth, _Geschichte_, II. pp. 200 ff. Koppen, II. pp. 134 ff. It +would appear that about 1545 northwestern Tibet was devastated by +Mohammedans from Kashgar. See Waddell, _Buddhism_, p. 583.] + +[Footnote 956: Also known as Yenta or Anda. See, for some particulars +about him, Parker in N. China Branch of _R.A.S._ 1913, pp. 92 ff.] + +[Footnote 957: Naturally the narrative is not told without miraculous +embellishment, including the singular story that Altan who suffered +from the gout used to put his feet every month into the ripped up body +of a man or horse and bathe them in the warm blood. Avalokita appeared +to him when engaged in this inhuman cure and bade him desist and atone +for his sins.] + +[Footnote 958: In Tibetan rGya-mThso. Compare the Chinese expression +hai liang (sea measure) meaning capacious or broad minded. The Khagan +received the title of lHai thsans-pa chen-po equivalent to +Divyamahabrahma.] + +[Footnote 959: The correct Mongol names of this place seem to be Orgo +and Kura. The Lama's name was bSam-pa rGya-mThso.] + +[Footnote 960: He finished his history in 1608 and lived some time +longer so that bSam-pa rGya-mThso cannot have been an incarnation of +him.] + +[Footnote 961: This is an accepted abbreviation of his full name Nag-dban +bLo-zan rGya-mThso. Nag-dban is an epithet meaning eloquent.] + +[Footnote 962: The name is variously written Gushi, Gushri, Gus'ri, +etc., and is said to stand for Gurusri. The name of the tribe also +varies: Oirad and Oegeled are both found.] + +[Footnote 963: So called from the sacred hill in India on which +Avalokita lives. The origin of the name is doubtful but before the +time of Hsuan Chuang it had come to be applied to a mountain in South +India.] + +[Footnote 964: Some European authorities consider that Lo-zang +invented this system of incarnations. Native evidence seems to me to +point the other way, but it must be admitted that if he was the first +to claim for himself this dignity it would be natural for him to claim +it for his predecessors also and cause ecclesiastical history to be +written accordingly.] + +[Footnote 965: sDe-srid.] + +[Footnote 966: It is said that all Ambans were Manchus.] + +[Footnote 967: See E. Ludwig, _The visit of the Teshoo Lama to +Peking_, Tientsin Press, 1904. See also _J.A.S.B._ 1882, pp. 29-52.] + +[Footnote 968: See the curious edict of Chia Ch'ing translated by +Waddell in _J.R.A.S._ 1910, pp. 69 ff. The Chinese Government were +disposed to discredit the sixth, seventh and eighth incarnations and +to pass straight from the fifth Grand Lama to the ninth.] + +[Footnote 969: See for a translation of this curious decree, _North +China Herald_ of March 4th, 1910.] + +[Footnote 970: In the List of the Bhutan Hierarchs given by Waddell +(_Buddhism_, p. 242) it is said that the first was contemporary with +the third Grand Lama, 1543-1580.] + +[Footnote 971: According to Waddell (_Buddhism_, p. 242) he appears to +be a rebirth of Dupgani Sheptun, a Lama greatly respected by the +Tibetan invaders of Bhutan. For some account of the religion of Bhutan +in the early 19th century, see the article by Davis in _T.R.A.S._ vol. +II. 1830, p. 491.] + +[Footnote 972: The fullest account of Sikhimese Buddhism is given by +Waddell in the _Gazetteer of Sikhim_, 1894. See also Remy, _Pelerinage +au Monastere de Pemmiontsi_, 1880; Silacara "Buddhism in Sikkim," +_Buddhist Review_, 1916, p. 97.] + + + + +CHAPTER LI + +TIBET _(continued)_ + +THE CANON + + +Tibet is so remote and rude a land that it is a surprise to learn that +it has a voluminous literature and further that much of this +literature, though not all, is learned and scholastic. The explanation +is that the national life was most vigorous in the great monasteries +which were in close touch with Indian learning. Moreover Tibetan +became to some extent the Latin of the surrounding countries, the +language of learning and religion. + +For our purpose the principal works are the two great collections of +sacred and edifying literature translated into Tibetan and known as +the Kanjur and Tanjur.[973] The first contains works esteemed as +canonical, including Tantras. The second is composed of exegetical +literature and also of many treatises on such subjects as medicine, +astronomy and grammar.[974] The two together correspond roughly +speaking to the Chinese Tripitaka, but are more bulky. The canonical +part is smaller but the commentaries and miscellaneous writings more +numerous. There are also other differences due to the fact that the +great literary epoch of Tibet was in the ninth century, whereas nearly +three-quarters of the Chinese Tripitaka had been translated before +that date. Thus the Kanjur appears to contain none[975] of the +Abhidhamma works of the Hinayana and none of the great Nikayas as +such, though single sutras are entered in the catalogues as separate +books. Further there is only one version of the Vinaya whereas the +Chinese Tripitaka has five, but there are several important +Tantras which are wanting in Chinese. The Tibetan scriptures reflect +the late Buddhism of Magadha when the great books of the Hinayanist +Canon were neglected, though not wholly unknown, and a new tantric +literature was flourishing exuberantly. + +The contents of the Kanjur and Tanjur are chiefly known by analyses +and indices,[976] although several editions and translations of short +treatises have been published.[977] The information obtained may be +briefly summarized as follows. + +The Kanjur in its different editions consists of one hundred or one +hundred and eight volumes, most of which contain several treatises, +although sometimes one work, for instance the Vinaya, may fill many +volumes. The whole collection is commonly divided into seven +parts.[978] + +I. The Dulva,[979] equivalent to the Vinaya. It is stated to be the +Mula-sarvastivada Vinaya, and so far as any opinion can be formed from +the small portions available for comparison, it agrees with the +Chinese translation of Kumarajiva and also (though with some +difference in the order of paragraphs) with the Sanskrit Pratimoksha +found at Kucha.[980] It is longer and more mixed with narrative than +the corresponding Pali code. + +II. The second division is known as Ser-chin,[981] +corresponding to the Prajna-paramita and in the estimation of the +Tibetans to the Abhidharma. It is said to have been first collected by +Kasyapa and to represent the teaching delivered by the Buddha in +his fifty-first year. This section appears to contain nothing but +versions, longer or shorter, of the Prajnaparamita, the limit of +concentration being reached by a text in which the Buddha explains +that the whole of this teaching is comprised in the letter A. As in +China and Japan, the Vajracchedika (rDo-rJe-gCod-pa) is very popular +and has been printed in many editions. + +III. The third division is called Phal-chen, equivalent to +Avatamsaka. Beckh treats it as one work in six volumes with out +subdivisions. Feer gives forty-five subdivisions, some of which appear +as separate treatises in the section of the Chinese Tripitaka called +Hua Yen.[982] + +IV. The fourth division called dKon-brtsegs or Ratnakuta agrees +closely with the similar section of the Chinese Tripitaka but consists +of only forty-eight or forty-five sutras, according to the +edition.[983] + +V. The fifth section is called mDo, equivalent to Sutra. In its narrower +sense mDo means sutras which are miscellaneous in so far as they do not +fall into special classes, but it also comprises such important works as +the Lalita-vistara, Lankavatara and Saddharma-pundarika. Of the 270 works +contained in this section about 90 are _prima facie_ identical with works +in the Ching division of the Chinese Tripitaka and probably the identity +of many others is obscured by slight changes of title. An interesting +point in the mDo is that it contains several sutras translated from the +Pali,[984] viz. Nos. 13-25 of vol. XXX, nine of which are taken from the +collection known as Paritta. The names and dates of the translators are +not given but the existence of these translations probably indicates that +a knowledge of Pali lingered on in Magadha later than is generally +supposed. It will also be remembered that about A.D. 1000, Atisa though a +Tantrist, studied in Burma and presumably came in contact with Pali +literature. Rockhill notes that the Tanjur contains a commentary on the +Lotus Sutra written by Prithivibandhu, a monk from Ceylon, and Pali +manuscripts have been found in Nepal.[985] It is possible that Sinhalese +may have brought Pali books to northern India and given them to Tibetans +whom they met there. + +VI. The sixth division is called Myang-hdas or Nirvana, +meaning the description of the death of the Buddha which also forms a +special section in the Chinese Tripitaka. Here it consists of only one +work, apparently corresponding to Nanjio 113.[986] + +VII. The seventh and last section is called rGyud[987] or Tantra. It +consists of twenty-two volumes containing about 300 treatises. Between +thirty and forty are _prima facie_ identical with treatises comprised +in the Chinese Tripitaka and perhaps further examination might greatly +increase the number, for the titles of these books are often long and +capable of modification. Still it is probable that the major part of +this literature was either deliberately rejected by the Chinese or was +composed at a period when religious intercourse had become languid +between India and China but was still active between India and Tibet. +From the titles it appears that many of these works are Brahmanic in +spirit rather than Buddhist; thus we have the Mahaganapati-tantra, +the Mahakala-tantra, and many others. Among the better known Tantras +may be mentioned the Arya-manjusri-mula-tantra and the Sri-Guhya +Samaja,[988] both highly praised by Csoma de Koros: but perhaps more +important is the Tantra on which the Kalacakra system is founded. +It is styled Paramadibuddha-uddhrita-sri-kalacakra and there is +also a compendium giving its essence or Hridaya. + +The Tanjur is a considerably larger collection than the Kanjur for it +consists of 225 volumes but its contents are imperfectly known. A +portion has been catalogued by Palmyr Cordier. It is known to contain +a great deal of relatively late Indian theology such as the works of +Asvaghosha, Nagarjuna, Asanga, Vasubandhu, and other Mahayanist +doctors, and also secular literature such as the Meghaduta of +Kalidasa, together with a multitude of works on logic, rhetoric, +grammar and medicine.[989] Some treatises, such as the Udana[990] +occur in both collections but on the whole the Tanjur is clearly +intended as a thesaurus of exegetical and scientific literature, +science being considered, as in the middle ages of Europe, to be the +handmaid of the Church. Grammar and lexicography help the +understanding of scripture: medicine has been of great use in +establishing the influence of the Lamas: secular law is or should be +an amplification of the Church's code: history compiled by sound +theologians shows how the true faith is progressive and triumphant: +art and ritual are so near together that their boundaries can hardly +be delimitated. Taking this view of the world, we find in the Tanjur +all that a learned man need know.[991] + +It is divided into two parts, mDo (Sutra) and rGyud (Tantra), besides +a volume of hymns and an index. The same method of division is really +applicable to the Kanjur, for the Tibetan Dulva is little more than a +combination of Sutras and Jatakas and sections two, three, four and +six of the Kanjur are collections of special sutras. In both +compilations the tantric section appears to consist of later books +expounding ideas which are further from the teaching of Gotama than +the Mahayanist sutras. + +To the great majority of works in both collections is prefixed a +title which gives the Sanskrit name first in transcription and then in +translation, for instance "In Sanskrit Citralakshana: in Tibetan +Ri-moi-mthsan-nid."[992] Hence there is usually no doubt as to what +the Tibetan translations profess to be. Sometimes however the headings +are regrettably brief. The Vinaya for instance appears to be +introduced with that simple superscription and with no indication of +the school or locality to which the text belonged. + +Although the titles of books are given in Sanskrit, yet all Indian +proper names which have a meaning (as most have) are translated. Thus +the name Drona (signifying a measure and roughly equivalent to such an +English name as Dr. Bushell) is rendered by Bre-bo, a similar measure +in Tibetan. This habit greatly increases the difficulty of reading +Tibetan texts. The translators apparently desired to give a Tibetan +equivalent for every word and even for every part of a word, so as to +make clear the etymology as well as the meaning of the sacred +original. The learned language thus produced must have varied greatly +from the vernacular of every period but its slavish fidelity makes it +possible to reconstruct the original Sanskrit with tolerable +certainty. + +I have already mentioned the presence of translations from the Pali. +There are also a few from the Chinese[993] which appear to be of no +special importance. One work is translated from the Bruza language +which was perhaps spoken in the modern Gilgit[994] and another from +the language of Khotan.[995] Some works in the Kanjur have no Sanskrit +titles and are perhaps original compositions in Tibetan. The Tanjur +appears to contain many such. + +But the Kanjur and Tanjur as a whole represent the literature +approved by the late Buddhism of Bengal and certain resemblances to +the arrangement of the Chinese Tripitaka suggest that not only new +sutras but new classifications of sutras had replaced the old Pitakas +and Agamas. The Tibetan Canon being later than the Chinese has lost +the Abhidharma and added a large section of Tantras. But both canons +recognize the divisions known as Prajna-paramita, Ratnakuta, +Avatamsaka, and Mahaparinirvana as separate sections. The Ratnakuta +is clearly a collection of sutras equivalent to a small Nikaya.[996] +This is probably also true of the voluminous Prajna-paramita in its +various editions, but the divisions are not commonly treated as +separate works except the Vajracchedika. The imperfectly known +Avatamsaka Sutra appears to be a similar collection, since it is +described as discourses of the Buddha pronounced at eight +assemblies. The Mahaparinirvana Sutra though not nominally a +collection of sutras (at least in its Pali form) is unique both in +subject and structure, and it is easy to understand why it was put in +a class by itself. + +The translation of all this literature falls into three periods, (i) +from the seventh century until the reign of Ralpachan in the ninth, +(ii) the reign of Ralpachan, and (in) some decades following the +arrival of Atisa in 1038. In the first period work was sporadic and +the translations made were not always those preserved in the Kanjur. +Thonmi Sanbhota, the envoy sent to India in 616 is said to have made +renderings of the Karanda Vyuha and other works (but not those +now extant) and three items in the Tanjur are attributed to him.[997] +The existence of early translations has been confirmed by Stein who +discovered at Endere a Tibetan manuscript of the Salistambhasutra +which is said not to be later than about 740 A.D.[998] The version now +found in the Kanjur appears to be a revision and expansion of this +earlier text. + +A few translations from Chinese texts are attributed to the reign of +Khri-gtsug-lde-btsan (705-755) and Rockhill calls attention to the +interesting statement that he sent envoys to India who learned +Sanskrit books by heart and on their return reproduced them in +Tibetan. If this was a common habit, it may be one of the reasons why +Tibetan translations sometimes show differences in length, +arrangement and even subject matter when compared with Sanskrit and +Chinese versions bearing the same name. During the reign of +Khri-sron-lde-btsan and the visit of Padma-Sambhava (which began in +A.D. 747 according to the traditional chronology) the number of +translations began to increase. Two works ascribed to the king and one +to the saint are included in the canon, but the most prolific writer +and translator of this period was Kamalasila. Seventeen of his +original works are preserved in the Tanjur and he translated part of +the Ratnakuta. The great period of translation--the Augustan age of +Tibet as it is often called--was beginning and a solid foundation was +laid by composing two dictionaries containing a collection of Sanskrit +Buddhist terms.[999] + +The Augustus of Tibet was Ralpachan who ruled in the ninth century, +though Tibetan and Chinese chronicles are not in accord as to his +exact date. He summoned from Kashmir and India many celebrated doctors +who with the help of native assistants took seriously in hand the +business of rendering the canon into Tibetan. They revised the +existing translations and added many more of their own. It is probable +that at least half of the works now contained in the Kanjur and Tanjur +were translated or revised at this time and that the additions made +later were chiefly Tantras (rGyud). On the other hand it is also +probable that many tantric translations ascribed to this epoch are +really later.[1000] The most prolific of Ralpachan's translators was +Jinamitra, a pandit of Kashmir described as belonging to the +Vaibhashika school, who translated a large part of the Vinaya and many +sutras.[1001] Among the many Tibetan assistants Ye'ses-sde and +Dpal-brTsegs are perhaps those most frequently mentioned. These +Tibetan translators are commonly described by the title of Lo-tsa-va. +As in China the usual procedure seems to have been that an Indian +pandit explained the sacred text to a native. The latter then wrote it +down, but whereas in China he generally paraphrased whatever he +understood, in Tibet he endeavoured to reproduce it with laborious +fidelity. + +The language of the translations, which is now the accepted form +of literary Tibetan, appears to have been an archaic and classical +dialect even in the early days of Tibetan Buddhism, for it is not the +same as the language of the secular documents dating from the eighth +century, which have been found in Turkestan, and it remains unchanged +in the earliest and later translations. It may possibly have been the +sacred language of the Bonpo[1002] priests. + +As narrated in the historical section Buddhism suffered a severe +reverse with the death of Ralpachan and it was nearly a century before +a revival began. This revival was distinctly tantric and the most +celebrated name connected with it is Atisa. According to Csoma de +Koros's chronology the Kalacakra system was introduced in 1025 and the +eminent translator bLo-ldan-shes-rab,[1003] a follower of Atisa, +was born in 1057. It is thus easy to understand how during the +eleventh century a great number of tantric works were translated and +the published catalogues of the Kanjur and Tanjur confirm the fact, +although the authors of the translations are not mentioned so often as +in the other divisions. To Atisa is ascribed the revision of many +works in the Tantra section of the Kanjur and twenty others composed +by him are found in the Tanjur.[1004] It is said that the definitive +arrangement of the two collections as we know them was made by Bu-ston +early in the thirteenth century.[1005] The Kanjur (but not the Tanjur) +was translated into Mongol by order of Khutuktu Khagan (1604-1634) +the last prince of the Chakhar Mongols but a printed edition was +first published by the Emperor K'ang-Hsi. Though it is said that the +Tanjur was translated and printed by order of Ch'ien-Lung, the +statement is doubtful. If such a translation was made it was probably +partial and in manuscript.[1006] + +Manuscripts are still extensively copied and used in Tibet but the +Kanjur has been printed from wooden blocks for the last 200 years. +There are said to be two printing presses, the older at Narthang near +Tashilhunpo where an edition in 100 volumes is produced and another at +Derge in the eastern province. This edition is in 108 volumes. An +edition was also printed at Peking by order of K'ang-Hsi in red type +and with a preface by the Emperor himself.[1007] + +Besides the canon the Tibetans possess many religious or edifying +works composed in their own language.[1008] Such are the +Padma-than-yig, or life of Padma-Sambhava, the works of Tsong-kha-pa, +and several histories such as those of Bu-ston, Taranatha, Sum-pa, and +hJigs-med-nam-mkha,[1009] biographies of Lamas without number, +accounts of holy places, works of private devotion, medical treatises +and grammars. + +There are also numerous works called Terma which profess to be +revelations composed by Padma-Sambhava. They are said to be popular, +though apparently not accepted by the Yellow Church. + +Although it hardly comes within the scope of the present study, I may +mention that there is also some non-Buddhist literature in Tibet, +sometimes described as scriptures of the Bon religion and sometimes as +folklore. As samples may be cited Laufer's edition and translation of +the _Hundred Thousand Nagas_[1010] and Francke's of parts of the +_Kesar-saga_.[1011] + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 973: The Tibetan orthography is bKah-hgyur (the translated +command) and bsTan-hgyur (the translated explanation). Various +spellings are used by European writers such as Kah-gyur, Kandjour, +Bkahgyur, etc. Waddell writes Kah-gyur and Tan-gyur.] + +[Footnote 974: Though this distinction seems to hold good on the +whole, yet it is not strictly observed. Thus the work called Udana and +corresponding to the Dhammapada is found in both the Kanjur and +Tanjur.] + +[Footnote 975: Nanjio's catalogue states that a great many +Abhidharma works in Chinese agree with Tibetan, but their titles +are not to be found in Csoma's analysis of the Kanjur. They may +however be in the Tanjur, which is less fully analyzed.] + +[Footnote 976: Analysis of the Dulva, etc., four parts in _Asiatic +Researches_, vol. XX. 1836, by A. Csoma Korosi. Translated into French +by Feer, _Annales du Musee Guimet_, tome 2me, 1881. _Index des +Kanjur_, herausgegeben von I.J. Schmidt (in Tibetan), 1845. Huth, +_Verzeichnis der in Tibetischen Tanjur, Abtheilung mDo, erhaltenen +Werke_ in _Sitzungsber. Berlin. Akad._ 1895. P. Cordier, _Catalogue du +fonds Tibetain de la Bibliotheque Nationale_. Beckh, _Verzeichnis der +tibetischen Handscriften der K. Bibliothek zu Berlin_, 1 Abth., +Kanjur, 1914. This is an analysis of the edition in 108 volumes, +whereas Csoma de Korosi and Feer analyzed the edition in 100 volumes. +The arrangement of the two editions is not quite the same. See too +Pelliot's review of Beckh's catalogue in _J.A._ 1914, II. pp. 111 ff. +See also Waddell, "Tibetan Manuscripts and Books" in _Asiatic +Quarterly_, July, 1912, pp. 80-113, which, though not an analysis of +the Canon, incidentally gives much information.] + +[Footnote 977: _E.g._ Udana (=Dhammapada) by Rockhill, 1892 +(transl.), and Beckh (text 1911) Madhyamakavatara: de la Vallee +Poussin, 1912, Madyamika-sastra: Max Walleser, 1911 (transl.), +Citralakshana, ed. and trans. Laufer, 1913; Feer, _Fragments extraits +du Kanjur, Annales du Musee Guimet_, tome 5me, 1883.] + +[Footnote 978: It is also sometimes divided into three Pitakas. When +this is done, the Dulva is the Vinaya P., the Ser-chin is the +Abhidharma P., and all the other works whether Sutras or Tantras are +classed together as the Sutra P.] + +[Footnote 979: hDul-ba.] + +[Footnote 980: See Nanjio, Nos. 1115-1119, 1122, 1132-4. Rockhill, +_Pratimoksha Sutra selon la version Tibetaine_, 1884. Huth, +_Tibetische Version der Naihsargikaprayaccittikadharmas_, 1891. Finot +and Huber, "Le Pratimoksa des Sarvastivadins," _J.A._ 1913, II. p. +465.] + +[Footnote 981: Strictly Ser-phyin.] + +[Footnote 982: Waddell in _Asiatic Quarterly_, 1912, XXXIV. p. 98, renders +the title as Vata sangha, which probably represents Avatamsaka. Sarat +Chandra Das, _sub voce_, says Phal-chen-sde-pa=Mahasanghika.] + +[Footnote 983: The statements of Nanjio as to "deest in Tibetan" are +not quite accurate as regards the edition in 108 volumes. Compare his +catalogue with Beckh's.] + +[Footnote 984: This statement made by such scholars as Feer (_Anal. du +Kanjour_, p. 288) and Rockhill (_Udana_, p. x) is of great weight, +but I have not found in their works any quotation from the Tibetan +translation saying that the original language was not Sanskrit and the +titles given by Peer are in Sanskrit not in Pali. I presume it is not +meant that the Tibetan text is a translation from a Sanskrit text +which corresponds with the Pali text known to us. In Beckh's catalogue +of the edition in 108 volumes the same titles occur in the +Prajna-paramita section, but without any statement that the works are +translated from Pali. See Beckh, p. 12, and Feer, pp. 288 ff.] + +[Footnote 985: _Life of the Buddha_, p. 224, and _J.R.A.S._ 1899, p. +422.] + +[Footnote 986: There is another shorter sutra on the same subject in +the mDo section of the Kanjur. Feer, p. 247. In the edition of 108 +volumes, the whole section is incorporated in the mDo, Beckh, p. 33.] + +[Footnote 987: The word seems originally to mean string or chain.] + +[Footnote 988: Apparently not the same as the Tathagata-Guhyaka +_alias_ Guhya Samagha described by R. Mitra, _Sk. Bud. Lit_. p. 261.] + +[Footnote 989: See notices of these in four articles by Satiscandra +Vidyabhushana in _J.A.S. Beng._ 1907.] + +[Footnote 990: _I.e._ the Dhammapada.] + +[Footnote 991: Huth's analysis of vols. 117-124 of the Tanjur +(_Sitzungsber. Kon. Preuss. Akad. Wiss. Berlin_, 1895) shows that +they contain _inter alia_, eight works on Sanskrit literature and +philology besides the Meghaduta, nine on medicine and alchemy with +commentaries, fourteen on astrology and divination, three on chemistry +(the composition of incense), eight on gnomic poetry and ethics, one +encyclopaedia, six lives of the Saints, six works on the Tibetan +language and five on painting and fine art. Cordier gives further +particulars of the medical works in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1903, p. 604. They +include a veterinary treatise.] + +[Footnote 992: See title in Laufer's edition.] + +[Footnote 993: See Feer, _l.c._ for instance, pp. 287, 248.] + +[Footnote 994: See Feer, _l.c._ p. 344, and Laufer, "Die Bruza +Sprache" in _T'oung Pao_, 1908. It is said that King Ru-che-tsan of +Brusha or Dusha translated (? what date) the Mula-Tantra and +Vyakhya-Tantra into the language of his country. See _J.A.S.B._ 1882, +p. 12. Beckh states that four works have titles in Chinese, one in +Bruza and one in Tartar (Hor-gyi-skad-du).] + +[Footnote 995: Laufer, _ibid_. p. 4.] + +[Footnote 996: See Nanjio, No. 87, and Feer, _l.c._ pp. 208-212, but +the two works may not be the same. The Tibetan seems to be a +collection of 45 sutras.] + +[Footnote 997: Rockhill, _l.c._ p. 212.] + +[Footnote 998: Stein, _Ancient Khotan_, pp. 426-9 and App. B. See also +Pelliot in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1908, pp. 507 ff.] + +[Footnote 999: The Mahavyutpatti edited by Minayeff in _Bibl. +Buddhica_ and an abridgement.] + +[Footnote 1000: According to Feer (_Analyse_, p. 325) Tibetan +historians state that at this epoch kings prohibited the translation +of more than a few tantric works.] + +[Footnote 1001: Numerous works are also ascribed to Sarvajnadeva and +Dharmaka, both of Kashmir, and to the Indian Vidyakaraprabha and +Surendrabodhi.] + +[Footnote 1002: See Francke in _J.R.A.S._ 1914, pp. 56-7.] + +[Footnote 1003: See Pander, _Pantheon_, No. 30.] + +[Footnote 1004: Waddell, _Buddhism_, p. 36, gives a list of them.] + +[Footnote 1005: It appears to me that there is some confusion between +Brom-ston, a disciple of Atisa, who must have flourished about 1060 +and Bu-ston, who was born in 1288. Grunwedel says that the latter is +credited with the compilations of the Kanjur and Tanjur, but Rockhill +(_Life of the Buddha_, p. 227) describes Bu-ston as a disciple of +Atisa.] + +[Footnote 1006: See Huth, _Geschichte des Budd. in der Mongolei_, 291, +and Laufer, "Skizze der Mongolischen Literatur" (in _Keleti Szemle_, +1907), p. 219. Also Pelliot in _J.A._ 1914, II. pp. 112-3.] + +[Footnote 1007: See Laufer in _Bull. de l'Acad. de S. Petersbourg_, +1909, pp. 567-574. There are some differences in the editions. That of +Narthang is said to contain a series of sutras translated from the +Pali and wanting in the Red Edition, but not to contain two +translations from Chinese which are found in the Red Edition. See the +preface to Beckh's catalogue. The MS. analyzed by him was obtained at +Peking, but it is not known whence it came. An edition by Ch'ien Lung +is mentioned by some authors. It is also said that an edition is +printed at Punakha in Bhutan, and another in Mongolian at Kumbum.] + +[Footnote 1008: Some of these are probably included in the Tanjur, +which has not been fully catalogued. See _J.A.S. Beng_. 1904, for a +list of 85 printed books bought in Lhasa, 1902, and Waddell's article +in _Asiatic Quarterly_, July, 1912, already referred to.] + +[Footnote 1009: Edited and translated by Huth as _Geschichte des +Buddhismus in der Mongolei_, 1892.] + +[Footnote 1010: Finno Ugrian Society of Helsingfors, 1898.] + +[Footnote 1011: Same Society, 1900 and 1902, and _J.A.S.B._ 1906-7.] + + + + +CHAPTER LII + +TIBET (_continued_) + +DOCTRINES OF LAMAISM + + +Lamaism may be defined as a mixture of late Indian Buddhism (which is +itself a mixture of Buddhism and Hinduism) with various Tibetan +practices and beliefs. The principal of these are demonophobia and the +worship of human beings as incarnate deities. Demonophobia is a +compendious expression for an obsession which victimizes Chinese and +Hindus to some extent as well as Tibetans, namely, the conviction that +they are at all times surrounded by fierce and terrible beings against +whom they must protect themselves by all the methods that religion and +magic can supply. This is merely an acute form of the world-wide +belief that all nature is animated by good and bad spirits, of which +the latter being more aggressive require more attention, but it +assumes startlingly conspicuous forms in Tibet because the Church has +enlisted all the forces of art, theology and philosophy to aid in this +war against demons. The externals of Tibetan worship suffer much from +the idea that benevolent deities assume a terrible guise in order to +strike fear into the hosts of evil.[1012] The helpers and saviours of +mankind such as Avalokita and Tara are often depicted in the shape of +raging fiends, as hideous and revolting as a fanciful brush and +distorted brain can paint them. The idea inspiring these monstrous +images is not the worship of cruelty and terror, but the hope that +evil spirits may be kept away when they see how awful are the powers +which the Church can summon. Nevertheless the result is that a Lama +temple often looks like a pandemonium and meeting house for +devil-worship, an Olympus tenanted by Gorgons, Hydras and Furies. It +is only fair to say that Tibetan art sometimes represents with success +gods and saints in attitudes of repose and authority, and has produced +some striking portraits,[1013] but its most marked feature (which +it shares with literature) is a morbid love of the monstrous and +terrible, a perpetual endeavour to portray fiends surrounded with +every circumstance of horror, and still more appalling deities, all +eyes, heads and limbs, wreathed with fire, drinking blood from skulls +and trampling prostrate creatures to death beneath their feet. +Probably the wild and fantastic landscapes of Tibet, the awful +suggestions of the spectral mists, the real terrors of precipice, +desert and storm have wrought for ages upon the minds of those who +live among them. + +Like demonophobia, the worship of incarnate deities is common in +eastern Asia but here it acquires an extent and intensity unknown +elsewhere. The Tibetans show a strange power of organization in +dealing with the supernatural. In India incarnations have usually been +recognized post-mortem and as incalculable manifestations of the +spirit.[1014] But at least since the seventeenth century, the Lamas +have accepted them as part of the Church's daily round and +administrative work. The practices of Shamanism probably prepared the +way, for in his mystic frenzies the Shaman is temporarily inhabited by +a god and the extreme ease with which distinguished persons are turned +into gods or Bodhisattvas in China and Japan is another manifestation +of the same spirit. An ancient inscription[1015] applies to the kings +of Tibet the word _hphrul_ which is also used of the Grand Lamas +and means that a deity is transformed, or as we say, incarnate in a +human person. The Yellow Church officially recognized[1016] the +Emperor of China as an incarnation of Manjusri and the Mongols +believed the Tsar of Russia to be an incarnation of the White Tara. + +The admixtures received by Buddhism in Tibet are not alien to Indian +thought. They received an unusual emphasis but India provided terrible +deities, like Kali with her attendant fiends, and also the idea that +the divine embodies itself in human personalities or special +manifestations. Thus Tibetan Buddhism is not so much an amalgam, as a +phase of medieval Hindu religion disproportionately developed in +some directions. The Lamas have acquired much the same status as the +Brahmans. If they could not make themselves a hereditary caste, they +at least enforced the principle that they are the necessary +intermediaries between gods and men. Though they adopted the monastic +system of Buddhism, they are not so much monks as priests and ghostly +warriors who understand the art of fighting with demons. + +Yet Tibet like Japan could assimilate and transform as well as borrow. +The national and original element in Lamaism becomes plain when we +compare Tibet with the neighbouring land of Nepal. There late Indian +Buddhism simply decayed under an overgrowth of Brahmanism. In Tibet it +acquired more life and character than it had in its native Bengal. +This new character has something monstrous and fantastic in government +as well as art: the magic fortresses of the Snowland, peopled by +priests and demons, seem uncanny homes for plain mortals, yet Lamaism +has the strength belonging to all genuine expressions of national +character and it clearly suits the Tibetans and Mongols. The oldest +known form of Tibetan religion had some of the same characteristics. +It is called Bon or Pon. It would be outside my province to discuss it +here, but even when first heard of it was more than a rude form of +animism. In the eighth century its hierarchy was sufficiently strong +to oppose the introduction of Buddhism and it possibly contained a +pre-buddhist stratum of Iranian ideas.[1017] In later times it adopted +or travestied Buddhist dogma, ritual and literature, much as Taoism +did in China, but still remained a repository of necromancy, magic, +animal sacrifices, devil-dancing, and such like practices, which have +in all ages corrupted Tibetan Buddhism though theoretically +disapproved. + +Of Tibetan Buddhism anterior to 747 there is little to be said. It +consisted in the sporadic introduction of books and images from India +and did not assume any national character, for it is clear that in +this period Tibet was not regarded as a Buddhist country. The first +phase deserving the name of Lamaism begins with the arrival of +Padma-Sambhava in 747. The Nying-ma-pa or Old School claims to +represent his teaching, but, as already mentioned, the various sects +have interacted on one another so much that their tenets are hardly +distinctive. Still it is pretty clear that what Padma-Sambhava brought +with him was the late form of India Buddhism called Mantrayana, +closely allied to the Chen Yen of China, and transported to Japan +under the name of Shingon and also to the Buddhism of Java as +represented in the sculptures of Boroboedoer. The Far East felt shy of +the tantric element in this teaching, whereas the Tibetans exaggerated +it, but the doctrinal basis is everywhere the same, namely, that there +are five celestial Buddhas, of whom Vairocana is the principal and in +some sense the origin. These give rise to celestial emanations, female +as well as male, and to terrestrial reflexes such as Sakyamuni. +Among the other features of Padma-Sambhava's teaching the following +may be enumerated with more or less certainty: (_a_) A readiness to +tolerate and incorporate the local cults of the countries where he +preached. (_b_) A free use of spells (dharani) and magical figures +(mandala) for the purpose of subduing demons and acquiring +supernatural powers. (_c_) The belief that by such methods an adept +can not only summon a deity but assume his form and in fact become the +deity. (_d_) The worship of Amitabha, among other deities, and a +belief in his paradise. (_e_) The presentation of offerings, though +not of flesh, in sacrifice[1018] and the performance of ceremonies on +behalf of departed souls. (_f_) The worship of departed and perhaps of +living teachers. His image is a conspicuous object of veneration in +the Nying-ma-pa sect but he does not appear to have taught the +doctrine of hierarchical succession by incarnation. Grunwedel[1019] +has pointed out that the later corruptions of Buddhism in northern +India, Tibet and Central Asia are connected with the personages known +as the eighty-four Mahasiddhas, or great magicians. Their appearance +as shown in pictures is that of Brahmanic ascetics rather than of +Buddhist Bhikshus, but many of them bear names which are not Indian. +Their dates cannot be fixed at present and appear to cover a +period from the early centuries of our era up to about 1200, so that +they represent not a special movement but a continuous tendency to +import into Buddhism very various currents of thought, north Indian, +Iranian, Central Asian and even Mohammedan. + +The visit of Padma-Sambhava was followed by a period of religious +activity which culminated in the ninth century under King Ralpachan, +but it does not appear that the numerous translations from Indian +works made in this reign did more than supplement and amplify the +doctrine already preached. But when after a lengthy eclipse Buddhism +was reinstated in the eleventh century under the auspices of Atisa +and other foreign teachers we hear of something new, called the +Kalacakra[1020] system also known as the Vajrayana. Pending the +publication of the Kalacakra Tantra,[1021] it is not easy to make +definite statements about this school which presumably marks the +extreme point of development or degeneration in Buddhism, but a +persistent tradition connects it with a country called Sambhala or +Zhambhala, translated in Tibetan as bDe-hbyun or source of +happiness. This country is seen only through a haze of myth: it may +have been in India or it may have been somewhere in Central Asia, +where Buddhism mingled with Turkish ideas.[1022] Its kings were called +Kulika and the Tibetan calendar introduced by Atisa is said to have +come from it. This fact and the meaning of the word Kalacakra (wheel +of time) suggest that the system has some connection with the Turkish +cycle of twelve animals used for expressing dates.[1023] A +legend[1024] states that Sakyamuni promulgated the Kalacakra system +in Orissa (Dhanyakataka) and that Sucandra, king of Sambhala, +having miraculously received this teaching wrote the Kalacakra Tantra +in a prophetic spirit, although it was not published until 965 +A.D. This is really the approximate date of its compilation and I can +only add the following disjointed data.[1025] + +Tibetan authorities state that it was introduced into Nalanda by a Pandit +called Tsilu or Chilu and accepted by Narotapa who was then head of the +University. From Nalanda it spread to Tibet. Manjusrikirti, king of +Sambhala, is said to have been an exponent of it and to have begun his +reign 674 years after the death of the Buddha. But since he is also the +second incarnation of the Panchen Lama and since the fourth (Abhayakara) +lived about 1075, he may really have been a historical character in the +latter part of the tenth century. Its promulgation is also ascribed to a +personage called Siddha Pito. It must be late for it is said to mention +Islam and Mohammed. It is perhaps connected with anti-mohammedan +movements which looked to Kalki, the future incarnation of Vishnu, as +their Messiah, for Hindu tradition says that Kalki will be born in +Sambhalagrama.[1026] We hear also of a Siddha called Telopa or Tailopa, +who was a vigorous opponent of Islam. The mythology of the school is +Vishnuite, not Sivaitic, and it is noticeable that the Pancaratra system +which had some connection with Kashmir lays stress on the wheel or discus +(_cakra_ or _sudarsana_) of Vishnu which is said to be the support of the +Universe and the manifestation of Creative will. The Kalacakra is +mentioned as a special form of this cosmic wheel having six spokes.[1027] + +The peculiar doctrine of the Buddhist Kalacakra is that there is an +Adi-Buddha,[1028] or primordial Buddha God, from whom all other +Buddhas are derived. It is possible that it represents a last effort +of Central Asian Buddhism to contend with Moslims, which instead of +denying the bases of Mohammed's teaching tried to show that monotheism +(like everything else) could be found in Buddhism--a method of +argument frequent in India. The doctrine of the Adi-Buddha was not +however new or really important. For the Indian mind it is implied +in the dogma of the three bodies of Buddha, for the Sambhogakaya is +practically an Indian Deva and the Dharmakaya is the pantheos or +Brahma. Under the influence of the Kalacakra the Lamas did not become +theists in the sense of worshipping one supreme God but they +identified with the Adi-Buddha some particular deity, varying +according to the sects. Thus Samantabhadra, who usually ranks as a +Bodhisattva--that is as inferior to a Buddha--was selected by some for +the honour. The logic of this is hard to explain but it is clearly +analogous to the procedure, common to the oldest and newest phases of +Hindu religion, by which a special deity is declared to be not only +all the other gods but also the universal spirit.[1029] It does not +appear that the Kalacakra Tantra met with general acceptance. It is +unknown in China and Japan and not well known in Nepal.[1030] + +The Kalacakra adopted all the extravagances of the Tantras and +provided the principal Buddhas and Bodhisattvas with spouses, even +giving one to the Adi-Buddha himself.[1031] Extraordinary as this is +from a Buddhist point of view, it is little more than the Hindu idea +that the Supreme Being became male and female for the purpose of +producing the universe. But the general effect of the system on +monastic and religious life was bad. Celibacy was not observed; +morals, discipline and doctrine alike deteriorated. A striking +instance is afforded by the ceremonies used by Pagspa when receiving +Kublai into the Church. The Tibetan prelate presumably wished to give +the Emperor what was best and most important in his creed and selected +a formula for invoking a demoniac Buddha. + +The latest phase of Lamaism was inaugurated by Tsong-kha-pa's +reformation and is still vigorous. Politically and socially it was of +capital importance, for it disciplined the priesthood and enabled +the heads of the Church to rule Tibet. In doctrine it was not marked +by the importation of new ideas, but it emphasized the worship of +Avalokita as the patron of Tibet, it systematized the existing beliefs +about reincarnation, thereby creating a powerful hierarchy, and it +restricted Tantrism, without abolishing it. But many monasteries +persistently refused to accept these reforms. + +Tibetan mythology and ceremonial have been described in detail by +Grunwedel, Waddell and others. The pantheon is probably the largest in +the world. All heaven and hell seem to meet in it. The originals of +the deities are nearly all to be found in Nepalese Buddhism[1032] and +the perplexing multiplicity of Tibet is chiefly due to the habit of +representing one deity in many forms and aspects, thus making him a +dozen or more personages both for art and for popular worship. The +adoration of saints and their images is also more developed than in +Nepal and forms some counterpoise to the prevalent demonolatry. + +I will not attempt to catalogue this fantastic host but will merely +notice the principal elements in it. + +The first of these may be called early Buddhist. The figure of +Sakyamuni is frequent in poses which illustrate the familiar story +of his life and the statue in the cathedral of Lhasa representing him +as a young man is the most venerated image in all Tibet. The human +Buddhas anterior to him also receive recognition together with +Maitreya. The Pratimoksha is still known, the Uposatha days are +observed and the details of the ordination services recall the +prescriptions of the Pali Vinaya; formulae such as the four truths, the +eightfold path and the chain of causation are still in use and form +the basis of ethics. + +The later (but still not tantric) doctrines of Indian Mahayanism are +naturally prominent. The three bodies of Buddha are well known and +also the series of five Celestial Buddhas with corresponding +Bodhisattvas and other manifestations. I feel doubtful whether the +table given by Waddell[1033] can be accepted as a compendium of +the Lamaist creed. The symmetry is spoiled by the existence of other +groups such as the Thirty Buddhas, the Thousand Buddhas, and the +Buddhas of Healing, and also by the habit just mentioned of +representing deities in various forms. For instance Amoghapasa, +theoretically a form of Avalokita, is in practice distinct. The fact +is that Lamaism accepted the whole host of Indian Buddhas and +Bodhisattvas, with additions of its own. The classifications made by +various sutras and tantras were not sufficiently dogmatic to become +articles of faith: chance and fancy determined the prominence and +popularity of a given figure. Among the Buddhas those most worshipped +are Amitabha, Sakya and Bhaishajyaguru or the Buddha of Healing: +among the Bodhisattvas, Avalokita, Maitreya and Manjusri. + +There is nothing in the above differing materially from Chinese or +Japanese Buddhism. The peculiarities of Tibet are brought out by the +tantric phase which those countries eschewed. Three characteristics of +Tibetan Tantrism, which are all more or less Indian, may be mentioned. +Firstly, all deities, even the most august, become familiar spirits, +who are not so much worshipped as coerced by spells. The neophyte is +initiated into their mysteries by a special ceremonial:[1034] the +adept can summon them, assume their attributes and attain union with +them. Secondly, great prominence is given to goddesses, either as the +counterparts of male deities or as independent. Thirdly, deities +appear in various forms, described as mild, angry or fiendish. It is +specially characteristic of Lamaism that naturally benevolent deities +are represented as raging in furious frenzy. + +Whether the superhuman beings of Tantrism are Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, +or Hindu gods like Mahakala, it is correct to describe them as +deities, for they behave and are treated like Indian Devas. Besides +the relatively old and simple forms of the various Buddhas and +Bodhisattvas, there are many others which are usually accommodated to +the system by being described as protecting spirits, that is virtuous +and religious fiends who expend their ferocity on the enemies of the +Church. + +Of these Protectors there are two classes, which are not mutually +exclusive, namely, the tutelary deities of individuals, and the +defenders of the faith or tutelaries of the whole Church. The former, +who are extremely important in the religious life of the Lamas, are +called Yi-dam and may be compared with the Ishta-devatas of the +Hindus: the latter or Chos Skyon correspond to the Dharmapalas. +Every Lama selects a Yi-dam either for life or for a period. His +choice must remain a secret but he himself has no doubts, as after +fasting and meditation the deity will appear to him.[1035] Henceforth +he every morning repeats formulae which are supposed to give him the +appearance of his tutelary and thus scare away hostile demons. The +most efficacious tutelaries are tantric forms of the Dhyani Buddhas, +especially Vajrasattva, Vajradhara and Amitayus. The deity is +represented not in the guise of a Buddha but crowned, robed, and +holding a thunderbolt, and his attributes appear to be derived from +those of Indra.[1036] In his arms he always clasps a Sakti. + +A second class of tutelaries is composed of so-called Buddhas, +accompanied by Saktis and terrific in aspect, who are manifestations of +the Buddhahood for special purposes. I do not know if this description is +theologically correct, for these fantastic figures have no relation to +anything deserving the name of Buddhism, but Grunwedel[1037] has shown +that they are comparable with the various forms of Siva. This god does +not become incarnate like Vishnu but manifests himself from time to time +in many shapes accompanied by a retinue who are sometimes merely +attendants and sometimes alternative forms of the Lord. Virabhadra, the +terrible being created by Siva from himself in order to confound Daksha's +sacrifice, is a close parallel to the demoniac Buddhas of Lamaism. Some +of them, such as Mahakala and Samvara, show their origin in their names +and the rest, such as Hevajra, Buddhakapala and Yamantaka, are similar. +This last is a common subject for art, a many headed and many limbed +minotaur, convulsed by a paroxysm of devilish passion. Among his heads +the most conspicuous is the face of an ox, yet this grotesque demon is +regarded as a manifestation of the benign and intellectual Manjusri whose +images in other lands are among the most gracious products of Buddhist +sculpture. + +Most tutelary deities of this class act as defenders of the faith +and each sect has one or two as its special guardians.[1038] The idea +is ancient for even in the Pitakas, Sakka and other spirits +respectfully protect the Buddha's disciples, and the Dharmapalas of +Gandharan art are the ancestors of the Chos Skyon. But in Tibet +these assume monstrous and manifold disguises. The oldest is +Vajrapani and nearly all the others are forms of Siva (such as +Acala or Mi-gyo-ba who reappears in Japan as Fudo) or personages of +his retinue. Eight of them are often adored collectively under the +name of the Eight Terrible Ones. Several of these are well-known +figures in Hindu mythology, for though the Lamas usually give Buddhist +titles to their principal deities, yet they also venerate Hindu gods, +without any explanation of their status. Thus hJigs-med-nam-mkha says +that he composed his history with the help of Siva.[1039] The +members of this group vary in different enumerations but the following +usually form part of it. + +(_a_) Hayagriva,[1040] the horse-necked god. In India he appears to be +connected with Vishnu rather than Siva. The magic dagger with which +Lamas believe they can stab demons is said to be a form of him. The +Mongols regard him as the protector of horses. (_b_) Yama, the Indian +god of the dead, accompanied by a hellish retinue including living +skeletons. (_c_) Mahakala, the form of Siva already mentioned. It +was by his inspiration that Pagspa was able to convert Khubilai Khan. +(_d_) Lha-mo, the goddess, that is Devi, the spouse of Siva. (_e_) +lCam-sran, a war god of somewhat uncertain origin but perhaps a +Tibetan form of Kartikeya. Other deities frequently included in this +group are Yamantaka, mentioned above, Kubera or Vaisravana, the +Hindu god of wealth, and a deity called the White Brahma (Thsangspa +dKarpo). This last is an ordinary human figure riding on a white horse +and brandishing a sword. He wears white clothes and a crown or turban. +He is perhaps Kalki who, as suggested above, had some connection with +the Kalacakra. The Eight Terrible Ones and their attendants are +represented by grotesquely masked figures in the dances and mystery +plays enacted by Lamas. These performances are said to be still +known among the vulgar as dances of the Red Tiger Devil, but in +the hands of the Yellow Church have become a historical drama +representing the persecution of Buddhism under King Lang-dar-ma and +its ultimate triumph after he has been slain by the help of these +ghostly champions. + +Lamaist books mention numerous other Indian divinities, such as +Brahma, the thirty-three Devas, the Kings of the four quarters, etc. +These have no particular place in the system but their appearance in +art and literature is natural, since they are decorative though not +essential parts of early Buddhism. The same may be said of all the +host of Nagas, Yakshas, Rakshasas, etc. But though these multitudinous +spirits have been rearranged and classified in conformity with Hindu +ideas they are not an importation but rather part of the old folklore +of Tibet, in many ways identical with the same stratum of thought in +India. Thus the snake demigods or Nagas[1041] occupy in both countries +a large place in the popular imagination. In the higher ranks of the +Lamaist pantheon all the figures seem to be imported, but some +indigenous godlings have retained a place in the lower classes. Such +are rDo-rje-legs, at first an opponent of Buddhism as preached by +Padma-Sambhava but honoured as a deity after making due submission, +and the Five Kings,[1042] a group of fierce spirits, under the +presidency of dPe-dkar. + +It remains to say a word of the numerous goddesses who play an important +part in Tibetan Buddhism, as in Hindu Tantrism. They are usually +represented as the female counterparts or better halves of male deities, +but some are self-sufficient. The greatest of these goddesses is +Tara.[1043] Though Lamaist theology describes her as the spouse of +Avalokita she is not a single personality but a generic name applied to a +whole class of female deities and, as in many other cases, no clear +distinction is drawn between her attendants and the forms which she herself +assumes. Originally benevolent and depicted with the attributes of Lakshmi +she is transformed by a turn of Tibetan imagination, with which the reader +is now familiar, into various terrible shapes and is practically the same +as the spouse of Siva, celebrated in the Tantras under countless names. +Twenty-one Taras are often enumerated in a list said to be well known even +to the laity[1044] and there are others. Among them are (_a_) the Green +Tara, the commonest form in Tibet. (_b_) The White Tara, much worshipped by +Mongols and supposed to be incarnate in the Tsar of Russia, (_c_) Bhrikuti, +a dark blue, angry, frowning form, (_d_) Ushnishavijaya,[1045] a graceful +and benevolent form known to the Japanese. She is mentioned in the Horiuji +palm-leaf manuscript which dates from at least 609 A.D. (_e_) Parnasavari, +represented as wearing a girdle of leaves and also called Gandhari, Pisaci +and Sarva-Savaranam Bhagavati.[1046] She is apparently the goddess of an +aboriginal tribe in India. (_f_) Kurukulla, a goddess of riches, inhabiting +caves. She is said to have given great wealth to the fifth Grand Lama, and +though she might be suspected of being a native deity was known in Nepal +and India.[1047] + +The Goddess Marici, often depicted with Tara, appears to be distinct +and in one form is represented with a sow's head and known as +Vajravarahi. As such she is incarnate in the abbesses of several +monasteries, particularly Samding on lake Yamdok.[1048] + +A notice of Tibetan Buddhism can hardly avoid referring to the use of +praying wheels and the celebrated formula Om mani padme hum. Though +these are among the most conspicuous and ubiquitous features of +Lamaism their origin is strangely obscure.[1049] Attempts to connect +the praying wheel with the wheel of the law, the cakravartin and other +uses of the wheel in Indian symbolism, are irrelevant, for the object +to be explained is not really a wheel but a barrel, large or small, +containing written prayers, or even a whole library. Those who turn +the barrel acquire all the merit arising from repeating the +prayers or reading the books. In Tibet this form of devotion is a +national mania. People carry small prayer wheels in their hands as +they walk and place large ones in rivers to be turned by the current. +In China, Japan and Korea we find revolving libraries and occasional +praying machines, though not of quite the same form as in Tibet,[1050] +but, so far as I know, there is nothing to show that these were not +introduced from Tibet into China and thence found their way further +East. The hypothesis that they were known in India and thence exported +to Tibet on one side and China on the other naturally suggests itself, +but the total absence of praying machines in India as well as in the +ruined cities of Central Asia and the general Hindu habit of regarding +scriptures and spells as words rather than written documents lend it +no support. It may be that when the illiterate Tibetans first became +acquainted with written prayers, they invented this singular method of +utilizing them without reading them. + +Equally obscure is the origin of the formula Om mani padme[1051] +hum, which permeates Tibet, uttered by every human voice, revolved in +countless machines, graven on the rocks, printed on flags. It is +obviously a Dharani[1052] and there is no reason to doubt that it +came to Tibet with the first introduction of Buddhism, but also no +record. The earliest passage hitherto quoted for its occurrence is a +Chinese translation made between 980 and 1001 A.D.[1053] and said to +correspond with the Kanjur and the earliest historical mention of its +use is found in Willelm de Rubruk (1254) and in the writings of +Bu-ston.[1054] The first legend of its origin is contained in the +Manikambum, a work of doubtful age and authorship but perhaps as +old as the fifteenth century.[1055] The popularity of the prayer may +date from the time when the pontiffs of Lhasa were recognized as +incarnations of Avalokita. The first and last words are mystic +syllables such as often occur in these formulae. Mani padme is +generally interpreted to mean the jewel in the lotus,[1056] but Thomas +has pointed out that it is more consonant with grammar and usage to +regard the syllables as one word and the vocative of a feminine title +similar to Padmapani, one of Avalokita's many names. The analogy of +similar spells supports this interpretation and it seems probable that +the formula was originally an invocation of the Sakti under the +title of Manipadma, although so far as I know it is now regarded by +the Tibetans as an address to the male Avalokita. It has also been +suggested that the prominence of this prayer may be due to Manichaean +influence and the idea that it contained the name of Mani. The +suggestion is not absurd for in many instances Manichaeism and Buddhism +were mixed together, but if it were true we should expect to find the +formula frequently used in the Tarim basin, but of such use there is +no proof. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1012: The Shingon sect in Japan depict benevolent deities in +a raging form, Funnu. See Kokka, No. 292, p. 58. The idea goes back to +India where the canons of sacred art recognize that deities can be +represented in a pacific (santa or saumya) or in a terrific (ugra +or raudra) form. See Gopinath Rao, _Hindu Iconography_, vol. I. p. 19, +and vol. II of the same for a lengthy description of the aspects of +Siva.] + +[Footnote 1013: _E.g._ Grunwedel, _Buddhist art in India_, fig. 149, +_id. Mythologie_, fig. 54.] + +[Footnote 1014: But there is still a hereditary incarnation of +Ganesa near Poona, which began in the seventeenth century. See +_Asiatic Researches_, VII. 381.] + +[Footnote 1015: See Waddell in _J.R.A.S._ 1909, p. 941.] + +[Footnote 1016: See _e.g. J.A.S.B._ 1882, p. 41. The Svayambhu Purana +also states that Manjusri lives in China. See _J. Buddhist Text +Society_, 1894, vol. II. part II. p. 33.] + +[Footnote 1017: See _T'oung Pao_, 1908, p. 13. For the Bon generally +see also _J.A.S. Bengal_, 1881, p. 187; Rockhill, _Land of the Lamas_, +pp. 217-218; and _T'oung Pao_, 1901, pp. 24-44.] + +[Footnote 1018: The Lamas offer burnt sacrifices but it is not quite +clear whether these are derived from the Indian _homa_ adopted by +Tantric Buddhism or from Tibetan and Mongol ceremonies. See, for a +description of this ceremony, _My Life in Mongolia_, by the Bishop of +Norwich, pp. 108-114.] + +[Footnote 1019: _Mythologie des Buddhismus_, p. 40.] + +[Footnote 1020: In Tibetan Dus-kyi-hkhor-lo. Mongol, Tsagun kurdun.] + +[Footnote 1021: Announced in the _Bibliotheca Buddhica_.] + +[Footnote 1022: See Pelliot, _Quelques transcriptions apparentAes A +Cambhala dans les textes Chinois_ (in _T'oung Pao_, vol. XX. 1920, p. +73) for some conjectures. Kulika is translated into Tibetan as +Rigs-Ldan. Tibetan texts speak of books coming from Sambhala, see +Laufer in _T'oung Pao_, 1913, p. 596.] + +[Footnote 1023: See Laufer in _T'oung Pao_, 1907, p. 402. In Sumpa's +chronology, _J.A.S. Beng._ p. 46, the reign of a Kulika Emperor seems +to be simply a designation for a century.] + +[Footnote 1024: See _J.A.S.B._ 82, p. 225. The king is also (but +apparently incorrectly) called Candra-Bhadra.] + +[Footnote 1025: See Grunwedel, _Mythologie_, p. 41. Sarat Chandra Das +in _J.A.S. Beng_. 1882, p. 15, and _J.A.S. Beng_. 1912, p. 21, being +reprints of earlier articles by Csoma de Koros.] + +[Footnote 1026: See Kalki Purana. Vishnu Purana, IV. XXIV, Bhag. Pur. +XII. ii. 18, and Norman in _Trans. III, Int. Congress Religions_, vol. +II. p. 85. Also Aufrecht, _Cat. Cod. Sansk._ 73A, 84B.] + +[Footnote 1027: See Schrader, _Introd. to the Pancaratra_, pp. 100-106 +and 96.] + +[Footnote 1028: See the article "Adi Buddha" by De la Vallee Poussin +in Hastings' _Encyc. of Religion and Ethics_.] + +[Footnote 1029: See, for a modern example of this, the +Ganesatharvasirshopanishad (Ananda srama edition, pp. 11 and 16) +Tvam eva sarvam khalvidam Brahmasi ... Tvam Brahma Tvam Vishnus Tvam +Rudras Tvam Indras Tvam Agnis Tvam Vayus Tvam Suryas Tvam Candramas +Tvam _Brahma_. Here Ganesa includes all the deities and the +Pantheos. There is also a book called Ganesadarsanam in which +the Vedanta sutras are rewritten and Ganesa made equivalent to +Brahma. See Madras, _Cat. of Sk. MSS_. 1910-1913, p. 1030.] + +[Footnote 1030: It is just mentioned in S. Levi's _Nepal II_, p. 385, +but is not in Rajendralal Mitra's _Catalogue_.] + +[Footnote 1031: Waddell, _Buddhism_, p. 131. Pander, _Pantheon_, p. +59, No. 56.] + +[Footnote 1032: Nepalese Buddhism knows not only the Dhyani Buddhas, +Saktis and Bodhisattvas including Vajrasattva and Vajradhara, but +also deities like Hayagriva, Yamantaka, Bhrikuti, Marici, Kurukulla. +In both Nepal and Tibet are found pictures called Thsogs-sin in +which the deities of the Pantheon (or at least the principal of them) +are grouped according to rank. See for an example containing 138 +deities the frontispiece of Getty's _Gods of Northern Buddhism_.] + +[Footnote 1033: _Buddhism_, pp. 350-1.] + +[Footnote 1034: For an outline of the method followed by Tibetans in +studying the Tantras, see _Journal Buddhist Text Society_, 1893, vol. +I. part III. pp. 25-6.] + +[Footnote 1035: The deity may appear in an unusual form, so the +worshipper can easily persuade himself that he has received the +desired revelation.] + +[Footnote 1036: A figure identified with Indra or Vajrapani is found +in Gandhara sculptures.] + +[Footnote 1037: _Mythologie_, p. 97.] + +[Footnote 1038: The Dhyani Buddhas however seem to be the Yi-dam of +individuals only.] + +[Footnote 1039: Huth's edition, p. 1.] + +[Footnote 1040: See _Buddhist Text Society_, vol. II. part II. +appendix II. 1904, p. 6.] + +[Footnote 1041: See Laufer, "Hundert Tausend Nagas" in _Memoirs of +Finno-Ugrian Society_, 1898.] + +[Footnote 1042: Or Five Bodies, sKu-Lna. dPe-dKar or Pe-har is by +some authorities identified with the Chinese deity Wei-to. This latter +is represented in the outer court of most Chinese temples.] + +[Footnote 1043: In Tibetan sGrol-ma, in Mongol Dara aka. For the early +history of Tara see Blonay, _Materiaux pour servir a l'histoire de ... +Tara_, 1895.] + +[Footnote 1044: Waddell, _Buddhism_, p. 360.] + +[Footnote 1045: Tibetan gTsug-tor-rnam-par-rgyal-ma.] + +[Footnote 1046: Cf. Whitehead's statement (_Village Gods of S. India_, +p. 79) that women worshipping certain goddesses are clad only in the +twigs of the mimosa tree.] + +[Footnote 1047: See Foucher, _Icon. Bouddhique_, 1900, p. 142, and +Taranatha tr. Schiefner, p. 102.] + +[Footnote 1048: See Waddell. Grunwedel seems to regard Vajra-Varahi as +distinct from Marici.] + +[Footnote 1049: As for instance is also the origin of Linga worship in +India.] + +[Footnote 1050: See Steiner in _Mitth. der Deutsch. Gesellsch. +Natur-u. Volkerkunde Ost-Asiens_, 1909-10, p. 35.] + +[Footnote 1051: Padme is said to be commonly pronounced peme.] + +[Footnote 1052: Waddell quotes a similar spell known in both Tibet and +Japan, but addressed to Vairocana. Om Amogha Vairocanamahamudra mani +padma jvalapravarthtaya hum. _Buddhism_, p. 149.] + +[Footnote 1053: _Divyavadana_ (Cowell and Neil), pp. 613-4, and Raj. +Mitra, _Nepalese Bud. Lit._ p. 98. See also the learned note of +Chavannes and Pelliot, based on Japanese sources in _J.A._ 1913, I. +314. The text referred to is Nanjio, No. 782. It is not plain if it is +the same as earlier translations with similar titles. A mantra of six +syllables not further defined is extolled in the Divyavadana and the +Gunakarandavyuha.] + +[Footnote 1054: Bu-ston was born in 1288 and the summary of his +writings contained in the _Journal of the Buddhist Text Society_, vol. +I. 1893, represents the formula as used in the times of Atisa, _c_. +1030.] + +[Footnote 1055: See for this legend, which is long but not very +illuminating, Rockhill's _Land of the Lamas_, pp. 326-334.] + +[Footnote 1056: _J.R.A.S._ 1906, p. 464, and Francke, _ib_. 1915, pp. +397-404. He points out the parallel between the three formulae: _Om +vagisvari mum: Om manipadme hum: Om vajrapani hum_. The hymn +to Durga in Mahabhar. Bhishmapar, 796 (like many other hymns) contains +a long string of feminine vocatives ending in _e_ or _i_.] + + + + +CHAPTER LIII + +TIBET _(continued)_ + +SECTS + + +Lamaism is divided into various sects, which concern the clergy rather +than the laity. The differences in doctrine are not very important. +Each sect has special tutelary deities, scriptures and practices of +its own but they all tend to borrow from one another whatever inspires +respect or attracts worshippers. The baser sort try to maintain their +dignity by imitating the institutions of the superior sects, but the +superior cannot afford to neglect popular superstitions. So the +general level is much the same. Nevertheless, these sectarian +differences are not without practical importance for each sect has +monasteries and a hierarchy of its own and is outwardly distinguished +by peculiarities of costume, especially by the hat. Further, though +the subject has received little investigation, it is probable that +different sects possess different editions of the Kanjur or at any +rate respect different books.[1057] Since the seventeenth century the +Gelugpa has been recognized as the established church and the divinity +of the Grand Lama is not disputed, but in earlier times there were +many monastic quarrels and forced conversions. In the eighteenth +century the Red clergy intrigued with the Gurkhas in the hope of +supplanting their Yellow brethren and even now they are so powerful in +eastern Tibet that this hope may not be unreasonable, should political +troubles shake the hierarchy of Lhasa. In spite of the tendency to +borrow both what is good and what is bad, some sects are on a higher +grade intellectually and morally than others. Thus the older sects do +not insist on celibacy or abstinence from alcohol, and Tantrism and +magic form the major part of religion, whereas the Gelugpa or +established church maintains strict discipline, and tantric and +magical rites, though by no means prohibited, are at least practised +in moderation. + +Setting aside the earliest period, the history of Buddhism in Tibet is +briefly that it was established by Padma-Sambhava about 750, +reformed by Atisa about 1040 and again reformed by Tsong-kha-pa +about 1400. The sects correspond to these epochs. The oldest claims to +preserve the teaching of Padma-Sambhava, those of middle date are +offshoots of the movement started by Atisa, and the newest +represents Atisa's principal sect corrected by the second +reformation. The oldest sect is known as Nying-ma-pa or +rNyin-ma-pa, signifying the old ones, and also as the Red Church +from the colour of the hats worn by the clergy. Among its subdivisions +one called the sect of Udyana,[1058] in reference to Padma-Sambhava's +birthplace, appears to be the most ancient and still exists in the +Himalayas and eastern Tibet. The Nying-ma Lamas are said to have kept +the necromancy of the old Tibetan religion more fully than any of the +reformed sects. They pay special worship to Padma-Sambhava and accept +the revelations ascribed to him. Celibacy and abstinence are rarely +observed in their monasteries but these are by no means of low repute. +Among the more celebrated are Dorje-dag and Mindolling: the great +monastery of Pemiongchi[1059] in Sikhim is a branch establishment of +the latter. + +Of the sects originating in Atisa's reformation the principal was the +Kadampa,[1060] but it has lost much of its importance because it was +remodelled by Tsong-kha-pa and hence hardly exists to-day as an independent +body. The Sakya sect is connected with the great monastery of the same name +situated about fifty miles to the north of Mount Everest and founded in +1071 by Sakya, a royal prince. It acquired great political importance, for +from 1270 to 1340 its abbots were the rulers of Tibet. The historian +Taranatha belonged to one of its sub-sects, and about 1600 settled in +Mongolia where he founded the monastery of Urga and established the line of +reincarnate Lamas which still rules there. But shortly after his death this +monastery was forcibly taken over by the Yellow Church and is still the +centre of its influence in Mongolia. In theology the Sakya offers nothing +specially distinctive but it mixes the Tantras of the old and new sects and +according to Waddell[1061] is practically indistinguishable from the +Nying-ma-pa. The same is probably true of the Kar-gyu-pa[1062] said to have +been founded by Marpa and his follower Milarapa, who set an example of +solitary and wandering lives. It is sometimes described as a Nying-ma +sect[1063] but appears to date from after Atisa's reforms, although it has +a strong tendency to revert to older practices. It has several important +sub-sects, such as the Karmapa found in Sikhim and Darjiling, as well as in +Tibet, the Dugpa which is predominant in Bhotan and perhaps in Ladak,[1064] +and the Dikung-pa, which owns a large monastery one hundred miles +north-east of Lhasa. Milarapa (or Mila), the cotton-clad saint who wandered +over the Snow-land in the light garments of an Indian ascetic, is perhaps +the post picturesque figure in Lamaism and in some ways reminds us of St. +Francis of Assisi.[1065] He was a worker of miracles and, what is rarer in +Tibet, a poet. His compositions known as the Hundred Thousand Songs are +still popular and show the same delicately sensitive love of nature as the +Psalms of the Theragatha. + +The main distinction is between the Gelugpa or Yellow Church and all +the other sects. This is merely another way of saying that Atisa +reformed the corrupt superstitions which he found but that his +reformed church in its turn became corrupt and required correction. +This was given by Tsong-kha-pa who belonged originally to the Kadampa. +He collected the scattered members of this sect, remodelled its +discipline, and laid the foundations of the system which made the +Grand Lamas rulers of Tibet. In externals the Gelugpa is characterized +by the use of the yellow cap and the veneration paid to Tsong-kha-pa's +image. Its Lamas are all celibate and hereditary succession is not +recognized. Among the many great establishments which belong to it are +the four royal monasteries or Ling in Lhasa; Gandan, Depung and Serra +near Lhasa; and Tashilhunpo. + +It has often been noticed that the services performed by the +Gelugpa[1066] and by the Roman Catholic Church are strangely +similar in appearance. Is this an instance of borrowing or of +convergence? On the one hand it is stated that there were Roman +missions in Amdo in Tsong-kha-pa's youth, and the resemblances are +such as would be natural if he had seen great celebrations of the mass +and taken hints. In essentials the similarity is small but in +externals such as the vestments and head-dresses of the officiants, +the arrangement of the choir, and the general _mise-en-scene_, it is +striking. On the other hand many points of resemblance in ceremonial, +though not all, are also found in the older Japanese sects, where +there can hardly be any question of imitating Christianity, and it +would seem that a ritual common to Tibet and Japan can be explained +only as borrowed from India. Further, although Tsong-kha-pa may have +come in contact with missionaries, is it likely that he had an +opportunity of seeing Roman rites performed with any pomp? It is in +the great choral services of the two religions that the resemblance is +visible, not in their simpler ritual. For these reasons, I think that +the debt of Lamaism to the Catholic Church must be regarded as not +proven, while admitting the resemblance to be so striking that we +should be justified in concluding that Tsong-kha-pa copied Roman +ceremonial, could it be shown that he was acquainted with it. + +The life and ritual of the Lamas have often been described, and I need +not do more than refer the reader to the detailed account given by +Waddell in his _Buddhism of Tibet_ ,[1067] but it is noticeable that +the monastic system is organized on a larger scale and inspired by +more energy than in any other country. The monasteries of Tibet, if +inferior to those of Japan in the middle ages, are the greatest +Buddhist establishments now existing. For instance Depung has 7000 +monks, Serra 5500 and Tashilhunpo 3800: at Urga in Mongolia there are +said to be 14,000. One is not surprised to hear that these +institutions are veritable towns with their own police and doubtless +the spirit of discipline learned in managing such large bodies of +monks has helped the Lamaist Church in the government of the country. +Also these monasteries are universities. Candidates for ordination +study a course of theology and are not received as novices or full +monks unless they pass successive examinations. In every monastery +there is a central temple in which the monks assemble several times a +day to chant lengthy choral offices. Of these there are at least five, +the first before dawn and the last at 7 p.m. Though the value of +Lamas' learning and ritual may be questioned, it is clear that many of +them lead strenuous lives in the service of a religion which, if +fantastic, still expresses with peculiar intensity the beliefs and +emotions of the Tibetans and Mongols and has forced men of violence to +believe that a power higher than their own is wielded by intellect and +asceticism. + +There seems to be no difference between Tibetan and Mongolian Lamaism +in deities, doctrines or observances.[1068] Mongolian Lamas imitate +the usages of Tibet, study there when they can and recite their +services in Tibetan, although they have translations of the scriptures +in their own language. Well read priests in Peking have told me that +it is better to study the canon in Tibetan than in Mongol, because +complete copies in Mongol, if extant, are practically unobtainable. + +The political and military decadence of the Mongols has been ascribed +by some authors to Lamaism and to the substitution of priestly for +warlike ideals. But such a substitution is not likely to have taken +place except in minds prepared for it by other causes and it does not +appear that the Moslims of Central Asia are more virile and vigorous +than the Buddhists. The collapse of the Mongols can be easily +illustrated if not explained by the fate of Turks and Tartars in the +Balkan Peninsula and Russia. Wherever the Turks are the ruling race +they endeavour to assert their superiority over all Christians, often +by violent methods. But when the positions are reversed and the +Christians become rulers as in Bulgaria, the Turks make no resistance +but either retire or acquiesce meekly in the new regime. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1057: See for instance the particulars given as to various +branches of the Nying-ma pa sect in _J.A.S.B._ 1882, pp. 6-14.] + +[Footnote 1058: Urgyen-pa or Dzok-chen-pa.] + +[Footnote 1059: Or Pemayangtse.] + +[Footnote 1060: bKah-gDams-pa.] + +[Footnote 1061: _Buddhism_, p. 70.] + +[Footnote 1062: bKah-brGyud-pa.] + +[Footnote 1063: Sandberg, _Handbook of Tibetan_, p. 207.] + +[Footnote 1064: Authorities differ as to the name of the sect which +owns Himis and other monasteries in Ladak.] + +[Footnote 1065: See for some account of him and specimens of his +poems, Sandberg, _Tibet and the Tibetans_, chap. XIII.] + +[Footnote 1066: I do not know whether the ceremonies of the other +sects offer the same resemblance. Probably they have all imitated the +Gelugpa. Some authors attribute the resemblance to contact with +Nestorian Christianity in early times but the resemblance is +definitely to Roman costumes and ceremonies not to those of the +Eastern church. Is there any reason to believe that the Nestorian +ritual resembled that of western catholics?] + +[Footnote 1067: See also Filchner, _Das Kloster Kumbum_, 1906.] + +[Footnote 1068: Almost the only difference that I have noticed is that +whereas Tibetans habitually translate Indian proper names, Mongols +frequently use Sanskrit words, such as Manjusri, or slightly +modified forms such as Dara, Maidari (=Tara, Maitreya). The same +practice is found in the old Uigur translations. See _Bibl. Buddh._ +XII. Tisastvustik. For an interesting account of contemporary Lamaism +in Mongolia see Binstead, "Life in a Khalkha Steppe Monastery," +_J.R.A.S._ 1914, 847-900.] + + + + +CHAPTER LIV + +JAPAN + + +This work as originally planned contained a section on Japanese +Buddhism consisting of three chapters, but after it had been sent to +the publishers I was appointed H.M. Ambassador in Tokyo and I decided +to omit this section. Let not any Japanese suppose that it contained +disparaging criticism of his country or its religions. It would, I +hope, have given no offence to either Buddhists or Shintoists, but an +ambassador had better err on the side of discretion and refrain from +public comments on the institutions of the country to which he is +accredited. + +The omission is regrettable in so far as it prevents me from noticing +some of the most interesting and beautiful developments of Buddhism, +but for historical purposes and the investigation of the past the loss +is not great, for Japanese Buddhism throws little light on ancient +India or even on ancient China. It has not influenced other countries. +Its interest lies not in the relics of antiquity which it has +preserved but in the new shape and setting which a race at once +assimilative and inventive has given to old ideas. + +Though the doctrine of the Buddha reached Japan from China through +Korea,[1069] Chinese and Japanese Buddhism differ in several respects. +Lamaism never gained a footing in Japan, probably because it was the +religion of the hated Mongols. There was hardly any direct intercourse +with India. Whereas the state religion of China was frequently hostile +to Buddhism, in Japan such relations were generally friendly and from +the seventh century until the Meiji era an arrangement known as +Ryo-bu Shinto or two-fold Shinto was in force, by which +Shinto shrines were with few exceptions handed over to the custody +of Buddhist priests, native deities and historical personages being +declared to be manifestations of various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. +Again, Buddhism in Japan has had a more intimate connection with +social, political and even military matters in various periods than in +China. This is one reason for its chief characteristic, namely, +the large number and distinct character of its sects. They are not +merely schools like the religious divisions of India and China, but +real sects with divergent doctrines and sometimes antagonistic to one +another. + +It became the fashion in Japan to talk of the twelve sects, but the +names given are not always the same. + +One of the commonest lists is as follows:[1070] + + 1. Kusha. 5. Hosso. 9. Jodo. + 2. Jo-jitsu. 6. Kegon. 10. Zen. + 3. Ritsu-shu or Risshu 7. Tendai. 11. Shin. + 4. Sanron. 8. Shingon. 12. Nichiren. + +This list is historically correct, but Nos. 1-4 are almost or quite +extinct, and the number twelve is therefore sometimes made up as +follows: + + 1. Hosso. 5. Yuzu Nembutsu. 9. Obaku. + 2. Kegon. 6. Jodo. 10. Shin. + 3. Tendai. 7. Rinzai. 11. Nichiren. + 4. Shingon. 8. Sodo. 12. Ji. + +Here Nos. 7, 8, 9 are subdivisions of the Zen and 5 and 12 are two +small sects. + +Taking the first list, we may easily distinguish two classes. The +first eight, called by the Japanese Hasshu, are all old and all +imported from China. They represent the Buddhism of the Nara and +Hei-an periods. The other four all arose after 1170 and were all +remodelled, if not created, in Japan. Chronologically the sects may be +arranged as follows, the dates marking the foundation or introduction +of each: + + (i) Seventh century: Sanron, 625; Jo-jitsu, 625; Hosso, 657; + Kusha, 660. + (ii) Eighth century: Kegon, 735; Ritsu, 745. + (iii) Ninth century: Tendai, 805; Shingon, 806. + (iv) Twelfth and thirteenth centuries: Yuzu Nembutsu, + 1123; Jodo, 1174; Zen, 1202; Shin, 1224; Nichiren, + 1253; Ji, 1275. + +All Japanese sects of importance are Mahayanist. The Hinayana is +represented only by the Kusha, Jo-jitsu and Risshu. The two former are +both extinct: the third still numbers a few adherents, but is not +anti-Mahayanist. It merely insists on the importance of discipline. + +Though the Hosso and Kegon sects are not extinct, their survival is +due to their monastic possessions rather than to the vitality of their +doctrines, but the great sects of the ninth century, the Tendai and +Shingon, are still flourishing. For some seven hundred years, +especially in the Fujiwara period, they had great influence not only +in art and literature, but in political and even in military matters, +for they maintained large bodies of troops consisting of soldier monks +or mercenaries and were a considerable menace to the secular +authority. So serious was the danger felt to be that in the sixteenth +century Nobunaga and Hideyoshi destroyed the great monasteries of +Hieizan and Negoro and the pretensions of the Buddhist Church to +temporal power were brought to an end. + +But apart from this political activity, new sects which appeared in +the twelfth and thirteenth centuries suited the popular needs of the +time and were a sign of true religious life. Two of these sects, the +Jodo and Shinshu,[1071] are Amidist--that is to say they teach +that the only or at least the best way of winning salvation is to +appeal to the mercy of Amida, who will give his worshippers a place in +his paradise after death. The Jodo is relatively old fashioned, and +does not differ much in practice from the worship of Amida as seen in +China, but the Shinshu has no exact parallel elsewhere. Though it +has not introduced many innovations in theology, its abandonment of +monastic discipline, its progressive and popular spirit and its +conspicuous success make it a distinct and remarkable type. Its +priests marry and eat meat: it has no endowments and relies on +voluntary subscription, yet its temples are among the largest and most +conspicuous in Japan. But the hierarchical spirit is not absent and +since Shinshu priests can marry, there arose the institution of +hereditary abbots who were even more like barons than the celibate +prelates of the older sects. + +The Nichiren sect is a purely Japanese growth, without any prototype +in China, and is a protest against Amidism and an attempt to +restore Shaka--the historical Buddha--to his proper position from +which he has been ousted. Nichiren, the founder, is one of the most +picturesque figures of Japanese history. His teaching, which was based +on the Lotus Sutra, was remarkable for its combative spirit and he +himself played a considerable part in the politics of his age. His +followers form one of the most influential and conspicuous sects at +the present day, although not so numerous as the Amidists. + +Zen is the Japanese equivalent of Ch'an or Dhyana and is the name +given to the sect founded in China by Bodhidharma. It is said to have +been introduced into Japan in the seventh century, but died out. +Later, under the Hojo Regents, and especially during the +Ashikaga period, it flourished exceedingly. Zen ecclesiastics managed +politics like the French cardinals of the seventeenth century and +profoundly influenced art and literature, since they produced a long +line of painters and writers. But the most interesting feature in the +history of this sect in Japan is that, though it preserves the +teaching of Bodhidharma without much change, yet it underwent a +curious social metamorphosis, for it became the chosen creed of the +military class and contributed not a little to the Bushido or code of +chivalry. It is strange that this mystical doctrine should have spread +among warriors, but its insistence on simplicity of life, discipline +of mind and body, and concentration of thought harmonized with their +ideals. + +Apart from differences of doctrine such as divide the Shinshu, +Nichiren and Zen, Japanese sects show a remarkable tendency to +multiply subdivisions, due chiefly to disputes as to the proper +succession of abbots. Thus the Jodo sect has four subsects, and the +first and second of these are again subdivided into six and four +respectively. And so with many others. Even the little Ji sect, which +is credited with only 509 temples in all Japan, includes thirteen +subdivisions. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1069: The accepted date is A.D. 552.] + +[Footnote 1070: These names are mostly borrowed from the Chinese and +represent: 1. Chu-she; 2. Ch'eng-shih; 3. Lu; 4. San-lun; 5. +Fa-hsiang; 6. Hua-yen; 7. T'ien-t'ai; 8. Chen-yen; 9. Ching-t'u; 10. +Ch'an. See my remarks on these sects in the section on Chinese +Buddhism. See Haas, _Die Sekten dea Japanischen Buddhismus_, 1905: +many notices in the same author's _Annalen des Jap. Bud._ cited +above and Ryauon Fujishima, _Le Buddhisme Japonais_, 1889.] + +[Footnote 1071: As well as the smaller sects called Ji and +Yuzunembutsu.]: + + + + +BOOK VII + +MUTUAL INFLUENCE OF EASTERN AND WESTERN RELIGIONS + + + + +CHAPTER LV + +INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA + + +In phrases like the above title, the word influence is easy and +convenient. When we hesitate to describe a belief or usage as borrowed +or derived, it comes pat to say that it shows traces of external +influence. But in what circumstances is such influence exercised? It +is not the necessary result of contact, for in the east of Europe the +Christian Church has not become mohammedanized nor in Poland and +Roumania has it contracted any taint of Judaism. In these cases there +is difference of race as well as of religion. In business the Turk and +Jew have some common ground with the oriental Christian: in social +life but little and in religion none at all. Europe has sometimes +shown an interest in Asiatic religions, but on the whole an antipathy +to them. Christianity originated in Palestine, which is a +Mediterranean rather than an Asiatic country, and its most important +forms, particularly the Roman Catholic Church, took shape on European +soil. Such cults as the worship of Isis and Mithra were prevalent in +Europe but they gained their first footing among Asiatic slaves and +soldiers and would perhaps not have maintained themselves among +European converts only. And Buddhism, though it may have attracted +individual minds, has never produced any general impression west of +India. Both in Spain and in south-eastern Europe Islam was the +religion of invaders and made surprisingly few converts. Christian +heretics, such as the Nestorians and Monophysites, who were expelled +from Constantinople and had their home in Asia, left the west alone +and proselytized in the east. The peculiar detestation felt by the +Church for the doctrines of the Manichaeans was perhaps partly due to +the fact that they were in spirit Asiatic. And the converse of this +antipathy is also true: the progress of Christianity in Asia has been +insignificant. + +But when people of the same race profess different creeds, these +creeds do influence one another and tend to approximate. This is +specially remarkable in India, where Islam, in theory the +uncompromising opponent of image worship and polytheism, is +sometimes in practice undistinguishable from the lower superstitions +of Hinduism. In the middle ages Buddhism and Hinduism converged until +they coincided so completely that Buddhism disappeared. In China it +often needs an expert to distinguish the manifestations of Taoism and +Buddhism: in Japan Buddhism and the old national religion were +combined in the mixed worship known as Ryobu Shinto. In the +British Isles an impartial observer would probably notice that +Anglicans and English Roman Catholics (not Irish perhaps) have more in +common than they think. + +There are clearly two sets of causes which may divide a race between +religions: internal movements, such as the rise of Buddhism, and +external impulses, such as missions or conquest. Conquest pure and +simple is best illustrated by the history of Islam, also by the +conversion of Mexico and South America to Roman Catholicism. But even +when conversion is pacific, it will generally be found that, if it is +successful on a large scale, it means the introduction of more than a +creed. The religious leader in his own country can trust to his +eloquence and power over his hearers. The real support of the +missionary, however little he may like the idea, is usually that he +represents a superior type of civilization. At one time in their +career Buddhism and Christianity were the greatest agencies for +spreading civilization in Asia and Europe respectively. They brought +with them art and literature: they had the encouragement of the most +enlightened princes: those who did not accept them in many cases +remained obviously on a lower level. Much the same thing happens in +Africa to-day. The natives who accept Mohammedanism or Christianity +are moved, not by the arguments of the Koran or Bible, but by the idea +that it is a fine thing to be like an Arab or a European. A pagan in +Uganda is literally a pagan; an uninstructed rustic from a distant +village. + +Now if we consider the relations of India with the west, we find on +neither side the conditions which usually render propaganda +successful. Before the Mohammedan invasions and the Portuguese +conquest of Goa, no faith can have presented itself to the Hindus with +anything like the prestige which marked the advent of Buddhism in +China and Japan. Alexander opened a road to India for Hellenic culture +and with it came some religious ideas, but the Greeks had no +missionary spirit and if there were any early Christian missions they +must have been on a small scale. The same is true of the west: if +Asoka's missions reached their destination, they failed to inspire any +record of their doings. Still there was traffic by land and sea. The +Hindus, if self-complacent, were not averse to new ideas, and before +the establishment of Christianity there was not much bigotry in the +west, for organized religion was unknown in Europe: practices might be +forbidden as immoral or anti-social but such expressions as contrary +to the Bible or Koran had no equivalent. Old worships were felt to be +unsatisfying: new ones were freely adopted: mysteries were +relished. There was no invasion, nothing that suggested foreign +conquest or alarmed national jealousy, but the way was open to ideas, +though they ran some risk of suffering transformation on their long +journey. + +As I have repeatedly pointed out, Hinduism and Buddhism are +essentially religions of central and eastern, not of western Asia, but +they came in contact with the west in several regions and an enquiry +into the influence which they exercised or felt can be subdivided. +There is the question whether they owe anything to Christianity in +their later developments and also the question whether Christianity +has borrowed anything from them.[1072] Other questions to be +considered are the relations of Indian religions to Zoroastrianism in +ancient and to Islam in more recent times, which, if of less general +interest than problems involving Christianity, are easier to +investigate and of considerable importance. + +Let us begin with the influence of Christianity on Indian religion. +For earlier periods the record of contact between Hindus and +Christians is fragmentary, but the evidence of the last two centuries +may give a significant indication as to the effect of early Christian +influence. In these two centuries Christianity has been presented to +the Hindus in the most favourable circumstances: it has come as the +religion of the governing power and associated with European +civilization: it has not, like Mohammedanism, been propagated by force +or accompanied by any intolerance which could awaken repugnance, but +its doctrines have been preached and expounded by private +missionaries, if not always with skill and sympathy, at least with +zeal and a desire to persuade. The result is that according to the +census of 1911 there are now 3,876,000 Christians including Europeans, +that is to say, a sect a little stronger than the Sikhs as against +more than sixty-six million Mohammedans. Of these 3,876,000 many are +drawn from the lowest castes or from tribes that are hardly considered +as Hindus. Some religious associations, generally known as Somaj, have +been founded under the influence of European philosophy as much as of +Christianity: imitation of European civilization (which is quite a +different thing from Christianity) is visible in the objects and +methods of religious and philanthropic institutions: some curious +mixed sects of small numerical strength have been formed by the fusion +of Christian with Hindu or Mohammedan elements or of all three +together. Yet the religious thought and customs of India in general +seem hardly conscious of contact with Christianity: there is no sign +that they have felt any fancy for the theology of the Athanasian +Creed or the ceremonies of the Roman Catholic Church which might have +interested speculative and ritualistic minds. Similarly, though +intellectual intercourse between India and China was long and fairly +intimate and though the influence of Indian thought on China was very +great, yet the influence of China on Indian thought is negligible. +This being so, it would be rash to believe without good evidence that, +in the past, doctrines which have penetrated Indian literature during +centuries and have found acceptance with untold millions owe their +origin to obscure foreign colonists or missions. + +Writers who wish to prove that Indian religions are indebted to +Christianity often approach their task with a certain misconception. +They assume that if at some remote epoch a few stray Christians +reached India, they could overcome without difficulty the barriers of +language and social usage and further that their doctrine would be +accepted as something new and striking which would straightway +influence popular superstition and philosophic thought. But Lyall +gives a juster perspective in his poem about the Meditations of a +Hindu Prince who, grown sceptical in the quest of truth, listens to +the "word of the English," and finds it: + + "Naught but the world wide story how the earth and the heavens began, + How the gods were glad and angry and a deity once was man." + +Many doctrines preached by Christianity such as the love of God, +salvation by faith, and the incarnation, had been thought out in India +before the Christian era, and when Christian missionaries preached +them they probably seemed to thoughtful Hindus a new and not very +adequate version of a very old tale. On the other hand the central and +peculiar doctrine of dogmatic Christianity is that the world has been +saved by the death of Christ. If this doctrine of the atonement or the +sacrifice of a divine being had appeared in India as an importation +from the west, we might justly talk of the influence of Christianity +on Indian religion. But it is unknown in Hinduism and Buddhism or +(since it is rash to make absolute statements about these vast and +multifarious growths of speculation) it is at any rate exceedingly +rare. These facts create a presumption that the resemblances between +Christianity and Indian religion are due to coincidence rather than +borrowing, unless borrowing can be clearly proved, and this +conclusion, though it may seem tame, is surely a source of +satisfaction. The divagations of human thought are manifold and its +conclusions often contradictory, but if there is anything that can be +called truth it is but natural that logic, intuition, philosophy, +poetry, learning and saintship should in different countries sometimes +attain similar results. + +Christianity, like other western ideas, may have reached India both by +land and by sea. After the conquests of Alexander had once opened the +route to the Indus and established Hellenistic kingdoms in its +vicinity, the ideas and art of Greece and Rome journeyed without +difficulty to the Panjab, arriving perhaps as somewhat wayworn and +cosmopolitan travellers but still clearly European. A certain amount +of Christianity _may_ have come along this track, but for any +historical investigation clearly the first question is, what is the +earliest period at which we have any record of its presence in India? +It would appear[1073] that the first allusions to the presence of +Christians in Parthia, Bactria and the border lands of India date from +the third century and that the oldest account[1074] of Christian +communities in southern India is the narrative of Cosmas +Indicopleustes (_c._ 525 A.D.). These latter Christians probably came +to India by sea from Persia in consequence of the persecutions which +raged there in 343 and 414, exactly as at a later date the Parsees +escaped the violence of the Moslims by emigrating to Gujarat and +Bombay. + +The story that the Apostle Thomas preached in some part of India has +often been used as an argument for the early introduction and +influence of Christianity, but recent authorities agree in thinking +that it is legendary or at best not provable. The tale occurs first in +the Acts of St. Thomas,[1075] the Syriac text of which is considered to +date from about 250. It relates how the apostle was sold as a slave +skilled in architecture and coming to the Court of Gundaphar, king of +India, undertook to build, a palace but expended the moneys given to +him in charity and, when called to account, explained that he was +building for the king a palace in heaven, not made with hands. This +sounds more like an echo of some Buddhist Jataka written in praise of +liberality than an embellishment of any real biography. Other legends +make southern India the sphere of Thomas's activity, though he can +hardly have taught in both Madras and Parthia, and a similar +uncertainty is indicated by the tradition that his relics were +transported to Edessa, which doubtless means that according to other +accounts he died there. Tradition connects Thomas with Parthians quite +as much as with Indians, and, if he really contributed to the +diffusion of Christianity, it is more likely that he laboured in +the western part of Parthia than on its extreme eastern frontiers. The +fact that there really was an Indo-Parthian king with a name something +like Gondophares no more makes the legend of St. Thomas historical than +the fact that there was a Bohemian king with a name something like +Wenceslas makes the Christmas carol containing that name historical. + +On the other hand it is clear that during the early centuries of our +era no definite frontier in the religious and intellectual sphere can +be drawn between India and Persia. Christianity reached Persia early: +it formed part of the composite creed of Mani, who was born about 216, +and Christians were persecuted in 343. From at least the third century +onwards Christian ideas _may_ have entered India, but this does not +authorize the assumption that they came with sufficient prestige and +following to exercise any lively influence, or in sufficient purity to +be clearly distinguished from Zoroastrianism and Manichaeism. + +By water there was an ancient connection between the west coast of +India and both the Red Sea and Persian Gulf. Traffic by the former +route was specially active, from the time of Augustus to that of Nero. +Pliny[1076] complains that every year India and the East took from +Italy a hundred million sesterces in return for spices, perfumes and +ornaments. Strabo[1077] who visited Egypt tells how 120 ships sailed +from Myos Hormos (on the Red Sea) to India "although in the time of +the Ptolemies scarcely any one would undertake this voyage." Muziris +(Cranganore) was the chief depot of western trade and even seems to +have been the seat of a Roman commercial colony. Roman coins have been +found in northern and even more abundantly in southern India, and +Hindu mints used Roman models. But only rarely can any one except +sailors and merchants, who made a speciality of eastern trade, have +undertaken the long and arduous journey. Certainly ideas travel with +mysterious rapidity. The debt of Indian astronomy to Greece is +undeniable[1078] and if the same cannot be affirmed of Indian +mathematics and medicine yet the resemblance between Greek and Indian +treatises on these sciences is remarkable. Early Tamil poems[1079] +speak of Greek wines and dumb (that is unintelligible) Roman soldiers +in the service of Indian kings, but do not mention philosophers, +teachers or missionaries. After 70 A.D. this trade declined, perhaps +because the Flavian Emperors and their successors were averse to the +oriental luxuries which formed its staple, and in 215 the massacre +ordered by Caracalla dealt a blow to the commercial importance of +Alexandria from which it did not recover for a long time. Thus the +period when intercourse between Egypt and India was most active is +anterior to the period when Christianity began to spread: it is hardly +likely that in 70 or 80 A.D. there were many Christians in Egypt. + +As already mentioned, colonies of Christians from Persia settled on +the west coast of India, where there are also Jewish colonies of +considerable antiquity. The story that this Church was founded by St. +Thomas and that his relics are preserved in south India has not been +found in any work older than Marco Polo.[1080] Cosmas Indicopleustes +states that the Bishop of Kalliana was appointed from Persia, and this +explains the connection of Nestorianism with southern India, for at +that time the Nestorian Catholicos of Ctesiphon was the only Christian +prelate tolerated by the Persian Government. + +This Church may have had a considerable number of adherents for it was +not confined to Malabar, its home and centre, but had branches on the +east coast near Madras. But it was isolated and became corrupt. It is +said that in 660 it had no regular ministry and in the fourteenth +century even baptism had fallen into disuse. Like the popular forms of +Mohammedanism it adopted many Hindu doctrines and rites. This implies +on the one hand a considerable exchange of ideas: on the other hand, +if such reformers as Ramanuja and Ramananda were in touch with these +Nestorians we may doubt if they would have imbibed from them the +teaching of the New Testament. There is evidence that Roman Catholic +missions on their way to or from China landed in Malabar during the +thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and made some converts. In 1330 +the Pope sent a Bishop to Quilon with the object of bringing the +Nestorians into communion with the see of Rome. But the definite +establishment of Roman Catholicism dates from the Portuguese conquest +of Goa in 1510, followed by the appointment of an Archbishop and the +introduction of the Inquisition. Henceforth there is no difficulty in +accounting for Christian influence, but it is generally admitted that +the intolerance of the Portuguese made them and their religion +distasteful to Hindus and Moslims alike. We hear, however, that Akbar, +desiring to hear Christian doctrines represented in a disputation held +at his Court, sent for Christian priests from Goa, and his Minister +Abul Fazl is quoted as having written poetry in which mosques, +churches and temples are classed together as places where people seek +for God.[1081] + +Such being the opportunities and approximate dates for Christian +influence in India, we may now examine the features in Hinduism which +have been attributed to it. They may be classified under three +principal heads, (i) The monotheistic Sivaism of the south. (ii) +Various doctrines of Vaishnavism such as _bhakti_, grace, the love and +fatherhood of God, the Word, and incarnation. (iii) Particular +ceremonies or traditions such as the sacred meal known as Prasada and +the stories of Krishna's infancy. + +In southern India we have a seaboard in communication with Egypt, +Arabia and the Persian Gulf. The reality of intercourse with the west +is attested by Roman, Jewish, Nestorian and Mohammedan settlements, +but on the other hand the Brahmans of Malabar are remarkable even +according to Hindu standards for their strictness and aloofness. As I +have pointed out elsewhere, the want of chronology in south Indian +literature makes it difficult to sketch with any precision even the +outlines of its religious history, but it is probable that Aryan +religion came first in the form of Buddhism and Jainism and that +Sivaism made its appearance only when the ground had been prepared by +them. They were less exposed than the Buddhism of the north to the +influences which created the Mahayana, but they no doubt mingled with +the indigenous beliefs of the Dravidians. There is no record of what +these may have been before contact with Hindu civilization; in +historical times they comprise the propitiation of spirits, mostly +malignant and hence often called devils, but also a strong tendency to +monotheism and ethical poetry of a high moral standard. These latter +characteristics are noticeable in most, if not all, Dravidian races, +even those which are in the lower stages of civilization.[1082] This +temperament, educated by Buddhism and finally selecting Sivaism, might +spontaneously produce such poems as the Tiruvacagam. Such ideas as +God's love for human souls and the soul's struggle to be worthy of +that love are found in other Indian religions besides Tamil Sivaism +and in their earlier forms cannot be ascribed to Christian influence, +but it must be admitted that the poems of the Sittars show an +extraordinary approximation to the language of devotional literature +in Europe. If, as Caldwell thinks, these compositions are as recent as +the sixteenth or seventeenth century, there is no chronological +difficulty in supposing their contents to be inspired by Christian +ideas. But the question rather is, would Portuguese Catholicism or +corrupt Nestorianism have inspired poems denouncing idolatry and +inculcating the purest theism? Scepticism on this point is +permissible. I am inclined to think that the influence of +Christianity as well as the much greater influence of Mohammedanism +was mostly indirect. They imported little in the way of custom and +dogma but they strengthened the idea which naturally accompanies +sectarianism, namely, that it is reasonable and proper for a religion +to inculcate the worship of one all-sufficient power. But that this +idea can flourish in surroundings repugnant to both Christianity and +Islam is shown by the sect of Lingayats. + +The resemblances to Christianity in Vishnuism are on a larger scale +than the corresponding phenomena in Sivaism. In most parts of India, +from Assam to Madras, the worship of Vishnu and his incarnations has +assumed the form of a monotheism which, if frequently turning into +pantheism, still persistently inculcates loving devotion to a deity +who is himself moved by love for mankind. The corresponding phase of +Sivaism is restricted to certain periods and districts of southern +India. The doctrine of _bhakti_, or devotional faith, is common to +Vishnuites and Sivaites, but is more prominent among the former. +It has often been conjectured to be due to Christian influence but the +conjecture is, I think, wrong, for the doctrine is probably +pre-Christian. Panini[1083] appears to allude to it, and the idea +of loving devotion to God is fully developed in the Svetasvatara +Upanishad and the Bhagavad-gita, works of doubtful date it is true, +but in my opinion anterior to the Christian era and on any hypothesis +not much posterior to it. Some time must have elapsed after the death +of Christ before Christianity could present itself in India as an +influential doctrine. Also _bhakti_ does not make its first appearance +as something new and full grown. The seed, the young plant and the +flower can all be found on Indian soil. So, too, the idea that God +became man for the sake of mankind is a gradual Indian growth. In the +Veda Vishnu takes three steps for the good of men. It is probable that +his avataras were recognized some centuries before Christ and, if this +is regarded as not demonstrable, it cannot be denied that the +analogous conception of Buddhas who visit the world to save and +instruct mankind is pre-Christian.[1084] Similarly though passages may +be found in the writings of Kabir and others in which the doctrine of +Sabda or the Word is stated in language recalling the fourth +Gospel, and though in this case the hypothesis of imitation offers no +chronological difficulties, yet it is unnecessary. For Sabda, in +the sense of the Veda conceived as an eternal self-existent sound, is +an old Indian notion and when stated in these terms does not appear +very Christian. It is found in Zoroastrianism, where Manthra Spenta +the holy word is said to be the very soul of God,[1085] and it is +perhaps connected with the still more primitive notion that words and +names have a mysterious potency and are in themselves spells. But even +if the idea of Sabda were derived from the idea of Logos it need +not be an instance of specifically Christian influence, for this Logos +idea was only utilized by Christianity and was part of the common +stock of religious thought prevalent about the time of Christ in +Egypt, Syria and Asia Minor, and it is even possible that its earlier +forms may owe something to India. And were it proved that the +teaching of Kabir, which clearly owes much to Islam, also owes much to +Christianity, the fact would not be very important, for the followers +of Kabir form a small and eccentric though interesting sect, in no way +typical of Hinduism as a whole. + +The form of Vishnuism known as Pancaratra appears to have had its +origin, or at least to have flourished very early, in Kashmir and the +extreme north-west, and perhaps a direct connection may be traced +between central Asia and some aspects of the worship of Krishna at +Muttra. The passage of Greek and Persian influence through the +frontier districts is attested by statuary and coins, but no such +memorials of Christianity have been discovered. But the leaders of the +Vishnuite movement in the twelfth and subsequent centuries were mostly +Brahmans of southern extraction who migrated to Hindustan. Stress is +sometimes laid on the fact that they lived in the neighbourhood of +ancient Nestorian churches and even Garbe thinks that Ramanuja, who +studied for some time at Conjevaram, was in touch with the Christians +of Mailapur near Madras. I find it hard to believe that such contact +can have had much result. For Ramanuja was a Brahman of the straitest +sect who probably thought it contamination to be within speaking +distance of a Christian.[1086] He was undoubtedly a remarkable scholar +and knew by heart all the principal Hindu scriptures, including those +that teach _bhakti_. Why then suppose that he took his ideas not from +works like the Bhagavad-gita on which he wrote a commentary or from +the Pancaratra which he eulogizes, but from persons whom he must have +regarded as obscure heretics? And lastly is there any proof that such +ideas as the love of God and salvation by faith flourished among the +Christians of Mailapur? In remote branches of the oriental Church +Christianity is generally reduced to legends and superstitions, and +this Church was so corrupt that it had even lost the rite of +baptism and is said to have held that the third person of the +Trinity was the Madonna[1087] and not the Holy Ghost. Surely this +doctrine is an extraordinary heresy in Christianity and far from +having inspired Hindu theories as to the position of Vishnu's spouse +is borrowed from those theories or from some of the innumerable Indian +doctrines about the Sakti. + +It is clear that the Advaita philosophy of Sankara was influential +in India from the ninth century to the twelfth and then lost some of +its prestige owing to the rise of a more personal theism. It does not +seem to me that any introduction or reinforcement of Christianity, to +which this theistic movement might be attributed, can be proved to +have taken place about 1100, and it is not always safe to seek for a +political or social explanation of such movements. But if we must have +an external explanation, the obvious one is the progress of +Mohammedanism. One may even suggest a parallel between the epochs of +Sankara and of Ramanuja. The former, though the avowed enemy of +Buddhism, introduced into Hinduism the doctrine of Maya described by +Indian critics as crypto-Buddhism. Ramanuja probably did not come into +direct contact with Islam,[1088] which was the chief enemy of Hinduism +in his time, but his theism (which, however, was semi-pantheistic) may +have been similarly due to the impression produced by that enemy on +Indian thought.[1089] + +It is easy to see superficial parallels between Hindu and Christian +ceremonies, but on examination they are generally not found to prove +that there has been direct borrowing from Christianity. For instance, +the superior castes are commonly styled twice born in virtue of +certain initiatory ceremonies performed on them in youth, and it is +natural to compare this second birth with baptismal regeneration. But, +though there is here a real similarity of ideas, it would be hard to +deny that these ideas as well as the practices which express them have +arisen independently.[1090] And though a practice of sprinkling +the forehead with water similar to baptism is in use among Hindus, it +is only a variety of the world-wide ceremony of purification with +sacred water. Several authors have seen a resemblance between the +communion and a sacred meal often eaten in Hindu temples and called +_prasad_ (favour) or mahaprasad. The usual forms of this observance do +not resemble the Mass in externals (as do certain ceremonies in +Lamaism) and the analogy, if any, resides in the eating of a common +religious meal. Such a meal in Indian temples has its origin in the +necessity and advantage of disposing of sacrificial food. It cannot be +maintained that the deities eat the substance of it and, if it is not +consumed by fire, the obvious method of disposal is for mankind to eat +it. The practice is probably world-wide and the consumers may be +either the priests or the worshippers. Both varieties of the rite are +found in India. In the ancient Soma sacrifices the officiants drank +the residue of the sacred drink: in modern temples, where ample meals +are set before the god more than once a day, it is the custom, perhaps +because it is more advantageous, to sell them to the devout. From this +point of view the _prasad_ is by no means the equivalent of the Lord's +Supper, but rather of the things offered to idols which many early +Christians scrupled to eat. It has, however, another and special +significance due to the regulations imposed by caste. As a rule a +Hindu of respectable social status cannot eat with his inferiors +without incurring defilement. But in many temples members of all +castes can eat the _prasad_ together as a sign that before the deity +all his worshippers are equal. From this point of view the _prasad_ is +really analogous to the communion inasmuch as it is the sign of +religious community, but it is clearly distinct in origin and though +the sacred food may be eaten with great reverence, we are not told +that it is associated with the ideas of commemoration, sacrifice or +transubstantiation which cling to the Christian sacrament.[1091] + +The most curious coincidences between Indian and Christian legend +are afforded by the stories and representations of the birth and +infancy of Krishna. These have been elaborately discussed by Weber in +a well-known monograph.[1092] Krishna is represented with his mother, +much as the infant Christ with the Madonna; he is born in a +stable,[1093] and other well-known incidents such as the appearance of +a star are reproduced. Two things strike us in these resemblances. +Firstly, they are not found in the usual literary version of the +Indian legend,[1094] and it is therefore probable that they represent +an independent and borrowed story: secondly, they are almost entirely +concerned with the mythological aspects of Christianity. Many +Christians would admit that the adoration of the Virgin and Child is +unscriptural and borrowed from the worship of pagan goddesses who were +represented as holding their divine offspring in their arms. If this +is admitted, it is possible that Devaki and her son may be a replica +not of the Madonna but of a pagan prototype. But there is no +difficulty in admitting that Christian legends and Christian art may +have entered northern India from Bactria and Persia, and have found a +home in Muttra. Only it does not follow from this that any penetrating +influence transformed Hindu thought and is responsible for Krishna's +divinity, for the idea of _bhakti_, or for the theology of the +Bhagavad-gita. The borrowed features in the Krishna story are +superficial and also late. They do not occur in the Mahabharata and +the earliest authority cited by Weber is Hemadri, a writer of the +thirteenth century. Allowing that what he describes may have existed +several centuries before his own date, we have still no ground for +tracing the main ideas of Vaishnavism to Christianity and the later +vagaries of Krishnaism are precisely the aspects of Indian religion +which most outrage Christian sentiment. + +One edition of the Bhavishya Purana contains a summary of the book +of Genesis from Adam to Abraham.[1095] Though it is a late +interpolation, it shows conclusively that the editors of Puranas had +no objection to borrowing from Christian sources and it maybe that +some incidents in the life of Krishna as related by the Vishnu, +Bhagavata and other Puranas are borrowed from the Gospels, such as +Kamsa's orders to massacre all male infants when Krishna is born, the +journey of Nanda, Krishna's foster-father, to Mathura in order to pay +taxes and the presentation of a pot of ointment to Krishna by a +hunchback woman whom he miraculously makes straight. In estimating the +importance of such coincidences we must remember that they are merely +casual details in a long story of adventures which, in their general +outline, bear no relation to the life of Christ. The most striking of +these is the "massacre of the Innocents." The Harivamsa, which is +not later than the fifth century A.D., relates that Kamsa killed all +the other children of Devaki, though it does not mention a general +massacre, and Patanjali (_c._ 150 B.C.) knew the legend of the +hostility between Krishna and Kamsa and the latter's death.[1096] So +if anything has been borrowed from the Gospel account it is only the +general slaughter of children. The mention of a pot of ointment +strikes Europeans because such an object is not familiar to us, but it +was an ordinary form of luxury in India and Judaea alike, and the fact +that a woman honoured both Krishna and Christ in the same way but in +totally different circumstances is hardly more than a chance +coincidence. The fact that both Nanda and Joseph leave their homes in +order to pay their taxes is certainly curious and I will leave the +reader to form his own opinion about it. The instance of the Bhavishya +Purana shows that Hindus had no scruples about borrowing from the +Bible and in some Indian dialects the name Krishna appears as Krishto +or Kushto. On the other hand, whatever borrowing there may have been +is concerned exclusively with trivial details: the principal episodes +of the Krishna legend were known before the Christian era. + +This is perhaps the place to examine a curious episode of the +Mahabharata which narrates the visit of certain sages to a region +called Svetadvipa, the white island or continent, identified by +some with Alexandria or a Christian settlement in central Asia. The +episode occurs in the Santiparvan[1097] of the Mahabharata and is +introduced by the story of a royal sacrifice, at which most of the +gods appeared in visible shape but Hari (Vishnu or Krishna) took his +offerings unseen. The king and his priests were angry, but three sages +called Ekata, Dvita and Trita, who are described as the miraculous +offspring of Brahma, interposed explaining that none of those present +were worthy to see Hari. They related how they had once desired to +behold him in his own form and after protracted austerities repaired +under divine guidance to an island called Svetadvipa on the +northern shores of the Sea of Milk.[1098] It was inhabited by beings +white and shining like the moon who followed the rules of the +Pancaratra, took no food and were continually engaged in silent +prayer. So great was the effulgence that at first the visitors were +blinded. It was only after another century of penance that they began +to have hopes of beholding the deity. Then there suddenly arose a +great light. The inhabitants of the island ran towards it with joined +hands and, as if they were making an offering, cried, "Victory to +thee, O thou of the lotus eyes, reverence to thee, producer of all +things: reverence to thee, Hrishikesa, great Purusha, the +first-born." The three sages saw nothing but were conscious that a +wind laden with perfumes blew past them. They were convinced, however, +that the deity had appeared to his worshippers. A voice from heaven +told them that this was so and that no one without faith (abhakta) +could see Narayana. + +A subsequent section of the same book tells us that Narada visited +Svetadvipa and received from Narayana the Pancaratra, which is +thus definitely associated with the locality. + +Some writers have seen in this legend a poetical account of contact +with Christianity, but wrongly, as I think. We have here no mythicized +version of a real journey but a voyage of the imagination. The sea of +milk, the white land and its white shining inhabitants are an attempt +to express the pure radiance proper to the courts of God, much as the +Book of Revelation tells of a sea of glass, elders in white raiment +and a deity whose head and hair were white like wool and snow. Nor +need we suppose, as some have done, that the worship of the white +sages is an attempt to describe the Mass. The story does not say that +whenever the White Islanders held a religious service the deity +appeared, but that on a particular occasion when the deity appeared +they ran to meet him and saluted him with a hymn. The idea that prayer +and meditation are the sacrifice to be offered by perfected saints is +thoroughly Indian and ancient. The account testifies to the +non-Brahmanic character of this worship of Vishnu, which was +patronized by the Brahmans though not originated by them, but there is +nothing exotic in the hymn to Narayana and the epithet first-born +(purvaja), in which some have detected a Christian flavour, is as old +as the Rig Veda. The reason for laying the scene of the story in the +north (if indeed the points of the compass have any place in this +mythical geography) is no doubt the early connection of the Pancaratra +with Kashmir and north-western India.[1099] The facts that some +Puranas people the regions near Svetadvipa with Iranian +sun-worshippers[1100] and that some details of the Pancaratra (though +not the system as a whole) show a resemblance to Zoroastrianism +suggest interesting hypotheses as to origin of this form of Vishnuism, +but more facts are needed to confirm them. Chronology gives us little +help, for though the Mahabharata was substantially complete in the +fourth century, it cannot be denied that additions may have been made +to it later and that the story of Svetadvipa may be one of them. +There were Nestorian Bishops at Merv and Herat in the fifth century, +but there appears to be no evidence that Christianity reached +Transoxiana before the fall of the Sassanids in the first half of the +seventh century. + +Thus there is little reason to regard Christianity as an important +factor in the evolution of Hinduism, because (_a_) there is no +evidence that it appeared in an influential form before the sixteenth +century and (_b_) there is strong evidence that most of the doctrines +and practices resembling Christianity have an Indian origin. On the +other hand abundant instances show that the Hindus had no objection to +borrowing from a foreign religion anything great or small which took +their fancy. But the interesting point is that the principal Christian +doctrines were either indigenous in India--such as _bhakti_ and +_avataras_--or repugnant to the vast majority of Hindus, such as the +crucifixion and atonement. I do not think that Nestorianism had any +appreciable effect on the history of religious thought in southern +India. Hellenic and Zoroastrian ideas undoubtedly entered +north-western India, but, though Christian ideas may have come with +them, few of the instances cited seem even probable except some +details in the life of Krishna which affect neither the legend as a +whole nor the doctrines associated with it. Some later sects, such as +the Kabirpanthis, show remarkable resemblances to Christianity, but +then the teaching of Kabir was admittedly a blend of Hinduism and +Islam, and since Islam accepted many Christian doctrines, it remains +to be proved that any further explanation is needed. Barth observed +that criticism is generally on the look out for the least trace of +Christian influence on Hinduism but does not pay sufficient attention +to the extent of Moslim influence. Every student of Indian religion +should bear in mind this dictum of the great French savant. After the +sixteenth century there is no difficulty in supposing direct contact +with Roman Catholicism. Tukaram, the Maratha poet who lived +comparatively near to Goa, may have imitated the diction of the +Gospels. + +Some authors[1101] are disposed to see Christian influence in Chinese +and Japanese Buddhism, particularly in the Amidist sects. I have +touched on this subject in several places but it may be well to +summarize my conclusions here. + +The chief Amidist doctrines are clearly defined in the Sukha +vati-vyuha which was translated from Sanskrit into Chinese in the +latter half of the second century A.D. It must therefore have existed +in Sanskrit at least in the first century of our era, at which period +dogmatic Christianity could hardly have penetrated to India or any +part of Central Asia where a Sanskrit treatise was likely to be +written. Its doctrines must therefore be independent of Christianity +and indeed their resemblance to Christianity is often exaggerated, for +though salvation by faith in Amida is remarkably like justification by +faith, yet Amida is not a Saviour who died for the world and faith in +him is coupled with the use of certain invocations. The whole theory +has close parallels in Zoroastrianism and is also a natural +development of ideas already existing in India. + +Nor can I think that the common use of rites on behalf of the dead in +Buddhist China is traceable to Christianity. In this case too the +parallel is superficial, for the rites are in most cases not prayers +_for_ the dead: the officiants recite formulae by which they acquire +merit and they then formally transfer this merit to the dead. Seeing +how great was the importance assigned to the cult of the dead in +China, it is not necessary to seek for explanations why a religion +trying to win its way in those countries invented ceremonies to +satisfy the popular craving, and Buddhism had no need to imitate +Christianity, for from an early period it had countenanced offerings +intended to comfort and help the departed. + +Under the T'ang dynasty Manichaeism, Nestorianism and new streams of +Buddhism all entered China. These religions had some similarity to one +another, their clergy may have co-operated and Manichaeism certainly +adopted Buddhist ideas. There is no reason why Buddhism should not +have adopted Nestorian ideas and, in so far as the Nestorians +familiarized China with the idea of salvation by faith in a divine +personage, they may have helped the spread of Amidism. But the +evidence that we possess seems to show not that the Nestorians +introduced the story of Christ's life and sacrifice into Buddhism but +that they suppressed the idea of atonement by his death, possibly +under Buddhist influence. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1072: The most learned and lucid discussion of these +questions, which includes an account of earlier literature on the +subject, is to be found in Garbe's _Indien und das Christentum_, 1914. +But I am not able to accept all his conclusions. The work, to which I +am much indebted, is cited below as Garbe. See also Carpenter, _Theism +in Medieval India_, 1921, pp. 521-524.] + +[Footnote 1073: See Garbe and Harnack, _Mission und Ausbreitung des +Christentums_, ii. Chrysostom (Hom. in Joh. 2. 2) writing at the end +of the fourth century speaks of Syrians, Egyptians, Persians and ten +thousand other nations learning Christianity from translations into +their languages, but one cannot expect geographical accuracy in so +rhetorical a passage.] + +[Footnote 1074: Eusebius (_Ecc. Hist_. v. 10), supported by notices in +Jerome and others, states that Pantaenus went from Alexandria to preach +in India and found there Christians using the Gospel according to +Matthew written in Hebrew characters. It had been left there by the +Apostle Bartholomew. But many scholars are of opinion that by India in +this passage is meant southern Arabia. In these early notices India is +used vaguely for Eastern Parthia, Southern Arabia and even Ethiopia. +It requires considerable evidence to make it probable that at the time +of Pantaenus (second century A.D.) any one in India used the Gospel in +a Semitic language.] + +[Footnote 1075: See, for the Thomas legend, Garbe, Vincent Smith, +_Early History of India_, 3rd ed. pp. 231 ff., and Philipps in _I.A._. +1903, pp. 1-15 and 145-160.] + +[Footnote 1076: _Nat. Hist_. xii. 18 (41).] + +[Footnote 1077: II. iv. 12. Strabo died soon after 21 A.D.] + +[Footnote 1078: It is seen even in borrowed words, _e.g._ hora = +[Greek: hora]: Jyau = [Greek: Zeus]: Heli = [Greek: helios].] + +[Footnote 1079: See Kanakasabhai's book, _The Tamils 1800 years ago_.] + +[Footnote 1080: Harnack (_Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums_, +II. 126) says "Dass die Thomas-Christen welche man im 16 Jahrhundert +in Indien wieder entdeckte bis ins 3 Jahrhundert hinaufgehen lasst +sich nicht erweisen."] + +[Footnote 1081: For Akbar and Christianity, see _Cathay and the Way +Thither_ (Hakluyt Society), vol. IV. 172-3.] + +[Footnote 1082: See Gover, _Folk Songs of Southern India_, 1871.] + +[Footnote 1083: iv. 3. 95, 98.] + +[Footnote 1084: Cf. the Pali verses in the Therigatha, 157: "Hail to +thee, Buddha, who savest me and many others from suffering."] + +[Footnote 1085: See Yasht, 13. 81 and Vendidad, 19. 14.] + +[Footnote 1086: The liberal ideas as to caste held by some Vishnuites +are due to Ramanand (c. 1400) who was excommunicated by his +coreligionists. I find it hard to agree with Garbe that Ramanuja +admitted the theoretical equality of all castes. He says himself +(Sri-Bhashya, II. 3. 46, 47) that souls are of the same nature in so +far as they are all parts of Brahman (a proposition which follows from +his fundamental principles and is not at all due to Christian +influence), but that some men are entitled to read the Veda while +others are debarred from the privilege. All fire, he adds, is of the +same nature, but fire taken from the house of a Brahman is pure, +whereas fire taken from a cremation ground is impure. Even so the soul +is defiled by being associated with a low-caste body.] + +[Footnote 1087: See Grieson and Garbe. But I have not found a +quotation from any original authority. Mohammed, however, had the same +notion of the Trinity.] + +[Footnote 1088: But the Mappilahs or Moplahs appear to have settled on +the Malabar coast about 900 A.D.] + +[Footnote 1089: Similarly the neo-Confucianism of the Sung dynasty was +influenced by Mahayanist Buddhism. Chu-hsi and his disciples condemned +Buddhism, but the new problems and new solutions which they brought +forward would not have been heard of but for Buddhism.] + +[Footnote 1090: The idea of the second birth is found in the Majjhima +Nikaya, where in Sutta 86 the converted brigand Angulimala speaks of +his regenerate life as _Yato aham ariyaya jatiya jato_, "Since I was +born by this noble (or holy) birth." Brahmanic parallels are numerous, +_e.g._ Manu, 2. 146.] + +[Footnote 1091: It is said, however, that the celebration of the +Prasad by the Kabirpanthis bears an extraordinary resemblance to the +Holy Communion of Christians. This may be so, but, as already +mentioned, this late and admittedly composite sect is not typical of +Hinduism as a whole.] + +[Footnote 1092: Krishnajanmashtami, _Memoirs of Academy of +Berlin_, 1867.] + +[Footnote 1093: In spite of making enquiry I have never seen or heard +of these representations of a stable myself. As Senart points out +(_Legende_, p. 336) all the personages who play a part in Krishna's +early life are shown in these tableaux in one group, but this does not +imply that shepherds and their flocks are supposed to be present at +his birth.] + +[Footnote 1094: Though the ordinary legend does not say that Krishna +was born in a stable yet it does associate him with cattle.] + +[Footnote 1095: Pargiter, _Dynasties of the Kali age_, p. xviii.] + +[Footnote 1096: Commentary on Panini, 2. 3. 36, 3. 1. 36 and 3. 2. +111. It seems probable that Patanjali knew the story of Krishna and +Kamsa substantially as it is recounted in the Harivamsa.] + +[Footnote 1097: Section 337. A journey to Svetadvipa is also +related in the Kathasarit sagara, LIV.] + +[Footnote 1098: The most accessible statement of the geographical +fancies here referred to is in Vishnu Purana, Book II, chap. IV. The +Sea of Milk is the sixth of the seven concentric seas which surround +Jambudvipa and Mt. Meru. It divides the sixth of the concentric +continents or Sakadvipa from the seventh or Pushkara-dvipa. The +inhabitants of Sakadvipa worship Vishnu as the Sun and have this +much reality that at any rate, according to the Vishnu and Bhavishya +Puranas, they are clearly Iranian Sun-worshippers whose priests are +called Magas or Mrigas. Pushkara-dvipa is a terrestrial paradise: +the inhabitants live a thousand years, are of the same nature as the +gods and free from sorrow and sin. "The three Vedas, the Puranas, +Ethics and Polity are unknown" among them and "there are no +distinctions of caste or order: there are no fixed institutes." The +turn of fancy which located this non-Brahmanic Utopia in the north +seems akin to that which led the Greeks to talk of Hyperboreans. +Fairly early in the history of India it must have been discovered that +the western, southern, and eastern coasts were washed by the sea so +that the earthly paradise was naturally placed in the north. Thus we +hear of an abode of the blessed called the country of the holy Uttara +Kurus or northern Kurus. Here nothing can be perceived with human +senses (Mahabh. Sabha, 1045), and it is mentioned in the same breath +as Heaven and the city of Indra (_ib._ Anusas. 2841). + +It is not quite clear (neither is it of much moment), whether the +Mahabharata intends by Svetadvipa one of these concentric world +divisions or a separate island. The Kurma and Padma Puranas also +mention it as the shining abode of Vishnu and his saintly servants.] + +[Footnote 1099: Garbe thinks that the Sea of Milk is Lake Balkash. For +the Pancaratra see book v. iii. 3.] + +[Footnote 1100: See note 2 on last page.] + +[Footnote 1101: _E.g._ several works of Lloyd and Saeki, _The +Nestorian Monument in China_.] + + + + +CHAPTER LVI + +INDIAN INFLUENCE IN THE WESTERN WORLD + + +The influence of Indian religion on Christianity is part of the wider +question of its influence on the west generally. It is clear that from +200 B.C. until 300 A.D. oriental religion played a considerable part +in the countries round the Mediterranean. The worship of the Magna +Mater was known in Rome by 200 B.C. and that of Isis and Serapis in +the time of Sulla. In the early centuries of the Christian era the +cultus of Mithra prevailed not only in Rome but in most parts of +Europe where there were Roman legions, even in Britain. These +religions may be appropriately labelled with the vague word oriental, +for they are not so much the special creeds of Egypt and Persia +transplanted into Roman soil as fragments, combinations and +adaptations of the most various eastern beliefs. They differed from +the forms of worship indigenous to Greece and Italy in being personal, +not national: they were often emotional and professed to reveal the +nature and destinies of the soul. If we ask whether there are any +definitely Indian elements in all this orientalism, the answer must be +that there is no clear case of direct borrowing, nothing Indian +analogous to the migrations of Isis and Mithra. If Indian thought had +any influence on the Mediterranean it was not immediate, but through +Persia, Babylonia and Egypt. But it is possible that the doctrine of +metempsychosis and the ideal of the ascetic life are echoes of India. +Though the former is found in an incomplete shape among savages in +many parts of the world, there is no indication that it was indigenous +in Egypt, Syria, Babylonia, Asia Minor, Greece or Italy. It crops up +now and again as a tenet held by philosophers or communities of +cosmopolitan tastes such as the Orphic Societies, but usually in +circumstances which suggest a foreign origin. It is said, however, to +have formed part of the doctrines taught by the Druids in Gaul. +Similarly though occasional fasts and other mortifications may have +been usual in the worship of various deities and though the rigorous +Spartan discipline was a sort of military asceticism, still the idea +that the religious life consists in suppressing the passions, +which plays such a large part in Christian monasticism, can be traced +not to any Jewish or European institution but to Egypt. Although +monasticism spread quickly thence to Syria, it is admitted that the +first Christian hermits and monasteries were Egyptian and there is +some evidence for the existence there of pagan hermits.[1102] Egypt +was a most religious country, but it does not appear that asceticism, +celibacy or meditation formed part of its older religious life, and +their appearance in Hellenistic times may be due to a wave of Asiatic +influence starting originally from India. + +Looking westwards from India and considering what were the +circumstances favouring the diffusion of Indian ideas, we must note +first that Hindus have not only been in all ages preoccupied by +religious questions but have also had a larger portion of the +missionary spirit than is generally supposed. It is true that in wide +tracts and long periods this spirit has been suppressed by Brahmanic +exclusiveness, but phenomena like the spread of Buddhism and the +establishment of Hinduism in Indo-China and Java speak for themselves. +The spiritual tide flowed eastwards rather than westwards; still it is +probable that its movement was felt, though on a smaller scale, in the +accessible parts of the west. By land, our record tells us mainly of +what came into India from Persia and Bactria, but something must have +gone out. By water we know that at least after about 700 B.C. there +was communication with the Persian Gulf, Arabia and probably the Red +Sea. Semitic alphabets were borrowed: in the Jatakas we hear of +merchants going to Baveru or Babylon: Solomon's commercial ventures +brought him Indian products. But the strongest testimony to the +dissemination of religious ideas is found in Asoka's celebrated edict +(probably 256 B.C.) in which he claims to have spread the Dhamma as +far as the dominions of Antiochus "and beyond that Antiochus to where +dwell the four kings named Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas and Alexander." +The kings mentioned are identified as the rulers of Syria, Egypt, +Macedonia, Cyrene and Epirus. Asoka compares his missionary triumphs +to the military conquests of other monarchs. It may be that the +comparison is only too just and that like them he claimed to have +extended his law to regions where his name was unknown. No record of +the arrival of Buddhist missions in any Hellenistic kingdom has +reached us and the language of the edict, if examined critically, is +not precise. On the other hand, however vague it may be, it testifies +to two things. Firstly, Egypt, Syria and the other Hellenistic states +were realities to the Indians of this period, distant but not fabulous +regions. Secondly, the king desired to spread the knowledge of the law +in these countries and this desire was shared, or inspired, by the +monks whom he patronized. It is therefore probable that, though the +difficulties of travelling were great and the linguistic difficulties +of preaching an Indian religion even greater, missionaries set out for +the west and reached if not Macedonia and Epirus, at least Babylon and +Alexandria. We may imagine that they would frequent the temples and +the company of the priests and not show much talent for public +preaching. If no record of them remains, it is not more wonderful than +the corresponding silence in the east about Greek visitors to India. + +It is only after the Christian era that we find Apollonius and +Plotinus looking towards India as the home of wisdom. In earlier +periods the definite instances of connection with India are few. +Indian figures found at Memphis perhaps indicate the existence there +of an Indian colony,[1103] and a Ptolemaic grave-stone has been +discovered bearing the signs of the wheel and trident.[1104] The +infant deity Horus is represented in Indian attitudes and as sitting +on a lotus. Some fragments of the Kanarese language have been found on +a papyrus, but it appears not to be earlier than the second century +A.D.[1105] In 21 A.D. Augustus while at Athens received an embassy +from India which came _via_ Antioch. + +It was accompanied by a person described as Zarmanochegas, an Indian +from Bargosa who astonished the Athenians by publicly burning himself +alive.[1106] We also hear of the movement of an Indian tribe from the +Panjab to Parthia and thence to Armenia (149-127 B.C.),[1107] and +of an Indian colony at Alexandria in the time of Trajan. Doubtless +there were other tribal movements and other mercantile colonies which +have left no record, but they were all on a small scale and there was +no general outpouring of India westwards. + +The early relations of India were with Babylon rather than with Egypt, +but if Indian ideas reached Babylon they may easily have spread +further. Communication between Egypt and Babylon existed from an early +period and the tablets of Tel-el-Amarna testify to the antiquity and +intimacy of this intercourse. At a later date Necho invaded Babylonia +but was repulsed. The Jews returned from the Babylonian captivity (538 +B.C.) with their religious horizon enlarged and modified. They were +chiefly affected by Zoroastrian ideas but they may have become +acquainted with any views and practices then known in Babylon, and not +necessarily with those identified with the state worship, for the +exiles may have been led to associate with other strangers. After +about 535 B.C. the Persian empire extended from the valley of the +Indus to the valley of the Nile and from Macedonia to Babylon. We hear +that in the army which Xerxes led against Greece there were Indian +soldiers, which is interesting as showing how the Persians transported +subject races from one end of their empire to the other. After the +career of Alexander, Hellenistic kingdoms took the place of this +empire and, apart from inroads on the north-west frontier of India, +maintained friendly relations with her. Seleucus Nicator sent +Megasthenes as envoy about 300 B.C. and Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 +B.C.) a representative named Dionysius. Bindusara, the father of +Asoka, exchanged missions with Antiochus, and, according to a +well-known anecdote,[1108] expressed a wish to buy a professor +([Greek: sophisthen]). But Antiochus replied that Greek professors +were not for sale. + +Egyptologists consider that metempsychosis is not part of the earlier +strata of Egyptian religion but appears first about 500 B.C., and +Flinders Petrie refers to this period the originals of the earliest +Hermetic literature. But other authorities regard these works as being +both in substance and language considerably posterior to the +Christian era and as presenting a jumble of Christianity, Neoplatonism +and Egyptian ideas. + +I have neither space nor competence to discuss the date of the +Hermetic writings, but it is of importance for the question which we +are considering. They contain addresses to the deity like I am Thou +and Thou art I [Greek: _ego eimi su kai su ego_]. If such words +could be used in Egypt several centuries before Christ, the +probability of Indian influence seems to me strong, for they would not +grow naturally out of Egyptian or Hellenistic religion. Five hundred +years later they would be less remarkable. Whatever may be the date of +the Hermetic literature, it is certain that the Book of Wisdom and the +writings of Philo are pre-Christian and show a mixture of ideas drawn +from many sources, Jewish, Neoplatonic and Neopythagorean. If these +hospitable systems made the acquaintance of Indian philosophy, we may +be sure that they gave it an unprejudiced and even friendly hearing. +In the centuries just before the Christian era Egypt was a centre of +growth for personal and private religious ideas,[1109] hardly +possessing sufficient organization to form what we call a religion, +yet still, inasmuch as they aspired to teach individual souls right +conduct as well as true knowledge, implicitly containing the same +scheme of teaching as the Buddhist and Christian Churches. But it is +characteristic of all this movement that it never attempted to form a +national or universal religion and remained in all its manifestations +individual and personal, connected neither with the secular government +nor with any national cultus. Among these religious ideas were +monotheism mingled with pantheism to the extent of saying that God is +all and all is one: the idea of the Logos or Divine Wisdom, which +ultimately assumes the form that the Word is an emanation or Son of +God; asceticism, or at least the desire to free the soul from the +bondage of the senses; metempsychosis and the doctrine of conversion +or the new birth of the soul, which fits in well with metempsychosis, +though it frequently exists apart from it. I doubt if there is +sufficient reason for attributing the doctrine of the Logos[1110] to +India, but it is possible that asceticism and the belief in +metempsychosis received their first impulse thence. They appear +late and, like the phraseology of the Hermetic books, they do not grow +naturally out of antecedent ideas and practices in Egypt and +Palestine. The life followed by such communities as the Therapeutae and +Essenes is just such as might have been evolved by seekers after truth +who were trying to put into practice in another country the religious +ideals of India. There are differences: for instance these communities +laboured with their hands and observed the seventh day, but their main +ideas, retirement from the world and suppression of the passions, are +those of Indian monks and foreign to Egyptian and Jewish thought. + +The character of Pythagoras's teaching and its relation to Egypt have +been much discussed and the name of the master was clearly extended by +later (and perhaps also by early) disciples to doctrines which he +never held. But it seems indisputable that there were widely spread +both in Greece and Italy societies called Pythagorean or Orphic which +inculcated a common rule of life and believed in metempsychosis. The +rule of life did not as a rule amount to asceticism in the Indian +sense, which was most uncongenial to Hellenic ideas, but it comprised +great self-restraint. The belief in metempsychosis finds remarkably +clear expression: we hear in the Orphic fragments of the circle of +birth and of escape from it, language strikingly parallel to many +Indian utterances and strikingly unlike the usual turns of Greek +speech and thought. Thus the soul is addressed as "Hail thou who hast +suffered the suffering" and is made to declare "I have flown out of +the sorrowful weary wheel."[1111] I see no reason for discrediting the +story that Pythagoras visited Egypt.[1112] He is said to have been a +Samian and during his life (_c._ 500 B.C.) Samos had a special +connection with Egypt, for Polycrates was the ally of Amasis and +assisted him with troops. The date, if somewhat early, is not far +removed from the time when metempsychosis became part of Egyptian +religion. The general opinion of antiquity connected the Orphic +doctrines with Thrace but so little is known of the Thracians and +their origin that this connection does not carry us much further. They +appear, however, to have had relations with Asia Minor and that region +must have been in touch with India.[1113] But Orphism was also +connected with Crete, and Cretan civilization had oriental +affinities.[1114] + +The point of greatest interest naturally is to determine what were the +religious influences among which Christ grew up. Whatever they may +have been, his originality is not called in question. Mohammed was an +enquirer: in estimating his work we have often to ask what he had +heard about Christianity and Judaism and how far he had understood it +correctly. But neither the Buddha nor Christ were enquirers in this +sense: they accepted the best thought of their time and country: with +a genius which transcends comparison and eludes definition they gave +it an expression which has become immortal. Neither the substance nor +the form of their teaching can reasonably be regarded as identical, +for the Buddha did not treat of God or the divine government of the +world, whereas Christ's chief thesis is that God loves the world and +that therefore man should love God and his fellow men. But though +their basic principles differ, the two doctrines agree in maintaining +that happiness is obtainable not by pleasure or success or philosophy +or rites but by an unselfish life, culminating in the state called +Nirvana or the kingdom of heaven. "The kingdom of heaven is within +you." + +In the Gospels Christ teaches neither asceticism nor metempsychosis. +The absence of the former is remarkable: he eats flesh and allows +himself to be anointed: he drinks wine, prescribes its use in religion +and is credited with producing it miraculously when human cellars run +short. But he praises poverty and the poor: the Sermon on the Mount +and the instructions to the Seventy can be put in practice only by +those who, like the members of a religious community, have severed all +worldly ties and though the extirpation of desire is not in the +Gospels held up as an end, the detachment, the freedom from care, lust +and enmity prescribed by the law of the Buddha find their nearest +counterpart in the lives of the Essenes and Therapeutae. Though we have +no record of Christ being brought into contact with these communities +(for John the Baptist appears to have been a solitary and erratic +preacher) it is probable that their ideals were known to him and +influenced his own. Their rule of life may have been a faint reflex of +Indian monasticism. But the debt to India must not be exaggerated: +much of the oriental element in the Essenes, such as their frequent +purifications and their prayers uttered towards the sun, may be due to +Persian influence. They seem to have believed in the pre-existence of +the soul and to have held that it was imprisoned in the body, but this +hardly amounts to metempsychosis, and metempsychosis cannot be found +in the New Testament.[1115] The old Jewish outlook, preserved by the +Sadducees, appears not to have included a belief in any life after +death, and the supplements to this materialistic view admitted by the +Pharisees hardly amounted to the doctrine of the natural immortality +of the soul but rather to a belief that the just would somehow acquire +new bodies and live again. Thus people were ready to accept John the +Baptist as being Elias in a new form. Perhaps these rather fragmentary +ideas of the Jews are traceable to Egyptian and ultimately to Indian +teaching about transmigration. That belief is said to crop up +occasionally in rabbinical writings but was given no place in orthodox +Christianity.[1116] + +With regard to the teaching of Christ then, the conclusion must be +that it owes no direct debt to Indian, Egyptian, Persian or other +oriental sources. But inasmuch as he was in sympathy with the more +spiritual elements of Judaism, largely borrowed during the Babylonian +captivity, and with the unworldly and self-denying lives of the +Essenes, the tone of his teaching is nearer to these newer and +imported doctrines than to the old law of Israel.[1117] + +Some striking parallels have been pointed out between the Gospels and +Indian texts of such undoubted antiquity that if imitation is +admitted, the Evangelists must have been the imitators. Before +considering these instances I invite the reader's attention to two +parallel passages from Shakespeare and the Indian poet Bhartrihari. +The latter is thus translated by Monier Williams:[1118] + + Now for a little while a child, and now + An amorous youth; then for a season turned + Into the wealthy householder: then stripped + Of all his riches, with decrepit limbs + And wrinkled frame man creeps towards the end + Of life's erratic course and like an actor + Passes behind Death's curtain out of view. + +The resemblance of this to the well-known lines in _As You Like It_, +"All the world's a stage," etc., is obvious, and it is a real +resemblance, although the point emphasized by Bhartrihari is that man +leaves the world like an actor who at the end of the piece slips +behind the curtain, which formed the background of an Indian stage. +But, great as is the resemblance, I imagine that no one would maintain +that it has any other origin than that a fairly obvious thought +occurred to two writers in different times and countries and +suggested similar expressions. + +Now many parallels between the Buddhist and Christian scriptures--the +majority as it seems to me of those collected by Edmunds and +Anesaki--belong to this class.[1119] One of the most striking is the +passage in the Vinaya relating how the Buddha himself cared for a +sick monk who was neglected by his colleagues and said to these +latter, "Whosoever would wait upon me let him wait on the sick."[1120] +Here the resemblance to Matthew xxv. 40 and 45 is remarkable, but I do +not imagine that the writer of the Gospel had ever heard or read of +the Buddha's words. The sentiment which prompted them, if none too +common, is at least widespread and is the same that made Confucius +show respect and courtesy to the blind. The setting of the saying in +the Vinaya and in the Gospel is quite different: the common point is +that one whom all are anxious to honour sees that those around him +show no consideration to the sick and unhappy and reproves them in the +words of the text, words which admit of many interpretations, the +simplest perhaps being "I bid you care for the sick: you neglect me if +you neglect those whom I bid you to cherish." + +But many passages in Buddhist and Christian writings have been +compared where there is no real parallel but only some word or detail +which catches the attention and receives an importance which it does +not possess. An instance of this is the so-called parable of the +prodigal son in the Lotus Sutra, Chapter iv, which has often been +compared with Luke xv. 11 ff. But neither in moral nor in plot are the +two parables really similar. The Lotus maintains that there are many +varieties of doctrine of which the less profound are not necessarily +wrong, and it attempts to illustrate this by not very convincing +stories of how a father may withhold the whole truth from his children +for their good. In one story a father and son are separated for fifty +years and _both_ move about: the father becomes very rich, the son +poor. The son in his wanderings comes upon his father's palace and +recognizes no one. The father, now a very old man, knows his son, but +instead of welcoming him at once as his heir puts him through a +gradual discipline and explains the real position only on his +deathbed. These incidents have nothing in common with the parable +related in the Gospel except that a son is lost and found, an event +which occurs in a hundred oriental tales. What is much more +remarkable, though hardly a case of borrowing, is that in both +versions the chief personage, that is Buddha or God, is likened to a +father as he also is in the parable of the carriages.[1121] + +One of the Jain scriptures called Uttaradyayana[1122] contains the +following remarkable passage, "Three merchants set out on their +travels each with his capital; one of them gained much, the second +returned with his capital and the third merchant came home after +having lost his capital; The parable is taken from common life; learn +to apply it to the Law. The capital is human life, the gain is +heaven," etc. It is impossible to fix the date of this passage: the +Jain Canon in which it occurs was edited in 454 A.D. but the component +parts of it are much older. It clearly gives a rough sketch of the +idea which is elaborated in the parable of the talents. Need we +suppose that there has been borrowing on either side? Only in a very +restricted sense, I think, if at all. The parable is taken from common +life, as the Indian text truly says. It occurred to some teacher, +perhaps to many teachers independently, that the spiritual life may be +represented as a matter of profit and loss and illustrated by the +conduct of those who employ their money profitably or not. The idea is +natural and probably far older than the Gospels, but the parable of +the talents is an original and detailed treatment of a metaphor which +may have been known to the theological schools of both India and +Palestine. The parable of the sower bears the same relation to the +much older Buddhist comparison of instruction to agriculture[1123] in +which different classes of hearers correspond to different classes of +fields. + +I feel considerable hesitation about two other parallels. What +relation does the story of the girl who gives two copper coins to the +Sangha bear to the parable of the widow's mite? It occurs in +Asvaghosa's Sutralankara, but though he was a learned poet, it is +very unlikely that he had seen the Gospels, Although his poem ends +like a fairy tale, for the poor girl marries the king's son as the +reward of her piety, yet there is an extraordinary resemblance in the +moral and the detail of the _two_ mites. Can the origin be some +proverb which was current in many countries and worked up differently? + +The other parallel is between Christ's meeting with the woman of +Samaria and a story in the Divyavadana[1124] telling how Ananda asked +an outcast maiden for water. Here the Indian work, which is probably +not earlier than the third century A.D., might well be the +borrower. Yet the incident is thoroughly Indian. The resemblance is +not in the conversation but in the fact that both in India and +Palestine water given by the impure is held to defile and that in both +countries spiritual teachers rise above such rules. Perhaps Europeans, +to whom such notions of defilement are unknown, exaggerate the +similarity of the narratives, because the similarity of customs on +which it depends seems remarkable. + +There are, however, some incidents in the Gospels which bear so great +a likeness to earlier stories found in the Pitakas that the two +narratives can hardly be wholly independent. These are (_a_) the +testimony of Asita and Simeon to the future careers of the infant +Buddha and Christ: (_b_) the temptation of Buddha and Christ: (_c_) +their transfiguration: (_d_) the miracle of walking on the water and +its dependence on faith: (_e_) the miracle of feeding a multitude with +a little bread. The first three parallels relate to events directly +concerning the life of a superhuman teacher, Buddha or Christ. In +saying that the two narratives can hardly be independent, I do not +mean that one is necessarily unhistorical or that the writers of the +Gospels had read the Pitakas. That a great man should have a mental +crisis in his early life and feel that the powers of evil are trying +to divert him from his high destiny is eminently likely. But in the +East superhuman teachers were many and there grew up a tradition, +fluctuating indeed but still not entirely without consistency, as to +what they may be expected to do. Angelic voices at their birth and +earthquakes at their death are coincidences in embellishment on which +no stress can be laid, but when we find that Zoroaster, the Buddha and +Christ were all tempted by the Evil One and all at the same period of +their careers, it is impossible to avoid the suspicion that some of +their biographers were influenced by the idea that such an incident +was to be expected at that point, unless indeed we regard these +so-called temptations as mental crises natural in the development of a +religious genius. Similarly it is most remarkable that all accounts of +the transfiguration of the Buddha and of Christ agree not only in +describing the shining body but in adding a reference to impending +death. The resemblance between the stories of Asita and Simeon seems +to me less striking but I think that they owe their place in both +biographies to the tradition that the superman is recognized and +saluted by an aged Saint soon after birth. + +The two stories about miracles are of less importance in substance but the +curious coincidences in detail suggest that they are pieces of folklore +which circulated in Asia and Eastern Europe. The Buddhist versions occur in +the introductions to Jatakas 190 and 78, which are of uncertain date, +though they may be very ancient.[1125] The idea that saints can walk on the +water is found in the Majjhima-nikaya,[1126] but the Jataka adds the +following particulars. A disciple desirous of seeing the Buddha begins to +walk across a river in an ecstasy of faith. In the middle, his ecstasy +fails and he feels himself sinking but by an effort of will he regains his +former confidence and meets the Buddha safely on the further bank. In +Jataka 90 the Buddha miraculously feeds 500 disciples with a single cake +and it is expressly mentioned that, after all had been satisfied, the +remnants were so numerous that they had to be collected and disposed of. + +Still all the parallels cited amount to little more than this, that +there was a vague and fluid tradition about the super man's life of +which fragments have received a consecration in literature. The +Canonical Gospels show great caution in drawing on this fund of +tradition, but a number of Buddhist legends make their appearance in +the Apocryphal Gospels and are so obviously Indian in character that +it can hardly be maintained that they were invented in Palestine or +Egypt and spread thence eastwards. Trees bend down before the young +Christ and dragons (nagas) adore him: when he goes to school to learn +the alphabet he convicts his teacher of ignorance and the good man +faints.[1127] When he enters a temple in Egypt the images prostrate +themselves before him just as they do before the young Gotama in the +temple of Kapilavastu.[1128] Mary is luminous before the birth of +Christ which takes place without pain or impurity.[1129] But the +parallel which is most curious, because the incident related is +unusual in both Indian and European literature, is the detailed +narrative in the Gospel of James, and also in the Lalita-vistara +relating how all activity of mankind and nature was suddenly +interrupted at the moment of the nativity.[1130] Winds, stars and +rivers stayed their motion and labourers stood still in the attitude +in which each was surprised. The same Gospel of James also relates +that Mary when six months old took seven steps, which must surely be +an echo of the legend which attributes the same feat to the infant +Buddha. + +Several learned authors have discussed the debt of medieval Christian +legend to India. The most remarkable instance of this is the +canonization by both the Eastern and the Western Church of St. Joasaph +or Josaphat. It seems to be established that this name is merely a +corruption of Bodhisat and that the story in its Christian form goes +back to the religious romance called Barlaam and Joasaph which appears +to date from the seventh century.[1131] It contains the history of an +Indian prince who was converted by the preaching of Barlaam and became +a hermit, and it introduces some of the well-known stories of Gotama's +early life, such as the attempt to hide from him the existence of +sickness and old age, and his meetings with a cripple and an old man. +The legends of St. Placidus (or Hubert) and St. Christopher have also +been identified with the Nigrodha and Sutasoma Jatakas.[1132] The +identification is not to my mind conclusive nor, if it is admitted, of +much importance. For who doubts that Indian fables reappear in Aesop +or Kalilah and Dimnah? Little is added to this fact if they also +appear in legends which may have some connection with the Church but +which most Christians feel no obligation to believe. + +But the occurrence of Indian legends in the Apocryphal Gospels is more +important for it shows that, though in the early centuries of +Christianity the Church was shy of this oriental exuberance, yet the +materials were at hand for those who chose to use them. Many wonders +attending the superman's birth were deliberately rejected but some +were accepted and oriental practices, such as asceticism, appear with +a suddenness that makes the suspicion of foreign influence legitimate. + +Not only was monasticism adopted by Christianity but many +practices common to Indian and to Christian worship obtained the +approval of the Church at about the same time. Some of these, such as +incense and the tonsure, may have been legacies from the Jewish and +Egyptian priesthoods. Many coincidences also are due to the fact that +both Buddhism and Christianity, while abolishing animal sacrifices, +were ready to sanction old religious customs: both countenanced the +performance before an image or altar of a ritual including incense, +flowers, lights and singing. This recognition of old and widespread +rites goes far to explain the extraordinary similarity of Buddhist +services in Tibet and Japan (both of which derived their ritual +ultimately from India) to Roman Catholic ceremonial. Yet when all +allowance is made for similar causes and coincidences, it is hard to +believe that a collection of such practices as clerical celibacy, +confession, the veneration of relics, the use of the rosary and bells +can have originated independently in both religions. The difficulty no +doubt is to point out any occasion in the third and fourth centuries +A.D. when oriental Christians other than casual travellers had an +opportunity of becoming acquainted with Buddhist institutions. But the +number of resemblances remains remarkable and some of them--such as +clerical celibacy, relics, and confession--are old institutions in +Buddhism but appear to have no parallels in Jewish, Syrian, or +Egyptian antiquity. Up to a certain point, it is a sound principle +not to admit that resemblances prove borrowing, unless it can be shown +that there was contact between two nations, but it is also certain +that all record of such contact may disappear. For instance, it is +indisputable that Hindu civilization was introduced into Camboja, but +there is hardly any evidence as to how or when Hindu colonists arrived +there, and none whatever as to how or when they left India. + +It is in Christian or quasi-Christian heresies--that is, the sects +which were rejected by the majority--that Indian influence is +plainest. This is natural, for if there is one thing obvious in the +history of religion it is that Indian speculation and the Indian view +of life were not congenial to the people of Europe and western Asia. +But some spirits, from the time of Pythagoras onwards, had a greater +affinity for oriental ways of thinking, and such sympathy was +specially common among the Gnostics. Gnosticism consisted in the +combination of Christianity with the already mixed religion which +prevailed in Alexandria, Antioch and other centres, and which was an +uncertain and varying compound of Judaism, Hellenistic thought and the +ideas of oriental countries such as Egypt, Persia and Babylonia. Its +fundamental idea, the knowledge of God or Gnosis, is clearly similar +to the Jnanakanda of the Hindus,[1133] but the emphasis laid on +dualism and redemption is not Indian and the resemblances suggest +little more than that hints may have been taken and worked up +independently. Thus the idea of the Demiurgus is related to the idea +of Isvara in so far as both imply a distinction not generally +recognized in Europe between the creator of the world and the Highest +Deity, but the Gnostic developments of the Demiurgus idea are +independent. Similarly though the Aeons or emanations of the Gnostics +have to some extent a parallel in the beings produced by Brahma, +Prajapati or Vasudeva, yet these latter are not characteristic of +Hinduism and still less of Buddhism, for the celestial Buddhas and +Bodhisattvas of the Mahayana are justly suspected of being additions +due to Persian influence. + +Bardesanes, one of the latest Gnostic teachers (155-233), wrote a book +on Indian religion, quoted by Porphyry. This is important for it shows +that he turned towards India for truth, but though his teaching +included the pre-existence of the soul and some doctrine of Karma, it +was not specially impregnated with Indian ideas. This, however, may be +said without exaggeration of Carpocrates and Basilides who both taught +at Alexandria about 120-130 A.D. Unfortunately we know the views of +these interesting men only from the accounts of their opponents. +Carpocrates[1134] is said to have claimed the power of coercing by +magic the spirits who rule the world and to have taught metempsychosis +in the form that the soul is imprisoned in the body again and again +until it has performed all possible actions, good and evil. Therefore +the only way to escape reincarnation (which is the object of religion) +and to rise to a superior sphere of peace is to perform as much action +as possible, good and evil, for the distinction between the two +depends on intention, not on the nature of deeds. It is only through +faith and love that a man can obtain blessedness. Much of the +above sounds like a caricature, but it may be a misrepresentation of +something analogous to the Indian doctrine that the acts of a Yogi are +neither black nor white and that a Yogi in order to get rid of his +Karma creates and animates many bodies to work it off for him. + +In Basilides we find the doctrines not only of reincarnation, which +seems to have been common in Gnostic schools,[1135] but of Karma, of +the suffering inherent in existence and perhaps the composite nature +of the soul. He is said to have taught that the martyrs suffered for +their sins, that is to say that souls came into the world tainted with +the guilt of evil deeds done in another existence. This guilt must be +expiated by commonplace misfortune or, for the nobler sort, by +martyrdom. He considered the world process to consist in sorting out +confused things and the gradual establishment of order. This is to +some extent true of the soul as well: it is not an entity but a +compound (compare the Buddhist doctrine of the Skandhas) and the +passions are appendages. He called God [Greek: oyk hon theos] which +seems an attempt to express the same idea as Brahman devoid of all +qualities and attributes (nirguna). It is significant that the +system of Basilides died out.[1136] + +A more important sect of decidedly oriental affinities was Manichaeism, +or rather it was a truly oriental religion which succeeded in +penetrating to Europe and there took on considerably more Christianity +than it had possessed in its original form. Mani himself (215-276) is +said to have been a native of Ecbatana but visited Afghanistan, +Bactria and India, and his followers carried his faith across Asia to +China, while in the west it was the parent inspiration of the Bogomils +and Albigenses. The nature and sources of his creed have been the +subject of considerable discussion but new light is now pouring in +from the Manichaean manuscripts discovered in Central Asia, some of +which have already been published. These show that about the seventh +century and probably considerably earlier the Manichaeism of those +regions had much in common with Buddhism. A Manichaean treatise +discovered at Tun-huang[1137] has the form of a Buddhist Sutra: it +speaks of Mani as the Tathagata, it mentions Buddhas of Transformation +(Hua-fo) and the Bodhisattva Ti-tsang. Even more important is the +confessional formula called Khuastuanift[1138] found in the same +locality. It is clearly similar to the Patimokkha and besides using +much Buddhist terminology it reckons killing or injuring animals as a +serious sin. It is true that many of these resemblances may be due to +association with Buddhism and not to the original teaching of Mani, +which was strongly dualistic and contained many Zoroastrian and +Babylonian ideas. But it was eclectic and held up an ascetic ideal of +celibacy, poverty and fasting unknown to Persia and Babylon. To take +life was counted a sin and the adepts formed an order apart who lived +on the food given to them by the laity. The more western accounts of +the Manichaeans testify to these features as strongly as do the records +from Central Asia and China. Cyril of Jerusalem in his polemic against +them[1139] charges them with believing in retributive metempsychosis, +he who kills an animal being changed into that animal after death. The +Persian king Hormizd is said to have accused Mani of bidding people +destroy the world, that is, to retire from social life and not have +children. Alberuni[1140] states definitely that Mani wrote a book +called Shaburkan in which he said that God sent different messengers +to mankind in different ages, Buddha to India, Zaradusht to Persia +and Jesus to the west. According to Cyril the Manichaean scriptures +were written by one Scythianus and revised by his disciple Terebinthus +who changed his name to Boddas. This may be a jumble, but it is hard +to stifle the suspicion that it contains some allusion to the Buddha, +Sakya-muni and the Bo tree. + +I think therefore that primitive Manichaeism, though it contained less +Buddhism than did its later and eastern forms, still owed to India its +asceticism, its order of celibate adepts and its regard for animal +life. When it spread to Africa and Europe it became more +Christian, just as it became more Buddhist in China, but it is +exceedingly curious to see how this Asiatic religion, like the widely +different religion of Mohammed, was even in its latest phrases the +subject of bitter hatred and persistent misrepresentation. + +Finally, do the Neoplatonists, Neopythagoreans and other pagan +philosophers of the early centuries after Christ owe any debt to +India? Many of them were consciously endeavouring to arrest the +progress of Christianity by transforming philosophy into a +non-Christian religion. They gladly welcomed every proof that the +higher life was not to be found exclusively or most perfectly in +Christianity. Hence bias, if not accurate knowledge, led them to +respect all forms of eastern mysticism. Apollonius is said to have +travelled in India:[1141] in the hope of so doing Plotinus accompanied +the unfortunate expedition of Gordian but turned back when it failed. +We may surmise that for Plotinus the Indian origin of an idea would +have been a point in its favour, although his writings show no special +hostility to Christianity.[1142] So far as I can judge, his system +presents those features which might be expected to come from sympathy +with the Indian temperament, aided perhaps not by reading but by +conversation with thoughtful orientals at Alexandria and elsewhere. +The direct parallels are not striking. Plato himself had entertained +the idea of metempsychosis and much that seems oriental in Plotinus +may be not a new importation but the elaboration of Plato's views in a +form congenial to the age.[1143] Affirmations that God is [Greek: to +hou] and [Greek: to heu] are not so much borrowings from the Vedanta +philosophy as a re-statement of Hellenic ideas in a mystic and +quietist spirit, which may owe something to India. But Plotinus seems +to me nearer to India than were the Gnostics and Manichaeans, because +his teaching is not dualistic to the same extent. He finds the world +unsatisfying not because it is the creation of the Evil One, but +because it is transitory, imperfect and unreal. + +His system has been called dynamic pantheism and this description +applies also to much Indian theology which regards God in himself as +devoid of all qualities and yet the source of the forces which move +the universe. He held that there are four stages of being: primaeval +being, the ideal world, the soul and phenomena. This, if not exactly +parallel to anything in Indian philosophy, is similar in idea to the +evolutionary theories of the Sankhya and the phases of conditioned +spirit taught by many Vishnuite sects. + +For Plotinus neither moral good nor evil is ultimate: the highest +principle, like Brahman, transcends both and is beyond good [Greek: +uperagathon]. The highest morality is a morality of inaction and +detachment: fasting and abstinence from pleasure are good and so is +meditation, but happiness comes in the form of ecstasy and union with +God. In human life such union cannot be permanent, though while the +ecstasy lasts it affords a resting place on the weary journey, but +after death it can be permanent: the divine within us can then return +to the universal divine. In these ideas there is the real spirit of +India. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1102: See Scott Moncrieff, _Paganism and Christianity in +Egypt_, p. 199. Petrie, _Personal Religion in Egypt_, p. 62. But for a +contrary view see Preuschen, _Monchtum und Serapiskult_, 1903.] + +[Footnote 1103: Flinders Petrie, _Man_, 1908, p. 129.] + +[Footnote 1104: _J.R.A.S._ 1898, p. 875.] + +[Footnote 1105: Hultzsch, _Hermas_, xxxix. p. 307, and _J.R.A.S._ +1904, p. 399.] + +[Footnote 1106: Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by Strabo, xv. 73. See +also Dion Caasius, ix. 58, who calls the Indian Zarmaros. +Zarmanochegas perhaps contains the two words Sramana and Acarya.] + +[Footnote 1107: _See J.R.A.S._ 1907, p. 968.] + +[Footnote 1108: See Vincent Smith, _Early History of India_, edition +III. p. 147. The original source of the anecdote is Hegesandros in +Athenaeus, 14. 652.] + +[Footnote 1109: See Flinders Petrie, _Personal Religion in Egypt +before Christianity_, 1909.] + +[Footnote 1110: As I have pointed out elsewhere there is little real +analogy between the ideas of Logos and Sabda.] + +[Footnote 1111: [Greek: _Kuklou d' exeptan bathupentheos argaleoio._] +From the tablet found at Compagno. Cf. Proclus in Plat. _Tim._ V. 330, +[Greek: _hes kai hoi par' Orphei to Dionuso kai te kore teloumenoi +tuchein euchontai Kuklou t' au lexai kai anapneusai kakotetos_]. See +J.E. Harrison, _Proleg. to the study of Greek Religion_, 1908, chap. +XI. and appendix.] + +[Footnote 1112: Burnet, _Early Greek Philosophy_, p. 94, says that it +first occurs in the Busiris of Isocrates and does not believe that the +account in Herodotus implies that Pythagoras visited Egypt.] + +[Footnote 1113: Whatever may have been the true character and history +of the enigmatic people of Mitanni it appears certain that they adored +deities with Indian names about 1400 B.C. But they may have been +Iranians, and it may be doubted if the Aryan Indians of this date +believed in metempsychosis.] + +[Footnote 1114: J.E. Harrison, _l.c._ pp. 459 and 564, seems to think +that Orphism migrated from Crete to Thrace.] + +[Footnote 1115: The question of the Disciples in John ix. 2. Who did +sin, this man or his parents, that he was born blind? must if taken +strictly imply some form of pre-existence. But it is a popular +question, not a theological statement, and I doubt if severely logical +deductions from it are warranted.] + +[Footnote 1116: The pre-existence of the soul seems to be implied in +the Book of Wisdom viii. 20. The remarkable expression in the Epistle +of James iii. 6 [Greek: trochos tes geneseos] suggests a comparison +with the Orphic expressions quoted above and Samsara, but it is +difficult to believe it can mean more than "the course of nature."] + +[Footnote 1117: As in their legends, so in their doctrines, the +uncanonical writings are more oriental than the canonical and contain +more pantheistic and ascetic sayings. _E.g._ "Where there is one +alone, I am with him. Raise the stone and thou shalt find me: cleave +the wood and I am there" (_Oxyrhynchus Logia_). "I am thou and thou +art I and wheresoever thou art I am also: and in all things I am +distributed and wheresoever thou wilt thou gatherest me and in +gathering me thou gatherest thyself" (Gospel of Eve in Epiph. _Haer_. +xxvi. 3). "When the Lord was asked, when should his kingdom come, he +said: When two shall be one and the without as the within and the male +with the female, neither male nor female" (_Logia_).] + +[Footnote 1118: _Hinduism_, p. 549. The original is to be found in +Bhartrihari's Vairogyasatakam, 112.] + +[Footnote 1119: _The Buddhist and Christian Gospels_, 4th ed. 1909.] + +[Footnote 1120: Mahavagga, VIII. 26.] + +[Footnote 1121: _Lotus_, chap. V.] + +[Footnote 1122: VII. 15-21 in _S.B.E._ XLV. p. 29.] + +[Footnote 1123: Sam. Nik. XLII. VII.] + +[Footnote 1124: Ed. Cowell, p. 611.] + +[Footnote 1125: See Rhys Davids, _Buddhist India_, p. 206, and +Winternitz, _Ges. Ind. Lit_. II. 91.] + +[Footnote 1126: Maj. Nik. VI.] + +[Footnote 1127: Gospel of Thomas: longer version, chaps, VI. XIV. See +also the Arabic and Syriac Gospels of the Infancy, cf. Lalita-vistara, +chap. X.] + +[Footnote 1128: Pseudo-Matthew, chap, XXII.-XXIV. and Lal. Vist. chap. +VIII.] + +[Footnote 1129: Pseudo-Matthew, XIII. Cf. Dig. Nik. 14 and Maj. Nik. +123. Neumann's notes on the latter give many curious medieval +parallels.] + +[Footnote 1130: See Gospel of James, XVIII. and Lal. Vist. VII. _ad +init_.] + +[Footnote 1131: See Rhys Davids, _Buddhist Birth stories_, 1880, +introduction; and Joseph Jacobs, _Barlaam and Josaphat_, 1896.] + +[Footnote 1132: Nos. 12 and 537.] + +[Footnote 1133: As is also the idea that [Greek: gnosis] implies a +special ascetic mode of life, the [Greek: bios gnostikos].] + +[Footnote 1134: Irenaeus, I. XXV.] + +[Footnote 1135: It appears in the Pistis Sophia which perhaps +represents the school of Valentinus. Basilides taught that "unto the +third and fourth generation" refers to transmigration (see Clem. Al. +fragm. sect. 28 Op., ed. Klotz, IV. 14), and Paul's saying "I was +alive without the law once" (Rom. vii. 9), to former life as an animal +(Orig. in Ep. ad Rom. V. Op. iv. 549).] + +[Footnote 1136: For Gnosticism, see _Buddhist Gnosticism_, J. Kennedy +in _J.R.A.S._ 1902, and Mead, _Fragments of a faith Forgotten_.] + +[Footnote 1137: Chavannes et Pelliot, "Un traite Manicheen retrouve en +Chine," _J.A._ 1911, I, and 1913, II.] + +[Footnote 1138: Le Coq in _J.R.A.S._ 1911, p. 277.] + +[Footnote 1139: Catechetic Lectures, VI. 20 ff. The whole polemic is +curious and worth reading.] + +[Footnote 1140: Alberuni, _Chronology of ancient nations_, trans. +Sachau, p. 190.] + +[Footnote 1141: The account in Philostratus (books II. and III.) reads +like a romance and hardly proves that Apollonius went to India, but +still there is no reason why he should not have done so.] + +[Footnote 1142: He wrote, however, against certain Gnostics.] + +[Footnote 1143: Similarly Sallustius (_c._ 360 A.D.), whose object was +to revive Hellenism, includes metempsychosis in his creed and thinks +it can be proved. See translation in Murray, _Four Stages of Greek +Religion_, p. 213.] + + + + +CHAPTER LVII + +PERSIAN INFLUENCE IN INDIA + + +Our geographical and political phraseology about India and Persia +obscures the fact that in many periods the frontier between the two +countries was uncertain or not drawn as now. North-western India and +eastern Persia must not be regarded as water-tight or even merely +leaky compartments. Even now there are more Zoroastrians in India than +in Persia and the Persian sect of Shiite Mohammedans is powerful and +conspicuous there. In former times it is probable that there was often +not more difference between Indian and Iranian religion than between +different Indian sects. + +Yet the religious temperaments of India and Iran are not the same. +Zoroastrianism has little sympathy for pantheism or asceticism: it +does not teach metempsychosis or the sinfulness of taking life. Images +are not used in worship,[1144] God and his angels being thought of as +pure and shining spirits. The foundation of the system is an +uncompromising dualism of good and evil, purity and impurity, light +and darkness. Good and evil are different in origin and duality will +be abolished only by the ultimate and complete victory of the good. In +the next world the distinction between heaven and hell is equally +sharp but hell is not eternal.[1145] + +The pantheon and even the ritual of the early Iranians resembled those +of the Veda and we can only suppose that the two peoples once lived +and worshipped together. Subsequently came the reform of Zoroaster +which substituted theism and dualism for this nature worship. For +about two centuries, from 530 B.C. onwards, Gandhara and other parts +of north-western India were a Persian province. Between the time of +Zoroaster (whatever that may be) and this period we cannot say what +were the relations of Indian and Iranian religions, but after the +seventh century they must have flourished in the same region. +Aristobulus,[1146] speaking of Taxila in the time of Alexander the +Great, describes a marriage market and how the dead were devoured by +vultures. These are Babylonian and Persian customs, and doubtless were +accompanied by many others less striking to a foreign tourist. Some +hold that the Zoroastrian scriptures allude to disputes with +Buddhists.[1147] + +Experts on the whole agree that the most ancient Indian architecture +which has been preserved--that of the Maurya dynasty--has no known +antecedents in India, but both in structure (especially the pillars) +and in decoration is reminiscent of Persepolis, just as Asoka's habit +of lecturing his subjects in stone sermons and the very turns of his +phrases recall the inscriptions of Darius.[1148] And though the king's +creed is in some respects--such as his tenderness for animal +life--thoroughly Indian, yet this cannot be said of his style and +choice of themes as a whole. His marked avoidance of theology and +philosophy, his insistence on ethical principles such as truth, and +his frank argument that men should do good in order that they may fare +happily in the next world, suggest that he may have become familiar +with the simple and practical Zoroastrian outlook,[1149] perhaps when +he was viceroy of Taxila in his youth. But still he shows no trace of +theism or dualism: morality is his one concern, but it means for him +doing good rather than suppressing evil. + +After the death of Asoka his Empire broke up and races who were +Iranian in culture, if not always in blood, advanced at its expense. +Dependencies of the Persian or Parthian empire extended into India or +like the Satrapies of Mathura and Saurashtra lay wholly within it. +The mixed civilization which the Kushans brought with them included +Zoroastrianism, as is shown by the coins of Kanishka, and late Kushan +coins indicate that Sassanian influence had become very strong in +northern India when the dynasty collapsed in the third century A.D. + +I see no reason to suppose that Gotama himself was influenced by +Iranian thought. His fundamental ideas, his view of life and his +scheme of salvation are truly Hindu and not Iranian. But if the +childhood of Buddhism was Indian, it grew to adolescence in a motley +bazaar where Persians and their ways were familiar. Though the +Buddhism exported to Ceylon escaped this phase, not merely Mahayanism +but schools like the Sarvastivadins must have passed through it. The +share of Zoroastrianism must not be exaggerated. The metaphysical and +ritualistic tendencies of Indian Buddhism are purely Hindu, and if its +free use of images was due to any foreign stimulus, that stimulus was +perhaps Hellenistic. But the altruistic morality of Mahayanism, though +not borrowed from Zoroastrianism, marks a change and this change may +well have occurred among races accustomed to the preaching of active +charity and dissatisfied with the ideals of self-training and lonely +perfection. And Zoroastrian influence is I think indubitable in the +figures of the great Bodhisattvas, even Maitreya,[1150] and above all +in Amitabha and his paradise. These personalities have been adroitly +fitted into Indian theology but they have no Indian lineage and, in +spite of all explanations, Amitabha and the salvation which he offers +remain in strange contradiction with the teaching of Gotama. I have +shown elsewhere[1151] what close parallels may be found in the Avesta +to these radiant and benevolent genii and to the heaven of boundless +light which is entered by those who repeat the name of its master. +Also there is good evidence to connect the early worship of Amitabha +with Central Asia. Later Iranian influence may have meant +Mithraism and Manichaeism as well as Zoroastrianism and the school of +Asanga perhaps owes something to these systems.[1152] They may have +brought with them fragments of Christianity or doctrines similar to +Christianity but I think that all attempts to derive Amitabhist +teaching from Christianity are fanciful. The only point which the two +have in common is salvation by faith, and that doctrine is certainly +older than Christianity. Otherwise the efforts of Amitabha to save +humanity have no resemblance to the Christian atonement. Nor do the +relations between the various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas recall the +Trinity but rather the Persian Fravashis. + +Persian influences worked more strongly on Buddhism than on Hinduism, +for Buddhism not only flourished in the frontier districts but +penetrated into the Tarim basin and the region of the Oxus which lay +outside the Indian and within the Iranian sphere. But they affected +Hinduism also, especially in the matter of sun-worship. This of course +is part of the oldest Vedic religion, but a special form of it, +introduced about the beginning of our era, was a new importation and +not a descendant of the ancient Indian cult.[1153] + +The Brihatsamhita[1154] says that the Magas, that is Magi, are the +priests of the sun and the proper persons to superintend the +consecration of temples and images dedicated to that deity, but the +clearest statements about this foreign cult are to be found in the +Bhavishya Purana[1155] which contains a legend as to its introduction +obviously based upon history. Samba, the son of Krishna, desiring to +be cured of leprosy from which he suffered owing to his father's +curse, dedicated a temple to the sun on the river Candrabhaga, but +could find no Brahmans willing to officiate in it. By the advice of +Gauramukha, priest of King Ugrasena, confirmed by the sun himself, he +imported some Magas from Sakadvipa,[1156] whither he flew on the +bird Garuda.[1157] That this refers to the importation of +Zoroastrian priests from the country of the Sakas (Persia or the +Oxus regions) is made clear by the account of their customs--such as +the wearing of a girdle called Avyanga--[1158]given by the Purana. It +also says that they were descended from a child of the sun called +Jarasabda or Jarasasta, which no doubt represents Zarathustra. + +The river Candrabhaga is the modern Chenab and the town founded by +Samba is Mulasthana or Multan, called Mu-la-san-pu-lu by the Chinese +pilgrim Hsuan Chuang. The Bhavishya Purana calls the place Sambapuri +and the Chinese name is an attempt to represent Mulasamba-puri. Hsuan +Chuang speaks enthusiastically of the magnificent temple,[1159] which +was also seen by Alberuni but was destroyed by Aurungzeb. +Taranatha[1160] relates how in earlier times a king called Sri +Harsha burnt alive near Multan 12,000 adherents of the Mleccha sect +with their books and thereby greatly weakened the religion of Persians +and Sakas for a century. This legend offers difficulties but it shows +that Multan was regarded as a centre of Zoroastrianism. + +Multan is in the extreme west Of India, but sun temples are found in +many other parts, such as Gujarat, Gwalior and the district of Gaya, +where an inscription has been discovered at Govindapur referring to +the legend of Samba. This same legend is also related in the Kapila +Samhita, a religious guide-book for Orissa, in connection with the +great Sun temple of Konarak.[1161] + +In these temples the sun was represented by images, Hindu convention +thus getting the better of Zoroastrian prejudices, but the costume of +the images shows their origin, for the Brihatsamhita[1162] directs +that Surya is to be represented in the dress of the northerners, +covered from the feet upwards and wearing the girdle called avyanga +or viyanga. In Rajputana I have seen several statues of him in high +boots and they are probably to be found elsewhere. + +Fortuitously or otherwise, the cult of the sun was often associated +with Buddhism, as is indicated by these temples in Gaya and Orissa and +by the fact that the Emperor Harsha styles his father, grandfather and +great-grandfather _paramadityabhakta_, great devotees of the +sun.[1163] He himself, though a devout Buddhist, also showed honour to +the image of Surya, as we hear from Hsuang Chuang. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1144: They are forbidden by strict theology, but in practice +there are exceptions, for instance, the winged figure believed to +represent Ahura Mazda, found on Achaemenian reliefs.] + +[Footnote 1145: Though the principles of Zoroastrianism sound +excellent to Europeans, I cannot discover that ancient Persia was +socially or politically superior to India.] + +[Footnote 1146: See Strabo, XV. 62. So, too, the Pitakas seem to +regard cemeteries as places where ordinary corpses are thrown away +rather than buried or burnt. In Dig. Nik. III, the Buddha says that +the ancient Sakyas married their sisters. Such marriages are said to +have been permitted in Persia.] + +[Footnote 1147: "He who returns victorious from discussions with +Gaotama the heretic," Farvadin Yasht in _S.B.E._ XXIII. p. 184. The +reference of this passage to Buddhism has been much disputed and I am +quite incompetent to express any opinion about it. But who is Gaotama +if not the Buddha? It is true that there were many other Gautamas of +moderate eminence in India, but would any of them have been known in +Persia?] + +[Footnote 1148: The inscriptions near the tomb of Darius at +Nakshi-Rustam appear to be hortatory like those of Asoka. See Williams +Jackson, _Persia_, p. 298 and references. The use of the Kharoshtri +script and of the word _dipi_ has also been noted as indicating +connection with Persia.] + +[Footnote 1149: Perhaps the marked absence of figures representing the +Buddha in the oldest Indian sculptures, which seems to imply that the +holiest things must not be represented, is due to Persian sentiment.] + +[Footnote 1150: Strictly speaking there is nothing final about +Maitreya who is merely the next in an infinite series of Buddhas, but +practically his figure has many analogies to Soshyos or Saoshant, the +Parsi saviour and renovator of the world.] + +[Footnote 1151: See chap. XLI. p. 220.] + +[Footnote 1152: See chap, on Mahayana, VI.] + +[Footnote 1153: A convenient statement of what is known about this +cult will be found in Bhandarkar, _Vaishnavism and Saivism_, part II. +chap. XVI.] + +[Footnote 1154: Chap. 60. 19. The work probably dates from about 650 +A.D.] + +[Footnote 1155: Chap. 139. See, for extracts from the text, Aufrecht. +Cat. Cod. Sansc. p. 30.] + +[Footnote 1156: For Sakadvipa see Vishnu, p. II. IV. where it is +said that Brahmans are called there Mriga or Maga and Kshattriyas +Magadha. The name clearly means the country of the Sakas who were +regarded as Zoroastrians, whether they were Iranian by race or not. +But the topography is imaginary, for in this fanciful geography India +is the central continent and Sakadvipa the sixth, whereas if it +means Persia or the countries of the Oxus it ought to be near India.] + +[Footnote 1157: The Garuda may itself be of Persian provenance, for +birds play a considerable part in Persian mythology.] + +[Footnote 1158: The Aivyaonghen of the Avesta.] + +[Footnote 1159: Watters, vol. II. 254, and _Life_, chap. IV.] + +[Footnote 1160: Taranatha, tr. Schiefner, p. 128, and Vincent Smith's +remarks in _Early History_, p. 347, note 2.] + +[Footnote 1161: See Rajendralala Mitra, _Antiquities of Orissa_, vol. +n. p. 145. He also quotes the Samba Purana. The temple is said to have +been built between 1240 and 1280 but the beauty of its architecture +suggests an earlier date.] + +[Footnote 1162: 58. 47.] + +[Footnote 1163: See Epig. Ind. 72-73.] + + + + +CHAPTER LVIII + +MOHAMMEDANISM IN INDIA + + +Let us now turn to Mohammedanism. This is different from the cases +which we have been considering and we need not trouble ourselves with +any enquiry into opportunities and possibilities. The presence and +strength of the Prophet's religion in India are patent facts and it is +surprising that the result has not been greater. + +The chief and most obvious method by which Islam influenced India was +the series of invasions, culminating in the Mughal conquest, which +poured through the mountain passes of the north-west frontier. But +there was also long established communication and to some extent +intermigration between the west coast and Mohammedan countries such as +Arabia and Persia. Compared with the enormous political and social +changes wrought by the land invasions, the results of this maritime +intercourse may seem unworthy of mention. Yet for the interchange of +ideas it was not without importance, the more so as it was +unaccompanied by violence and hostility. Thus the Mappilas or Moplahs +of Malabar appear to be the descendants of Arab immigrants who arrived +by sea about 900 A.D., and the sects known as Khojas and Bohras owe +their conversion to the zeal of Arab and Persian missionaries who +preached in the eleventh century. Apart from Mohammedan conquests +there must have been at this time in Gujarat, Bombay, and on the west +coast generally some knowledge of the teaching of Islam. + +In the annals of invasions and conquests several stages can be +distinguished. First we have the Arab conquest of Sind in 712, which +had little effect. In 1021 Mahmud of Ghazni annexed the Panjab. He +conducted three campaigns against other kingdoms of India but, though +he sacked Muttra, Somnath and other religious centres, he did not +attempt to conquer these regions, still less to convert them to Islam. +The period of conquests as distinguished from raids did not begin +until the end of the twelfth century when Muhammad Ghori began his +campaigns and succeeded in making himself master of northern +India, which from 1193 to 1526 was ruled by Mohammedan dynasties, +mostly of Afghan or Turki descent. In the south the frontiers of +Vijayanagar marked the limits of Islam. To the north of them Rajputana +and Orissa still remained Hindu states, but with these exceptions the +Government was Mohammedan. In 1526 came the Mughal invasion, after +which all northern India was united under one Mohammedan Emperor for +about two centuries. Aurungzeb (1659-1707) was a fanatical Mohammedan: +his intolerant reign marked the beginning of disintegration in the +Empire and aroused the opposition of the Mahrattas and Sikhs. But +until this period Mohammedan rule was not marked by special bigotry or +by any persistent attempt to proselytize. A woeful chronicle of +selected outrages can indeed be drawn up. In the great towns of the +north hardly a temple remained unsacked and most were utterly +destroyed. At different periods individuals, such as Sikander Lodi of +Delhi and Jelaluddin (1414-1430) in Bengal, raged against Hinduism and +made converts by force. But such acts are scattered over a long period +and a great area; they are not characteristic of Islam in India. +Neither the earlier Mughal Emperors nor the preceding Sultans were of +irreproachable orthodoxy. Two of them at least, Ala-ud-Din and Akbar, +contemplated founding new religions of their own. Many of them were +connected with Hindu sovereigns by marriage or political alliances. + +The works of Alberuni and Mohsin Fani show that educated Mohammedans +felt an interest not only in Indian science but in Indian religion. In +the Panjab and Hindustan Islam was strengthened by immigrations of +Mohammedan tribes from the north-west extending over many centuries. +Mohammedan sultans and governors held their court in the chief cities, +which thus tended to become Mohammedan not only by natural attraction +but because high caste Hindus preferred to live in the country and +would not frequent the company of those whom they considered as +outcasts. Still, Hindus were often employed as accountants and revenue +officers. All non-Moslims had to pay the jiziya or poll tax, and the +remission of this impost accorded to converts was naturally a powerful +incentive to change of faith. Yet Mohammedanism cannot record any +wholesale triumph in India such as it has won in Persia, Egypt and +Java. At the present day about one-fifth of the population are Moslim. +The strength of Islam in the Panjab is due to immigration as well as +conversion,[1164] but it was embraced by large numbers in Kashmir and +made rapid progress in Oudh and Eastern Bengal. The number of +Mohammedans in Bengal (twenty-five millions out of a total of +sixty-two in all India) is striking, seeing that the province is out +of touch with the chief Mohammedan centres, but is explicable by the +fact that Islam had to deal here not with an educated and organized +Hindu community but with imperfectly hinduized aboriginal races, who +welcomed a creed with no caste distinctions. Yet, apart from the +districts named, which lie on the natural line of march from the +Panjab down the Ganges to the sea, it made little progress. It has not +even conquered the slopes of the Himalayas or the country south of the +Jumna. If we deduct from the Mohammedan population the descendants of +Mohammedan immigrants and of those who, like the inhabitants of +Eastern Bengal, were not Hindus when they embraced the faith, the +impression produced by Islam on the religious thought of India is not +great, considering that for at least five centuries its temporal +supremacy was hardly contested. + +It is not until the time of Kabir that we meet with a sect in which +Hindu and Mohammedan ideas are clearly blended, but it may be that the +theology of Ramanuja and Madhva, of the Lingayats and Sivaite sects of +the south, owes something to Islam. Its insistence on the unity and +personality of God may have vivified similar ideas existing within +Hinduism, but the expression which they found for themselves is not +Moslim in tone, just as nowadays the Arya Samaj is not European in +tone. Yet I think that the Arya Samaj would never have come into being +had not Hindus become conscious of certain strong points in European +religion. In the north it is natural that Moslim influence should not +have made itself felt at once. Islam came first as an enemy and a +raider and was no more sympathetic to the Brahmans than it was to the +Greek Church in Europe. Though Indian theism may sometimes seem +practically equivalent to Islam, yet it has a different and gentler +tone, and it often rests on the idea that God, the soul and matter are +all separate and eternal, an idea foreign to Mohammed's doctrine of +creation. But from the fifteenth century onwards we find a series +of sects which are obviously compromises and blends. Advances are made +from both sides. Thoughtful Mohammedans see the profundity of Hindu +theology: liberal Hindus declare that no caste or condition, including +birth in a Moslim family, disqualifies man for access to God. + +The fusion of Islam with Hinduism exhibited in these sects has for its +basis the unity and omnipresence of God in the light of which minor +differences have no existence. But fusion also arises from an opposite +tendency, namely the toleration by Indian Moslims of Hindu ideas and +practices, especially respect for religious teachers and their +deification after death. While known by some such title as saint, +which does not shock unitarian susceptibility, they are in practice +honoured as godlings. The bare simplicity of the Arabian faith has not +proved satisfying to other nations, and Turks, Persians and Indians, +even when professing orthodoxy, have allowed embellishments and +accretions. Such supplementary beliefs thrive with special luxuriance +in India, where a considerable portion of the Moslim population are +descended from persons who accepted the new faith unwillingly or from +interested motives. They brought with them a plentiful baggage of +superstitions and did not attempt to sever the ties which bound them +to their Hindu neighbours. In the last century the efforts of the +Wahabis and other reformers are said to have been partly successful in +purifying Islam from Hindu observances, but even now the mixture is +noticeable, especially in the lower classes. Brahmans are employed to +cast horoscopes, Hindu ceremonies are observed in connection with +marriages and funerals, and the idea of pollution by eating with +unbelievers is derived from caste rules, for Mohammedans in other +countries have no objection to eating with Christians. Numerous sacred +sites, such as the shrine of Sheikh Chisti at Ajmere and of Bhairav +Nath at Muttra,[1165] are frequented by both Moslims and Hindus, and +it is an interesting parallel to find that the chief Moslim shrines of +Turkestan are erected on spots which were once Buddhist sanctuaries. +Sometimes the opposite happens: even Brahmans are known to adopt the +observances of Shiahs.[1166] But on the whole it is chiefly the +Mohammedans who borrow, not the main doctrines of Hinduism, but +popular magic and demonology. Ignorant Mohammedans in Bengal worship +Sitala, Kali, Dharmaraj, Baidyanath and other Hindu deities and also +respect certain mythical beings who seem to have a Moslim origin, but +to have acquired strange characters in the course of time. Such are +Khwaja Khizr who lives in rivers, Zindah Ghazi who rides on a tiger in +the Sandarbans, and Sultan Shahid who is said to be the bodyguard and +lover of Devi. But it is in the adoration of Pirs that this fusion of +the two religions is most apparent. A Pir is the Moslim equivalent of +a Guru and distinct from the Mollahs or official hierarchy. Just as +Hindus receive initiation from their Guru so most Moslims, except the +Wahabis and other purists, make a profession of faith before their +Pir, accept his guidance and promise him obedience. When an eminent +Pir dies his tomb becomes a place of prayer and pilgrimage. Even +educated Mohammedans admit that Pirs can intercede with the Almighty +and the uneducated offer to them not only direct supplications but +even sacrifices. The Shrine of an important Pir, such as Hazrat +Moin-ud-Din Chisti at Ajmere, is an edifice dedicated to a superhuman +being as much as any Hindu temple. + +This veneration of saints attains its strangest development in the +sect of the Panchpiriyas or worshippers of the five Pirs. They are +treated by the last census of India as "Hindus whose religion has a +strong Mohammedan flavour."[1167] There is no agreement as to who the +five saints or deities are, but though the names vary from place to +place they usually comprise five of the best known semi-mythical +Pirs.[1168] Whoever they may be, they are worshipped under the form of +a small tomb with five domes or of a simple mound of clay set in the +corner of a room. Every Wednesday the mound is washed and offerings of +flowers and incense are made. A somewhat similar sect are the Malkanas +of the Panjab. These appear to be Hindus formerly converted to Islam +and now in process of reverting to Hinduism. + +The influence of Hinduism on Indian Mohammedanism is thus obvious. +It is responsible for the addition to the Prophet's creed of much +superstition but also for rendering it less arid and more human. It is +harder to say how far Moslim mysticism and Sufiism are due to the same +influence. History and geography raise no difficulties to such an +origin. Arabia was in touch with the western coast of India for +centuries before the time of Mohammed: the same is true of the Persian +Gulf and Bagdad, and of Balkh and other districts near the frontiers +of India. But recent writers on Sufiism[1169] have shown a disposition +to seek its origin in Neoplatonism rather than in the east. This +hypothesis, like the other, presents no geographical difficulties. +Many Arab authors, such as Avicenna (Ibn Sina) and Averroes (Ibn +Rushd) were influenced by Greek Philosophy: Neoplatonists are said to +have taken refuge in Persia at the Court of Nushirwan (_c._ A.D. 532): +the Fihrist (_c._ 988) mentions Porphyry and Plotinus. If, therefore, +Sufiism, early or late, presents distinct resemblances to +Neoplatonism, we need not hesitate to ascribe them to direct +borrowing, remembering that Neoplatonism itself contains echoes of +India. But, admitting that much in the doctrine of the Sufis can be +found to the west as well as to the east of the countries where they +flourished, can it be said that their general tone is Neoplatonic? +Amongst their characteristics are pantheism; the institution of +religious orders and monasteries; the conception of the religious +life as a path or journey; a bold use of language in which metaphors +drawn from love, wine and music are freely used in speaking of divine +things and, although the doctrine of metempsychosis may be repudiated +as too obviously repugnant to Islam, a tendency to believe in +successive existences or states of the soul. Some of these features, +such as the use of erotic language, may be paralleled in other ancient +religions as well as Hinduism but the pantheism which, not content +with speaking of the soul's union with God, boldly identifies the soul +with the divinity and says I am God, does not seem traceable in +Neoplatonism. And though a distinction may justly be drawn between +early and later Sufiism and Indian influence be admitted as stronger +in the later developments, still an early Sufi, Al-Hallaj, was +executed in 922 A.D. for saying Ana 'l-Haqq, I am the Truth or +God, and we are expressly told that he visited India to study magic. +Many important Sufis made the same journey or at least came within the +geographical sphere of Indian influence. Faridu-'d-Din Attar travelled +in India and Turkestan; Jalalu-'d-Din er-Rumi was born at Balkh, once +a centre of Buddhism: Sa'di visited Balkh, Ghazna, the Panjab, and +Gujarat, and investigated Hindu temples.[1170] Hafiz was invited to +the Deccan by Sultan Muhammad Bahmani and, though shipwreck prevented +the completion of the visit, he was probably in touch with Indian +ideas. These journeys indicate that there was a prevalent notion that +wisdom was to be found in India and those who could not go there must +have had open ears for such Indian doctrines as might reach them by +oral teaching or in books. After the establishment of the Caliphate at +Bagdad in the eighth century translations of Indian authors became +accessible. Arabic versions were made of many works on astronomy, +mathematics and medicine and the example of Alberuni shows how easily +such treatises might be flavoured with a relish of theology. His book +and still more the Fihrist testify to the existence among Moslims, +especially in Bagdad and Persia, of an interest in all forms of +thought very different from the self-satisfied bigotry which too often +characterizes them. The Caliph Ma'mun was so fond of religious +speculation and discussion that he was suspected of being a Manichee +and nicknamed Amiru-'l-Kafirin, Commander of the Unbelievers. +Everything warrants the supposition that in the centuries preceding +Mohammed, Indian ideas were widely disseminated in western Asia, +partly as a direct overflow from India, for instance in Turkestan and +Afghanistan, and partly as entering, together with much other matter, +into the doctrines of Neoplatonists and Manichaeans. Amid the +intolerant victories of early Islam such ideas would naturally +retreat, but they soon recovered and effected an entrance into the +later phases of the faith and were strengthened by the visits of Sufi +pilgrims to Turkestan and India. + +The form of Jewish mysticism known as Kabbala, which in Indian +terminology might be described as Jewish Tantrism, has a historical +connection with Sufiism and a real analogy to it, for both arise +from the desire to temper an austere and regal deism with concessions +to the common human craving for the interesting and picturesque, such +as mysticism and magic. If the accent of India can sometimes be heard +in the poems of the Sufis we may also admit that the Kabbala is its +last echo. + +Experts do not assign any one region as the origin of the Kabbala but +it grew on parallel lines in both Egypt and Babylonia, in both of +which it was naturally in touch with the various oriental influences +which we have been discussing. It is said to have been introduced to +Europe about 900 A.D. but received important additions and +modifications at the hands of Isaac Luria (1534-72) who lived in +Palestine, although his disciples soon spread his doctrines among the +European Jews. + +Many features of the Kabbala, such as the marvellous powers assigned +to letters, the use of charms and amulets, the emanations or phases of +the deity and the theory of the correspondence between macrocosm and +microcosm, are amazingly like Indian Tantrism but no doubt are more +justly regarded as belonging to the religious ideas common to most of +Asia.[1171] But in two points we seem able to discern definite Hindu +influence. These are metempsychosis and pantheism, which we have so +often found to have some connection with India when they exist in an +extreme form. Their presence here is specially remarkable because they +are alien to the spirit of orthodox Judaism. Yet the pre-existence and +repeated embodiment of the soul is taught in the Zohar and even more +systematically by Luria, in whose school were composed works called +Gilgulim, or lists of transmigrations. The ultimate Godhead is called +En soph or the infinite and is declared to be unknowable, not to be +described by positive epithets, and therefore in a sense non-existent, +since nothing which is predicated of existing beings can be truly +predicated of it. These are crumbs from the table of Plotinus and the +Upanishads. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1164: But see on this point _Census of India_, 1911, vol. I. +part I. p. 128.] + +[Footnote 1165: Another instance is the shrine of Saiyad Salar Masud +at Bahraich. He was a nephew of Mahmud of Ghazni and was slain by +Hindus, but is now worshipped by them. See Grierson, _J.R.A.S._ 1911, +p. 195.] + +[Footnote 1166: See for examples, _Census of India_, 1901, Panjab, p. +151, _e.g._ the Brahmans of a village near Rawal Pindi are said to be +Murids of Abdul-Kadir-Jilani.] + +[Footnote 1167: _Census of India_, 1911, vol. I. part I. p. 195. The +Malkanas are described on the same page.] + +[Footnote 1168: Such as Ghazi Miyan, Pir Badar, Zindha Ghazi, Sheikh +Farid, Sheikh Sadu and Khwaja Khizr.] + +[Footnote 1169: E.G. Browne, _Literary History of Persia_: R.A. +Nicholson, _Selected Poems from the Divan of Shems-i-Tabriz_.] + +[Footnote 1170: He describes how he discovered the mechanism by which +the priests made miraculous images move. See Browne, _Lit. Hist. +Persia_, II. 529.] + +[Footnote 1171: But there is something very Indian in the reluctance +of the Kabbalists to accept creation _ex nihilo_ and to explain it +away by emanations, or by the doctrine of limitation, that is God's +self-withdrawal in order that the world might be created, or even by +the eternity of matter.] + + + + +INDEX + + +Abbot. _See_ Monasteries, and Organisation--ecclesiastical + +Abdul Kadir Jilani, III. 459 + +Abhakta, III. 426 + +Abhayagiri, I. 292, 293; III. 16, 19, 33, 297 + +Abhayakara, II. 112; III. 360, 387 + +Abhaya Raja, II. 113 + +Abhidhamma, I. 208, 256, 258, 276 _sq._, 280, 289, 291, 299, 300; II. +47 _sq._, 80, 82, 102; III. 30, 39, 61, 71, 372, 374 + +Abhidhammattha-sangaha, III. 71 + sangraha, III. 39, 45 + +Abhidharma, III. 292, 299 + Kosa, II. 89; III. 213, 286, 314 + Pitaka, II. 59, 81; III. 285, 373 + vibhashasastra, II. 78, 81; III. 213 + vyakhya, II. 89 + +Abhimukhi, II. 11 + +Abhinava Gupta, II. 223, 224 + +Abhinna, I. 317 + +Abhiraja, III. 50 + +Abhiras, II. 156 + +Abhisheka, II. 122, 275; III. 355 + +Ablur inscription, II. 225 + +Aboriginal deities, I. xxxvi, 6; II. 126, 127, 138, 285; III. 68, 97, +112, 182, 185, 224, 343, 382 + +Absolute Godhead. _See_ Brahman + +Abu (Mount), I. 115, 120; II. 203 + +Abul Fazl, III. 417 + +Acala, II. 11; III. 392 + +Acaranga, I. 116 + +Acariyaparampara, III. 306 + +Acarya, II. 114, 221, 257; III. 121 + bhimana, II. 237 + Pasupata, III. 114 + Saiva, III. 114 + vada, I. 262 + +Achaemenian reliefs, III. 449 + +Aciravati, I. 150 + +Acit, II. 316 + +Acts of the Apostles, I. 255 + +Acyuta, III. 114 + +Acyutananda Dasa, II. 115 + +Adam, III. 217 + +Adam's Bridge, II. 150 + Peak, I. 7; III. 13, 43 + +Adhara Karikas, II. 224 + +Adharma, I. 106 + +Adhicitta, I. 313, 315; III. 310 + +Adhipanna, I. 313; III. 310 + +Adhyatma Ramayana, II. 152, 187, 194 + +Adi-Buddha, II. 13, 26, 31, 57, 117, 118, 119, 129; III. 173, 387 + +Adi-granth, II. 263, 268 + +Adityas, I. 61; II. 146 + +Adityavarman, III. 163 + +_Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, II. 285 + +Advaita (philosophy), I. cii, 74, 82, 235; II. 40, 74, 204, 225, 238, +258, 289, 307, 312 _sq_.; III. 305,421 + + (P. N.), II. 254 + +Advaya, III. 173-181 + +Adyar Library, II. 195, 210, 270, 322 + +_Aeltere vedanta_, II. 315 + +Aeons, III. 444 + +Afghanistan, I. 19, 24, 28, 29, 31, 264; +II. 272; III. 199, 456 + +agamana, II. 43, 92 + +Agama pramanya, II. 232 + +Agamas, II. 128, 188, 189, 190, 204, 216, 222, 282; III. 214, 282, +292, 296, 297, 299 + +[Greek: agape], I. 184, 216, 253 + +Agarwals, II. 177 + +Agastya, II. 213 + +Aggabodhi, king, III. 33 + +Agganna Sutra, I. 336 + +Aghora, II. 198, 234 + +Aghoris, II. 203, 289 + +Agisala, II. 77 + +Agni, I. 56, 62 + +Agnihotri, I. 90 + +Agni Purana, II. 130, 281 + +Agnishtoma, I. 66; II. 170 + +Agnostic teachers, I. 98 + +Agra, I. 87 + +Agrayana, II. 3 + +Agriculture forbidden, I. 113 + +Ahamkara, I. lxxvii; II. 299 + +Ahan, III. 282, 296 + +Ahar, III. 116 + +Ahimsa, I. lvi; II. 114, 170 _sq_., 200; III. 248 + +Ahinas, I. 69 + +Ahirbudhnya Samhita, II. 147, 194, 195 + of the Pancaratra Agama, II. 188 + +Ahirs, II. 158 + +Ahmadabad, I. 115, 119; II. 175, 252, 266 + +Ahmadnagar, I. 29 + +Ahoms (kingdom, etc.), II. 259, 280, 288; III. 79 + +Ahriman, I. 336 + +Ahuna-vairya, III. 220 + Mazda, I. 60, 64; II. 198; III. 220, 449 + +Ai (emperor), III. 245 + +Aihole, II. 172; III. 106 + +Aisvarya, II. 196 + +Aitareya Brahmana, I. 67 + +Aivyaonghen, III. 453 + +Aiyar Sesha, II. 219 + +Aiyengar, Krishna Swami, II. 233, 238 + +Ajanta, I. 26, 212; II. 108; III. 102 + +Ajata Satru, king (Ajata Sattu), I. 36, 74, 77, 87, 111, 131, 132, +153, 156, 157, 158, 161, 169, 172, 221, 298; III. 23, 24 + +Ajayadeva, I. 114 + +Ajita, I. 99; II. 21 + +Ajiva, I. 107 + +Ajivikas, I. 49, 99, 123, 241, 268; III. 13 + +Ajmer, I. 29; III. 458, 459 + +Akalis, II. 272, 273 + +Akasagarbha, II. 24; III. 216, 283 + +Akbar, I. 30, 31, 115; II. 242, 266, 269; III. 417, 456 + +Akincannayatanam, I. 135 + +Akriyavadins, I. 99 + +Akshobhya (Buddha), II. 26, 27; III. 122, 166, 169, 173 + +Alabaster, III. 98 + +Alara Kalama, I. 135, 136, 303, 316 + +Alasanda, III. 18 + +Ala-ud-din, I. 29, 30; III. 456 + +Alavandar, II. 232 + stotram, II. 232 + +Alayavijnana, I. xxxix; II. 43, 44, 84, 87 + +Alberuni, II. 187, 189, 228; III. 446, 453, 456, 461 + +Albigenses, III. 445 + +Alexander, king, I. 268 + +Alexander of Macedon, I. xxx, xxxi, 21, 50, 177; III. 189, 413, 430, +450 + +Alexandria, III. 414 + +Al Hallaj, III. 460 + +Alkondavilli Govindacarya, I. 40; II. 233 + +Allah, I. 8; II. 216, 270. _See also_ God and Islam + +Allahabad, II. 99 + +Allakappa, I. 169 + +Allopanishad, II. 270 + +All Souls' Day, III. 264, 332 + +Alompra, III. 47 _sq._, 169 + +A-lo-pen, III. 217 + +Alphabets, I. 61; III. 4, 51, 80, 82, 104, 106, 154, 157, 183, 190, +191, 192, 201, 300 _sq._, 348, 355, 450 + +Altan, III. 361 + +Alterer vedanta, II. 74 + +Alvar. _See_ Arvar + +Amarakosha, II. 280; III. 181 + +Amarapura, III. 36, 37, 49 + +Amaravati stupa, II. 85, 108, 143 + (Quangnam), III. 137 + +Amardas Guru, II. 268 + +Amar Mul, II. 266 + Singh, II. 147 + +Amasis, III. 434 + +Ambaherana Salamevan, III. 40 + +Ambalatthika, I. 288 + +Amban, III. 367 _sq._ + +Ambapala, I. 163 + +Ambatthasutta, I. 87, 131; II. 175 + +Ambhojanetra, III. 122 + +Ambika, II. 277 + +Amdo, III. 358, 400 + +Ameretat, III. 220 + +American Lectures, I. 151, 212 + +Amesha Spenta, II. 12, 120, 198 + +Amida, I. 182, 215; III. 312, 321, 404, 418 + +Amidism, I. xlix; III. 220 _sq._ + +Amiru-'l-Kafirin, III. 461 + +Amitabha (Buddha), I. xxix, xxxii; II. 6, 13, 23, 26, 28, 33, 60, 66, +72, 86, 88, 181, 182; III. 124, 166, 173, 176, 218, 219 _sq._, 292, +313, 327, 365, 385, 390, 451 + +Amitayurdhyanasutra, II. 23, 29, 30; III. 313 + +Amitayus, II. 28, 30, 33, 103; III. 391 + +Amittaranpapatikad, I. 116 + +Amogha, III. 39, 264, 293, 327, 349 + +Amoghapasa, III. 163, 390 + +Amoghasiddhi, II. 26; III. 166, 173, 176, 181 + +Amoghavajra, III. 317 + +Amoghavarsha, I. 314 + +Amoy, III. 333 + +Ampel, III. 161 + +Amritsar, II. 268, 272 + +amsa, II. 239 + +Amulets, I. 109. _See also_ Magic + +Anachronistic practices, II. 168 + +Anagamin, I. 227 + +Anagata-vamsa, II. 22 + +Anahit, II. 276 + +Analecta, I. 177; III. 227 + +Ananda, I. 133, 151, 153, 155, 156, 160, 162, 163 _sq._, 170, 174, +207, 209, 247, 256, 261, 288, 343, 344; II. 9, 29, 56; III. 20, 307, +342, 439 + + Garbha, II. 128 + Giri, II. 110 + Kaya, II. 32 + +Anandam, I. 84 + +Ananda Pagoda, III. 74 + +Anandasrama Press, II. 195 + +Ananda Temple, II. 55, 56 + Tirtha, II. 237 + +Anantavarman Colaganga, I. 30 + +ananuvejjo, I. 235 + +anariyam, I. 241 + +Anatta, I. 191, 194, 219 + +anatthapindeka, I. 151, 180 + +Anawrata (king), I. xxv; III. 7, 11, 47 _sq._ + +Ancestor-worship, I. 3, 9, 10, 12, 33; III. 68, 116, 236, 344 + +An-Chou, III. 206, 216 + +_Ancient Ceylon_, III. 18, 19 + _India_, II. 153, 159 + +Anda, III. 361 + +Andal, II. 231 + +Andhakas, I. 261 + +Andhra (kingdom, etc.), I. 22; II. 85, 100, 108; III. 102 + +Andras, I. 268 + +_Anecdota Oxoniensia_, II. 52 + +Anekantavada, I. 108 + +Anesaki, I. 293; III. 294, 296, 297, 299, 317 + +Angada Guru, II. 268 + +Angas, I. 116, 149, 281; II. 279 + +Ang Chan (king), III. 111 + +Ang Duong (king), III. 112 + +Angela (St.) of Foligno, I. 160 + +Angirasas, I. 54; II. 152 + +Angkor Wat (Thom), III. 106, 109 _sq._, 132 _sq._ + +Angulimala Pitaka, I. 180, 293, 317; III. 422 + +Angulimalija Sutra, II. 103 + +Anguttara Nikaya, I. lxxiii, 134, 212, 223, 278, 288, 289, 295; II. +48, 49; III. 65, 296, 297 + +an-had, II. 262 + +An-hsi (Parthia), III. 248 + +aniccam, I. 219 + +Aniko Lama, III. 356 + +Animals, I. lvi, xcix, 68, 115, 267; II. 131, 167; III. 248, 254, 344, +445, 446. + + _See also_ Ahimsa + +Animism, I. 104, 332; II. 167; III. 42, 98. + _See also_ Aboriginal deities, Nats, Nature worship, Phis + +Aniruddha, II. 196, 235 + +_Annales du Musee Guimet_, II. 122, 275 + +Annals (various), III. 104, 105, 108, 110, 111, 153, 344 + +Annam (Champa), I. xxiv, xxvi; II. 25; III. 6, 8, 111, 129, 135, 140, +141, 340 _sq._ + +Anoma, I. 175 + +An-shih Kao, II. 64; III. 248, 292, 313 + +Antagadasao, I. 116 + +Antakritad, I. 116 + +antaratman, III. 175 + +antaraya, I. 107 + +Antaryamin, II. 46, 235, 317 + +Antigonus, I. 268; III. 430 + +Antioch, I. 255 + +Antiochus, king, I. 268; III. 430 + +Anu, II. 223, 292 + +Anugita, II. 187 + +Anugraha, II. 180 + +Anukramani, II. 152 + +Anula (Princess), III. 17 + +Anumana, II. 293 + +an-upadi-sesa-nibbanam, I. 223 + +Anuradhapura, I. 143, 276; III. 16, 23 + +Anuruddha, I. 134, 155, 168; III. 39, 45 + +Anusasana purana, II. 194 + +Anuttara Yoga, II. 128, 189 + +Anuttarovavaidasao, I. 116 + +_Any Saint_, II. 162, 183 + +Apabhramsa, I. 299 + +Apah, I. 63 + +Apantaratamas, II. 202 + +Aparantaka, III. 50, 51 + +Apararajagirika, I. 259 + +Aparaselikas, I. 259 + +Aparimitayus Sutras, III. 191 + +Apocryphal Gospels, III. 441 + +Apollo, II. 139 + +Apollonius, III. 431, 447 + +Appar, II. 215 + +Apratishthita, I. 323 + +Apsus (Ephesus) (Chotscho), III. 205 + +apurva, II. 311 + +Apva, I. 102 + +Arabia (Arabs, etc.), I. 28; II. 109; III. 152, 154, 160, 263, 455 + +Aracosia, I. 23 + +Arahanta School, III. 59 + Thera, III. 55 _sq_. + +Arahattam, I. xxi + +Arakan, II. 105; III. 14, 36, 47 + +Aramaic Alphabet, III. 191 + +Aranyakas, I. 53; III. 53 + +Arati, I. 102 + +Arca (image), I. lxx; III. 185 + +_Archaeological Survey of Mayurabhanj_, II. 114, 126 + +Archbishop (R.C.), III. 417 + +Architecture, I. lxvi, 92, 119; II. 109, 211; III. 3, 51, 73, 89, 132 +_sq_., 143 _sq_., 165 _sq_., 184 _sq_., 194, 239, 345, 450 + +arcismati, II. 11 + +Arcot, II. 113 + +Ardhanaresvara, II. 145 + +ardhanari image, III. 144 + +Arhat, I. 110, 145, 146, 166, 214, 223, 227, 232, 260; II. 6, 8; III. +57, 326 _sq._ + +Ariobalo, II. 14 + +Aris, III. 53 + +Aristobulus, III. 450 + +Aristocratic republics. _See_ Mallas, Sakyas, Vajjians + +Ariyapariyesana sutta, I. 135, 152 + +Ariya saccani, I. 200 + vamsa, III. 61 + +Arjun (Guru), II. 268, 269 + +Arjuna, II. 156, 200, 253 + +Arjunavijaya, III. 172 + +Armenians, I. 122; III. 191 + +Arnold, Matthew, I. xcvi, 328 + +arogya, I. 201 + +Arrows in rite, I. 100; III. 219 + +Arsacidae, I. 22; III. 191 + +Arsha (Ardha) Magadha, I. 116 + +Art, I. xiii, xxix, xxxi, xxxiv, lxvi, xc, 22, 92, 137, 173, 212; II. +169, 211; III. 4, 96, 186, 194 _sq_., 240, 241, 242, 252, 269, 356, +382, 405 + +_l'Art Greco-Bouddhique du Gandhara_, II. 76 + +Artaxerxes Longimanus, I. 341 + +Artha pancaka, II. 237 + purana sastra, III. 142 + sastra, I. 18 + +Artjeh, III. 185 + +Arul, II. 217 + +Arunandi, II. 221 + +Aruparago, I. 227 + +Arvars, II. 231, 233, 236 + +Arya (religion, people), I. xv, 3, 7, 15, 19, 20, 54, 55, 59, 200; II. +177; III. 273 + +Aryabhata, III. 152 + +Aryadeva, I. xxxiii; II. 85, 86; III. 219 + +Aryamahasanghika, II. 59 + nikaya, II. 101 + +Arya-manjusri-mula-tantra, III. 375 + +Arya-mula-sarvastivada-nikaya, II. 91, 102 + +Arya Samaj, I. xlvii; III. 457 + +Arya-sammiti, III. 148 + +Arya-sammitika-nikaya, II. 102 + +Arya sarvastivadin, III. 148 + +Aryasthavira nikaya, II. 102; III. 20 + +Asalha, I. 245 + +Asanam, I. 305 + +Asanga, I. xxxviii, 193, 293, 305; II. 11, 22, 31, 48, 57, 59, 82 +_sq._, 102, 125, 306; III. 166, 214, 216, 219, 284, 285, 294, 315, +376, 452 + +Asankhadhatu, I. 225 + +asankhato, I. 225, 260 + +asankhyakalpa, II. 103 + +Asapati, I, 102 + +Asava, I. 139 + +Asceticism (also Celibacy), I. xvi, lxi, lxv, 42, 49, 71, 84, 96, 105, +107, 110, 119, 123, 138, 240; II. 207, 320; III. 183, 235, 248, 316, +345, 429, 433, 438, 446 + +Asclepiadae, I. 69 + +Asgiri, III. 37 + +Ashikaga period, III. 405 + +Asi, II. 245 + +Asita, I. 133, 174; III. 440 + +Asoka, I. xxii, c, 16, 18, 21, 50, 99, 103, 113, 127, 132, 248, 254, +274; II. 65, 80, 93, 108, 116, 214; III. 5, 6, 13, 22, 44, 190, 207, +235, 300, 329, 430, 450 + +Asramas, I. 89, 90; II. 203; III. 113 + +Asrava, I. 107 + +Asrua, III. 215 + +Assam, I. xxxvi, lxxv, lxxxvii, 14, 25, 104; II. 126, 127, 143, 175, +185, 191, 244, 259 _sq._; III. 44, 79 + +Astarte, I. 63; II. 275 + +Astarte Syriaca, I. lxxxvii + +Astral body, I. 317 + +Astrology, I. xxv; III. 67, 96, 129, 157, 232 + +Astronomy, I. 335; III. 372, 415 + +Asuras, I. 61, 335 + +Asuri, II. 296 + +Asvaghosha, I. xxx, 300; II. 5, 49, 59, 65, 68, 79, 82 _sq._, 104, +169, 176; III. 190, 219, 285, 286, 292, 294, 295, 300, 307, 376, 439 + +Asvamedha, I. 68 + +Asvapati Kaikeya, I. 74 + +Asvavarman, III. 164 + +Asvins, I. 63 + +Atanatiya sutta, I. 278; III. 42 + +Atharvans, I. 54, 63 + +Atharva Veda, I. 54, 55, 98, 101; II. 50, 142, 270, 275; III. 67 + +Athenaeus, II. 432 + +Atisa, I. xxvii; II. 19, 112; III. 52, 60, 352 _sq._, 375, 380, 386, +398 + +Atiths, II. 177 + +Atman, I. lii, lxiii, lxiv, 45, 62, 79, 81, 84, 98, 188, 191, 218, +220; II. 75, 124, 180, 266, 296, 308, 309; III. 175, 305 + +Atma Ram, II. 266 + +Atnan, III. 342 + +Atomic theory, I. 109 + +Atonement, I. xiv, 69; III. 427 + +Atta, I. 188, 191, 218, 220; II. 101 + +atthakam, I. 150 + +Atthakatha, III. 14 + +Atthasalini, III. 28 + +Atula, III. 63 _sq._ + +Aufrecht, II. 148; III. 387, 452 + +Auguries, II. 105 + +Augustus, I. 26; III. 431 + +Aulieata, III. 202 + +Aung, S.Z., I. 189, 259; III. 39, 71 + +Aurora, I. 63 + +Aurungzeb, I. xlv, 30, 31; II. 252, 261, 270, 271; III. 453, 456 + +_Ausgewahlte Erzahlungen_, I. 116 + +Ava, III. 48, 58, 61 + +Avadanas, II. 58 _sq._ + +Avadhutas, II. 243 + +Avalokita, I. xxix; II. 12, 13, 23, 30, 57, 60, 73, 86, 103, 105, 122, +125, 128; III. 39, 53, 123, 144, 149, 165, 218, 219, 221, 239, 295, +343, 348, 360, 365, 390, 393 + +Avalokitesvara, III. 120 + +Avalon, I. 67, 311; II. 121, 188, 190, 274, 281, 282, 320; III. 40 + +Avanti, I. 282 + +Avasarpini, I. 107 + +Avatamsakasutra, II. 10, 54, 60; III. 218, 282, 283, 292, 313, 315, +374, 378 + +Avataras, I. lxx, 48; II. 73, 130, 197; III. 307, 419 + +Averroes, III. 460 + +Avesta, I. 19, 60, 63; II. 28; III. 220, 451 + +avibhaga, II. 312 + +Avicenna, III. 460 + +Avici, I. 338 + +avijja, I. 227 + +avyakatani, I. 228, 233 + +avyanga, III. 453, 454 + +Awakening of Faith, xxxii; II. 34, 42, 44, 83, 84, 87; III. 219, 286 + +Ayarangasutta, I. 116 + +ayatanam, I. 226 + +Ayenar, II, 164 + +Aymonier, III. 80, 85, 111, 113, 117, 120, 123 + +Ayodhya, I. 20, 25; II. 87, 100, 149 + +Ayushka, I. 107 + +Ayuthia, III. 30, 79 _sq._ + +Azhvar, _see_ Arvar + + +Ba, I. 218 + +Baber, I. 28, 30 + +Babylon, I. 61, 204; III. 103, 430, 432 + +Bacchic groups, II. 159 + +Bactria, I. 22, 24; II. 139, 276; III. 189, 200, 414 + +Badakshan, I. xxvi; III. 202 + +Badami, I. 26; II. 164, 172; III. 7, 107, 114, 116, 146 + +Badarayana, II. 211, 311, 316 + +Badari, II. 238 + +Badrinath, I. 17; II. 207, 208 + +Badulla, III. 43 + +Bagdad, III. 461 + +Bagyidaw, III. 65 + +Bahmani dynasty, I. 29, 30 + +Bahraich, III. 458 + +bahyayaga, II. 152 + +Baidyanath, III. 459 + +Baishnabs, II. 177 + +Bajra, III. 172 + +Bajrapani, III. 173 + +Bako, III. 115 + +Bakus, III. 129 + +bala, II. 196 + +Balabhi, II. 105 + +Baladeva, II. 153, 255 + +Bala Gopala, II. 249 + +Balambangan, III. 160 + +Balarama, II. 154 + +Bale Agoeng, III. 183 + +Bali, II. 148; III. 135, 151, 157, 171, 179, 183 _sq._ + +Bali-Agas, III. 185 + +Balkh, I. 25; III. 25, 202, 213, 461 + +Ballantyne, II. 296 + +Bambino, II. 160 + +Bamian, II. 102, 177; III. 3, 194, 202, 213 + +Bamunias, II. 260 + +Bamyin, I. 25 + +Bana, I. xxxix, 15; II. 97, 187, 206, 280 + +bana, III. 36, 42 + +Banda, II. 271 + +ban-de, III. 351 + +Bandha, I. 107 + +Bandyas, II. 119 + +Bangkok, III. 79, 86, 93 + +Baniyas, I. 115 + +Banon, III. 167 + +Banyan grove, I, 148 + Tree, I. 82 + +Bap, II. 206 + +Ba-phuong, III. 132 + +Baptism, III. 422; cf. abhisekha + +Barabar, III. 53 + +Baramba, II. 114 + +Bardesanes, III. 444 + +Bargosa, III. 431 + +Barlaam and Joasaph, III. 442 + +Barna Brahmans, II. 173 + +Barnett, II. 222, 224 + +Baroda, I. 31, 116; II. 202, 252 + +Barom Recha, II. 259 + +Barpeta, II. 259 + +Barth, II. 143, 169, 238; III. 23, 427 + +Bartholomew (Apostle), III. 414 + +Basaih, III. 127 + +Basa Kawi, III. 170 + +Basava, II. 176, 225 + +Bashpa, III. 273, 354 _sq._ + +Basiasita, III. 307 + +Basidides, III. 444, 445 + +Basset Simadamataka, III. 113 + +Basti, I. 120 + +Basuli, II. 277 + +Batavia, III. 158 + +Bat Cum, III. 122 + +Bathuris, II. 115 + +Battambang, III. 112 + +Bauddham, III. 44 + +Baudhayana, II. 279 + dharma sutra, III. 102 + +Bauras, II. 119 + +Bauris, II. 115 + +Baveru, III. 103, 430 + +Bayin Naung, III. 26, 47 _sq._ + +Bayon, III. 106, 109, 115, 134 + +Bazaklik, III. 193 + +Beal, I. 173, 275; II. 3, 56; III. 213, 276, 284, 312, 331 + +Beames, II. 244 + +_Beatae Angelae de Fulginio Visionum et Instructionum Liber_, I. 160 + +Beatitudes, I. 184, 213 + +Beckh, III. 195, 373 + +Bednur, II. 226 + +Belattha, I. 98 + +Belgami, II. 108 + +Beluva, I. 163 + +Benares, I. xlvi, 20, 87, 89, 132, 140; II. 112, 171, 189, 194, 208, +227, 243, 254, 263; III. 25 + +Bendall, II. 56, 116, 121, 123, 220 + +Bendall and Haraprasad, II. 18 + +Bengal, I. xxxvi, lxxxvii, 19, 25, 29, 31, 87, 114, 121; II. 32, 92, +100, 102, 108, 109, 111, 113, 173, 190, 230, 242, 253, 277, 278, 279, +349 _sq._, 356 + +Bengali literature, I. xlv, 299; II. 187, 244, 255 + Vaishnavas, II. 245 + +Beng Mealea, III. 109 + +Berar, I. 31; II. 85 + +Bergaigne, III. 137 + +Bergson, I. cii + +Berlin Museum, II. 20 + +Bernheim, I. 318 + +Bernier, II. 320 + +Bertholet, I. iv + +Besant, Mrs., I. xlvii + +Besnagar column, II. 153, 197 + +Bettu, I. 120 + +Beveridge, I. 90 + +de Beylie III. 74, 89 + +Bhabajanas, II. 261 + +Bhabru Edict, I. 264, 270, 290, 295 + +Bhaddiya, I. 131, 224 + +Bhadrabahu, I. 114, 116; II. 214 + +Bhadratittha, III. 45 + +Bhadravarman, III. 115, 139, 143, 146 + +Bhadresvara, III. 115, 146 + +Bhaga, I. 57, 63 + +Bhagava, I. 152 + +Bhagavad Gita, I. xxx, xliv, xlv, lxxiv, lxxx, 218, 333; II. 31, 72, +162, 180, 186, 195, 200, 201, 208, 219, 225, 228, 229, 231, 233, 234, +238, 239, 257, 293, 296, 306, 317; III. 174, 420, 423 + +Bhagavan, II. 255; III. 21 + +Bhagavat, II. 156, 195 + +Bhagavata Purana, I. lxxiv; II. 130, 147, 148, 157, 187, 188, 193, +195, 198, 219, 231, 251, 281 + +Bhagavatas, II. 97, 153, 156, 194, 195, 197, 209, 211, 234, 280 + +Bhagavata Tika subodhini, II. 249 + +Bhaga vati, I. 116; III. 144, 145, 147 + +Bhagavatisvara, III. 144 + +Bhagawanis, II. 261 + +bhairabi, II. 286 + +Bhairava, II. 145 + +Bhairavi, II. 277, 288 + +Bhairav Nath, III. 458 + +Bhaisajja, I. 201 + +Bhaishajya guru, III. 390 + +Bhakats (Bhaktas), II. 260 + +Bhakta-mala, II. 147, 191, 199, 245 + +Bhakti, I. 49; II. 153, 174, 180-183, 228, 255; III. 417 _sq. See +also_ Salvation. + +Bhallika, III. 50, 215 + +Bhandagama, I. 162, 164 + +Bhandarkar, II. 152, 153, 157, 202, 230, 231, 233, 238, 242, 248, 256, +257, 262, 320, 452 + +Bhante, I. 152 + +Bharata, II. 169 + Samhita, II. 189 + yuddha, III. 158, 171 + +Bharat Dharma Mahamandala, I. xlvii + +Bharati, III. 114 + +Bhargaviya, III. 142 + +Bhartrihari, II. 97; III. 437 + +Bharukaccha (Broach), III. 13 + +Bhashya, II. 89; III. 120 + +Bhaskara Varma, II. 127 + +Bhatara, III. 184 + Guru, III. 179 + Visesha, III. 173 + +Bhattacarya (Jogendranath), II. 163, 173, 177, 209, 210, 244, 261 + +Bhava, I. 208; II. 146 + +Bhavadvaita, II. 322 + +bhavanas, III. 173 + +Bhavavarman, III. 102, 108, 109, 114 + +Bhavaviveka, II. 74, 94 + +Bhavishya Purana, I. lxxiv; III. 423, 452, 453 + +bhedabheda prakasa II. 255 + +Bhikkhu (Bhikshu, Bhikku), I. 96, 157, 182, 237-253; II. 104, 119, +210; III. 39, 41, 65, 123, 130, 256 + +Bhils, II. 155 + +Bhima, II. 239; III. 146 + Bhoi, II. 115, 116 + +Bhoja, I. 27, 268; III. 162 + +Bhrikuti, III. 389, 394 + +Bhringi, II. 278 + +Bhu, II. 145 + +Bhubanesvar, I. xlvi; II. 114, 173, 174, 206 + +bhukti, I. lxxvi + +bhumi, II. 9, 11 + +Bhutan, III. 370 + +Bhutas, I. 6; III. 182 (boetas) + +Bhutatathata, I. 220; II. 34, 43, 67, 84 + +bhutisakti (matter), II. 196, 197 + +Bible, The, I. 255 + +_Bibliotheca Buddhica_, II. 57, 85 + _Indica_, II. 9, 51, 195, 202 + +Bidar, I. 29 + +Bigandet, I. 173; III. 49 + +Bihar, I. xix, 20, 95, 113; II. 111, 112, 127 + +bija, II. 122 + +Bijah, II. 263 + +Bijapur, I. 26, 29, 114, 225; II. 251; III. 106 + +Bijjala, I. 28, 114; II. 225 + +Bimbisara (king), I. 111, 132, 135, 147, 157, 174, 242, 244; II. 30 + +Bindu, II. 319 + +Bindusara, III. 432 + +Bing Dinh, III. 138 + +Binh Thuan, III. 137, 138 + +Binstead, III. 401 + +_Biographies of Eminent Monks_, III. 156 + +Biot, III. 259, 270 + +Bir-va-pa, II. 126 + +Bishnupad, II. 130 + +Bishwa Singh, II. 280 + +Blagden, III. 47 + +Blake, II. 286 + +Bland and Backhouse, III. 232 + +Bloch, III. 330 + +de Blonay, II. 16, 18 + +Blue Mahakala, The, III. 363 + +Boar (incarnation), II. 147 + +Bodawpaya, III. 49 + +Boddas, III. 446 + +Boddhayana, II. 233 + +Bode, Mrs., I. 248; II. 49, 56, 66, 67 + +Bodhayana, II. 234, 316 + +Bodh Gaya, I. 120, 136, 143, 272; II. 94, 112, 113, 129, 130; III. 56, +349 + +Bodhi, I. xxxviii; II. 32, 44; III. 56 + Prince, I. 152 + +Bodhibhadra, II. 128 + +Bodhicaryavatara, II. 9; III. 240, 323, 331 + +Bodhicitta, II. 45; III. 174 + +Bodhidharma, I. xxvi; II. 46, 95, 316; III. 238, 253, 255, 256, 269, +272, 278, 304, 305, 307, 317, 323, 405 + +Bodhi-rajakumara sutta, I. 135 + +Bodhisattva, I. xxix, xxxi, xxxii, xl, 11, 174, 261, 343, 344; II. 6, +25, 66, 68, 87, 105, 118, 122, 123, 170; III. 31, 33, 63, 84, 120, +124, 169, 213, 216, 234, 265, 285, 318, 325 _sq._, 329, 389, 390, 451 + +Bodhi-sattva-bhumi, II. 87 + Pitaka, II. 61 + +Bodhi tree, I. 142, 143, 175; II. 22 + +Bodopaya (king), III, 63 + +Boehme (Jacob), I. 315 + +Boehtlingk and Rien, II. 153 + Roth, III. 118 + +Boeleling, III. 184 + +Bog, I. 63 + +Bogomils, III. 445 + +Bohras, III. 455 + +Bokhara, III. 199 + +Bombay, I. 115, 116; III. 455 + +Bongard (Mgr), II. 161 + +Bonpo, III. 351, 380, 384 + +Bon religion, III. 193 + scriptures, III. 381 + +Bonzes, III. 240 _sq._ + +Book of Wisdom, III. 433 + +Borel, H., II. 42 + +Borneo, I. xii, 16; III. 6, 107, 151, 163 + +Boroboedoer, III. 102, 133, 155, 162, 165 _sq._, 177, 182, 385 + +Bosanquet, I. lxvii, ciii; II. 317 + +Bo Tree, I. 206; II. 96, 130; III. 14, 16, 17, 84, 98, 446 + +Bot, III. 89 + +_Bouddhisme (le)_, II. 9 + +_Bouddhisme, Etudes et Materiaux_, II. 121, 122 + +Bowden, III. 41 + +Bowl (Buddha's), III. 16, 24 + +Bradley, I. liv, lxiv, xcv, cii, ciii, 85; III. 80, 82 + +Brahma, I. xviii, 46, 62, 72, 227, 331, 333; II. 122, 137, 199, 228, +266, 284; III. 69, 146, 167, 169, 173, 215, 284, 388 + +Brahmacarin, I. 88 + +Brahmadutta, I. 289 + +Brahmajala sutta, I. 97, 103; II. 28; III. 322 + +Brahman (Absolute Godhead, Pantheos), I. xviii, lxxx, 9, 47, 78, 80, +83, 84, 85; II. 40, 75, 234, 238, 289, 292, 308, 309 _sq._; III. 228, +246, 445, 448 + (Brahmin, caste and system), I. xvii, xviii, xxii, xxv, xxviii, xli, + lxxxii, 34, 35, 37, 41, 74, 87, 88, 89, 91, 95, 104, 131, 133, 146, + 158, 169, 184, 252, 268, 306; II. 99, 115, 116, 117, 118, 169, 171, + 173, 176, 191, 192, 193, 210, 235; III. 13, 34, 51, 67, 93 _sq._, 112 + _sq._, 176 _sq._, 183, 458 + +Brahmanas, I. xxxiii, lxxiii, 20, 48, 51, 53, 62, 66, 69, 77, 87 + +Brahmanasrama, III. 121 + +Brahmandapurana, III. 172 + +Brahma Paripriccha, II. 62 + +Brahmapurana, III. 186 + +Brahmaputra (river), II. 288 + +Brahmarakshas, III. 113 + +Brahma Sahampati, I. 102, 140, 142, 334 + +Brahma-sambandha-karanat, II. 249, 250 + +Brahma Samhita, II. 195 + +Brahma-sampradaya, II. 239, 255 + +Brahma Sutras, I. xliii; II. 293, 314, 318 + +Brahmatantra-svatantra-swami, II. 232 + +Brahmavaivarta Purana, II. 158, 164 + +Brahmavihara, I. 315; II. 122 + +Brahmayoni (yoen), I. 147 + +Brahmi (inscriptions), II. 214; III. 190 + +Brahminism and Hinduism, II. 207 _sq._ + +Brahmo Somaj, I. xlvii + +Brah Sugandha, III. 131 + +Brahui (affinities), I. 20 + +Braj, II. 158, 161, 244, 245, 255 + +Brandes, III. 172 + +Branding, III. 324, 328 + +Brantas River, III. 159 + +Breath (as self), I. 77, 306 + +Brihad Aranyaka Upanishad, I. lxxiii, 76, 79, 82, 83, 84, 94, 298; +II. 124, 235, 238, 239, 240, 308 + +Brihadbrahma Samhita, II. 195 + +Brihaspati, II. 320 + +Brihatsamhita, III. 452 + +Brihatsannyasa Upanishad, II. 198 + +Brindaban, II. 249, 254 + +Broach, III. 106, 155 + +Brom-ston, III. 380 + +Browne, E.G., III. 460 + +Bruno (Giordano), I. lv + +Bruzha, III. 212, 350, 377 + +Buddha (Jain term), I. 110 + +Buddha, the, I. xix _sq._, xxix, xlix, lii, lviii, lxxiii, lxxviii, +20, 27, 48, 49, 64, 72, 97, 103, 111, 129 _sq._, 133 _sq._, 143, +146-176, 180, 297; II. 97, 99, 105, 113, 115, 130, 148, 224, 305; III. +89, 446 + +Buddha-bhadra, II. 85 + +Buddha Carita, I. 173, 176; II. 53, 68, 83, 113; III. 286, 294 + +Buddha-dasa, king, III. 31 + +Buddha-deva, II. 114 + +Buddhagama, III. 180 + +Buddhaghosa, I. 151, 190, 205, 209, 212, 255, 270, 281, 293, 312, 321; +III. 13, 14, 15, 23, 28 _sq._, 52, 298 + +Buddhaghosuppatti, III. 28, 31 + +Buddhagupta, II. 115 + +Buddhakapala, III. 391 + +Buddhakshetra, II. 12 + +Buddhamitra, III. 307 + +Buddhanandi, III. 307 + +Buddhanirvana, III. 149 + +Buddhapamutus, III. 172 + +Buddhas, I. xix, xxix, 46, 129, 342; II. 6, 123; III. 169, 218, 317, +318, 342 + +Buddhasammayoga, II. 128 + +Buddhasanti, II. 126 + +_Buddha und Mara_, I. 143 + +Buddha-vamsa, I. 280, 343, 344 + +Buddhavatamsaka-sutra, II. 61 + +Buddhavatari, II. 114 + +buddhi, II. 299 + +_Buddhism in Tibet_, I. 336 + _in translations_, I. 190, 252, 320 + _of Tibet_, II. 128 + +_Buddhist Art in India_, II. 20, 143; III. 14 + _Birth Stories_, I. 171 + _China_, II. 18; III. 325 + _India_, III. 14 + _legends of Asoka and his time_, III. 23 + Literature, I. lxxiii, 95, 275-301 (Pali Canon); II. 47-62 + (Mahayanist), 71 (Burma); III. 281-302 (Chinese Canon), 372-381 + (Tibetan). _See_ Nikaya, Pitakas, Sutras (Suttas), Vinaya + _psychology_, I. 190, 193, 213 + _Records of the Western World_, I. 258 + +Budge, II. 122 + +Buhler, I. 105, 113; II. 109, 126, 127; III. 74, 297 + +Buitenzorg, III. 153 + +Buiti, III. 218 + +Bukka, I. 30 + +Bulis, I. 169 + +Bundehish, III. 220 + +Bundelkhand, I. 27; II. 261 + +Bunmei period, III. 291 + +Bunrak, III. 84 + +Burma, I. xii, xix, xxiv, xxv, lxxxii, xciv, 120, 241, 248, 276; II. +80; III. 7, 34, 46-77, 81, 262, 353 + +Burnet, III. 434 + +Burnouf, II. 53 + +Burnt offerings, II. 128 + +Bushell, III. 351 + +Bushido, III. 405 + +Busiris, III. 434 + +Bu-ston, III. 357, 380, 381, 395 + +Byamma Nat, III. 69 + +Byams-chen-chos-nje, III. 359 + +Byamspa (Jampa), II. 21 + +Byzantine Empire, I. 39 + + +Caesar, I. 177 + +Caitanya, II. 113, 147, 176, 230, 234, 244, 245, 248, 253 _sq._, 268 + +Caitanya-carit-amrita, II. 113 + +Caitanya Dasa, II. 115 + +Cakkavalas, I. 336 + +Cakra, II. 198, 284; III. 387 + +Cakravartin, I. 36; II. 89; III. 116, 117, 394 + +Caland and Henri, I. 66 + +Calcutta, II. 116, 286 + +Caldwell, II. 219, 220; III. 418 + +Calicut, I. 31 + +Caliphate, III. 461 + +Caliph Ma'mum, III. 461 + +Calukya, I. 25, 27, 114 + +Calvary, I. 66 + +Camboja, I. 241, 276; II. 143, 159, 164, 169, 203; III. 6, 9, 46, 79, +81, 82, 100 _sq._, 179 + +Camboja school, III. 59 + +Campa, I. 150 + +lCam-sran, III. 392 + +Camunda, II. 278 + +Canakya, I. 18 + +Canda, II. 125, 278 + +Candels, I. 27 + +Candi, II. 277 + +Candrabhaga River, III. 452, 453 + +Candragarbha Sutra, II. 58; III. 283 + +Candragomin, II. 95 + +Candraguhyatilaka, II. 128 + +Candragupta (I), II. 87, 88 + +Candragupta, Maurya, I. 18, 21, 24, 114, 127; II. 214 + +Candrakirti, II. 85 + +Candraprabha, II. 55 + +Candrapradipa-sutra, II. 55 + +Candravajji, I. 286 + +Cangalaraja, II. 113 + +Canton, I. xxvi; II. 95; III. 235, 304 + +Cao Tien, III. 343 + +Capua, II. 287 + +Caracalla, III. 416 + +Caran Das, II. 253, 262 + +Car festival, I. lxx; III. 208 + +Cariya Pitaka, I. 280, 344 + +Carpenter, III. 30 + +Carpocrates, III. 444 + +Carvakas, II. 320 + +Carya, II. 128, 189 + +Caste, I. xxii, xliv, xlvi, xlvii, 34; +II. 120, 175-178, 243, 254, 257, 260, 285; III. 145, 183, 420 + +_Castes and Tribes of S. India_, I. 20; II. 171, 225 + +Cataleptic trance, I. 306 + +_Catalogue of Adyar Library_, II. 270 + +_Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka_, I. 258 + +Catalogues (Chinese) of Buddhist Literature, III. 287, 290, 293, 316 + +_Catechism of Saiva religion_, II. 140, 215, 218, 289 + +_Catena of Buddhist Scriptures_, II. 56 + +Cattle-worship, II. 159 + +Caturbhuja, III. 114 + +Caturtha, I. lxiii, 83 + +Causation, I. xxi, 194, 198, 212 + +Cave of the Seven Sleepers, III. 205 + +Cave temples, III. 193, 252. _See also_ Ajanta, Ellora + +Cedi, I. 27 + +Celebes, III. 151 + +Celibacy, I. 237-248; II. 256; III. 235, 430. Cf. Asceticism, +Monasteries. + +Censors, III. 266 + +_Census of Assam_, I. xxxviii + _of Bengal_, II. 276 + _of India_, I. xxxviii, xl, xlvii, xci; II. 114, 147, 259, 261, 273 + +Central Asia, I. xxiv, xxvi, 262; II. 4, 81, 129; III. 188 _sq._, 215 +_sq._, 345, 451 + Asian Gupta, III. 190 + India, I. 115, 116; II. 100, 108 + Provinces, I. 27 + +Cera, I. 26 + +Cetana, I. 209 + +Cetanatman, III. 175 + +Cetiyas, II. 171 + +Ceylon, I. xii, xxiii, xxiv, xlviii, l, lxxxii, xcv, 113, 248, 292, +293; II. 53, 61, 80, 87, 116, 214; III. 4 _sq._, 82, 83 + Antiquary, III. 35 + +Chabbaggiyas, I. 156 + +Chain of causation, I. 49, 139, 144, 186, 206, 207, 212, 213, 230, 267 + +Chaitanya, I. xlv; II. 157 + +_Chaitanya's Pilgrimage and teachings from the Caitanya Carit amrita +of Krishna Das_, II. 253 + +Chaityas, III. 194, 212 + +Chakhar Mongols, III. 380 + +Chalukyas, II. 225; III. 170 + +Chambal river, I. 25 + +Champa (Annam), I. xii, xxiv, xxvii, xxviii, 16; II. 143, 159; III. 6, +9, 79, 102, 103, 123, 137-150, 340 _sq._ + +Chams, the, III. 124, 127, 138, 150 + +Ch'an, I. 322; III. 269, 271, 309, 405 + +Chandidas, II. 253 + +Chandogya Upanishad, I. liv, lxxviii, 66, 76, 81; II. 27, 152, 156, +182, 195, 238, 239 + +Chandragarbha sutra, III. 215 + +Chang An, III. 199, 251, 261, 263 + Ch'ien, III. 197, 201, 208, 245 + +Chang-Ling, III. 227 + +Ch'ang (long), III. 296 + +Chang Lu, III. 227 + +Channa, I. 167, 175 + +Channabasava, II. 225 + +Chantaboun, III. 111 + +Ch'an-tsung, III. 306, 309 + +Chao (later), III. 249 + +Chao Phaya Chakkri, III. 86 + Phi, III. 97 + +Chapata, III. 11, 57, 59, 60 + +Chariar, T. Rajagopala, II. 232, 237 + +Ch'a-ti-li, II. 95 + +Chatterji, II. 204, 224 + Babu Rasik Mohan, II. 281 + Bunkim Chandra, II. 287 + +Chatterji, J.C., II. 291 + +Chava, III. 80, 109 + +Chavannes, III. 193, 199, 202, 203, 206, 211, 254, 260, 273, 314, 326 + +Chavannes et Pelliot, II. 199; III. 216, 245, 334, 395, 446 + +Che-i-lun, III. 288 + +Che-kiang, III. 310 + +Chenab, III. 453 + +Ch'en dynasty, III. 252, 257 + +Cheng-Chi, III. 206 + +Ch'eng Hua (Emperor), III. 360 + +Cheng-shih-tsung, III. 304 + +Ch'eng-tsu (Emperor), III. 276, 288 + +Ch'eng Tsung (Emperor), III. 274 + +Cheng-wei-shih-lun, III. 315 + +Chen-la, III. 101, 105 + +Chen Tsung (Emperor), III. 228 + +Chen-yen, II. 58, 87, 275; III. 316 _sq._, 349, 385 + +Chet Ramis, I. xlvi + +Che Tsung, III. 271 + +Chezarla, III. 194 + +Chi, III. 312 + (dynasty), III. 252, 253, 257 + +Chia Ch'ing, III. 368 + +Chiao-ch'en-ju, III. 185 + +Chiao-men, III, 310 + +Ch'ia-sha (Chieh-ch'a-Kashgar), III. 200 + +Chidambaram, II. 171, 183, 207, 222 + +Chief of the World, I. 340 + +Chieh-ch'a, III. 201 + +Ch'ien Lung, III. 199, 280, 289, 368, 380 + +Chih-che-ta-shih, III. 310 + +Chih-Chien, III. 292 + +Chih-I, III. 310 + +Chih-K'ai, III. 310 + +Chih-Kuan, III. 310, 312 + +Chih Li, III. 309 + Pan, III. 287 + Yuan-lu, III. 290 + +Child marriages, I. lxxxix + +Childers, II. 10 + +Ch'in dynasty, III. 246 + +China, I. xiii, xix, xxiv, xxvi, lxxv, lxxxiii, 101, 248, 249, 252, +259, 265, 267; II. 4, 5, 19, 20; III. 3, 25, 39, 223-335 + +Chinese Annals, II. 64; III. 6, 82, 103, 110, 148, 179, 196, 245 + Canon, I. 275; II. 47, 48, 57, 59; III. 234, 282 _sq._ + deities, III. 225 + and Sanskrit, III. 301 + translations, I. 130, 133, 173, 258; II. 51, 71, 74, 89, 125 + (Tantras), 259, 296; III. 218, 251-270, 274, 292 _sq._, 373 + Tripitaka, I. 299; II. 54, 61, 71, 81, 84, 304; III. 31, 189, 218, + 239, 240, 248, 253, 254, 258, 259, 261, 265, 270, 274, 276, 280, 288 + _sq._, 306, 323, 336, 356, 372, 374 + +Ch'ing (dynasty), III. 8, 289 + +Ching (sutras), III. 281 _sq._, 374 + +Chinggiz, III. 353 + +Ching-te-ch'uan-teng-lu, III. 287, 307 + +Ching-ti, III. 277 + +Ching-tu, II. 28 + +Ch'ing Yuan, III. 309 + +Chinnamastaka, II. 277 + +Ch'i Sung, III. 288 + +Chitore, I. 120; II. 244 + +Chiu dynasty, III. 206 + Hua, II. 25 + +Chlas, I. 268 + +Chohan dynasty, I. 29 + +Chola, II. 233 + +Cho-mukhi, I. 120 + +Chos-kyi-Gyal-tsan, III. 364 + +Chos-kyi-hod-zer, III. 356 + +Chos-skyon, III. 391 + +Chotscho, III. 200, 205, 215 + +Chou dynasty, III. 268, 343 + +Chou Ta-kuan, III. 101, 110, 114, 125 _sq._, 135, 179 + +_Chowkhamba Sanskrit series_, II. 249 + +Christ, I. 66, 143, 165, 171, 177, 178-184, 213, 214, 215, 224, 226, +228, 330; III. 216, 423, 435 + +Christianity, I. xiv, xlix, l, xcviii, ci, 14, 65, 204, 238; II. 107, +140, 158, 161, 180, 218, 219, 266, 275, 285; III. 193, 214 _sq._, 409 +_sq._ + +Christian mystics, I. 306 _sq._ + +Chronology, I. 46, 50; II. 63 _sq._; III. 353 + +Chu, III. 245 + +Chua, III. 342 + +Chuang (Emperor), III. 343 + +Chuang Tsu, III. 246, 247, 248, 305 + +Chu-ch'u, III. 206 + +Chu Fa Tan, III. 244 + +Chu Hsi, III. 272 _sq._, 275, 288, 337, 338, 421 + +Ch'u Ku, III. 125 + +Chulalongkorn (king), III. 88 + +Chung (medium), III. 296 + +Churels, II. 276 + +Chu She, III. 213 + +Chu-she-tsung, III. 314 + +Chutiyas, II. 279 + +Ch'u-yao-ching, III. 296 + +Chu-ying, III. 248 + +cit, II. 316 + +citralakshana, III. 373, 375 + +Citrasena, III. 101, 105, 109 + +citta, I. 210, 303; II. 43; III. 181 + +Civappa, II. 141 + +Clemens of Alexandria, II. 159 + +Clementi, III. 240 + +Cloud of Unknowing, I. 307 + +_Cochin Tribes and Castes_, II. 171, 191 + +Coedes, I. xii; III. 83, 109, 115, 121, 122, 134 + +Colas, I. 26, 27, 114; II. 100, 214; III. 34, 44 + +Commentaries, II. 310 _sq._ (Indian); III. 29 _sq._ (Buddhaghosa), 45 +(Dharmapala), 272 (Chu Hsi) + +_Commentary on Dhammapada_, II. 73 + on Tattva-sangraha, III. 23 + +Communion, III. 422. _See also_ prasad + +Compagno, III. 434 + +_Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian languages_, II. 219 + +_Compendium of Philosophy_, I. 189 + +Confession, II. 443. Cf. patimokkha + +Confraternities, I. 95, 237. _See_ Sangha and Monasteries + +Confucius, I. xix, xxii, lxxxiii, 12, 13, 177, 217, 341; III. 4, 9, +216, 224, 226 _sq._, 241, 248, 252 _sq._, 258, 270, 275 _sq._, 337 +_sq._ + +Conjevaram, I. xxv, 26, 114; II. 95, 101, 233, 237; III. 6, 45, 51 + +Conquests of the Dhamma, I. 16 + +Consciousness, I. lxiii, lxxviii, 209, 210, 230 + +Constantine, I. 273; II. 77 + Phaulcon, III. 86 + +Contemplative school, III. 258, 287, 305 _sq._ + +_(De) Contemptu Mundi_, I. 202 + +Conventions (art), I. 120 + +Convents. _See_ Monasteries, Nuns + +Coomaraswamy, II. 244; III. 39 + +Cooper-Irving, S., I. lviii + +Copleston, III. 265 + +Copper-plate inscriptions, III. 157 + +Cordier, III. 373, 376 + +Cosmas Indicopleustes, III. 414, 416 + +Cosmogonies, I. lxviii, 43, 46, 332, 335; III. 171, 272 + +Cotta, III. 26 + +Councils (Buddhist), I. 254 _sq._, 290; II. 78 _sq._, 224; III. 15, +19, 32, 65, 86 (Siam), 213 (Kanishka) + +Courant, III. 290, 336 + +Cowell and Neil, II. 59; III. 395 + +Cranganore, I. 26; III. 415 + +Crashaw, II. 162 + +Creation, I. lxxxi, 67; II. 298 _sq._, 313 + +Crete, III. 435 + +Crooke, I. 103, 104, 145, 147; II. 277 + +Crucifixion, the, III. 427 + +Crypto Buddhists, II. 73, 115, 211, 315; III. 421 + +Ctesiphon, III. 416 + +Culaganthipada, III. 64 + +Culavamsa, III. 21 + +Cullavagga, I. 131, 156, 255, 257, 258, 277, 288, 290; II. 49 + +Cunda, I. 164 + +Cunningham, Sir. A., I. 143 + +Curzon, Lord, III. 66 + +Cutch, II. 251 + +Cuttack, II. 114 + +Cybele, I. 62; II. 275 + +Cyrene, I. 268; III. 430 + +Cyril of Jerusalem, III. 446 + + +Dabistan, II. 321 + +Da Cunha, III. 25 + +Dadu, II. 263, 266 + +Dadupanthis, II. 266 + +Dagoba, II. 172; III. 72, 74 _sq._, 150, 166 + +Daha, III. 159 + +Dai-co-viet, III. 140, 340 + +Dai-jo, II. 3 + +Dai-Nippon Zoku Zokyo, III. 291 + +Daityas, II. 321 + +Dakinis, II. 286 + +Daksha, II. 142, 193, 203, 286; III. 391 + +Dakshinacarins, II. 283 + +Daladapujavali, III. 25 + +Dalai Lama, III. 279, 280, 362 + +Damaras, II. 282 + +Dambal, II. 109 + +Damdama, II. 271 + +danam, II. 10; III. 173, 304 + +Dances of the Red Tiger Devil, III. 393 + +Danta, III. 26 + +Dantepura, III. 25 + +Darawati, III. 141 + +Darbhanga, Maharaja of, I. xlvii + +Darius (king), III. 450 + +Darjiling, III. 399 + +darsana, II. 291; III. 120 + +darsana-varaniya. I. 107 + +Das, Sarat Chandra, II. 129; III. 347, 352, 353, 358, 374, 387 + +Dasabhumika, II. 59 + +Dasabhumisvara, II. 55 + +Dasaka, I. 256, 257 + +Dasakutas, II. 241 + +Dasama, I. 150 + +Dasama Padshah ka Granth, II. 271 + +Dasanamis, II. 209 + +Dasaratha (king), II. 149 + +Dasasloki, II. 230 + +Dasa Srimalis, II. 177 + +Das (Chandi), II. 244 + +Das (Sur), II. 245 + +dasya, II. 255 + +Dasyus, I. 59 + +Dathavamsa, III. 25 + +Datia, I. 121 + +Daulatabad, I. 29, 30 + +Davis, III. 371 + +Dead, spirits of, I. 339; III. 116. _See also_ Ancestor-worship + +Death's messengers, I. 338 + +Debraja, III. 371 + +Deb (Sankar), II. 244 + +Decalogue, I. 213, 215, 250 + +Deccan, I. 19, 25, 27, 115; II. 92, 98, 100, 108, 113, 164; III. 107. +_See also_ Southern India. + +Deceiver, the, II. 184. _See also_ Mara. + +Deer Park, I. 140, 141, 143 + +De Groot, III. 279, 314, 319, 322, 329, 333, 350 + +De Groot and Parker, III. 233 + +bDe-hbyun, III. 386 + +Deification of man, I. 48; II. 147, 150, 157, 170, 184, 196, 251, 255; +III. 115, 119, 168, 218, 224 + +Deism, I. xlvi + +Deities, invention of, III. 228 + +Delhi, I. 20, 28, 29, 89; II. 272 + +Demetrius, I. 22 + +Demiurgus, III. 444 + +Demonophobia, III. 382 + +_De profundis_, II. 236 + +Depung, III. 364, 399 + +Derje (Bers), III. 381 + +Dervishes (howling), II. 284 + +Desi, the, III. 366 + +Deus, I. 63 + +Deussen, I. lv, 86; II. 187, 306, 309 + +Deva, I. 47, 48, 63, 103, 330, 340; II. 73, 86; III. 81, 304 + +Devabhaga, I. 88 + +Devadatta, I. 133, 156, 157, 158, 181, 240, 320, 342; II. 93 + +Devadutavagga, I. 134 + +Devaki, II. 152 _sq._; III. 423 + +Devakula, III. 149 + +Devanagari, II. 269; III. 301 + +Devanampiya Tissa, III. 13, 16, 17 + +Devapala, III. 111 + +Devaraja, III. 117 + +Devaram, II. 191, 215, 219, 220, 244 + +Devatideva, I. 340 + +Deva-worship, II. 100; III. 104, 182 + +Devayama, I. 88 + +Devi, II. 274; III. 172, 173, 392, 459 + +Devil, I. lxxix, 143, 337 + +Devil dancers, I. xli; III. 42, 393 + +Devi Mahatmya, II. 279 + +Devotion, I. xvii, xxix; II. 72. _See_ Amidism, bhakti, Salvation + +Dewa, III. 185 + +Dhalla, II. 275 + +Dhamis, II. 266 + +Dhamma, I. xxiii, 16, 135, 192, 211, 256, 258, 266, 267; II. 34 + +Dhamma-cakhu, I. 320 + +Dhammacakka, III. 26 + +Dhammaceti, III. 58 + +Dhammachando, I. 216 + +Dhammaguttikas, I. 298 + +Dhammakathi, III. 29, 31 + +Dhammakitti, III. 21, 25 + +Dhamma-mahamata, I. 268 + +Dhammapada, I. 117, 139, 205, 279, 296; II. 181; III. 246, 295, 296, +299, 372 + +Dhammaruci, III. 19, 21, 40 + +Dhammasangani, I. 188, 192, 209, 225, 314; III. 30 + +Dhammasenapati, III. 56 + +Dhammathat, III. 58, 66 + +Dhammavilasa, III. 66 + +Dhammavitasa, III. 58 + +Dhammayut, III. 91, 131 + +Dhammika (king), III. 36 + +Dhaniya, I. 288 + +Dhanyakataka, III. 386 + +Dharana, I. 307 + +dharanis, I. 258, 332; II. 50, 51, 125; III. 215, 293, 385, 395 + +Dharma, I. 49, 106, 192; II. 59, 115, 119, 200; III. 114, 149 + +Dharma-cakra-mudra, II. 20 + +Dharmadhatu, II. 34, 43; III. 262, 317 + +Dharmagita, II. 115 + +Dharmagupta, I. 291; III. 204, 249, 285, 295 + +Dharma-gupta vinaya, III. 316 + +Dharmaka, III. 379 + +Dharmakala, III. 249 + +Dharmakara, II. 29 + +Dharmakaya, II. 30, 32, 33-42, 55, 73; III. 216, 305, 388 + +Dharmakirti, II. 95 + +Dharmalakshana, III. 315 + +Dharmamegha, I. 307; II. 11 + +Dharmapada, III. 190, 191, 214, 286, 299 + +Dharmapala, I. 27; II. 111, 129; III. 45, 157, 352, 391 + +Dharmaparyaya, II. 56 + +Dharma Raja, II. 116; III. 6, 371, 459 + +Dharmaraksha, II. 32; III. 292, 294, 295 + +Dharma-sangraha, II. 17, 23, 86 + +Dharmasastras, III. 66, 96, 120, 142 + +Dharmasokaraja, III. 84 + +dharmatah, II. 193 + +Dharma Thakur, I. 116 + +Dharmatrata, II. 86; III. 295 + +Dharmayana, III. 83 + +Dharm Das, II. 265 + +Dhatu, I. 225 + +Dhatu Senu, III. 32 + +Dhatuvansaya, III. 25 + +Dhatvisvari, III. 173 + +Dhingkota, III. 219 + +Dhritaka, III. 307 + +Dhritarashtra (sons of), II. 154 + +Dhundias, I. 116 + +Dhutangas, I. 73, 240, 257 + +Dhyana, I. 307; II. 79, 116; III. 131, 173, 304, 313, 405. _See_ Jhana +and Meditation. + +Dhyani Buddhas, II. 26, 115, 118; III. 165, 389, 391 + +Dialogues of the Buddha, I. 97, 104, 161; II. 320 + +Diamond-cutter, the, I. 130; II. 5, 41, 50, 52, 60; III. 283, 305 + +dibba-cakkhu, I. 320 + +dibya-carita, II. 233 + +Dieng (Dihyang), III. 154, 165, 167, 179 + +Digambara, I. 99, 112, 117, 119, 120 + +Digha Nikaya, I. 98, 131, 142, 186, 278, 289, 295, 344; II. 137, 153; +III. 30, 42, 65, 102, 232, 297, 450 + +Dignaga, III. 157, 172 + +Diguet, III. 342 + +Dikung, III. 357 + +Dikungpa, III. 399 + +Dinh, III. 343 + +Dinh Tien Hoang De, III. 344 + +Din-i-ilahi, II. 270 + +Dinnaga, II. 94, 95 + +Dion Cassius, III. 431 + +Dionysius, III. 422 + +Dionysus (Krishna), II. 137, 193 + +Dioscuri, I. 63 + +Dipankara (Buddha), I. 343; III. 246 + +Dipankara Srijnana, III. 353 + +Dipavamsa, I. 255 _sq._, 262, 269; III. 13 _sq._, 50, 61, 306, 333 + +Dirgha, III. 296 + +_Discovery of living Buddhism in Bengal_, II. 113 + +Divakara, III. 113 + +Divakarapandita, III. 119 + +Divarupa, III. 173, 181 + +Divination, I. 103 + +Divyavadana, I. 299; II. 22, 58, 168; III. 166, 395, 439 + +Djajabaja, III. 158, 171, 179 + +Djajakatong, III. 159 + +mDo, III. 374, 375 + +Doko, III. 291 + +Dolgorouki, I. 341 + +Dom Constantino de Braganza, III. 26 + +Dona, I. 169 + +Dong Duong, III. 144, 149 + +Don Juan Dharmapala, king, III. 26 + +Dore, I. 341; II. 18; III. 307, 309, 314, 315, 317, 327 + +Dorje, III. 172 + +Dorje-dag, III. 398 + +rDo-rJe-gCod-pa, III. 374 + +rDor-je-legs, III. 393 + +Doshabhogya, II. 236 + +Douie, II. 273 + +Dpal-brTsegs, III. 379 + +Dramida, II. 233 + +Dravida, II. 100 + +Dravidians, I. xli, xv, xxxiii, 19, 118; II. 86, 141, 182, 195, 211, +220, 279; III. 107, 132, 417 _sq._ _See also_ Tamils. + +Drishtiguru, II. 13 + +Drona Purana, II. 194 + +Druids, I. iv; III. 429 + +Dualism, I. xliv, lxxx; II. 230, 237, 316, 318; III. 449 + +Du Bose, III. 330 + +Dugpa, III. 371, 399 + +dukkha, I. 44, 200, 203, 219 + +dukkhakkhanda, I. 205 + +Dulva, III. 373 + +Dumoutier (_Les Cultes Annamites_), III. 342 + +Dundhabhinossa, I. 269 + +Dundhubhissara, I. 269 + +Duperron (Anquetil), II. 270 + +Duration of the Law, the, II. 61 + +Durbhanga, II. 253 + +Durga, I. xv, 63; II. 118, 122, 126, 146, 228, 274 _sq._; III. 167, +169, 185 + +Durgapuja, I. lxx; II. 286 + +durjaya, II. 11 + +Duroiselle, III. 49 + +Dusit, III. 94 + +Dutch (the), III. 34 + +Dutreuil du Rhins Mission, III. 190, 296 + +Dutthagamani, III. 15, 17 + +Dvadasanikayasastra, III. 304 + +Dvaita, II. 237, 318 + +dvaitadvaitamata, II. 230, 318 + +Dvapara age, III. 144 + +Dvaraka, II. 153 _sq._ + +Dvaravati, II. 153; III. 85 + +Dvita, III. 425 + +Dwarf incarnation, II. 147 + +Dyans, I. 63 + +Dynasties of the Kali Age, I. 15; II. 187 + +Dzungaria, III. 370 + + +_Early History of India_, I. 15; II. 76, 87, 187 + +Earth (goddess), II. 275, 285 + +Earthquake, I. 164, 168, 175; III. 440 + +East Bengal, II. 101, 102; III. 457 + +Easter Island, III. 151 + +Eastern Ganga dynasty, I. 30 + Han dynasty, II. 27 + Monachism, I. 315 + Tsin dynasty, III. 251 + +Ecbatana, III. 445 + +Ecclesiastes, I. 94, 132, 203 + +Edessa, III. 414 + +Edicts of Asoka, I. xxiii, 113, 264, 265, 270; III. 430 + +Edkins, III. 54, 303, 309, 311 + +Edmunds and Anesaki, III. 437 + +Education (Brahmans), I. 89; Buddhist, III. 70 + +Ego, I. 230. _See_ Atman + +Egypt (Egyptians), I. lv, 218, 268; II. 174, 275; III. 430, 432, 450 +_sq._, 457 + +Eighteen Lohans, the, III, 239 + +Eight-fold path, I. 144, 200, 213, 214, 261 + +Eight Terrible ones, the, III. 392 + +Eitel, II. 88; III. 264, 330 + +Ekakshapingala, III. 145 + +Ekamsika, III. 62 + +Ekanatha, II. 152 + +Ekantikadharma, II. 195 + +ekartha, II. 43 + +Ekata, III. 425 + +ekatmapratyayasara, I. 83 + +ekayma, II. 195 + +Ekottara Agama, I. 300; II. 48; III. 190, 296, 297 + +Elara, III. 15, 17 + +_Elements of Hindu Iconography_, II. 190 + +Elephanta, II. 165 + +Elias (Prophet), I. 63 + +Elichpur, I. 29 + +Eliot, II. 259 + +Elixir of Immortality, III. 263, 268 + +Ellora, I. xlii, 28; II. 206, 223; III. 178 + +Emanations, II. 196 + +Emotional theism, I. xxxiv, xli, c. _See also_ Bhagavad Gita, +Chaitanya, Krishna, Rama, Vallabha. + +Empedocles, I. xix + +Emperor (Chinese, functions of), III. 234 _sq._ + +Endere, III. 210 + +Enlightenment, the, I. 136, 164, 165, 176 + +En sof, III. 462 + +[Greek: Eos], I. 63 + +Ephthalites. _See_ Huns + +Epics (Indian), I. lxxiv, 53. _See_ Maha Bharata and Ramayana + +_Epigraphia Indica_, III. 298 + +_Epigraphia Zeylanica_, III. 39, 41 + +Epirus, I. 268; III. 430 + +Epistles of St. Paul, I. lxxiv + +_Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art_, II. 18 + +Eran, II. 206 + +Erlangga, III. 171, 179 + +[Greek: eros], I. 184; II. 253 + +Eroticism. _See_ Sakti worship + +_Essai de Bibliographie Jaina_, I. 105 + +_Essays on the language, literature and religion of Nepal and Tibet_, +II. 116 + +_Essays on the Religion of the Hindus_, II. 262 + +Essenes, III. 434, 436 + +Ettinghausen, II. 97; III. 40 + +Euhemerism, III. 224 + +Eukratides, I. 22 + +European culture, I. xii, xlvi, lviii, lxi, lxiii, lxv _sq._, lxxvii, + lxxix, xcvi _sq._; III. 428 _sq._ + +Euthydemus, I. 22 + +Everest (Mt.), III. 398 + +Evil, I. lxxix. + _See_ Mara + +Evolution of Man, I. 336 + +Exposure of dead, III. 450 + +Eye of Truth, the, I. 185, 186 + + +Fa-chen, III. 291 + +Fa-chi-yao-sung-chung, III. 296 + +Fa-chu-ching, III. 295 + +Fa-chu-pi-yu-ching, III. 295 + +Fa Hsiang-tsung, III. 314 + +Fa Hsien, I. 157, 258, 259, 293, 342; II. 15, 19, 22, 56, 65, 76, 92 +_sq._, 125, 158; III. 17, 20, 24, 25, 29, 31, 44, 153, 155, 176, 191, +201, 208, 213, 239, 253, 297, 298, 303, 307 + +Fa-hua, III. 310 + +Fa-Lin, III. 259 + +Faljur, II. 286 + +Fall of Man, I. lxxx + +Fa-men, III. 265, 268 + +Fan-Chan (king), III. 105 + +Fan Chieh, III. 300 + +Fan-hu-ta, III. 139 + +Fan-i-ming-i-chi, III. 287 + +Fanwang-ching, III. 284, 322, 324, 328, 332 + +Fan-yi (king), III. 139 + +Faridu-'d-Din Attar, III. 461 + +Farquhar, II. 242 + +Farukhsiyar (Emperor), II. 271 + +Farvadin Yasht, III. 450 + +Fa-Shen, II. 33; III. 305 + +Fatalism, I. lxxvii, 99, 212 + +Fa-tsang, III. 315 + +Fa-yen, III. 319 + +Fa-yuan-chu-lin, III. 287 + +Feer, III. 373 + +Female Gurus, II. 185 + +Fengshri, II. 282; III. 231 _sq._, 239, 325 + +Fenollosa, II. 18; III. 261 + +Ferghana, I. 28; III. 199, 263 + +Fergusson, III. 18, 74, 168, 194 + +Fernando, I. 293 + +Festivals (Siam), III. 92, 332 + +Ficus Religiosa, I. 142 + +Fifth Buddhist Council, III. 65 + +Fihrist (the), III. 460, 461 + +Filchner, III. 358, 400 + +Filial Piety (Book of), III. 274 + +_Fine Art in India_, II. 159 + +Finot, J.A., I. xxv; II. 57, 100; III. 51, 53, 82, 102, 109, 124, 126, +135, 137, 138, 139, 143 + +Finot and Huber, III. 373 + +Fins (Finland), II. 9, 20, 67 + +Fire, I. 90, 100, 220, 231, 232; III. 202 + sermon, I. 146 + +Fish Incarnation, II. 147 + +Five Kings, III. 393 + +Five Monks, I. 171 + +Fleet, I. 24; II. 202; III. 19, 21 + +Fo (Buddha), III. 240 + +Folklore, I. liv, 101. _See_ Animism + element in Hindu culture, II. 32, 111, 114, 116; III. 441 + +Foo-chow, III. 25 + +Forchhammer, III. 45, 51, 66, 67, 74 + +Formless worlds, I. 3, 6 + +Formosa, III. 151 + +Formulae. _See_ Dhyanis, Magic, Mantras, Tantras + +Fortune, III. 27 + +Fo-shih, III. 162 + +Fo-t'o, III. 244 + +Fo-ton-t'ung-chi, III. 287, 307 + +Fo-t'u-ch'eng, III. 250 + +Foucher, I. 173; II. 15, 31, 76, 83, 122; III. 74, 219, 394 + +Foulkes, II. 140, 215, 219 + +Four Garrisons, the, III. 198, 205, 209 + +Four Great Kings, the, I. 102; III. 239, 265, 326 + +Four Truths, the, I. 49, 200, 211, 261 + +Fournereau, III. 80, 83, 85 + +Franke, I. 24, 254, 278, 282; III. 14, 201, 238, 246, 320, 335, 348, +380, 381, 396 + +Frankfurter, III. 95 + +Fravashis, II. 198; III. 221, 451 + +Frazer, Sir. J.G., II. 285, 289 + +Freewill, I. lxxvii + +French (the), I. 31; III. 112, 129, 236 + +Frescoes, III. 54, 89, 130, 193, 194, 195, 213. + _See_ Ajanta + +Friar Gabriel, III. 150 + +Fu-chien, III. 203, 250 + +Fu-do, III. 392 + +Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching, III. 306 + +Fu I, III. 259 + +Fujiwara period, III. 404 + +Fu-kien, III. 163, 269 + +Funan, III. 7, 101, 103, 104, 139, 148 + +Funeral rites, III. 333 + + +Gabled Hall, the, I. 150 + +Gadadhar Singh, II. 260 + +Gadaveri River, I. 263 + +Gaggara Lake, I. 150 + +Gaharwar dynasty, I. 27 + +Gaing-Ok, III. 72 + +Galilee, I. 181 + +Gandak River, I. 132 + +Gandan, III. 359, 399 + +Gandavyuha, II. 54; III. 283 + +Gandhabbas, I. 102 + +Gandhakuti, I. 150 + +Gandhara, I. xxx, xlix, 20, 87, 263, 282, 330; II. 16, 22, 53, 59, 70, +81, 83, 90, 93, 96, 100, 159, 172; III. 7, 195, 210, 211, 213, 219, +391, 449 + +Gandhari, III. 394 + +Ganesa, I. 58; II. 118, 144, 222, 253; III. 97, 148, 167, 169, 186, +355, 383 + +Ganga, I. 121 + +Ganga Raja, III. 139 + +Ganges, I. 135, 163; II. 145 + +Ganthakara Vihara, III. 29 + +Gantho, II. 79 + +Gaotema, III. 218 + +Garbe, II. 200, 296, 299, 303; III. 411 _sq._ + +Garbhadhatu, III. 317 + +Garbha Upanishad, III. 175 + +Gargi, I. 74, 84, 94 + +Garlog, III. 352 + +Garnier, III. 111 + +Garuda, II. 228; III. 147, 182, 186, 452 + +Gathas, I. 19, 51, 282 + +Gaudapada, I. cii; II. 74, 208, 316 + +Gaudapalin, III. 56 + +Gauramukha, III. 452 + +Gauri, II. 97 + +Gautamiya Tantra, II. 190 + +Gawilgarh, I. 121 + +Gaya, I. 24, 120; II. 101, 105, 125; III. 28, 453 + +Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency, II. 225 + of Burma, III. 48 + of India, II. 233 + +Geden-dub, III. 359, 360 + +Geiger, I. 259; III, 12, 14, 19, 21, 29, 31 + +Gelugpa, III. 358, 364, 397 _sq._ + +Generative forces, worship, I. lxxxvi. + _See_ Saktism + +Genesis, I. lxxiv; III. 424 + +Geography, I. 335. + _See also_ Cosmogonies + +Geomancy (Feng-shin), III. 322 + +Gerini, III. 79, 95, 96 + +Getty, II. 26; III. 389 + +Ghanta, III. 172 + +Ghata Jataka, II. 153 + +Ghats (western), I. 31 + +Ghazi Miyan, III. 459 + +Ghazna, III. 461 + +Ghazni, I. 16 + +Ghor, I. 28 + +Ghora, II. 152 + +Ghost-worship, I. 10; III. 68, 331 + +Ghotamukha, I. 150 + +Giao-Chi, III. 340 + +Gifford Lectures, I. lxvii, ciii + +_Giles's Chinese Dict._, III. 209, 223, 246, 259, 260, 266, 267 + +Gilgit, II. 93; III. 377 + +Giribbaja, I. 147 + +Girnar, I. 114, 121; II. 69, 203; III. 167 + +Gita Govinda, II. 157, 161, 219, 230, 242, 248 + +Gitavali, II. 245 + +Glaihomor, II. 159 + +_Gleanings from the Bhaktamala_, II. 191, 245 + +Gnosticism, I. xii; III. 443 _sq._ + +Goa, I. 31; III. 26, 417 + +Gobind Raut, II. 147 + +Goburdhan, II. 159 + +God, I. 8, 47, 340; II. 73, 155; III. 224 + +God, the Invisible King, I. ciii + +Godan, III. 354 + +Godavery River, I. 27 + +Goddess-worship, I. lxxxvi; II. 127, 145, 189, 275 _sq._; III. 39, +343, 390, 393 + +Godhika, I. 197, 205 + +_Gods of Northern Buddhism_, II. 26 + +Goethe, I. lv + +Gokul (shrine), I. lxxxvii + +Gokul, II. 251, 290 + +Gokula, II. 154 + +Gokul Gosainji, II. 251 + +Gokulnathji, II. 251 + +_Golden Bough_, the, II. 285 + +Golden Temple, II. 268 + +Golkonda, I. 29 + +Gomatesvara, I. 120 + +Gondophores, I. 23; III. 415 + +Gonds, I. 27 + +Gopi, II. 154, 161, 229 + +Gopi Nath, II. 147 + +Gopurams, II. 207; III. 132 + +Gorakhpur, II. 263 + +Gor Baba, II. 145 + +Gordian, III. 447 + +Goresvara, II, 145 + +Gosain, II. 184, 255 + +Gosala, I. 105, 112 + +Gosirsha, Mt., III. 212 + +Gospels, I. lxxiv, 180, 183; III. 440 _sq._ + +Gosringa, Mt., III. 209, 212, 215 + +Gosvami, II. 185, 251 + +Gotama (the Buddha), I. xix, xx, xxvii, xxix, 119, 120, 123, 129-252; +II. 39, 130; III. 13, 71, 177. _See_ Buddha, the. + +Gothabhaya (king), III. 21, 40 + +Gotiputta, I. 269 + +Gotra, I. 107 + +Govardhana, Mt., III. 147 + +Goveiya, II. 147 + +Govinda, II. 208, 232 + +Govindacaryasvami, II. 188 + +Govindapur, III. 453 + +Govind Singh Guru, II. 268 _sq._ + +Graeco-Bactrians, II. 20 + +Graeco-Buddhist sculpture, II. 172 + +Grand Lama, I. xxvii; III. 135, 358 _sq._ (list on p. 361) + +Granth, I. lxxii; II. 243 _sq._, 262, 268 + +Grantha, II. 79 + +Great Epic of India, II. 169 + +Great Hero, the, III. 326 + +Great King of Glory, the, I. 172 + +Great Mother, I. 63 + +Great Satrapy, I. 23 + +Greece (Greeks), I. xix, xxxi, xli, 19, 22, 65, 171; II. 70, 139; III. +8, 191, 415 + +Green Tara, the, III. 394 + +Grenard, III. 200 + +Grey Clergy, the, III. 277 + +Grierson, I. xc, 282; II. 187, 191, 230, 237, 242, 244, 248, 253, 269; +III. 31, 298, 421, 458 + +Grihastha, I. 89 + +Grihya Sutras, I. 101; III. 94 + +Groeneveldt, III. 153 _sq._ + +Growse, I. xc; II. 246 _sq._ + +Grunwedel, II. 20, 29, 84, 86, 87, 88, 126, 129, 143; III. 14, 62, 89, +194, 195, 196, 219, 329, 349, 361, 380, 382, 385, 387, 389, 391 + +Gudha Vinaya, III. 40 + +Guerinot, I. 105, 113, 114, 115 + +Guhasiva, king, III. 26 + +Guhyasamaja, II. 128 + +Gujarat, I. 19, 29, 114, 117, 118, 120, 121; II. 105, 108, 109, 113, +128, 154, 242, 248, 252, 276; III. 7, 155, 177, 453, 455, 461 + +Gujars (Gurjars), I. 25 + +guna, I. 218, 304; II. 165, 196, 283, 298 + +Gunabhadra, I. 114, 293; III. 297 + +Guna-karanda-vyuha, II. 57; III. 395 + +Gunamati, II. 94 + +Gunavarman, III. 156, 176, 177 + +Gundaphar, king, III. 414 + +Gunning, III. 171 + +Guptas (dynasty), I. xxxiii, 19, 24; II. 54, 65, 69, 87, 187, 206 + +Gurbharjus, II. 119 + +Gurkhas, II. 117; III. 368, 397 + +Gurmukhi, II. 269 + +Guru, I. 226; II. 184, 267, 268; III. 91, 118, 146, 167, 169, 459 + +Guru-parampara-prabhavam, II. 232 + +Gushi Khan, III. 304 + +Guyuk, III. 354 + +Gwalior, I. 31; III. 453 + +Gyalpo, III. 365 + +rGyud, III. 375, 376 + + +Hachiman, II. 25 + +Hackin, I. 173 + +Hackmann, III. 303, 324, 329, 330 + +Hafiz, III. 461 + +Haklena, III. 307 + +Halebid, I. 30, 115 + +Halima, III. 277, 359 + +Hami, III. 200 + +Hampi, I. 30 + +Hamsavati, III. 52, 58, 80 + +Han dynasty, III. 197, 203, 205, 208, 213, 244, 248 + +Hang Chou, III. 271, 280 + +Han-mo, III. 209 + +Hanuman, II. 149, 253; III. 152 + +Hanumat, II. 239 + +Han-Yu, III. 263, 266, 267, 288, 329 + +Haoma. _See_ Soma + +Happiness, I. lxxvi, 136, 214, 225 + +Happy Land Sutra, III. 218 + +Hara, II. 145; III. 114 + +Hardoon, Mrs., III. 291 + +Hardy, I. 173, 314; II. 170; III. 39 + +Har Govind, II. 268 + +Hari, II. 115, 162, 200, 255, 257, 264, 268; III. 183, 425 + +Haridas, II. 254 + +Harihara, I. 30; II. 164; III. 106, 107, 114, 145, 181 + +Hariharalaya, III. 119 + +Harirayaji, II. 250 + +Hariti, II. 17 + +Harivamsa, II. 158, 164, 230, 251, 279; III. 114, 424 + +Harivarman, king, III. 141, 143, 304 + +Harivarmesvara, III. 146 + +Harkisan Guru, II. 268 + +Har-rai Guru, II. 268 + +Harrison, Miss. J.E., III. 434 + +Harsha (Emperor), I. xxxix, 19, 25, 114; II. 77, 97 _sq._, 108, 127, +206; III. 40, 44, 148, 260, 348, 454 + +Harshacarita, I. 15; II. 97 + +Hartmann, I. 211 + +Hathayoga, I. 304 + +Hathi Singh, I. 119 + +Haug, I. 69 + +Havret, III. 217 + +Hayagriva, III. 169, 389, 392 + +Hazrat Moin-ud-Din Chisti, III. 459 + +Heart of Jainism, I. 105 + +Heaven and Earth Association, III. 319 + +Heavens. _See_ Tusita and Paradise + +Hegesandros, III. 432 + +Hei-an period, III. 403 + +Heliodorus, II. 197 + +Hellenistic kingdoms, I. xxx, 22. _See_ Greece + +Hells, I. 337; II. 24; III. 343 + +von Helmont, I. lv + +Helmund river, III. 3 + +Hemacandra, I. 117; III. 181 + Abhidhanacintamani, II. 153 + +Hemadri, III. 423 + +Hemavatikas, I. 259 + +Hephthalites. _See_ Huns + +Herakles (Siva), II. 137, 159 + +Herat, III. 427 + +Herder, I. lv. + +Hermetic Literature, III. 432 _sq._ + +Herodotus, III. 434 + +Heruka, II. 129; III. 150 + +hetu (cause), I. 207 + +Hevajra, II. 140; III. 391 + +Hevajravasita, III. 355 + +Hideyoshi, III. 85, 339, 404 + +Hieizan, I. lxxxii; III. 404 + +Himalayas, I. 25, 103. _See_ Nepal, Tibet + +Himis, III. 351, 397 + +Hinayana, I. xxiv, xxx, xxxii, lxxv, 260, 333; II. 11, 80, 82, 101; +III. 52, 60, 82, 98, 112, 126, 150, 162, 177, 201, 202, 205, 213, 311, +320, 323, 371, 404. _See_ Pali Canon + Sutras, III. 282 + Vinaya, III. 285 + +Hindi, II. 188, 256, 269 + +_Hindu Castes and Sects_, II. 163, 173, 177, 209, 210, 244, 261 + +_Hindu Iconography_, I. xxxv, 58; II. 110, 165, 202; III. 382 + +Hinduism (Indian religion: social order), I. xi-civ _passim_, 5, 13, +17, 33, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 48, 49, 64, 67, 127, 129; II. +107-322; III. 5, 95, 103, 105, 112 _sq._, 145 _sq._, 150 _sq._, 188 +_sq._, 342, 382 _sq._, 411, 417 _sq._, 430, 447, 452, 457 _sq._ + +Hindu Kush, III. 6 + +Hindustan, II. 92 + +Hiranyadama, III. 117 + +Hiranyagarbha, II. 165, 202 + +Hirth, III. 235 + +_Histoire de la Bienheureuse Marguerite Marie_, II. 161 + +_Histoire de la Litterature Hindoue_, II. 262 + +_Histoire des Croyances Religieuses en Chine_, II. 284, 320 + +_Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon_, III. 35 + +_History of the Bengali Language and Literature_, II. 114, 187, 213, +245, 279 + _of Fine Art_, II. 172 + _of Indian Architecture_, III. 18, 168 + _of Indian Buddhism_, II. 63 + _of Indian Shipping_, III. 102 + _of Manikka-Vacagar_, II. 183 + _of Nepal_, II. 116 + _of Sect of the Maharajas_, II. 250 + +Hodgson, B.H., II. 50, 116, 117 + Shadworth, II. 39 + +Hoernle, I. 99, 105; II. 56; III. 191, 348 + +Hoernle and Barnett, I. 116 + +Hojo Regents, the, III. 405 + +_Holy Lives of the Azhvars_, I. 40 + +_Home of Pali_, I. 282 + +Ho-nan, III. 193, 254 + +Hopkins, II. 157, 169 + +Horapathaka, II. 59 + +Hor-gyi-skad-du, III. 377 + +Horiuji palm-leaf manuscript, III. 394 + +Hormizd, III. 446 + +Hormuzd, III. 215 + +Horse sacrifice, I. xxxviii, 68; III. 145 + +Horus, III. 431 + +Hose and McDougall, III. 163 + +Ho-Shang (monk), II. 241, 330, 351 + +Hospitals, I. 115; III. 124 + +Hossho, III. 404 + +Hotri (priests), I. 52, 69, 100; III. 118 + +Hou-Ching, III. 254, 256, 257 + +Hou-Han-Shu, III. 248 + +Hou-Liang, III. 206 + +Hoysalas, I. 30, 114 + +hphrul, III. 383 + +Hridaya, III. 376 + +Hrishikesa, III. 426 + +Hsia, III. 269 + +Hsian Chou, III. 315 + +Hsiang-Chih, II. 95; III. 255 + +Hsiao-Cheng, II. 3 + +Hsiao-Chih Kuan, III. 312 + +Hsiao Tsung, III. 278 + Wu, III. 289 + Wu Ti, III. 251 + Yu, III. 259 + +Hsien Shen, III. 209 + Tsung, III. 265, 278 + +Hsin-byu-shin, II. 7; III. 63 + +Hsing-An, III. 277 + +Hsin-yin, III. 306 + +Hsiung-nu, III. 197 + +Hsi-Yu-Chi, III. 225 + +Hsi-yu-ki, III. 225 + +Hsuan Chuang, I. xxxix, 25, 258, 275, 332; II. 3, 5, 14, 15, 17, 18, +22, 33, 51, 61, 65, 72, 74, 77 _sq._, 125, 126, 127, 158, 206, 244, +280, 286; III. 16, 20, 24, 44, 53, 148, 190, 193, 201, 202, 204, 206, +207, 209, 211, 213, 215, 239, 260, 293, 299, 300, 313, 453 + +Hsuan-Fo-pu, III. 314 + +Hsuan Ti, III. 153 + +Hsuan Tsung, III. 199, 261, 262, 268, 289 + +Hsu-Kuang-Ch'i, III. 279 + +Hsung-nu, III. 245 + +hti, III. 72 + +Hu, III. 104, 217, 254 + +Hua-fo, III. 446 + +Hua-Hu Ching, III. 273 + +Huai, III. 260, 261 + +Huan, Emperor, III. 248 + +Huang-wang, III. 140 + +Hua-yen, II. 54, 60; III. 282, 283, 287, 311 (sutra), 374 + +Hua-yen-Ching, III. 315 + +Hua-yen-tsung, III. 315 + +Huc, III. 358 + +Hue, I. xxvii + +Hugli, I. 25 + +Hu-hua-ching, III. 216 + +Hui-k'o, III. 308 + +Hui Kuo, III. 317 + +Huineng, III. 287, 308 + +Hui-sheng, II. 96; III. 254 + +Hui Tsung, III. 273 + +Hui Yuan, III. 313 + +Hultzsch, II. 278; III. 431 + +Hulugu Khan, III. 349 + +Human sacrifice, I. xxxvi, 68; II. 168, 174, 193, 276, 288, 289 + +Hume, I. lv + +Humour (Buddha's), I. 172 + +Hunan, III. 253 + +Hundred Thousand Nagas, III. 381 + +Hundred Thousand Songs, III. 399 + +Hungarian affinities, I. 20 + +Hungjen, III. 308 + +Hung Wu, III. 289 + +Hun-Hui (Hun T'ien), III. 104, 107, 139 + +Huns (Ephthalites, Hephthalites), I. xxxix, xli, 16, 19, 25; II. 54, +65, 95, 119; III. 192, 198, 201, 209, 212 + +Huo-chou (Kara-Khojo), III. 207 + +Huth, II. 16, 32; III. 358, 361, 373, 380 + +Huvishka, I. 24, 113; II. 64 + +Huxley, T.H., I. lv, xciv, cii + +Hwa-Shang-Zat-mo, III. 351 + +Hyderabad, I. 22, 266 + +hymns, II. 104. _See_ Arvars, gathas + +hypnotization, I. 319. _See also_ Meditation, Yoga + + +Ibsen, I. lv + +I-Ching, I. 260; II. 3, 5, 18, 20, 22, 65, 82, 85, 90 _sq._, 125, 207; +III. 7, 20, 53, 62, 82, 85, 106, 108, 148, 162, 166, 176, 177, 239, +285, 292, 299, 305, 322, 329, 330 + +_Iconographie bouddhique_, II. 15, 31, 122 + +Iddhi, I. 317; III. 247 + +identification (union), II. 122 + +Idiqutshahri, III. 195, 200 + +Idolatry. _See_ Images + +Igatpuri, II. 203 + +Ignorance, I. lxxx, 186, 207, 211 + +I-Hsuan, III. 309 + +Ikhtiyar-ud-din Muhammad, II. 112 + +Ikken, II. 226 + +Ili river, I. 23 + +Illusion (_see_ Maya), I. xliii, 45; II. 40, 264 + +'Ilm, III. 182 + +Images, I. lxx, 119, 120, 121, 139, 171; II. 6, 17, 104, 105, 260; +III. 39, 50, 53, 71, 74, 83, 89, 115, 130, 165, 219, 326 _sq._, 385, +389, 450 _sq. See also_ Art + +_(de) Imitatione Christi_, II. 9 + +Immortality, I. li, lv, 66 + +Incarnations (_also_ avataras), I. xv, 11, 39, 343; II. 147, 170, 218, +235, 239, 243, 251, 261; III. 359 _sq._, 365, 383 + +_India, Old and New_, II. 157 + +Indian Buddhism, II. 90 _sq._ + literature, I. xiii, xiv, xvi, xix, lxxii _sq._, 15, 50, 130, 329; + II. 136-322 _passim_ + +_Indische Religionsgeschichte_, II. 170 + +_Indische Studien_, I. 116 + +Indore, I. 31 + +Indra, I. 59, 63, 333; II. 23, 99, 137, 158, 181, 270; III. 43, 109, +129, 175, 186, 215, 228, 391 + +Indrabhadresvara, III. 146 + +Indragiri, III. 161 + +Indrapura, III. 137, 144 + +Indravarman, king, III. 110, 119, 141, 144, 149 + +Indra Vishnu, I. 57 + +Indriya, III. 175 + +Infanticide, II. 269 + +Inquisition, I. xcii; III. 417 + +Inscriptions, I. xii, xxiii, xxviii, xxix, 16, 27, 99, 103, 113, 114, +263 _sq._; II. 69, 113, 214, 225; III. 34, 40, 43, 47, 51, 52, 54, 55, +57, 58, 59, 63, 67, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, +113, 114, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 135, 138, 450 + +_Inscriptions Sanscrites de Camboge_, II. 169 + +_International Congress of Religions_, II. 148 + +_Introduction to Mysticism_, I. 136 + _to Pancaratra_, II. 128, 188, 189, 197 + +Intuition, I. xcix; III. 278, 304 + +Iranians, I. 52, 54, 61, 63, 64; II. 68, 195; III. 189, 191, 208, 215, +409 _sq._ _See also_ Persia, Zoroaster + +_Iranien Oriental_, III. 215 + +Irenaeus, III. 444 + +Irrawaddy, I. 120; III. 47, 48 + +Isaac Luria, III. 462 + +Isana, II. 137, 198; III. 146 + +Isanavarman, III. 109, 114 + +Isapur, II. 69 + +Ishta-devata, III. 391 + +Isipatana, I. 140 + +Isis, II. 287; III. 409, 429 + +Islam, I. xxiii, xlii, xlvi, xlix, 17, 28, 115, 178, 238; II. 107, +240; III. 3, 182, 409, 455 _sq._ + +Isocrates, III. 434 + +Isvara, I. 85; II. 16, 304, 313, 316; III. 173, 444 + Sanhita, II. 195 + +Itivuttaka, I. 216; III. 299 + +I-tsing, I. 258; III. 268, 329 + +Iyarpa, II. 232 + +Iyengar, Srinivas, II. 316, 320 + + +Jackson, III. 156 + (Williams), III. 450 + +Jacobi, I. 105, 116, 303; II. 74, 306, 311 + +Jade Emperor, the, III. 342 + +Jaffna, III. 26 + +Jagadguru, II. 210 + +Jagannath, I. 30; II. 114, 176, 238, 254, 267; III. 134 + +Jagat Gauri, II. 276 + +Jagatpati, III. 114 + +Jag-jivan-das, II. 266 + +Jag-manderlal Jaini, I. 105, 106, 117 + +Jahn, II. 238 + +Jaimini, II. 291, 310 + +Jain (Jainism), I. xix, xli, 28, 35, 49, 72, 95, 105, 106-123, 158, +225, 241, 252, 268, 302; II. 69, 94, 97, 100, 110, 123, 128, 162, 212, +214, 215, 230, 242; III. 19, 44, 178 + +Jain Literature, I. 95, 116, 286 + +Jaintia Parganas, II. 286 + +Jaipur, II. 266 + +Jalalu-'d-din er-Rumi, III. 461 + +Jalandhara, II. 78 + +Jambal, II. 368 + +Jambudvipa, III. 106, 425 + +James, Gospel of, III. 442 + +James, William, I. lxix, cii, 190, 309; II. 161 + +hJam-pahi-dbyans (Jamyang), II. 19 + +Janaka, king, I. 36, 87, 94 + +Janapada, III. 118 + +Jangams, II. 227 + +Jan Teng, III. 246 + +Janussoni, I. 223 + +Japan, I. xiii, lxxxii, lxxxiii, 7, 202, 212, 238, 248, 259; II. 19, +128; III. 9, 85, 290, 314 _sq._, 402 _sq._ + +Japanese Tripitaka, III. 217, 291 + +Japji, II. 267 + +Jaras, II. 154 + +Jarasabda (Jarasastra), III. 453 + +Jarasandha, II. 193 + +Jataka, I. xxx, 157, 271, 279, 333; II. 97; III. 42, 84, 102, 103, +166, 242, 284, 430, 441 + Nidana, III. 282 + +Jati, I. 208; II. 178 + +Jatilas, I. 146 + +Jats, II. 271 + +Jaunpur, I. 29, 30 + +Java, I. xi, xiii, xxvii, xxix; II. 4, 19, 27, 32, 118; III. 6, 102, +103, 123, 140, 141, 151 _sq._, 457 + +Javakumara, II. 153 + +Jayadeva, II. 230, 253 + +Jaya Hari Varman, III. 143, 147 + Indravarmadeva, III. 142, 149 + +Jaya Khya, II. 196 + +Jaya Samhita, II. 195 + Simhavarman, III. 141 + +Jayasthiti, II. 117 + +Jayaswal, II. 148 + +Jayata, III. 307 + +Jayavarman, III. 105, 109 _sq._, 134, 179 + +rJe-btsun-dam-pa, III, 363 + +Jehangir, I. 30, 31, 90; II. 270 + +Jehol, II. 15 + +Jehovah, I. 8, 62, 183 + +Jejakabhukti, I. 27 + +Jelaluddin, III. 456 + +Jenghiz Khan, III. 353 + +Jen Hsiao, III. 288 + +Jen Tsung, III. 270, 274, 289 + +Jerome, III. 414 + +Jerusalem, I. 181; II. 107 + +Jetaka, II. 85 + +Jetavana, I. 151, 343; II. 56; III. 21, 33, 41 + +Jews, I. ci, 122, 181, 238; III. 424, 433, 434, 436, 461 _sq._ _See +also_ Kabbala + +Jeyyapura, III. 58 + +Jhana, I. 307, 311 _sq._ + +Ji, III. 404 + +hJigs-med-nam-mka, III. 381, 392 + +Ji-jitsu-shu, III. 304 + +Jina, I. 46, 110, 122; II. 26, 198; III. 123, 149 + +Jinagupta, III. 292 + +Jinamitra, III. 379 + +Jinaputra, III. 173 + +Jinasena, I. 114 + +Jinendra, III. 142 + +Jiva, I. 107, 188, 197; II. 239, 312 + +Jivaka, I. 153 + +Jivaka Cintamani, I. 118 + +Jiziya, III. 456 + +Jizo, II. 24; III. 221 + +Jnana, II. 128, 189, 196; III. 149 + +Jnana-bhramsa, I. lxxix + +Jnana-kanda, III. 444 + +Jnanamritasara, II. 195 + +Jnanapada, II. 205 + +Jnanaprasthanasastra, I. 299; II. 79, 81, 89; III. 286 + +Jnanavaraniya, I. 107 + +Jnanavarishtha, II. 152 + +Jnanesvara, II. 257 + +Jnanodaya, III. 28 + +Jnata, I. 111 + +Jnatadharma Katha, I. 116 + +Jodo, II. 28, 60; III. 404 + +Johnston, II. 18; III. 238, 325, 329, 333 + +Jolly, III. 41, 66 + +Jones, Rufus, II. 313 + +Josaphat, III. 442 + +Juan-Juan Huns, III. 208, 212 + +Judaism. _See_ Jews + +Judgment, the, I. 228 + +Ju-lai, I. 133; III. 216 + +Julian, II. 287 + +Julien, I. 275; II. 3, 56; III. 105, 300, 330 + +Jumna, I. 25 + +Jupiter, I. 63 + +Jus primae noctis, III. 127 + +Juynboll, III. 158, 171, 182 + + +Ka, I. 218 + +Kaaba, II. 267 + +Kabbala, I. lv, ci; III. 401 _sq._ + +Kabir, I. lxxii, xc, 226; II. 162, 243, 244, _262 sq._, 274; III. 419, +457 + +Kabir Panthis, I. xliv; II. 151, 185, 212; III. 422, 427 + +Kabul, I. 24; III. 193, 202, 297 + +Kaccayana, III. 45 + +Kachiyappa, II. 220, 221 + +Kadamba dynasty, III. 51 + +Kadampa, III. 398 + +Kadanbari, II. 97 + +Kadianis, I. xlvi + +Kadphises, I. 23, 24 + +Kadur, II. 227 + +Kailasa, I. xcii, 27; II. 145, 206, 223; III. 97 + +Kaing Za, III. 67 + +Kaivalya, I. 304; II. 302 + +Kakusandha, I. 342; III. 177 + +Kakuttha, I. 164 + +Kala, II. 204 + +Kalacakra, II. 32, 118, 129, 198; III. 353, 357, 380, 386 + +Kalacuris, I. 27 + +Kaladi, II. 207 + +Kalamukhas, II. 203 + +Kalan, III. 142 + +Kalanjar, II. 123 + +Ka-'lan-ta, II. 79 + +Kalasan, III. 167, 177 + +Kalavada, I. 98 + +Kalayasas, III. 313 + +Kalevala, I. 67 + +Kalgan, III. 390 + +Kali, I. lxxxix; II. 19, 115, 126, 146, 174, 274 _sq._; III. 145, 383, 459 + +Kalidasa, I. 56; II. 95; III. 376 + +Kalighat, II. 286 + +Kalika Purana, II. 276, 285, 289 + +Kaliki, III. 185 + +Kalima, III. 277 + +Kaling, queen of, III. 154 + +Kalinga, I. 25, 263, 266, 268; II. 100, 108; III. 25, 46, 155 + +Kalki (vishnu), I. 47; II. 148; III. 387, 392 + +Kallata, II. 223 + +Kalliana (bishop of), III. 416 + +Kalmuks, I. 5; III. 9, 366, 370 + +Kalon, III. 367 + +Kalpa, I. 46, 334; II. 103 + +Kalpa Sutra, I. 116 + +Kalvar, II. 184 + +Kalyan, II. 225 + +Kalyani, I. 28; III. 34, 51, 57, 59 + +Kalzang, III. 367 + +Kama, II. 253; III. 146 + +Kamacara, I. lxxviii + +Kamachando, I. 216 + +Kamado, II. 24 + +Kamahayanikan, III. 157, 166, 173, 180 + +Kamakhya, I. lxxxvii; II. 286, 288, 290 + +Kamalabari, II. 260 + +Kamalasila, III. 379 + +Kamarago, I. 227 + +Kamarupa, II. 127 + +Kama Sastras, III. 67 + +Kamban, II. 152 + +Kambojas, I. 268; III. 6 + +Kambuja (Kamvuja), III. 101 + +Kambu Svayambhuva, III. 101 + +Kami, I. 6 + +Kamika Agama, II. 205 + +Kammathana, III. 131 + +Kampang Pet, III. 89 + +Kamsa, II. 153, 154, 157, 158; III. 424 + +Kanada, I. 109; II. 97, 292 + +Kanadeva, II. 86; III. 307 + +Kanara (south), II. 222; III. 51 + +Kanarese, I. 118; II. 225, 233, 241; III. 431 + +Kanauj, I. 25, 27; II. 99, 100, 108, 109; III. 25 + +Kan-chih-pu-lo, III. 45 + +Kancipura, III. 45 + +Kancukas, II. 204 + +Kanculiyas, II. 279 + +Kandahar, I. 23; III. 25 + +Kandali, III. 161, 162 + +Kanda Purana, II. 220 + +Kandy, I. 268; III. 27, 41 + +K'ang, III. 202 + +K'ang Hsi (emperor), I. 267; III. 192, 237, 279, 300, 366, 380, 381 + +Kanha, II. 153 + +Kanhayara, II. 153 + +Kanheri, II. 109 + +Kanh hoa, III. 138 + +Kanishka, I. xxvi, xxxi, 24, 113, 263, 273, 299, 300, 301; II. 5, 47, +64 _sq._, 224; III. 24, 190, 198, 201, 208, 211, 213, 218, 239, 451 + +Kanjur, the, III. 280, 359, 372 _sq._, 397 + +Kansu, III. 192, 197, 206, 245, 251, 367 + +Kant, I. lv, lxxvii, 47; II. 5 + +Kanthaka, I. 175 + +Kantu, II. 79 + +Kanva dynasty, II. 79 + +Kao-ch'ang, III. 206 + +Kao-Sang-Chuan, III. 248 + +Kao-Seng-Chuan, III. 156, 287, 293 + +Kao-Tsu, III. 259 + +Kapalesvara, II. 203 + +Kapalikas, II. 203 + +Kapila, II. 97, 148, 202, 296; III. 181 + Samhita, III. 453 + +Kapilar, II. 219 + +Kapilavatthu (vastu), I. 131, 132, 148, 150, 161, 162, 169; II. 93 + +Kapimala, III. 307 + +Kapisa, III. 193, 217 + +Kapota, II. 15 + +Kapuralas, III. 42 + +Karala, II. 278 + +Karana Sarira, II. 32 + +Karanavastha, II. 316 + +Karandavyuha, II. 13, 57, 72, 118; III. 348, 378 + +Karashahr, III. 198, 200, 202, 204 + +Kar-gya-pa, III. 371, 398 + +Karika, II. 74, 87, 300; III. 56 + +Karikh, II. 147 + +Karkal, I. 121 + +Karma, I. xviii, xxi, xlviii, lix, lxxvii, 44, 94, 107, 123, 139, 188, +194, 195, 208, 210, 212, 215, 230, 307; II. 10, 36, 37, 40, 221, 225, +247, 294, 303; III. 66, 248, 253, 272, 444 + +Karma-pa, III. 277, 371, 399 + +Karmapundarika, II. 58 + +Karpura Manjari, II. 282 + +Karshua, II. 187 + +Karta, II. 261 + +Kartabhajjas, II. 261 + +Karta purukh, II. 268 + +Kartikeya, II. 142, 145; III. 43, 392 + +karuna, III. 173 + +Karyavastha, II. 316 + +kasava, I. 241 + +Kashgar, I. xxvi, 24; II. 76; III. 197, 198, 200 _sq._, 211, 213, 361 + +Kashgarian manuscripts, I. 261; II. 48 + +Kashmir, I. xxxv, 15, 24, 262, 263, 269; II. 76, 78, 79 (Kipin), 80, +81, 90, 91, 93, 95, 100, 109, 126, 127, 196, 204, 222-225; III. 5, 18, +25, 176, 194, 211 _sq._, 307, 345, 420, 457 + +Kasi, I. 36, 74, 87, 88 + +Kasika (vritti), III. 142 + +Kasina, I. 314, 315 + +Kassapa (Buddha), I. 342; III. 177 + +Kasyapa (Kassapa), I. 146, 168, 196, 239, 240, 255, 256, 257, 269, +288; II. 12; III. 374 + +Kasyapa Matanga, II. 71; II. 244, 248 + +Kasyapa parivarta, II. 60 + +Kat, III. 172 + +Kataha, II. 15 + +Kathasarit Sagara, III. 425 + +Katha Upanishad, II. 180, 305 + +Kathavattu, I. 259, 260, 261, 262, 271, 338, 339; II. 48, 66, 81, 101, +124; III. 20 + +Kathiawar, I. 23 + +Kathina, I. 246; III. 81, 93 + +Katmandu, II. 118 + +Katyaputra, II. 79 + +Katyayani, I. 79, 299; II. 53; III. 286 + +Kaulacara, II. 284 + +Kaundhiya, III. 104, 106, 107, 164 + +Kauravas, I. 55; II. 155 + +Kausambi, I. 25 + +Kaushitaka Brahmana, II. 152 + Upanishad, I. lxxvii, 76; II. 181 + +Kauthara, III. 138, 140, 147 + +Kautilya Arthasastra, II. 197; III. 102 + +Kaveri, II. 231 + +Kavi, III. 170 + +Kavindrarimathana, III. 121, 122 + +Kavittavali, II. 245 + +Kavya, II. 83; III. 120 + +Kawi, III. 170, 186 + Ramayana, III. 158, 171 + +Kaya, III. 181. See Trikaya + +Kayarohana (Karovan), II. 202 + +Keats, II. 317 + +Kedah, III. 82, 153 + +Kedarnath, II. 227 + +Kediri, III. 158, 171 + +Kedoe, III. 155 + +Kegon, II. 54; III. 404 + +Keith, Prof., I. 286; II. 187, 296, 311; III. 94 + +Kelani Sangha, III. 37 + +Kelts, I. 54; II. 276; III. 191 + +Kena Upanishad, II. 277 + +Kennedy, J., III. 445 + +Kerala, I. 26; III. 44 + +Kerman, I. 69 + +Kern, I. 261; II. 13, 32, 48, 53, 91; III. 19, 135, 153, 158, 164, +169, 171, 172, 174, 328 + +Kertanagara, III. 159 + +Kesai Khati, II. 279 + +Kesar Sagar, III. 381 + +Kevaddha Sutta, I. 320, 331 + +Kevalin, I. 110, 120 + +Kevalom, I. 107, 108 + +Khagan, III. 354, 362 + +Khajarao Temple, I. xlii, 27; III. 178 + +Khalsa, II. 271 + +Khamdo, III. 364 + +Khanda. _See_ Skandha + +Khandagiri, II. 114 + +Khandakas, I. 277 + +Khande Rao, II. 145 + +Khandelwals, II. 177 + +Khandesh, I. 29 + +Khandoba, II. 145 + +Kharavela, king, I. 113 + +Kharosthi, III. 190, 207, 208, 210, 450 + +Khasis, I. 14; III. 100 + +mKhas-grub-rje, III. 359 + +Khechari, I. 306 + +Khema (sage), III. 25 + +Kher-heb, II. 122 + +Khilji Sultans, I. 29 + +khinasavo, I. 229 + +Khitan Tartars, III. 269 + +Khmers, III. 46, 81, 82, 84, 100 _sq._, 138, 140 + +Khojas, III. 455 + +Khonds, II. 285, 289 + +Khotan, I. xxv, 24; II. 19, 52, 76, 93; III. 6, 12, 190, 197 _sq._, +207 _sq._, 348, 377 + +Khri-gtsug-lde-btsan, king, III. 348, 378 + +Khri-sron-lde-btsan, king, III. 348, 379 + +Khuastanift, III. 446 + +Khubilai (Khan), I. xxvi; II. 8, 48, 55, 141, 159, 200, 269, 273, 274, +289, 338, 341, 354, 392 + +Khubilghan, III. 360 + +Khuddaka Nikaya, I. 279, 289; III. 56, 297 + +Khuddakapatha, I. 11, 339, 340; III. 92, 265 + +Khusru, I. 26 + +Khutuktu Khagan, III. 380 + +Khwaja Khizr, III. 459 + +Kiangsi, III. 325 + +Kiangsu, III. 316 + +Kia Tan, III. 48 + +Kien Chin Fan Tsan, III. 300 + +Kingdom of Heaven, I. 224, 228 + of Righteousness, I. 140 + +King Maha Vijita's sacrifice, I. 172 + +Kings, status of, I. 36 + +King-Tsing, III. 217 + +Kins (Golden Tartars), III. 269 + +Kipin (Kashmir), II. 79; III. 203, 262 + +Kirghiz, III. 200, 207, 263 + +Kirtans, II. 254 + +Kirtipandita, III. 12, 123 + +Kirti varman Chandel, I. 27 + +Kisori Bhajan, II. 185 + +Kistna, I. 27 + +Kittel, II. 143 + +Kittisiri Rajasiha, III. 36 + +Klaproth, III. 201 + +Klesa, II. 88 + +Knebel, III. 168, 179 + +Knowledge, I. xvi, xvii, lxxii, 74, 75, 78, 220. _See_ Jnana + +Knox (Robert), III. 35 + +Koch, II. 280 + +Kobo Daishi, III. 317 + +Kofu kaji, II. 88 + +Koguryu, III. 336 + +Kohmari hill, III. 209 + +Koki, III. 52, 108, 156 + +Kokka, III. 242, 356 + +Kokonor lake, III. 362 + +Koliyas, I. 149, 169 + +Konagamana, I. 342; III. 177 + +Konarak, II. 114; III. 453 + +dKon-brtsegs, III. 374 + +Kon Chuk, III. 95 + +Konkan, II. 108 + +Konow (Sten), I. xxxi; II. 52 + +Koppen, II. 90; III. 274, 357, 361 + +Koran, I. lxxiv, 255; II. 263, 268, 293 + +Korea, I. xxiv, xxvi; III. 9, 250, 290, 312, 336 _sq._, 402 + +Korean Tripitaka, III. 296 + +Kormusta, III. 215 + +de Koros (Csoma), II. 15; III. 351, 373, 375, 380, 387 + +Kosala, I. 20, 95, 131, 148, 149, 150, 157, 161, 162; II. 93 + +Kosha, III. 145, 146 + +Kotihoma, III. 120 + +Kottavai, goddess, II. 276 + (victorious), II. 213 + +Kovat, III. 111 + +Kra (Isthmus), III. 6, 103 + +Krat, III. 112 + +Kraton, III. 160 + +Kretanagara, III. 169 + +Krishna, I. xv, xxxv, xlv, 48, 100, 169, 333; II. 33, 72, 73, 115, +119, 137, 147, 149 _sq._, 190 _sq._, 195, 200, 229 _sq._, 243; III. +147, 186, 417, 420, 423 + +Krishna I, king, I. 27 + +Krishna das, II. 113 + +Krishna deva, I. 30 + +Krishnaite literature, II. 244 _sq._ + +Krishts, III. 424 + +Krittivasa, II. 245 + +Kriya, II. 128, 189 + +Kriya Sakti (force), II. 196 + +Kriyayoga, I. 304, 307 + +Krom, III. 172 + +Kshanti, III. 173, 304 + +Kshatriya, I. 34, 35, 36, 87, 88, 92, 134, 169, 252, 272, 341; II. +148, 227; III. 50, 106, 183 + +Kshemaraja, II. 223 + +Kshemendra, II. 130 + +Kshetrapati, I. 102 + +Kshitigarbha, II. 13, 18, 24; III. 218, + 221, 283 + +Kshudraka Nikaya, III. 299. _See_ Khuddaka Nikaya + +Kuan Shiyin, II. 14 + +Kuan Ti, III. 326, 332 + +Kuan-Ting, III. 312 + +Kuan-tzu-tsai, II. 14, 17 + +Kuan-Yin, I. lxxxvii; II. 14, 17, 18, 24; III. 221, 226, 238, 239, +261, 327, 343 + +Kubera, III. 392 + +Kublai Khan, III. 25, 79, 388 + +Kucha, I. xxvi; III. 190, 198, 200, 202, 203-205, 211, 213, 251, 372 + +Kuchanese, I. 276 + +Kuei-Chi, III. 315 + +Ku K'ai-Chih, III. 242 + +Ku Kang, III. 163 + +Kuku, III. 125 + +Kuku Khoto, III. 370 + +Kularnava Tantra, II. 281 + +Kulasekhara, II. 231 + +Kulika, III. 386 + +Kulluka Bhatta, II. 281 + +Kulottunga, II. 233 + +Kumara, II. 127 + +Kumarabhuta, II. 19 + +Kumaragupta, II. 95 + +Kumarajiva, II. 41, 55, 84, 85; II. 203 _sq._, 210, 247, 251, 294, +313, 321, 373 + +Kumaralabdha, II. 86, 92 + +Kumarapala, I. 114 + +Kumarata, II. 86; III. 307 + +Kumari, II. 278 + +Kumarila Bhatta, I. xl; II. 109, 206 _sq._, 310, 311 + +Kumbhandas, I. 102 + +Kumbhipathias, I. xl; II. 116 + +Kumbum, III. 358, 367, 381 + +Kunala, I. 271 + +Kundagga, III. 107, 164 + +Kundalini Devi, I. 310; II. 283, 320 + +Kunjarakarna, III. 166, 172, 174, 180 + +Kuo-Shih, III. 234, 251, 273, 277, 278, 306, 355 + +Kura, III. 363 + +Kural, II. 215 + +Kuren, III. 363 + +Kurma Purana, II. 140, 163 + +Kurnool, II. 237 + +Kurukshetra, I. 55 + +Kurukulla, III. 389, 394 + +Kurundi commentary, III. 30 + +Kurus, the, I. 20, 87, 88, 89, 95, 96, 149 + +Kushan Empire, I. xxvi, xxxi, xli, 19, 22, 23, 24, 301; II. 64 _sq._, +83, 88, 202, 276; III. 8, 190, 198, 451 + +Kushashu, III. 314 + +Ku-shih (Kiu-shih), III. 206 + +Kushto, III. 424 + +Kusikas (Five), III. 174 + +Kusinara, I. 162, 164, 165, 166, 169, 255; II. 93 + +Kutadanta Sutta, I. 131 + +Kutagara Hall, I. 159 + +Kutb-ud-din-lbak, I. 28; II. 112 + +Kuvera, III. 145 + +Kwannon, II. 17 + +Kwan-shi-yin, II. 93, 125 + +Kwan-yin, II. 275; III. 284, 321 + +Kyansitha (king), III. 56 + +Kyocva (king), III. 56 + +Kyoto, III. 291 + + +Labberton, III. 171 + +Lachen, III. 352 + +Ladak, III. 370, 399 + +Lahore, I. 138; II. 267 + +Laity, I. 122, 249 _sq._; II. 120; III. 330 + +Lajonquiere, III. 82 + +Lakshana-vimukta-hridaya Sastra, II. 10 + +Lakshmana, III. 43 + +Lakshmi, II. 19, 145, 233, 234, 320; III. 114, 182, 393 + +Lakshminda Bhumisvara, III. 149 + Lokesvara, III. 145, 149 + +Lakulin (Lakulisa), II. 202 + +Lala Baba, II. 255 + +Lalitaditya, king, II. 109 + +Lalitavajra, II. 126 + +Lalita Vistara, I. 136, 173, 176; II. 22, 26, 28, 53; III. 166, 170, +284, 292, 374, 442 + +Lalitpur, I. 267 + +Lallu Ji Lal, II. 188 + +Lamaism, I. xi, xxvi, xlix, 246; II. 125, 128, 260; III. 8, 200, 274, +302 _sq._, 318, 321, 345 _sq._, 382 _sq._ + +Lamas, II. 122; III. 234, 274 + +Lamphun, III. 79 + +Langdarma (king), III. 212 + +Langha-hsin, III. 153 + +Lang-'pi-ya, III. 154 + +Lanja script, III. 301 + +Lanka, I. 72; II. 149 + +Lankavatara Sutra, II. 19, 53, 60, 74, 84; III. 276, 284, 292, 374 + +Laos, III. 46, 79, 124 + +Laotzu, I. xix; III. 216, 245, 246 + +Lasik, II. 147 + +Lata, II. 102 + +Latin, I. 63; III. 191 + +Latsun Ch'embo, III. 371 + +Laufer, III. 192, 348, 353, 373, 380, 381 + +Laukikas, II. 210 + +Lavater, I. lv + +Lavo, III. 79 + +Law Books, II. 187 + +Leclerc, A., III. 112 + +Le Coq, III. 194, 212 _sq._, 216, 446 + +Left-handed Tantrism, II. 125, 283 + +Le Gall, III. 272 + +Legge, I. 258; III. 153, 210 + +Leh, II. 278 + +Lengyen Ching, II. 56, 60; III. 311 + +Leper king, III. 110 + +Lessing, I. lv + +Letterless One, the, II. 265 + +Levi, S., I. 283, 292; II. 14, 42, 80, 83, 87, 88, 116, 119; III. 21, +105, 191, 202, 204, 215, 221, 297, 298, 315, 326, 388 + +Leviticus, I. 278 + +Lhamo, III. 392 + +Lhasa, I. xxvii; II. 15; III. 345 _sq._, 389 + +Li, III. 207 + +Liang Chih, III. 278 + +Liang dynasty, II. 22; III. 153, 161, 252, 253, 287 + +Liang (southern), III. 203, 204 + +Liao Chai, I. 318 + +Liccharis, I. 111, 158, 161, 163, 169; III. 24 + +Li-Chien, III. 265 + +Lichtenberg, I. lv + +Lidaiya, king, III. 83 + +Li dynasty, III. 340, 341 + +_Life and sayings of Rama Krishna_, II. 162 + +_Life and teachings of Sri Madhva-Charyar_, II. 240 + +_Life of the Buddha_, I. 99, 173, 259; II. 81, 103 + +_Life of Vasubandhu_, II. 78 + +Light, Paradise of, III. 220 + +Ligor, III. 6, 80, 82, 96, 103 + +Li-Hue Ton, Emperor, III. 344 + +Lila, II. 145, 222 + +Lilauja, I. 136 + +Lilavajsa, II. 126 + +Li Lung Mien, III. 269 + +Lin Chi, III. 309 + +Ling, III. 399 + +Linga Purana, II. 140, 187, 202 + Sarira, II. 32, 300 + worship, I. xlvi, 17, 115; II. 142 _sq._, 213, 238; III. 53, 97, 106, + 114, 115, 146, 169, 394 + +Lingavants (Lingayats), I. 28, 42; II. 176, 179, 220, 225-227, 318; +III. 114, 418 + +Linguistics, I. 20, 63; III. 100, 138, 151, 189, 190, 191, 192. _See +also_ Alphabets, Translations, Transliterations + +Lin-I (Champa), III. 139 + +_Liste Indienne des Actes du Buddha_, I. 173 + +Li-t'ang, III. 367 + +_Literatur und Sprache der Singhalesen_, III. 12 + +Li Thai To (Emperor), III. 344 + +Lithuanian forms, I. 63 + +Liturgy of Kuan-yin, III. 276 + +Liu Hsieh, III. 255 + +Liu Mi, III. 288 + +Liu Sing dynasty, III. 154, 251, 253 + +Liu-t'o-pa-mo, III. 105 + +Liu Tsung Yuan, III. 261, 263 + +Liu Yuan, III. 356 + +_Livre des esprits et des immortels_, II. 18 + +Lobnor, Lake, II. 93; III. 188, 210 + +Locana, III. 173 + +Lochana, III. 327 + +Lochen, III. 352 + +Lodge, Sir. O., I. 11 + +Lodi dynasty, I. 29, 30 + +Logan, III. 101 + +Logic, II. 91, 94, 131 + +Logos, II. 293; III. 419, 433 + +Lohans, the, III. 326 _sq._ + +Lohapasada (Copper Palace), III. 18 + +Loi Kathong, III. 94 + +Lokacarya, II. 257 + +Lokakshi, III. 292, 313 + +Lokamahadevi, III. 116 + +Lokanath, II. 15 + +Lokapannatti, III. 329 + +Lokayatikas, II. 97, 320 + +Lokayatam, III. 44 + +Lokesvara, II. 13, 15; III. 116, 122, 123, 173 + +Lokottaravadins, II. 59, 102; III. 202 + +Lok prah sokon, III. 131 + +Lokuttara, I. 263 + +bLo-lden-shes-rab, III. 380 + +Lolei, III. 115 + +Lombok, III. 183 + +Longimanus, I. 341 + +Lophburi, III. 85, 97 + +Lorgeon, III. 36 + +Lo-shih-fu, III. 327 + +Lo-tsa-va, III. 379 + +Lotsu, III. 318 + +Lotus, the, I. 130; II. 4, 14, 19, 22, 23, 26, 28, 48, 50, 51, 52, 60, +66, 84, 103, 125, 279; III. 20, 215, 218, 219, 294, 310, 311, 312, +328, 375, 405, 438 + +_Le Lotus de la bonne Loi_, II. 52 + +Lotus school, III. 312 + +Lourdes, I. 327 + +Lovek, III. 111, 113 + +Lowis, C.C., III. 48 + +Loyang, III. 244, 248, 255, 308, 313 + +Loyola, Ignatius, I. 315 + +Lozang, III. 363 + +Lu (Vinaya) school, III. 287 + +Luang Prabang, III. 80, 83, 109 + +Lu-Chin-Yuan, III. 272, 278 + +Lucknow, II. 252 + +Luders, II. 197; III. 190, 191 + +Ludwig, III. 280, 368 + +Luipa, II. 126 + +Lu Kuang, III. 203, 206 + +Lumbini Park, I. 132, 174, 269 + +Lung-hu-shan, III. 237 + +Lung-men, III. 193, 314 + +Lupercalia, I. 101 + +Lu-tsang, III. 284 + +Lu-tsung, III. 309, 316 _sq._ + +Ly, III. 141 + +Lyall, Sir. Alfred, I. lxiii, 166; III. 412 + + +Macauliffe, II. 256, 262 _sq._ + +Macdonell, II. 139 + +Macdonell and Keith, I. 134; II. 152 + +Macedonia, I. 268; III. 430 + +MacGowan, III. 329 + +Macnicol, II. 251 + +Madagascar, III. 151, 183 + +Madhab Deb, II. 191, 259 + +Madhava, I. lxxii, 125; II. 110, 291; III. 457 + +Madhurya, II. 255 + +Madhva Acarya, I. xliv; II. 73, 163, 228, 237 _sq._ + +Madhvas, II. 73, 163, 239, 241, 318; III. 329 + +Madhva Sampradaya, II. 251 + +Madhvavijaya, II. 241 + +Madhyamagama, III. 297 + +Madhyamakavatara, III. 373 + +Madhyamika school, I. 260; II. 37, 73, 74, 85, 90, 102, 103, 211, 315; +III. 285, 296, 304, 305, 373 + +Madhyantavibhaga Sastra, III. 123 + +Madjapahit, III. 141, 158, 159, 171 _sq._, 183 + +Madras, I. xli, 19, 26; III. 416 + +Madrolle, III. 339 + +Madura (Modura), I. 26, 114; II. 214, 222; III. 44 + +Madya, II. 284 + +Magadha, I. xl, 18, 20, 21, 87, 95, 131 _sq._, 147, 149, 156, 161, +163, 169, 283; II. 93, 96, 100, 102, 105, 124, 125, 129; III. 24, 256 + +Magas, I. 268; III. 425, 451 + +Maghar, II. 263 + +Magic, I. lxxxvi, lxxxviii, 67; II. 66, 87, 94, 113, 121, 126, 190, +274 _sq._, 311; III. 117, 182, 265, 316 _sq._, 333, 350, 385. _See +also_ Mantras, Tantras + +_Magic im Alten-Aegypten_, II. 122 + +Magna Mater, III. 429 + +Maha Atthakatha, III. 30 + +Mahabalipur, III. 106 (Seven Pagodas) + +Mahabharata, I. xxxviii, lxxiv, xc, xci, 55, 59, 288, 332; II. 114, +143, 146, 151 _sq._, 168, 182, 186, 187, 193, 200, 206, 279, 306, 317; +III. 102, 120, 167, 186, 424 + +Maha-bhashya, I. 303; II. 156, 157 + +Maha-Bodi-Vamsa, I. 255 + +Mahabrahma, I. 102; III. 43 + +Mahacinakramacara, II. 21 + +Mahacinatantra. II. 126 + +Mahadeva, I. 48; II. 145; III. 146, 176, 167 + +Mahadevadasa, II. 115 + +Mahadevi, I. 68; II. 128, 146 + +Mahadhammakathi, III. 31 + +Mahaganapatitantra, III. 375 + +Mahagandi, III. 73 + +Mahagita Medanigyan, III. 68 + +Mahaguhya, III. 173 + +Mahaguru, III. 179 + +Mahakala, II. 105, 140, 145; III. 169, 355, 391, 392 + +Maha-kala-cakra, III. 67 + +Maha-kala-Tantra, III. 375 + +Mahakaruna, II. 14, 15 + +Maha-karuna-candin, II. 14 + +Mahakassapa, I. 168; III. 23, 307 + +Mahakut, III. 116, 147 + +Mahamati, II. 54 + +Mahamatris, II. 286 + +Mahamayopanishad, II. 210 + +Mahamegha garden, III. 16 + Sutra, III. 261 + +Mahamuni, III. 65 + +Mahanadi, I. 263 + +Mahanama, III. 15, 28 + +Mahanirvana Tantra, I. lxxxviii, 67; II. 278, 281, 282, 285, 289 + +Mahapadana sutta, I. 134 + +Mahaparinibbana sutta, I. lxxiii, 135, 161, 164; II. 21, 58; III. 23, +284, 378 + +Mahaprajapati, I. 133, 159 + +Mahaprajnaparamita Sastra, II. 52, 84, 85; III. 283, 297 + +Mahaprasad, III. 422 + +Mahapurusha, I. 341 + +Mahapurushias, II. 260 + +Maha Raja, I. 131; II. 250 + +Maharajadhammathat, III. 67 + +Maharashtra, I. 31; II. 108 + +Maharashtri (Prakrit), I. 116; III. 12 + +Mahasaccaka Sutra, I. 135 + +Maha Saman, I. 7; III. 43 + +Mahasamaya sutta, I. 103, 278 + +Mahasammatiyas, I. 299 + +Mahasangha, I. 290 + +Mahasanghika, I. 258, 260, 262, 263, 298, 299, 332; III. 19, 212, 285 +(Vinaya), 374 + +Mahasangiti, I. 254, 258, 290 + +Mahasangitika, I. 258, 262 + +Mahasannipata Sutra, II. 57, 58, 61; III. 282, 283 + +Mahasena, III. 15, 18, 21, 40 + +Mahasiddhas, II. 128; III. 385 + +Mahasthamaprapta, II. 13, 23, 30; III. 327 + +Maha-sudassana, I. 166 + +Mahasukhakaya, II. 123 + +Mahatanhasan-khaya sutta, I. 197 + +Mahathapa, III. 18 + +Mahathera, III. 81 + +Mahatmyas, III. 215 + +Mahavagga, I. 137, 142, 143, 145 _sq._, 206, 257, 277, 289; III. 62 + +Maha-vairocana-bhi-sambhodhi, II. 58; III. 284 + +Maha-vamsa, I. 257, 259, 269; III. 13 _sq._, 56, 86, 124, 306 + +Maha-vamsatika, III. 15 + +Mahavarman, III. 109 + +Mahavastu, I. 173, 263, 282; II. 9, 22, 27, 58 + +Mahavibhasha-sastra, II. 169; III. 286 + +Mahavidyas, II. 286 + +Mahavihara, I. 276, 292; III. 16, 19, 21, 29, 31, 32, 40, 59, 60, 297 + +Mahavir, I. xix, 95, 105, 108, 110 _sq._, 119, 123, 129 + +Mahavrata ceremony, I. 100 + +Mahavratins, II. 203 + +Mahavyutpatti, III. 379 + +Mahayana, I. xxvi _sq._, 220, 260, 263, 275, 325, 332; II. 1, 131, +181; III. 39, 40, 51, 52, 60, 84, 112, 120 _sq._, 142, 145, 149, 156, +162, 166, 177, 202, 203, 209, 213, 215, 218 _sq._, 320, 329, 404, 451 + +Mahayana-dharma-dhatvaviseshata-sastra, II. 10 + +Mahayana-sastra, II. 84 + +Mahayana-sutralankara, II. 11, 32, 42, 48, 57, 125; III. 219, 286, 315 + +Mahayana Sutras, III. 282 + +Mahayanist Canon, II. 47 _sq._ + +Mahayasa, III. 58 + +Mahayuga, I. 334 + +Mahendra (Mt.), III. 119 + +Mahendravarman, III. 102 + +Mahesamurti, II. 165 + +Mahesvara, III. 83 + +Mahima Dharma, II. 115 + +Mahinda, II. 214; III. 5, 12, 16, 29, 30, 44, 333 + +Mahintale, III. 43 + +Mahipala, II. 111, 128 + +Mahisasakas, I. 298; III. 285 + +Mahisvara, II. 202 + +Mahmud of Ghazni, I. 16, 28; III. 455, 458 + +Mahrattas. _See_ Marathas + +Mai (mother) section, II. 266 + +Maidari, II. 21 + +Maidari Khutuktu, III. 363 + +Mailapur, III. 420 + +Mailla, III. 256, 276 + +_Maithili Christomathy_, II. 244 + +maithuna, II. 87, 124, 125, 284 + +Maitrayana Upanishad, I. 83; II. 75, 182, 310 + +Maitreya, I. 47; II. 12, 13, 19, 21, 23, 83, 88, 102; III. 20 +(images), 120, 166, 177, 210, 213, 216, 261, 315, 318, 326, 389, 451 + +Maitreyi, I. lxxiii, 74, 79, 80, 159, 232 + +Maitri, III. 173 + +Majjhima, I. 269 + +Majjhima Nikaya, I. 143, 197, 278, 289, 342; III. 247, 297, 422, 441 + +Majuli Island, II. 260 + +Makhan Chor, II. 160 + +Makkhali Gosala, I. lxxviii, 97, 99, 111, 145 + +Malabar, II. 148, 207, 219; III. 416, 455 + +Malacca, III. 85, 163 + +Maladakuthara, III. 148 + +Malakuta, II. 15, 100; III. 44 + +Malati, I. lxxii + +Malaya (Archipelago, etc.), I. xiii, xxviii, 16; II. 82; III. 81, 82, +100, 151-187 + +Malaya (Mt.), II. 54 + +Malay languages, III. 138 + +Malikabuddhi, III. 307 + +Malikadeva, I. 269 + +Malik Ibrahim, III. 161 + +Malik Kafur, I. 30 + +Malkanas, III. 459 + +Malkhed, I. 27 + +Mallas, I. 166, 168 _sq._; III. 22 + +Mallian, I. 165 + +Malunkyaputta, I. 228 + +Malwa, I. 25, 27, 29; II. 251, 271 + +Malwatte, III. 37, 41 + +Mamaki, III. 173 + +Mamallapuram, III. 74 + +Mamsa, II. 284 + +Ma-ning, III. 295, 300 + +Manura, III. 307 + +Man (sect), III. 73 + +Manas, II. 44, 300 + +Manasa, II. 276, 279 + +Manava-dharma-sastra, III. 66 + +Manavala Mahamuni, II. 237 + +Manchu dynasty, I. xxvi, 248; III. 279, 365 + +Man-Chu-Shih-li, II. 19 + +Mandala, III. 172, 385 + +Mandalay, II. 105; III. 48, 65, 75, 165 + +Mandor, II. 159 + +Mandra, III. 105 + +Mandukya, I. 83; (Upanishad), II. 74 + +Mani, II. 88; III. 206, 216, 415, 445 _sq._ + +Maniac, the, II. 184 + +Manichaeism, I. xii, xlix, lv; II. 88, 199, 240; III. 189, 195, 200, +206, 216, 263, 267, 334, 396, 409, 428, 445 _sq._, 461 + +Manifestations (Buddha's), III. 215. _See also_ Avataras, Incarnations + +Manikambum, III. 395 + +Manikka Vacagar, II. 212, 215 + +Manimanjari, II. 241 + +Manimat, II. 238, 240 + +Manimegalei, II. 108; III. 44 + +Manimekhalai, II. 214 + +Manipuris, I. xxxvii; III. 49, 50, 67 + +Manjughosha, II. 19 + +Manjunatha, II. 19 + +Manjusri, I. xxix; II. 12, 13, 19-21, 54, 93, 118; III. 39, 163, 165, +169, 211, 218, 221, 327, 383 + +Manjusri Kirti, III. 360, 387 + +Manjusri Krodha, II. 128 + +Manjusri vikridita, II. 19 + +Man Lion (incarnation), II. 147 + +Man Nat, III. 69 + +Mano, I. 192, 227 + +Manohari, III. 55 + +Manthra Spenta, III. 419 + +Mantras, I. 332; II. 50, 129, 174, 184, 275, 319; III. 284, 395. _See_ +Dharanis + +Mantrayana, II. 4, 87; III. 172, 316, 349, 385 + +Manu, I. xxxviii, lxxxix, 18, 90, 334; II. 154, 187, 199, 281, 306; +III. 58, 66, 422 + +_Manual of a Mystic_, I. 310, 312; II. 7 + +_Manual of Buddhism_, III. 39 + +_Manual of Buddhist Terminology_, III. 286 + +Manuraja, III. 67 + +Manuscript remains, II. 56 + +Manvantaras, I. 46, 334 + +Manyakheta, I. 27 + +Mao-lun, III. 105 + +Mappilahs (Moplahs), III. 421, 455 + +Mara, I. lxxix, 143, 164, 175, 179, 190, 337; II. 160; III. 69, 73, +350 + +Marai-nana-Sambandhar, II. 221 + +Marananda, III. 336 + +Marathas, I. 19, 31, 32; II. 178, 244, 255, 258; III. 456 + +Marco Polo, I. 305; II. 320; III. 25, 124, 273, 327, 416 + +Marcus Aurelius, I. 202 + +Mardana, II. 267 + +Margabhumi Sutra, II. 64 + +Marguerite Marie Alacoque, II. 161 + +Mariamman, II. 276 + +Marici, III. 389, 394 + +Marjara-nyaya, II. 236 + +Markandeya Purana, I. lxxix, 39; II. 187, 193 + +Markata-nyaya, II. 236 + +Marpa, III. 398 + +Marpori hill, III. 365 + +Marriage market, III. 450 + +Martaban, III. 58, 66 + +Maruts, I. 57; III. 114 + +Maryada Jivas, II. 249 + +Maspero, III. 107, 108, 129, 139, 148, 161, 244, 246, 248, 290, 301 + +Mass, the, I. 66; III. 400, 422 + +Massacre of the Innocents, III. 424 + +Masson-Oursel, III. 288, 311 + +Masulipatam, III. 106, 155 + +Mata Adisakti ( = Dharma), II. 115 + +Mataram, III. 155, 157 + +Matarisvan, I. 57, 62 + +Materialism, I. 99, 196; II. 320 _sq._ + +Mater Triumphalis, II. 287 + +Maths, II. 175, 208, 233, 240, 244, 256, 260. _See_ Monasteries + +Mathura, III. 451 + +Mathura, II. 154 + +_Mathura, a District Memoir_, II. 248 + +Matriarchy, III. 118, 145 + +Matricakras, II. 127 + +Matricheta, II. 104 + +Matrika, II. 223 + +Matsya, I. 87; II. 284 + +Matsya Purana, I. 15; II. 187 + +Matsyendranatha, II. 117, 118 + +Matter, theories of, I. ciii; II. 296 _sq._ + +Matthakundali, II. 73 + +Matvalasen, king, III. 40 + +Maudgalyayana, III. 342 + +Maurya dynasty, I. 21; II. 68; III. 450 + +Maya, I. lxxvii, ciii, 45, 82, 193, 211, 212; II. 73, 74, 204, 211, +221, 223, 225, 246, 247, 255, 264, 268, 278, 284, 289, 307, 309, 312 +_sq._; III. 305, 421 + +Maya (mother of Buddha), I. 132, 174 + +Mayajala, II. 128 + +Mayura, II. 98 + +Mayurabhanja, II. 115 + +McCrindle, I. 15; II. 159 + +McTaggart, I. lv, ciii + +Mead, III. 445 + +Mecca, II. 267 + +Mecquenem, III. 109 + +_Medieval School of Indian Logic_, II. 94, 105 + +Meditation, I. c, 128, 129, 150, 222, 302-324; II. 122, 304; III. 39, +131, 146, 248, 272, 278, 332, 345, 430, 448. _See_ Intuition, Yoga + +Megasthenes, I. 21, 272; II. 137; III. 432 + +Meghaduta, III. 375 + +Meghavarman, king, II. 87 + +Meiji era, III. 402 + +Meister Eckhart, II. 313 + +Mekong, III. 79, 80 + +_Melanges Harley_, II. 18, 195, 238 + +Melas, I. 103; II. 172 + +Melncote, II. 237, 243 + +_Memoir on the History of the Tooth Relic of Ceylon_, III. 25 + +Memory and rebirth, I. lvii, 320 _sq._ + +Memphis, III. 431 + +Menam, III. 79 + +Menander, I. 23; II. 159; III. 23 + +Mencius, II. 275 + +Mendicants, I. 100, 134 + +Mental phenomena. _See_ Intuition, Knowledge, Meditation, Memory + +Mera (Pera), III. 101 + +Mercurial system, I. 305 + +Mergui, III. 82 + +Merit-transfer, I. lxxxvi; II. 10, 31; III. 84, 394 + +Meru, III. 185 + +Meru, Mt., I. 335; III. 97, 425 + +Merutantra, II. 280 + +Merv, III. 427 + +Messiah, I. 4, 36, 179; II. 88, 149; III. 319 + +Metamorphosis, I. 200 + +Metaphysics, I. xxix, cii, 64, 78, 183, 187, 192, 193; II. 6, 36-46, +72, 82, 92, 207, 225, 315; III. 213, 218, 345 + +_Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jains_, I. 105 + +Metempsychosis, I. xv, xviii, 194; II. 101, 268; III. 175, 183, 241, +245, 429, 432, 435, 444, 446, 447, 462 + +_Methode_, II. 56 + +Metta, I. 184, 216 + +Metteya, I. 344; II. 21; III. 33, 74, 84 + +Mewar, I. 30 + +Mexico, III. 168 + +Mey Kanda Devar, II. 221 + +Miao-Shen, II. 18 + +Micchaka, III. 307 + +Mi-chiao, III. 316 + +Middle Kingdom, II. 93 + +Migara, I. 153 + +Mi-gyo-ba, III. 392 + +Mihira, I. 27 + +Mihiragula, I. 25; II. 95, 100; III. 307 + +Milarapa, III. 399 + +Mi-le, III. 342 + +Mili, II. 21 + +Milinda Panha, I. 190, 227, 344; III. 23, 56, 105, 153 + +Mimamsa, II. 292, 310 + +Mimamsakam, III. 44 + +Minayeff, II. 9; III. 49, 379 + +Mindolling, III. 398 + +Mindon Min, III. 49, 65 + +Ming (dynasty, etc.), I. xxvi, 153, 160, 205, 207, 274 _sq._, 289, +290, 301, 319, 359 + +Ming-Oi, III. 190, 194 + +Ming Ti, III. 8, 197, 212, 236, 244, 248, 253 + +Mingun, III. 63 + +Ministry of Thunder, III. 225 + +Minor Rock Edict. _See_ Edicts of Asoka + +Minussinsk, III. 213 + +Mira Bai, II. 244 + +Miracles, I. 325, 329; II. 53, 58, 66, 84, 154; III. 441 + +Miraj, II. 109 + +Miran, II. 192, 200, 210 + +Miriok, III. 336 + +Miroku, II. 21 + +Misal, II. 272 + +Mi-sha-so Wu-fen Lu, III. 285 + +Mi-so'n, III. 139 _sq._ + +Missaka, Mt., III. 16 + +Missionizing, I. xxxvii, lxxxviii, xcii, 254, 268 _sq._; II. 70; III. +4, 15, 410, 430 + +Mitanni, III. 435 + +Mithila, I. 89; II. 149 + +Mithra, I. 41; II. 88, 139; III. 409, 451 + +Mithradates, I. 23 + +Mitra, I. 57, 60, 88; II. 270 + +Mitra-Rajendralala, II. 51, 52, 54, 61, 116, 119, 123, 182, 190, 270, +395, 453 + +Mi-Tsang, III. 291 + +Mixed cults, II. 70 + +Mnemonic tradition, I. 285 _sq._, 296 + +Moamarias, II. 261 + +_Modern Buddhism_, II. 114 + +_Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan_, II. 245 + +Moggaliputta, III. 15 + +Moggallana, I. 147, 155, 319; III. 64, 89 + +Mohammed, I. 177, 178, 183; III. 435, 455 _sq._ + +Mohanechedani, III. 67 + +Mohaniya, I. 107 + +Mohsin Fani, III. 456 + +Mo-ko-Seng-Chi-Lu, III. 285 + +Moksha. _See_ Salvation + +Molaiye, III. 317 + +Molinos, I. 136 + +Mollahs, III. 459 + +Mollendorf, III. 289 + +Mo-lo-po, II. 96 + +Mon, III. 46, 100 + +Monasteries, I. xxxviii, xli, lxxxii, xciii, 137, 150; II. 94, 104, +105, 112, 113, 119, 120, 121, 175, 208, 260, 266; III. 16, 41, 44, 45, +54, 69, 70, 72, 90, 119, 121, 130, 156, 195, 201, 202, 205, 208, 211, +212, 228, 235, 250, 252, 261, 277, 303, 322, 339, 353, 372, 398 _sq._, +430, 442 + +Mongkut, III. 87, 93 + +Mongolia, I. xxvi + +Mongolian Lamaism, III. 401 _sq._ + +Mongols, I. xxvi, 28; III. 258, 269, 272 + +Monism, I. xliii; II. 223, 249; III. 305 + +Monju, II. 19 + +Mon-Khmer languages, II. 279 + +Mono-physites, I. 39; III. 409 + +Monotheism, I. xviii, xxxiv, ci, 7, 85; II. 192, 195, 197, 219, 229, +238, 239, 243; III. 224, 354, 417, 418, 433 + +Morality, I. lxxi, lxxvi; II. 167, 168, 209 + +Moriyas, I. 169 + +Mormonism, I. 325; III. 228 + +Moses, I. 216 + +Moslems, I. 178; III. 458 + +Mothers, the, II. 276 + +Mountain spirits, II. 159 + +Moura, III. 111 + +Mou-tzu, III. 218 + +Mpoe Sedah, III. 158, 171 + Sindok, III. 157 + +Mriccha-katika, II. 142 + +Mrigas, III. 425 + +Mrigendra, II. 205 + +Mrityu, II. 145 + +Mrityuh papma, I. 337 + +Mucalinda, I. 142 + +Muc-Lien. III. 342 + +Mudal-Ayiram, II. 231 + +mudita, II. 11; III. 173 + +Mudra, I. 306; II. 284; III. 172 + +Mughals, I. 19, 30; III. 455 + +Muhammad Adil, I. 29 + Bakhtyar, I. 29; II. 112 + Dara Shukoh, II. 270 + of Ghor, I. 28; III. 455 + +Muhammedan Conquests, I. 29; II. 95, 109, 112; III. 455 _sq._ + +Muir, I. 36; II. 148 + +Mukanna Kadamba, II. 213 + +Mukhalinga, I. xxviii; III. 144 _sq._ + +Mukhyas, II. 29 + +Mukocha, III. 336 + +Mukta, III. 174 + +Muktagiri, I. 121 + +Mukti, I. 44; II. 140, 235, 247, 250. _See_ Salvation + +Muktika Upanishad, I. 76 + +Mukunda Deva, II. 115 + +Mu-la-san-pu-la, III. 453 + +Mula Sarvastivada, I. 260, 299, 301; II. 57, 82; III. 28, 162, 166, +167, 285 (Vinaya), 373 + +Mulasthana, III. 453 + +mula tantra, III. 377 + +Mulavarman (king), III. 164 + +mula-vigraha, II. 173 + +Muller, F.W.K., II. 54; III. 191 + +Muller, Max, I. 80, 86, 317, 340; II. 52, 162, 296; III. 295, 300, 301 + +Multan, III. 453 + +Munda, I. 19; II. 279; III. 100 + +Mundaka Upanishad, I. 85 + +Mungayin Sen (king), III. 40 + +Munis (Indian), I. 224 + +Munja, king, I. 27 + +Murder, I. 99 + +Murids, III. 459 + +Murray, III. 447 + +Murunda, III. 105 + +Muruvan, II. 213 + +_Museon_, II. 42, 87, 222, 321; III. 297 + +Mutsung (Emperor), III. 316 + +Muttra, I. xlv, 113, 263; II. 19, 93, 154, 158, 159, 162, 230, 244, +251, 255; III. 420, 455, 458 + +Muziris, I. 26; III. 415 + +Myang-hdas, III. 375 + +Myingyan, III. 54 + +Myos Hormos, III. 415 + +Mysore, I. xli, 26; II. 108, 171, 213, 233, 235; III. 44 + +_Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions_, I. 114; II. 108, 212 + +Mysticism, I. lxi, 136, 142, 304, 310, 322, 323; III. 461. _See also_ +Meditation, Yoga + +_Mysticism_ (Underhill), I. 308, 316, 317; II. 275 + +_Mythologie der Buddhismus_, II. 129 + +Mythology, I. xxxi, 3, 13, 49, 63, 64, 103, 128, 142, 325-345; II. 26 +_sq._, 52, 68, 77, 82, 137, 162, 179, 201, 213, 229; III. 76, 389 + + +Nabha Das, II. 191, 245 + +Nabhaka, I. 268 + +Nabhitis, I. 268 + +Nada, II. 319 + +Nadia, II. 253, 255 + +Nagananda, II. 97 + +Nagar, III. 25 + +Nagarakretagama, III. 168, 172 + +Nagarjuna, I. xxxii, 193; II. 8, 10, 29, 38, 43, 46, 52, 54, 55, 59, +65, 82 _sq._, 316; III. 219, 285, 286, 292, 304, 307, 315, 376 + +Nagas, I. 6, 102, 175; II. 85, 118; III. 393 + +Nagasena, I. 226; III. 105 + +Nag-dban bLo-zan rGya-mThso, III. 363 + +Nahusha, I. 36 + +Nairatmyam, II. 36 + +Naiyayikam, III. 44 + +Nakshi Rustam, III. 450 + +Naladiyar, II. 215 + +Nalanda, I. 150, 162, 258; II. 87, 95, 102, 103, 106, 111, 125, 128; +III. 330, 387 + +Nalayiram, II. 231, 235, 244 + +Nalayira Prabandham, II. 191 + +Nama, I. 107, 209 + +namarupam, III. 247 + +Nambi-Andar-Nambi, II. 215 + +Nambutiri Brahmans, I. 90; II. 171, 190, 207, 275; III. 417 + +Namder, II. 244, 256 + +Namghosha, I. lxxv; II. 191, 259, 260 + +Namm'arvar, II. 231, 233 + +Nanabhivamsa, III. 64 + +Nanak, I. lxxii; II. 176, 242, 244, 248, 257, 267 _sq._ + +Nana nuru, II. 219 + +nanartha, II. 43 + +Nanda dynasty, I. 132 + +Nanda, I. 148; II. 83, 154; III. 424 + +Nandi, II. 222; III. 146, 167 + +Nandikesvara, III. 146 + +Nandimitra, II. 61 + +Nandisvara, III. 169 + +_Nanjio_ (Bunyiu) _Catalogue_ I. 258; II. 3, 14, 19, 24, 46, 51, 54 +_sq._, 61, 84, 86, 89, 126, 304; III. 42, 105, 123, 213, 218, 239, +248, 249, 259, 265, 270, 276, 280, 282 _sq._ + +Nanking, II. 316; III. 249, 251, 254, 255, 257, 284, 290, 312 + +Nan Shan, III. 316 + +Nan Yueh, III. 309 + +Naparam itthattayati, I. 139 + +Nara, II. 27, 88, 200, 252 + period, III. 403 + +Narada, II. 182, 195, 196, 200, 230; III. 66, 426 + +Narada pancaratra, II. 158, 195, 250 + +Narada parivrajaka Upanishad, II. 198 + +Narada Purana, II. 187 + +Naradiya, II. 182; III. 142 + +Narah, II. 199 + +Narai, king, III. 86 + +Naraina, II. 266 + +Nara Narayana, II. 199 + +Narapati, III. 61 + +Narasimha, III. 182 + +Narasimha Varman, I. 26 + +Narasinha Gupta Baladitya, II. 105 + +Narayana, I. xliii; II. 159, 193, 195, 197, 199 _sq._, 228, 233, 234, +253, 282; III. 97, 426 + +Narayaniya, I. lxxiv; II. 187, 200, 201, 229 + +Narthang Press, III. 381 + +mNaris, III. 352 + +Narita (burnt-offerings at), II. 128 + +Na-ro-pa, II. 126 + +Narotapa, III. 387 + +Naruma, III. 154 + +Nasik, I. 27; II. 203 + +Nastika, II. 32 + +Nata, I. 14, 105 + +Nataputta, I. 105, 111 + +Nathamuni, II. 231, 232, 234, 237 + +Nathas, II. 117 + +Nath Dwara, II. 252 + +Nats, I. 6, 102; II. 54, 68, 97 + +Nature (nature-worship, etc.), I. xvi, lxvi, 3, 6, 7, 12, 33, 56, 137, +332; II. 217; III. 68, 112, 182, 185, 225, 240, 243, 325, 399 + +Naya, I. 111 + +Nayadhammakahao, I. 116 + +Nayakas, II. 286 + +Nayaks, II. 226 + +Nayottara, III. 117 + +Necho, III. 432 + +_Neerlands Indie_, III. 3 + +Negapatam, II. 188 + +Negoro, III. 404 + +Nei-tien-lu, III. 290 + +Neoplatonists, I. xii, lv; III. 433, 447, 460 + +Neopythagoreans, III. 433, 447 + +Nepal, I. xxiv, xxvii, 132, 248, 269; II. 19, 21, 31, 32, 116, 117, +129, 143; III. 10, 74, 356, 375, 388 + +_Le Nepal_, II. 116 + +Nepala mahatmya, II. 1, 8 + +_Nepalese Buddhistic Literature_, II. 51, 52, 54 + +Nepalese Scriptures, I. 275 + manuscripts, II. 18 + +Neranjara, I. 136, 142 + +Nerbudda, I. 20, 25, 208 + +Nestorian Christianity, I. xlix, 39; III. 189, 202, 207, 217, 260, +263, 265, 409, 416, 427, 428 + Stone, III. 217 + +Netti Pakarana, III. 56 + +Nevars, II. 116, 117, 178 + +New Testament, III. 217 + +New Zealand, III. 151 + +Ngelmoe, III. 182 + +Nguyen, III. 341 + +Nha-trang, III. 144, 147 + +Nibana, III. 172 + +Nibbayeyya, I. 231 + +nibbuto, I. 223 + +Nichiren sect, III. 404 + +Nicholson, R.A., III. 460 + +Nicolaus Damascenus, III. 431 + +Nidana Katha, I. 171; III. 94 + +Nidanas, I. 207, 212 + +niddesa, I. 258; II. 197 + +Nieh-pan, III. 282 + +Nigamas, II. 282 + +Niganthas, I. 105, 111; III. 13 + +Nigliva, I. 269 + +Nigrodha Jataka, III. 442 + +Nikaya, I. lxxiii, lxxv, 278 _sq._; II. 48, 101, 205; III. 30, 282, +298, 299, 372. _See_ Sutta Pitaka, Digha Nikaya, Majjhima Nikaya, +Samyutta Nikaya, Anguttara Nikaya, Khuddaka Nikaya + +Nikaya-Sangrahawa, I. 293; III. 19, 40 + +Nilacala, II. 114 + +Nilakantha, II. 205, 318 + +Nilamata Purana, II. 126 + +Nilanetra, II. 86 + +Nilapata-darsana, III. 40 + +Nil Sadhana, III. 40 + +Nimavats (Nimbarkas), I. xlii; II. 230, 248, 251 + +Nimbaditya Nimbarak, II. 228, 230 + +Nine Dharmas, II. 59, 119 + +Ning-po, II. 14 + +Niranjana, II. 32 + +Niratman, III. 175 + +nirgama, II. 43 + +Nirganthas, I. 111 + +Nirguna, III. 181, 445 + +Nirguna Mahatmya, II. 115 + +Nirjara, I. 107 + +Nirmana, III. 360 + +Nirmana Kaya, II. 33 + +nirodha, II. 43 + +Niruttara (Tantra), III. 118 + +Nirvana, I. xviii, xcv, 204, 219, 222, 236, 249, 250; II. 6, 8, 10, +12, 32, 44, 45, 67, 75, 105, 121, 264; III. 375 + +Nirvanapada, III. 121 + +Nirvana Sutra, II. 51 + +Nirvritti, I. lxxxi; II. 283 + +Nitisastra, III. 172, 186 + +Nityananda, II. 254 + +_Nityanusandham Series_, II. 232 + +nityatva, II. 204 + +Nivasa, II. 230 + +Nivedita (sister), I. xlvii, lxxxix; II. 287 + +Niyama, I. 305 + +niyati, I. 98; II. 204 + +Nizam's dominions, I. 31; II. 225 + +Nobunaga, III. 404 + +Nordarisch, I. 276; III. 191, 208 + +_Nord-Ouest de l'Inde dans le Vinaya des Mulasarvastivadins_, I. 263; +II. 81 + +Norman, II. 148; III. 14, 23, 387 + +Northern Chou dynasty, III. 257 + Circars, I. 22 + Sing dynasty, III. 258 + Wei, III. 249, 289 + +North-West India, I. 263 + +Nri Simha, III. 106 + +Nrisinhata-paniya, II. 280 + +Nudity, I. 112 + +Num, I. 9 + +Nuns, I. 159, 248; III. 17, 125, 126, 342 + +Nushirwan, III. 460 + +Nyasa, I. 67; II. 275, 283 + +Nyaya, II. 39, 95, 291, 294 + +Nyayadvara-sastra, II. 91 + +Nyaya-pravesa, II. 95 + +Nying-ma-pa, III. 371, 385, 397 _sq._ + + +O, III. 141 + +O-baku, III. 291 + +Obscenity in ritual, I. 100 + +Occupation and caste, II. 177 + +Odontapuri, II. 111, 112; III. 350 + +Oelot, III. 365 + +Ola Bibi, II. 276 + +Oldenburg, I. 147; III. 13, 15, 285 + +Omei, II. 23 + +O-mi-to, III. 327 + +Om-mani-padme hum, II. 17; III. 395 + +Oracles, I. 103 + +Ordination, I. 141, 146, 243; III. 36, 37, 41, 57, 89, 130, 328, 389 + +Organisation, ecclesiastical, I. 37, 237 _sq._; II. 210; III. 64 +_sq._, 91, 131, 327 _sq._, 359, 404 + +Origin of Man, III. 288 + +Orissa, I. xxxix, xlii, 19, 30, 31, 113; II. 111, 113, 114, 116, 174, +206, 277, 386 + +Ormasd Yasht, III. 220 + +Orpheus, Orphism, I. lv, 237; II. 285 + +Orphic Societies, III. 429, 434 + +Osh, III. 202, 213 + +Osiris, II. 122, 285 + +Osmanlis, III. 198 + +Oudh, I. xxii, 20, 31, 95, 113, 131; II. 149, 266; III. 457 + +Oupnekhat, II. 270 + +_Outlines of Indian Philosophy_, II. 188, 222 + _of Jainism_, I. 105 + _of Mahayana Buddhism_, II. 45, 56 + +_Oxford History of India_, II. 64 + +Oxus, III. 197, 210, 212 + +_Oxyrhynchus Logia_, III. 437 + + +Pabbaja Sutta, I. 135 + +Pabbajja, I. 243 + +Paccari (raft commentary), III. 30 + +Paccaya, I. 208 + +Pacceka Buddhas, I. 344; II. 8 + +Padakalpataru, II. 245, 256 + +Padakartas, II. 256 + +Padas, III. 286 + +Padhanam, I. 216 + +Padjadjaran, III. 158 + +Padmanabha, II. 147 + Char, II. 238, 240 + +Padmapani, II. 15; III. 396 + +Padma Purana, II. 148 + +Padmaratna, II. 307 + +Padma Sambhava, I. xxvii; II. 125; III. 348 _sq._, 379, 381, 384, 393, +397 + +Padma Samhita, II. 188 + +Padmasana, III. 184 + +Padma-tantra, II. 188 + +Padma-than-yig, III. 349, 381 + +Padmodbhava, III. 122 + +Pagan, I. 120; III. 47, 52, 53, 55, 56, 67, 179 + +Pagan Min, III. 65 + +Pagodas, III. 48, 56, 70, 239, 325 + +Pag Sam Jon Zang, II. 129; III. 352 + +Pagspa, III. 273, 354, 388, 392 + +Pahlavas, I. 23; II. 69 + +Pai-Chang-ts'ung-lin-ch'ung-kuei, III. 322, 324 + +Paitao, III. 314 + +Pajapati, I. 103 + +Pakche, III. 336 + +Pakudha Kaccayana, I. 99 + +Palas, I. 27; II. 109; III. 129 + +Palembang, III. 161 + +Pali, I. xxiv, 116, 282; III. 12, 81, 375 + +Pali and Sanskrit, I. 282 + +Pali-Buddhism, I. xxiv, 127; III. 6, 84, 179, 180. Cf. Hinayana + +_Pali-Buddhismus_, I. 312 + +Pali Canon, I. 128, 130, 164, 254, 275-301; II. 7, 21, 33, 34, 48, 59, +102; III. 31, 189, 295, 297 + +_Pali dictionary_, II. 10 + inscriptions, III. 84 + +palimattam, III. 29 + +Palitana, I. 119 _sq._ + +_Pali Text Society_, I. 275, 304 + +Pallas worship, I. 23 + +Pallavas, I. 26, 27; III. 107 + +Pallegoix, III. 94 + +Pallivals, II. 177 + +Palmyra, II. 14 + +palya, I. 110 + +Panataran, III. 158, 165 _sq._, 179 + +Pancabheda, II. 239 + +Pancakrama, II. 86 + +Pancalas, I. 20, 27, 87, 95, 96 + +pancamakara, II. 284 + +Pancaratra, I. xxxv, lxxx; II. 97, 147, 152, 182, 186, 188, 195, 196, +197, 202, 224, 232 _sq._, 309; III. 387, 420, 425, 426 + +Pancaratra Sastra, II. 189 + +Pancaratra-tantra, II. 189 + +Pancasikha, II. 20, 296 + +Pancasirsha, II. 20 + +pancatattva, II. 284 + +pancatmaka, III. 175 + +Pancayat, II. 176 + +Pan-Chao, I. 24; II. 64, 76; III. 197, 201, 208, 244 + +Panchen Lama, III. 368 + Rinpoche, III. 365 + +Pan-ch'i, III. 125 + +Panchou, III. 314 + +Panchpiriyas, III. 459 + +Panchpirs, III. 175 + +Pandansalas, king, III. 160 + +Pandaravasini, III. 173 + +Pandavas, I. 55; II. 154, 155, 169 + +Pander, III. 219, 380 + +Pandharpur, II. 16, 256, 257 + +Pandrenthan, III. 194 + +Pandukabhaya (king), III. 13 + +Pandurang, II. 275 + +Panduranga, III. 138 + +Panduvasudeva, III. 13 + +Pandya (Pandian), I. 26, 114, 268; II. 214; III. 44 + +Panhavagaranaim, I. 116 + +Panini, I. xxxi; II. 153, 180, 194, 197; III. 419 + +Paniniya Darsana, II. 291 + +Panjab, I. xlviii, 20 _sq._, 25, 28, 29, 31, 87; II. 92, 93, 109, 270 +_sq._; III. 457, 461 + +Panjo, II. 282, 283 + +Panna, I. 220, 261; III. 30 + +Pannasami, III. 65 + +Panran, III. 138, 141 + +pansala (monastery), III. 41 + +Pantaenus, III. 414 + +Panthaka, I. 170 + +Pantheism, I. xviii, xxxiv, xxxvi, xliii, lxxix, ci, 8; II. 167, 179, +197, 224, 265; III. 218, 317, 462 + +Panya, III. 48, 58 + +Paochi, III. 282, 283 + +Pao-Chih, III. 254 + +Pao-hua-shan, III. 316 + +Papa, I. 107 + +Papa-natha, III. 106 + +Para, II. 196, 235 + +Parabrahma, II. 32, 278 + +Paracatti, II. 216 + +Paradise, II. 23, 28, 30, 31, 35, 42, 57, 61; III. 385, 451. _See_ +Kailas, Sukhavati, Tusita, Heaven + +_Paradise Lost_, II. 246 + +_Paradise Regained_, I. 129 + +Parajika, I. 205; III. 323 + +Parakrama Bahu, I. 293; III. 18, 25, 33 _sq._, 179 + +Paramabodhisattva, III. 149 + +Paramadi-buddha-uddhrita-sri-kala-cakra, III. 376 + +Paramaditya-bhakta, III. 454 + +parama-guhya, III. 173 + +Paramara dynasty, I. 27 + +Paramartha, I. 260; II. 78, 80, 81, 84, 88; III. 256 + +paramartha-satya, II. 38 + +Parama Samhita, II. 189 + Siva, III. 181 + Sunya, III. 181 + +Paramatman, II. 266, 312 + +Paramats, III. 63 + +Parama-Vishnu-loka, III. 114, 134 + +Param Brahma, II. 42 + +Paramesvara, III. 96 + king, III. 144 + +Paramitas, III. 173, 304 + +Param-vrahma, III. 114 + +Pararaton, III. 158, 168 + +Parasnath (Mt.), I. 120, 121 + +Parasurama, I. 36, 88, 130; II. 147, 213 + +paratantra, II. 38 + +Paratman, III. 175 + +paratpara, II. 278 + +Parbatiya, II. 119 + Gosains, II. 288 + +Pargiter, I. 15; II. 187, 188, 279; III. 424 + +Parias, III. 183 + +Paribbajakas, I. 95; III. 13 + +pari-kalpita, II. 38 + +Parinamana, II. 31 + +parinamavada, II. 264, 318 + +Parinibbanam, I. 223 + +Parinirvana, I. 223; III. 382 + +Parinishpanna, II. 38 + +Pari-priccha, II. 61, 62 + +Parishads, I. 75 + +Paritta, III. 375 + +parittam, III. 71 + +Parivara, I. 258, 292; III. 19, 31 + +Parivrajaka, I. 95 + +Parker, III. 18, 91, 54, 361 + +Parmenides, I. xix + +Parmentier, III. 137, 143, 144, 150 + +Parnasavari, III. 394 + +Parsis, I. 69, 122; III. 414 + +Parsva, I. xix, 110, 112 + +Parsva, III. 307 + +Parsvanatha, I. 95, 120 + +Parthians, I. xxx, 22, 69; III. 414 + +Parupana, III. 62, 63 + +Parvati, II. 174, 222, 277; III. 114 + +Pasa, II. 204, 216, 223 + +Pasenadi, I. 148 + +Pashanda Capetika, II. 258 + +Pasoeroean, III. 158, 168 + +Pa-ssu-pa, III. 273 + +Pa-ssu-wei, III. 114, 125 + +Pasu, II. 204, 216, 223 + +Pasupata philosophy, II. 54, 189, 201-205, 211, 216, 280, 291; III. +114, 148 + +Pasupati, II. 118, 145, 202; III. 114, 146 + +Pataligama, I. 161 + +Pataliputra (Patna), I. 21, 24, 117, 161, 162, 272, 290; II. 92, 137; +III. 15 + +Patan, II. 113 + +Patanjali, I. 303; II. 153, 202, 306; III. 424 + +Path, The, I. 185, 186, 213 + +Pa: thomma Somphothiyan, III. 98 + +Pa-ti, II. 204, 216, 223 + +paticcasamuppada, I. 144, 206 + +patigho, I. 227 + +Patimokkha, I. 129, 247, 277, 289, 290; III. 41, 130, 249. _See_ +Confession + +Patisambhida, I. 258 + +Patisandhivinnanam, I. 197 + +Patna, I. 135; II. 111. + _See_ Pataliputra + +Patriarchs (Buddhist), I. 256; II. 85, 86, 88, 95; III. 286, 304, 306, +307 (list) + (Jain), I. 113; II. 153 + (Taoist), III. 228 + +Pattadkal, III. 106, 116 + +Pattanatta Pillai, II. 219, 226 + +Patthananayo, I. 208 + +Paudgalikam Karma, I. 107 + +Paundraka, king, II. 162 + +Paushkara, II. 205 + Samhitas, II. 189, 195 + +Pava, I. 111, 162, 164, 169 + +Pavarana, I. 245, 247 + +Pawar dynasty, I. 27 + +Payasi, I. 196 + +Pedanda, III. 185 + +dPe-dkar, III. 393 + +Pegu, I. xxv, 269; III. 6, 26, 46, 52, 58, 73, 75, 80, 88 + +Pei Liang, III. 206 + +Peking, II. 16; III. 192, 274, 276, 301, 361, 369, 381 + +Peliyaksha, II. 59 + +Pelliot, II. 55; III. 101, 103, 124 _sq._, 157, 200, 215, 283, 296, +353, 373, 380 _sq._ + +Pemangku, III. 185 + +Pemeyangtse, III. 371 + +Pemiongchi, III. 371, 398 + +pen, III. 311 + +Pen-shi, III. 299 + +Pentad, II. 26, 164 + +Perahesa festival, I. 268; III. 44 + +Peri, I. 301; II. 22, 65, 87; III. 326 + +Perisiriyar, II. 219 + +Periya Purana, II. 188, 220 + +Periyarvar, II. 231 + +Periyatirumori, II. 231 + +Persecutions, I. 178; III. 44, 61, 103, 212, 252, 257, 267, 351, 414 + +Persepolis, III. 450 + +Persia, I. xv, xxx, xxxi, 21, 22, 31; II. 23, 65, 88, 139, 181, 240; +III. 3, 25, 180, 195, 199, 213 _sq._, 432 _sq._, 456 + +Peshawar, I. 21; II. 76, 87; III. 24, 220, 239 + +Peshwas, I. 31 + +Pessimism, I. lix, lxv, 44, 202 _sq._, 205 + +Petakopadesa, III. 56 + +Petas, I. 338 + +Petavattha, I. 280, 289; III. 205 + +_Petersburg Lexicon_, II. 196 + +Petithuguenin, III. 83 + +Petrie (Flinders), III. 430 _sq._ + +Peys, I. 6 + +Phagmodu dynasty, III. 357, 364 + +hPhagspa bLo-gros-rgyal-mthsan, III. 354 + +Phalchen, III. 374 + +Phalgu, I. 136 + +Phanrang, III. 138 + +Pharisees, III. 436 + +Phasso, I. 189, 209 + +Phat-To, III. 344 + +Phaya Man, III. 96 (Mara) + Ruang, III. 80 + Tak Sin, III. 86 + +Phi, III. 97 + Am, III. 97 + +Philo, III. 433 + +Philosophy, I. 64, 73, 303 _sq._; II. 291 _sq._ _See also_ Advaita, +Monism, Sankara, Vedanta + +_Philosophy of Reflection_, II. 39 + +_Philosophy of the Upanishads_, II. 306 + +Philostratus, III. 447 + +Phimeanakas, III. 121, 132 + +Phi-Pret, III. 97 + +Phi Ruen, III. 98 + +Phnom Penh, III. 109, 129 + +Phong-nha grotto, III. 150 + +Photisms, I. 309 + +Phra-bat, III. 85, 98 + +Phra: Buddha-Lot-La, III. 86 + +Phra: chedi, III. 89 + +Phra: In (Indra), III. 96 + +Phra: Isuen (Siva), III. 97 + +Phra-Khaphung, III. 98 + +Phra: Kodom (Gautama), III. 89 + +Phra: Mokha: la, III. 89 + +Phra: Nang: Klao, III. 87 + +Phra: Narai, III. 97 + +Phra Pathom, III. 82, 98 + +Phra: prang, III. 89 + +Phra: Saribut, III. 89 + +_phyidar_, III. 352 + +Physicians, king of, I. 201 + +Physics, I. ciii, 66. _See_ Matter + +Pi'ao, III. 47 + +Pi-eh, III. 311 + +Pilgrims, I. 143; II. 94, 130 + +Pillai Lokacarya, II. 236 + +Pillar Edicts, I. 269 _sq_. + +Pi-lo-fu, III. 327 + +P'i-mo, III. 209 + +Pindola, III. 326 + Bharadvaja, I. 320; II. 12 + +pinkama, III. 42 + +Pipal Tree, I. 142 + +Pipa Raja, II. 243 + +Piper, Mrs., I. lvii + +Pipphalivana, I. 169 + +Piprava Vase, I. 169; III. 23, 99 + +Pir Badar, III. 459 + +pirit, III. 36, 42 + +Pirs, worship of, III. 459 + +Pisaci, III. 394 + +P'isha, III. 209, 213 + +Pistis Sophia, III. 445 + +Pitakas, I. xlix, lxxiii, lxxviii, 95, 102, 117, 133_sq_., 141, 143, +149, 152, 169_sq_., 189, 193, 195, 197, 208, 211_sq_., 239, 260, +290-301; II. 67, 122, 137, 171, 305; III. 6, 19, 23, 29, 31, 69, 97, +240, 440, 450 + +piths, II. 286 + +Pitinikas, I. 268 + +Pito, II. 129 + +pitriyana, I. 88 + +Piyadassi, I. 266 + +Plato, I. lv, lxiii; III. 447 + +Pleyte, III. 167, 181 + +Pliny, I. 26; III. 415 + +Plotinus, I. 310; III. 431, 447, 460, 462 + +Plutarch, II. 23 + +Po-lai (Prah), III. 125 + +Polar Star, III. 342 + +Poli, III. 107, 163 + +Politics and Religion, I. lxxxi; III. 236 _sq._ + +Pollanarua, III. 18 + +Pollunaruwa, III. 26 + +Polo, III. 163 + +Polyandry, I. 55; II. 155 + +Polycrates, III. 434 + +Polydaemonism, III. 225 + +Polygamy, I. 90 + +Polymorphism, I. 48; II. 139 + +Polynesians, III. 100, 170, 185 + +Polytheism, I. lxix, 61, 62, 63; III. 317 + +Po-nagar, III. 140, 144, 147 + +Po-nan, III. 106 + +Pongol festivities, I. 100 + +Pongyi, III. 72 + +Ponnas, III. 67 + +Pon Prajna Candra, III. 120 + +Poona, I. 69; II. 171, 258 + +Pope, G.H., I. xc; II. 183, 215 + +Pope Innocent III, I. 202 + +Popular Religion, I. lxix, 6 _sq._, 100; II. 173; III. 42, 68, 97, +112, 145, 182, 224, 349, 350, 382 _sq._ (Bon) + +_Popular Religion of Northern India_, I. 103, 145, 147; II. 277 + +Porana, III. 14, 30 + +Porphyry, III. 444, 460 + +Portuguese, I. 31; III. 26, 34, 85, 128, 417 + +Possession by spirits, I. 11 + +Potala (Potalaka), II. 15; III. 135, 363 + +Po-U-Daung, III. 63 + +Prabandham, II. 231 + +prabhakari, II. 11 + +Prabhu, II. 256 + +Prabhuling-lila, II. 226 + +Prabodha candradaya, I. 27; II. 123, 230 + +pradakshina path, II. 172; III. 166 + +pradesika, I. 268 + +Pradhana, I. 335 + +Pradyumna, II. 196, 235 + +Prah Kou, III. 119 + +Prajapati, I. 57, 62, 67 + +Prajna, I. 220; II. 21, 34, 79; III. 173, 217, 301 paramita, I. xxxii, +lxxiii; II. 50 _sq._, 60, 66, 71, 72, 83, 85, 93, 118, 119; III. 53, +122, 123, 169, 173, 215, 260, 276, 282, 292, 293, 311, 374, 378 + +Prajnatara, III. 307 + +Prakasa, II. 319 + +Prakrit, I. 116; III. 8, 190, 208, 210, 214, 296 + +Prakriti, II. 217, 244, 255, 278, 289, 297 _sq._ + +pralaya, II. 317 + +pramara, II. 293 + +Prambanam, III. 154, 155, 165, 178 _sq_., 182 + +Prameya Ratnavali, II. 255 + +Prameyaratnarnava, II. 249 + +Prana, II. 240 + +Pranayama, I. 306 + +Pranidhana, I. 344; II. 29 + +Prannath, II. 261 + +Prapancasara Tantra, II. 282 + +Prapantja, III. 159 + +Prapatti, II. 237 + +Pra Pratom, III. 90, 97 + +prasad, II. 174, 180; III. 417, 422 + +Prasat Prah Khse, Inscript., III. 122 + +Prasnaviyakaranani, I. 116 + +Prasthanas, II. 238 + +Pratapa Chandra Ghosha, II. 236 + +Prataparudra, king, II. 115 + +Pratardana, II. 181 + +Praten, III. 98 + +Pratibha, I. 309 + +Pratimoksha, I. 300; III. 190, 214, 323, 328, 332, 373, 389. _See_ +Confession + +Pratitya Samutpada, I. 206 + +Pratyabhijna, II. 223, 224 + +Pratyabhijna-karikas, II. 223 + +Pratyahara, I. 306 + +pratyaksha, II. 292 + +Pratyekabuddhayana, II. 4 + +Pravahana Jaivali, I. 74, 88, 298 + +Pravritti, I. lxxxi; II. 283 + +Prayaga, II. 243 + +Praying wheels, III. 394 + +Prea Eynkosey, II. 159; III. 113 + +prema + +Prem Sagar, II. 161, 191 + +Preserver, the, II. 146 + +Preta, I. 335; III. 97 + +Preuschen, III. 430 + +Priesthood, I. 36. _See also_ Bonze, Brahman, Hoshang, Hotri, Purohit + +_Principles of Tantra_, II. 190, 281, 282; III. 40 + +Printing press, III. 289 _sq._, 381 + +Prithivi-bandhu, III. 375 + +Priyadarsika, II. 97 + +Proclus, III. 434 + +Prodigal son parable, III. 438 + +Prome, III. 47, 51, 53 + +Proverbs, Book of, I. 94 + +_Provincial Geographies of India_, II. 273 + +sPrut-pa, III. 360 + +Przyluski, I. 161, 263; II. 81 + +_Psalms of Maratha Saints_, II. 256 + +Psychology, I. 186, 192, 262; III. 39 + +Ptolemy, I. 26, 268; II. 158; III. 79, 105, 153, 430 + Philadelphus, III. 432 + Soter, III. 244 + +Pubbaselikas, I. 259 + +Public worship, I. lxxxiv + +Pugama, III. 47 + +Puggalavadin, II. 101 + +Puggalo (individual), I. 191; II. 101 + +P'u-hsien, II. 23; III. 327 + +Pujaris, II. 173 + +Pukham, III. 52 + +Pukkusa, I. 165 + +Pu-K'ung, III. 264, 293 + +Pulakesin, I. 19 + +Pulindas, I. 268 + +Pums, II. 165 + +Punakha Press, III. 381 + +Puni, III. 163 + +P'un-ming, II. 18 + +punya, I. 107 + +Punyamitra, III. 307 + +Punyayasas, III. 307 + +Purana Kassapa, I. 99 + +Puranartha, III. 142 + +Puranas, I. xxxvi, xxxviii, lxxiv, 15, 59, 256, 333; II. 28, 48, 151, +187, 193, 281, 306, 321; III. 105, 120, 173, 215 + +Pure Land school, III. 312 + +Puri, I. 30; II. 114, 116, 176, 208, 238, 254; III. 25, 134 + +Purna, I. 175, 299 + +Purna prajna, II. 237 + +purnatva, II. 204 + +Purnavarman, II. 96, 307; III. 153, 165, 176 + +Purohita, I. 88; III. 118, 145 + +Purra-Porul Venba-Malai, II. 213 + +Purusha, II. 297; III. 181, 426. _See_ Atman + +Purushada Santa, III. 176 + +Purushapura, II. 76 + +purvaja, III. 426 + +Purvamimamsa Sutra, II. 207, 291, 294, 310 + +Purvas, I. 116 + +Pusa, III. 186 + +Pusan, I. 57; II. 146 + +Pushkara-dvipa, III. 425 + +Pushpadanta, I. 117 + +Pushti-Jiva (Marga), II. 249 + +Pushya-mitra, II. 68, 69 + +Pu-tai, II. 25 + +P'u-ti-tu-lo, II. 95 + +Putnomita, III. 307 + +P'u-t'o, II. 15; III. 237, 279, 280, 309, 321 + +Puvvas, I. 116 + +Pyitshin, III. 72 + +Pythagoras, I. lv, 237; III. 434 _sq._ + +Pyus, III. 47, 53 + + +Qamar, II. 155 + +Quakers, I. 122 + +Quan-Am, III. 343 + +Quan-Am-Thi-Kinh, III. 343 + +Quan-Am-Toa-Son, III. 343 + +Quang-nam, III. 137 + +Questions of Milinda, I. 23, 199, 205, 225, 226, 240, 291, 339; III. +6, 246, 286, 296 + +Quietism, I. 136 + +Quilon (Bishop of), III. 417 + +Quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus, I. xcvii + +Qutayba, III. 199 + + +Rabbis, I. 91 + +Racial distinctions, II. 177 + +Raden Radmat, III. 141 + Rahmat, III. 161 + Vidjaja, III. 159 + +Radha, II. 157, 158, 229, 253 + +Radha-swamis, II. 266 + +Radha Vallabhis, II. 256 + +Radiance, world of, I. 331 + +Radloff, III. 192 + +Raffles, III. 155, 161 + +raga, II. 204 + +Raghuvamsa, II. 151, 189 + +Rahasyas, II. 237 + +Rahula, I. 134, 148, 151, 160, 298, 301, 315; _also_. III. 57 + +Rahulabhadra, II. 85; III. 219 + +Rahulabhadra Nagarjuna, II. 128 + +Rahulata, III. 307 + +Rai Das, II. 243 + +Raja, status of, I. 131 + +Rajagaha, I. 135, 147, 148, 150, 157, 158, 161, 162, 254, 255; III. 32 +(council at) + +Rajagirikas, I. 259, 339 + +Rajagopala Chariar, II. 190, 316 + +Rajagriha, I. 111; II. 94 + +Raja Kumara, II. 99 + +Rajaraja, I. 26; II. 108, 215 + +rajas, II. 298 + +Rajasanagara, III. 176 + +Rajasuya, I. 68 + +Rajatarangini, II. 85, 109, 127 + +Rajavaliya, III. 26 + +Raja-yoga, I. 305 + +Rajendravarman, III. 110, 121 + +Rajgir, I. 121, 135 + +Rajputana, I. 19, 30, 31, 115; II. 113, 242, 244, 252; III. 454, 456 + +Rajput Clans, I. 25, 26 + +Rajuka, I. 268 + +Raksasas, III. 182, 393 + +Ralpachan, king, III. 351, 378, 379, 386 + +Ram, II. 263, 264, 268 + +Rama, I. xv, xxxv, 72, 169; II. 148 _sq._, 169, 243 _sq._; III. 147 + Candra, II. 113, 148 _sq._ + +Ramadhipati, king, III. 58, 85 + +Ramagama, I. 169 + +Ramai Pandit, II. 114 + +Ramaites, II. 233 + +Rama Komheng, I. xxv; III. 80, 93, 109, 126 + Krishna, I. xlvii; II. 161 + +_Rama Krishna (life of)_, I. 317, 340 + +Rama-linga, II. 221 + +Ramananda, I. xliv _sq._; II. 212, 242 _sq._, 257, 263, 268, 269; III. +420 + +Ramannadesa, III. 46, 50 + +Ramanuja, I. xliv; II. 73, 74, 145, 151, 182, 186, 192, 197 _sq._, +203, 212, 221, 226, 228, 229, 232 _sq._, 242, 314, 316; III. 420, 457 + +Ramanya Sangha, III. 37, 38 + +Ramapala, II. 112, 129; III. 360 + +Ramapurvata-paniya Upanishad, II. 151 + +Ramaraja, III. 80 + +Ramatapaniya, II. 280 + +Rama Thuppdey-Chan, king, III. 129 + +Ramats, II. 243 + +Rama-uttaratapaniya, II. 151 + +Ramayana, I. xlv, lxxv, xc, c; II. 148 _sq._, 169, 187, 245; III. 6, +103, 106, 120, 152, 167, 170, 180, 186, 342 + +Ramayya, II. 225 + +Ramdas, II. 256 + +Ram Das (Guru), II. 268 + +Ramesvaram, I. 17; II. 150 + +Rammaka (Brahma), I. 153 + +Ranchor, II. 244 + +Rangachari, V., II. 236 + +Rangoon, III. 49 + +Ranjit-Singh, II. 272 + +Ranmali, III. 26 + +Rao-Gopinatha, I. xxxv, 58; II. 140, 165, 190, 202; III. 147, 382 + +Rapson, II. 153 + +Rapti (upper), I. 132 + +Rasesvara Darsana, I. 305; II. 320 + +Rashtra kuta dynasty, I. 27, 114 + +Rashtrapalaparipriccha, II. 100 + +Ras Lila, II. 250 + +Ras Mandali, II. 250 + +Ratnakaranda-vyuha-sutra, II. 19 + +Ratnakuta, III. 282, 374, 378 + +Ratnakuta-dharma-paryaya, II. 57, 61 + +Ratnapura, III. 43 + +Ratnasambhava, II. 26; III. 166, 173 + +Ratnavajra, II. 126 + +Ratnavali, I. 319; II. 97, 259 + +Ratthapala sutta, I. 134; III. 71 + +Raudra, III. 382 + +Raurava, II. 205 + +Ravana, I. 72, 337; II. 54, 149 + +Raverty, II. 112 + +Ravi, I. 20 + +Rawak, III. 194 + +Rawal Pindi, I. 21 + +Rawlinson, II. 256 + +Raymond, I. 11 + +_Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine_, I. 341; II. 18 + +_Recht und Sitte_, III. 41, 66 + +_Record of Buddhist practices_, II. 3 + +_Records of the Buddhist Empire_, I. 258 + +Red Clergy, III. 277, 397 _sq._ + +Reincarnation, I. xviii, xix, 1 _sq._, 11, 42, 108, 109, 123, 139, +194, 195, 196; III. 247, 444 _sq._ + +Rek Na, III. 94 + +Relations, relativity, theory, I. 208 + +Relics (Buddhist), I. 169; III. 16, 20, 22-28, 56, 81, 84, 211, 256, +262, 265, 266, 268, 270 + +Religion, definition, I. xii, xcvii, 12. Cf. Introduction _passim_ + +_Religions of India_, II. 143 + +Religious Orders, I. 95, 96, 97, 237. _See_ Asceticism, Monasteries + +Rembang, III. 153 + +Remusat, III. 207, 250 + +Remy, III. 371 + +Renunciation, I. lxv _sq._, 135, 215; II. 168 + +_Repertoire d'Epigraphie Jaina_, I. 105, 113 + +Revata, I. 257; III. 28 + +Revelation (progressive), I. lxxi, 76; II. 191, 233 + +Revelations (Maitreya), II. 83 + +Rhys Davids, I. 97, 103, 128, 129, 161, 212, 226, 259, 260, 315; II. +100, 175, 320; III. 14, 30, 45, 303 + +Rhys Davids (Mrs.), I. xxi, 180, 188, 190, 193, 208, 209, 213, 248, +259, 281, 314; III. 39 + +Rhys Davids and Oldenburg, I. 139 + +Ricci, II. 279 + +Rice, I. 114; II. 108, 213 + +Richards, II. 174; III. 311 + +Right Effort, I. 217 + +Righteousness, kingdom of, I. 140 + wheel of, I. 143, 170 + +Right mindfulness, I. 217 + +Rig Veda, I. xiv. lxxii, 19, 20, 51, 53, 55, 60, 62; II. 137, 146, +152, 181, 244, 275; III. 102, 426 + +Ri-lac, III. 342 + +Ri-moi-mthsan-nid, III. 377 + +Rishabha, I. 110; II. 148 + +Rishis, II. 193 + +Risshu sect, III. 404 + +Ritual, I. xvi, xxi, lxxiv; II. 6, 166-185, 207; III. 331. Cf. +Sacrifices, Temples + +Rochas (Colonel), I. lvii + +Rockhill, I. 99, 173, 259; II. 81, 103; III. 207, 211, 295, 351, 358, +373, 375, 378, 380, 396 + +Roga, I. 201 + +Rohini, I. 149; II. 153, 154 + +Roja, I. 171 + +Roman Catholicism, I. lxxxv, 37, 39, 238, 246; III. 35, 399, 417, 427, +443 + Colonies, III. 415 + Empire, I. 24 + +Romance, religious, III. 225 + +Rosetti, I. lxxxvii + +Ross, Sir. Denison, II. 89 + +Roussel, II. 195 + +Royal deification, III. 115, 119, 168 + +de Rubruk (Wilhelm), III. 395 + +Ru-che-tsan, king, III. 377 + +ruci, II. 255 + +Rudhiradhyaya, II. 289 + +Rudra, I. 59; II. 137, 140, 141, 183, 202, 228, 277; III. 146 + +Rudradaman, II. 69; III. 139 + +Rudras, I. 57 + +Rudra-sampradaya, II. 229, 248 + +Rudra Singh, II. 260 + +Rudravarman, III. 105, 106 + +Rudra Yamala Tantra, II. 281 + +Rufais, II. 254 + +Rukmini, II. 257 + +Ruling Spirits of the Four Quarters, I. 102 + +Rummin Dei, I. 132, 269, 274 + +Runes, III. 192 + +Runot, I. 67 + +rupa, I. 188, 209 + +ruparago, I. 227 + +Russell, II. 261, 266 + +Russia, I. lxx, 54, 122; III. 370 + +Ruwanweli Dagoba, III. 18 + +Ruysbroek, I. 323 + +Ryo-bu Shinto, III. 402, 410 + + +Sabannu, I. 228 + +Sabaza, III. 161 + +Sabbakami, I. 257 + +Sabda, II. 265, 266, 292, 320; III. 419 + +Sabha, II. 273 + +Saccidananda, I. ciii, 84; II. 248 + +Sachan, III. 446 + +_Sacred Books of the Hindus_, II. 182, 255 + +Sacred Edict, I. 267; III. 237, 323 + +Sacrifice, I. xvi, xxii, xxxvi, lvi, lxxxv, lxxxvii, 49, 62, 63, 64, +65 _sq._, 120, 145, 230; III. 127, 362, 385, 443 + +Sadasiva, III. 119 + +Saddaniti, III. 56 + +Saddhammapura, III. 50 + +Saddharma Pundarika, II. 4, 52; III. 284, 292, 374 + +Sadducees, III. 436 + +Sadhaka, II. 122 + +_Sadhana_, I. 46; II. 45, 282 + +Sadhu, II. 104, 245 + +Sadhumati, II. 11 + +S'adi, III. 461 + +Sadiya, II. 279 + +Sad-Vaishnavas, II. 239 + +Sadyojata, II. 198 + +Saeki, III. 265 + +Sagaing, III. 48, 53, 75 + +Sagaliyas, III. 21, 40 + +Sagara, I. 110 + +Sagata, I. 155, 329 + +Sahajananda, II. 252 + +Sahaj Bhajanias, II. 185 + +Sahassadeva, I. 269 + +Sahin (novice), III. 72 + +Sailesh, II. 147 + +Saindhava-cravakas, II. 129 + +Saint Angela, I. 316 + Augustine, II. 180 + Christopher, III. 442 + Frances, II. 217 + Gertrude, II. 161 + John, I. 181 + Paul, I. lxxiv, 273 + Placidus (Hubert), III. 442 + Teresa, I. lxii, 310 + Thomas, Apostle, III. 414 _sq._ + +Saisunaga dynasty, I. 132 + +Saiva, etc. _See_ Siva, etc. + +Saiva Siddhanta, II. 184, 203, 204, 216, 221, 225, 291, 309, 318 + +Saivottara Kalpa, III. 142 + +Saiyad Sular Masud (shrine), III. 458 + +Saiyid dynasty, I. 29 + +Sakadagamin, I. 227 + +Sakadvipa, III. 425, 452 + +Saka era, III. 154, 155 + +Sakalacaryamata-sangraha, II. 249 + +Sakambhara, I. 102 + +Sakas, I. xxx, 22, 23; II. 69; III. 212 + +Sakiya, I. 131 + +Sakka, I. 59, 102, 130, 333; III. 392 + +Sakkaya, I. 200 + +Sakkayaditti, I. 227 + +Sakra, I. 333 + +Saktas (Saktism), I. xxxiv, xxxvi, lxxxvii, 104, 310; II. 17, 18, 121, +124, 125 _sq._, 170, 176, 185, 189 _sq._, 209, 224, 255, 259, 274-290, +319 _sq._; III. 54, 274 + +Sakti (proper name), II. 145, 196, 216, 223, 274 _sq._, 319; III. 54, +119, 147, 389, 391, 396 + +Sakya (clan), I. 131, 132, 135, 149, 155, 161, 162, 166, 169; III. 13, +450 + (abbots), III. 353, 354, 357, 398 + +Sakya, II. 255; III. 364 + +Sakya Muni, I. 133, 274; II. 7, 30, 33, 52, 53, 55, 58, 66, 93, 105; +III. 166, 173, 177, 246, 327, 342, 385, 389, 446 + +Sakyaputtiya, I. 242 + +Sakya simha, I. 133 + +Sala, III. 130 + +Salistambha Sutra, III. 378 + +Sallustius, III. 447 + +Salva, king, II. 155 + +Salvation (by devotion or faith or prayer), I. xvi, xviii, xix, xxi, +xxii, xxix, lviii _sq._, 31, 44, 49, 83, 106 _sq._, 144, 186, 222 +_sq._; II. 72, 84, 121 (Tantras), 140, 152, 180-183, 217, 222, 235, +239, 255, 290, 291, 295, 310, 317; III. 39, 220, 313, 317, 404, 413, +428, 457 + +Samadhi (rapture), I. 83, 221, 262, 307; II. 61; III. 80, 300 + +Samadhi-raja, II. 55 + +Samajja, I. 103 + +Samanas, I. 95 + +Samanna-phala-sutta, I. 298 + +Samantabhadra, II. 13, 23, 32; III. 327, 388 + +Samantamukha, II. 14 + +Samanta Pasadika, II. 13, 14, 30, 298 + +Samarkand, III. 192, 202 + +Samarpana, II. 250 + +Samata, II. 43; III. 310 + +Samatata, III. 53 + +Samatho, I. 313 + +Samavayangam, I. 116 + +Sama Veda, I. 53 + +Samba, III. 452 + +Sambandha, II. 215 + +Sambapuri, III. 453 + +Sambhala, II. 129; III. 360, 386 (Zhambala) + +Sambhara, II. 32 + +Sambhoga Kaya, II. 32; III. 388 + +Sambhuvarman, III. 140 + +Sambhu Vishnu, III. 114 + +Samding, III. 394 + +Samhitas, II. 128, 188, 195 + +Samkara, II. 238 + +Sammaditthi, I. 215 + +Samma Samadhi, I. lxii, 221 + +Samma-sam-buddha, I. 344 + +Sammitiya, I. 260, 298; II. 98, 101, 105, 108, 129; III. 148, 162 + +sammoha, III. 117 + +Sammohana (Tantra), III. 118 + +Sammohavinodini (Pali), III. 118 + +Sammutiraya, III. 53 + +Samos, III. 434 + +Samoyede, I. 9 + +bSam-pa rGya-mThso, III. 363 + +Sampradaya, II. 179, 228. Cf. Sects + +Samprati, I. 113 + +Samsara (migration), I. 1, 42, 43, 44 _sq_., 199, 200; II. 45. _See_ +Reincarnation + +samskara, I. 188, 210; II. 300; III. 95 + +Samudra Gupta, I. 24; II. 87; III. 21 + +Samvara, I. 107; II. 140; III. 391 + +Samvriti-satya, II. 38 + +Samyama, I. 308 + +Samye, III. 350 + +Samyuktabhidharmahridaya, III. 213 + +Samyuktagama, I. 293, 300; II. 48; III. 190, 296 _sq_. + +Samyukta-ratna-pitaka Sutra, II. 83 + +Samyukta-vastu, II. 224 + +Samyutta nikaya, I. lxxiii, 189, 190, 192, 193, 201, 232, 278, 289; +II. 48; III. 65, 246, 297 + +Sanakadi, II. 228 + +Sanakadi-sampradaya, II. 230 + +Sanakavasa, III. 307 (Sanavasa) + +Sanang Setsen, III. 355, 357, 361 + +Sanan-kumara, I. 103 + +Sanatama Dharma, I. xlviii + +Sanatsujatiya, II. 187 + +San-bo-tsai, III. 161, 162 + +San-Chao, III. 97 + +Sanchi tope, I. 269, 272; III. 14 + +Sandberg, III. 399 + +Sandilya, II. 308 + Sutras, II. 182 + +Sangamaji, I. 160 + +Sangermano, Father, III. 63 + +Sangha (Buddhist order), I. 97, 154, 156, 182, 185, 237 _sq._, 256, +258; II. 115; III. 11, 36, 71, 214 + +Sanghamitta, III. 17, 21 + +Sanghams, II. 214 + +Sanghanandi, III. 307 + +Sanghapala, III. 105 + +Sangharajas, III. 65, 83 + +Sangharaksha, II. 64, 80 + +Sanghavarman, III. 295 + +Sanghayasas, III. 307 + +Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan, III. 172, 180 + +Sangiti, I. 256; III. 65 + +Sangsit, III. 185 + +Sanjaya, I. 98, 145, 147, 155 + (Java), III. 154 + Belaputta, II. 97 + +Sankara Acarya, I. xxxii, xl, xlii, xliii, lxviii, lxxxi, 82, 86, +211, 303; II. 73, 74, 109, 110, 130, 175, 183, 187, 197, 203, 206 +_sq._ (life), 220, 233, 234, 238, 258, 280, 282, 312 _sq._ +(doctrines); III. 421. _See_ Advaita, Monism + +Sankara-dig-vijaya, II. 110, 203 + +Sankara Narayana, II. 164; III. 114, 147, 181 + +Sankarapandita, king, III. 119 + +Sankara-vijaya, II. 209 + +Sankarshana, II. 196, 197, 200, 235, 319 + +Sankharas, I. 188 _sq._, 206 _sq._, 225, 230 + +Sankharuppatti-sutta, I. 210 + +_Sankhya Aphorisms of Kapila_, II. 296 + +Sankhya Karikabhashya, II. 296, 304; III. 286 + philosophy, I. lxxvi, xcii, 47, 49, 74, 98, 106, 108, 109, 128, 210, + 211, 302; II. 40, 54, 88, 99, 182, 197, 201, 202, 216, 217, 232, 291, + 292, 293, 296 _sq._ (details); III. 448 + +Sankhyam, III. 44 + +_die Sankhya philosophie_, II. 296, 299 + +Sankhyapravacana, II. 296 + +Sankhya-tattva-kaumadi, II. 303 + +Sankhya-Yoga, II. 224, 229 + +San Kuan, III. 225 + +San-lun-tsung, III. 304 + +Sanna, I. 188 + +Sanna (king), III. 154 + +Sannyasin, I. 89; II. 247, 254, 294 + +Sanskrit, I. xxiv, xxviii, 117, 130, 275, 300; II. 4, 6, 47 _sq._ +(Canon). (_Also_ Mahayanist Literature), 69, 113, 123 (Nepal); III. +81, 82, 138 _sq._ (Champa), 154, 164, 189, 190, 294 _sq._ (Chinese +Canon), 373 + +_Sanskrit manuscripts of Bikaner_, II. 190 + +_Sanskrit Texts_ (Muir), I. 36 + +Santa, III. 382 + +santana, II. 36 + +San-ta-pu, III. 287, 311 + +Santarakshita, III. 348 _sq._ + +Santhagara, I. 150 + +Santi, II. 255 + +Santideva, II. 9, 45, 60, 106 + +Santiparvan, II. 195, 196, 202, 203; III. 425 + +Santri Birahis, III. 182 + +San Tsang, III. 282 + +Saoshyant, II. 23; III. 451 + +Sarabha Murti, II. 140 + +Saradatilaka Tantra, II. 281 + +Saraha, I. xxxii; II. 29, 85; III. 219 + +Saraks, II. 114, 177 + +Saraladasa, II. 114 + +Sarasamuccaya, III. 172 + +Sarasvati, II. 19, 145 + +Sariputra-prakarana, III. 190 + +Sariputta, I. 147, 148, 155, 157, 172, 180, 211, 229, 320; II. 9; III. +58, 60, 89 + +Sarkar, B.K., II. 32, 111, 114, 116 + +Sarkar Jadunath, II. 113 + +Sarnath, I. 141, 171, 266, 270; II. 112 + +Sarva, III. 146 + +Sarva-darsana-sangraha, II. 91, 201, 202, 203, 205, 222, 291, 320, 321 + +Sarvajnadeva, III. 379 + +sarvajnatva, II. 204 + +sarva-kartritva, II. 204 + +Sarva Savaranam Bhagavati, III. 394 + +Sarvastivadin (sect), I. xxvi, xxxii, 262, 263, 291, 300; II. 48, 72, +77 _sq._, 85, 90, 101, 224; III. 148, 176, 191, 201, 202, 209, 212, +213, 285, 286, 292, 299 (Canon), 315, 451 + +Sasanavamsa, III. 55 _sq._, 61, 62 _sq._ + +Sasanka, II. 96 + +Sa-skya-pancen, III. 354 + +Saskya Pandita, III. 350 + +Sassanids, I. 24; III. 191, 451 + +Sasta, III. 120 + +Sastra Madhyavibhaga, III. 123 + +Sastri, Pandit Hari Prasad, II. 113, 116 + +sasvata, II. 43 + +Satagiri, I. 103 + +Satapatha Brahmana, I. lxxx, 89, 91 _sq._; II. 195 + +Satara Brahmans, II. 279 + +Satarudriya hymn, II. 141, 142, 183 + +Satasastra, III. 304 + +Satavahana dynasty, I. 22; II. 85 + +Sathagopa, II. 231, 237 + +Sati, I. 197 + +Sati, I. 217 + +Sati, II. 126, 285 + +Sati (Suttee), I. lxxxviii; II. 168; III. 183 + +Sat-mahal-prasada, III. 18 + +Sat-namis, II. 286 + +Satrapies, III. 451 + +Satriyas, III. 183 + +Satrunjaya, I. 121; III. 167 + +Sattras (monasteries), II. 175, 260 + +Sattva, II. 298 + +Sattvata-Samhita, II. 188, 189, 195, 196, 198 + +Sattvata sept, II. 154, 162, 194 _sq._ + +Satyasiddhisastra, III. 304 + +Satyavarman, III. 121, 140, 144 + +Saugatasrama, III. 121 (monastery) + +Saukavastan, III. 220 + +saumya, III. 382 + +Saundaranandakavya, II. 83 + +Saura Purana, II. 163, 238 + +Saurantrika, I. 260; II. 86, 90, 92; III. 304 + +Sauvira, I. 190 + +Savatthi, I. 148, 151, 152, 159, 162, 245 + +Savitri, I. 57; II. 146 + +Sawan, III. 185 + +Sawti sect, III. 63, 73 + +Saya, III. 72 + +Sayanacarya, II. 210 + +Say-fong inscript., III. 124 + +Scandinavian Literature, I. 45 + +_Scenes de la Vie du Buddha_, I. 173 + +Schiefner, I. 173; II. 126, 129; III. 108, 156, 219, 307, 453 + +Schmidt, III. 354, 373 + +Schmitt, III. 83 + +Schomerus, I. xli; II. 188, 204, 319 + +Schools of Philosophy (Indian), II. 291 _sq._ Cf. Sects + +Schopenhauer, I. lv, lxxvi, 47, 201, 208, 236, 309; II. 270 + +Schrader, I. lxxx, 76, 97, 99, 219, 232, 236; II. 128, 188, 189, 195, +197, 198, 204, 210, 235, 270, 322, 387 + +Science, I. ciii; III. 376 (Tibetan literature). Cf. Cosmology, +Metaphysics + +Scott, Sir. J.S., III. 49, 68, 70 + +Scott Moncrieff, III. 430 + +Scythian kingdoms, I. 22; III. 212 _sq._ + +Scythianus, III. 446 + +Sdok Kak Thom inscript., III. 109, 117 + +Sea of Milk, III. 425 + +Secret rites, II. 121, 283 + +Sects: + Buddhist, I. 259, 260 (list), 298 (list); III. 285 + Burmese, III. 57 _sq._ + Chinese Buddhists, III. 303 _sq._ + Hindu, II. 179 _sq._ + Japanese Buddhists, III. 403 _sq._ + Mahayana and Hinayana defined, I. xxx; II. 3 _sq._ + Sivaite, II. 216 _sq._, 222 _sq._ (Kashmir), 225 _sq._ + Tibetan, III. 397 _sq._ + Vishnuite, II. 194 _sq._, 228 _sq._ + +Seidenstucker, I. 312 + +Seistan, III. 3 + +Sekhen, I. 218 + +Sekkilar, II. 220 + +Seleucus Nicator, I. 21; III. 432 + +Self-hypnotization, I. 319 + +Semirechinsk, III. 199 + +Semitic alphabets, I. 61; III. 430 + deities, I. 60; II. 276 + +Sen-Dinesh Chandra, II. 114, 187, 213, 245, 253, 255, 279, 287 + +Sen, Keshub Chunder, I. 339 + +Senart, I. 113, 267; III. 122, 190 + +Senas, I. 27; II. 112, 253 + +Sendha-pa, II. 129 + +Seng, III. 217 + +Seng-Hin, III. 292 + +Seng-ts'an, III. 308 + +Seng-Yu, III. 307 + +Sensus Communis, I. 192 + +Seoul, III. 339 + +Sera, III. 359 + +Serapis, I. 41; III. 244, 429 + +Seringapatam, II. 237 + +Sermons (Buddhas), I. 143, 146, 185, 295 + +_Sermons of a Buddhist Abbot_, II. 42, 71 + +Serpent Power, the, I. 311 + +Serpent-worship, I. 103 + +Serra, III. 359, 399 + +Setavya, I. 162 + +Shaburkan, III. 446 + +Shadayatana, III. 247 + +Shah Jehan, I. 30, 31; II. 270 + +Shaka, III. 405 + +Shakespeare, III. 437 + +Sha-le (Su-le, Shu-le) (Kashgar), III. 200 + +Shamanism, III. 383 + +Shang Ti (Tien), I. 8 + +Shan languages, II. 279 + mountain, III. 325 + +Shans, III. 46 _sq._, 61, 79, 82 + +Shan-shan, III. 211, 213 + +Shan-si, II. 20; III. 221 + +Shan Tao, III. 314 + +Shantung, III. 319 + +Shao-Lin Temple, III. 255 + +Shatcakrabheda, I. 310 + +Shat-karma, I. 305 + +Shea and Trayer, II. 321 + +Sheikh Chisti shrine, III. 458 + Farid, III. 459 + Sadu, III. 459 + +Shelley, I. 46 + +Shen, I. 6 + +Shen-Chu Hung, III. 279 + +Shen-Hsiu, III. 309 + +Shen-Kua, III. 246 + +Shen-Seng-Chuan, III. 288 + +Shen-shen (Hinayanist), II. 93 + +Shen-Si, III. 250, 265 + +She-p'o, III. 156, 176 + +Sher-Chin, III. 373, 374 + +She-yeh-po-mo, III. 105 + +Shiahs, III. 459 + +Shiefner, II. 29 + +Shih-Chi-lung, III. 250 + +Shih-fen-lu-tsang, III. 285 + +Shih-Huang Ti (Emperor), III. 246 + +Shih-li-fo-shih, III. 162 + +Shih-li-pa-da-do-a-la-pa-mo, III. 154 + +Shih-sung-lu, III. 285 + +Shih Tsung, III. 268 + +Shin, II. 60 + +Shingon sect, II. 27, 58, 87, 275; III. 284, 316 _sq._, 382, 385, 404 + +Shin-shu, II. 51; III. 404 + +Shintoism, I. lxxxiii, lxxxviii; III. 402 _sq._ + +Sho-jo, II. 3 + +Short cut, the, III. 312 + +Shou-leng-yen-san-mei-ching, II. 56 + +Shou-Pu-sa-Chieh, III. 328 + +Shrichakrasambhara, II. 121 + +Shrines, II. 116 (Nepalese). _See also_ Temples, Images, Caves, Piths, +Dagobas, Pagodas, Chedis, Stupas + +Shu, III. 249 + +Shuddhi, I. xlviii + +Shun-Chih, III. 279 + +Shun-ti, III. 274 + +Shwe Dagon Pagoda, I. 119; III. 74, 76 + +Shwe Zigon Pagoda, III. 56, 69 + +Sialkot, I. 25 + +Siam, I. xii, xxiv, xxv, lxxxii, 241, 248, 276; II. 80; III. 49, 78 +_sq._ + +Siam Sangha, III. 37 + +Siamese Chronicles, III. 79 _sq._, 111 + +Siddha, I. 110 + +Siddhanta, I. 116; II. 216, 222 + +Siddhantacara, II. 284 + +Siddhanta Dipika, II. 183, 204, 205, 221 + Rahasya, II. 249 + +Siddha Pito, III. 387 + +Siddhartha, Siddhattha (name of Buddha), I. 133 + +Siddhattika, I. 339 + +Siddhi, II. 128, 282 + +Siddhi-traya, II. 232 + +Siddhi-vidya, III. 117 + +Si-Do-In-Dzon, II. 122 + +Siem-reap, III. 112 + +Sigala, I. 251 + +Sigalovada sutta, I. 158, 251 + +Siggava, I. 256 + +Siha, I. 111, 158 + +Sihalattha Katha, III. 14 + +Sikander Lodi, II. 263; III. 456 + +Sikhi, I. 342 + +Sikhim, II. 260; III. 369, 398 + +Sikh Religion, the, II. 256, 262 _sq._ + +Sikhs, I. xliv, xlvi, lxxii, 19, 31; II. 151, 176, 177, 185, 212, 267 +_sq._; III. 456 + +Sikshapatri, II. 252 + +Sikshasamuccaya, II. 55 _sq._, 60 + +Silabbataparamaso, I. 227 + +Silabhadra, III. 315 + +Siladitya, II. 96 + +Silam (Sila), I. 272; III. 30, 173, 304 + +Silappadhikaram, II. 214 + +Silappadigaram, II. 108 + +Sila-vagga, I. 103 + +Silavamsa, III. 61, 71 + +Silla, III. 336 + +Sima, III. 59, 130 + +Sima (queen), III. 154 + +Simeon, I. 133 + +Simha Bhikshu, III. 307 + +Simhalaputra, III. 307 + +Simhasana (Lingayat See), II. 227 + +Sin (Jain views), I. 107 + +Sind, I. 25, 28; II. 100, 109, 129; III. 455 + +Sindhu, II. 102 + +Si-nganfu, III. 207 + +Singaraja, III. 185 + +Singasari, III. 159, 165 _sq._ + +Sing-gu-sa, III. 63 + +Sinhalese Canon, I. 289 _sq._; III. 30 + Chronicles, I. 269; III. 25. Cf. Mahavamsa, Culavamsa + Commentaries, III. 29 + Sangha, III. 37 + +Sinhapura, III. 137 + +Sinope, III. 244 + +Sirascheda, III. 118 + +Siri, I. 103; II. 124 + +Sirimeghavanna, III. 21, 25 + +Sisira peak, III. 152 + +Sisnadevah, II. 143 + +Sisodias, II. 155 + +Sisowath, king, III. 129 + +Sister-marriage, III. 450 + +Sita, I. 72; III. 152 + +Sitala, II. 276; III. 459 + +Sittars, II. 218, 220; III. 418 + +Siva, I. xv, xvi, xxviii, xlii, xlvi, 48; II. 70, 95, 96, 98, 114, +118, 119, 122, 126, 127, 136-165, 174, 179, 182, 192 _sq._, 202-227, +228, 274, 319; III. 52, 53, 85, 97, 107, 113, 144, 146, 167, 173, 186, +355, 391, 392, 417. _See also_ Linga-worship + Goddesses, II. 145 _sq._ + +Siva-bhagavatas, II. 202 + +Siva-bhakti, III. 146 + +Siva-buddha, III. 159, 169, 181, 186 + +Siva-buddhalaya, III. 169 + +Siva-dharmottara, II. 187 + +Siva-drishti, II. 223 + +Sivaism, Kashmiri, II. 222 _sq._ + +Sivaism, Tamil, II. 212 _sq._ + +Sivaite Tantrism, II. 139 + +Sivaji (Maratha), I. 31; II. 157, 161, 256 + +Siva Kaivalya, III. 117 _sq._, 146 + +Siva-mukham, III. 144 + +Sivananabotham, II. 205 + +Sivananar, II. 221 + +Siva-radha, III. 146 + +Siva-Soma, III. 119 + +Sivasrama, III. 134 + +Siva Sutras, II. 205, 222, 224, 225 + +Sivavakyam, II. 220 + +Siva Vishnu, III. 181 + +Skanda (Kartekeya), II. 145, 202 + Purana, II. 220 + +Skandas, I. 123, 186, 190, 198, 209, 218 _sq._, 223, 229, 230; II. 67; +III. 175 + +Skardo, III. 20 + +Skeen, III. 13 + +Skoptsys, I. xxxvi, lxx, 122 + +Slave Sultans, I. 29 + +Slavonic (Slavs), I. 54, 63; III. 191 + +Sleep, I. lxiii, 82 _sq._; II. 302 + +Slokas, II. 104 + +Smaradahana, III. 171 + +Smarta Acaryas, II. 237 + +Smartas, I. xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxviii, xl; II. 189, 209, 222 + +Smith (Vincent), I. xix, 15, 32, 267, 271; II. 64, 76, 88, 149, 159, +172, 187; III. 260, 414, 432, 453 + +Smriti, I. lxxv, 54, 217; II. 189, 210 + +snadar, III. 352 + +Snanadroni, III. 147 + +Socrates, I. 94, 142 + +bSod-nams, III. 361 + +Soenda, III. 158 + +Soerabaja, III. 158, 161, 165 + +Sogdiana, I. 276; II. 139; III. 189, 191, 192, 201, 206 + +Sohgaura copper-plate, III. 74 + +Solar deities, II. 28 + +Solomon, I. 94; III. 430 + +Soma, I. 39, 58, 69, 90, 103 + +Somaj, III. 412 + +Somananda, II. 223 + +Somanaradittyar, II. 318 + +Somapuri, II. 111 + +Somdec prah sanghrac, III. 131 + +Somnath, I. 28; III. 455 + +Son of Heaven, III. 235 + +Sona, III. 50 + +Sonadanda Sutta, I. 131, 135, 152 + +Sonagir, I. 121 + +Sonaka, I. 256, 257 + +Sonari, I. 269 + +Songkran, III. 93 + +Songs of the Monks and Nuns, I. 171, 242 + +Soshyos, III. 451 + +Sotapanno, I. 227 + +Soul, I. l _sq._, ci _sq._, 260; II. 204, 236, 239, 297, 300; III. +116. Cf. Atman, Anatta, Jiva, Purusha, Pasu, Reincarnation + +South Indian inscriptions, II. 278 + +Southern Star, the, III. 342 + +Soyen Shaku, II. 42 + +Spanda, II. 223, 224 + Karikas, II. 223 + +Specht, III. 201 + +Spells. _See_ Dharanis, Mantras + +Spenta Mainyu, II. 198 + +Sphutartha, II. 89 + +Spiritualism, III. 229 + +Spirit world, I. 330; III. 81. _See_ Nats, Phis, Preta-bhut + +Sraddha, II. 53, 180 + +Sramanas, I. 95; III. 245 + +Sravakas, II. 80, 114, 129; III. 324 + +Sravakayana, II. 4 + +Sravana Belgola, I. xli, 114, 117, 120, 121; II. 214 + +Sravasti, II. 30, 93 + +Srey Santhor inscript., III. 122, 123 + +Sri, II. 145, 228; III. 114 + Champesvara, III. 113 + Dharmaraja, III. 80, 81 + Guhya Samaja, III. 375 + Harsha, III. 453 + Herukaharmya, III. 150 + Jalangesvara, III. 113 + Jayakshetra, III. 113 + Kantha, II. 205 + Mahendresvari, III. 115 + Mandaresvara, III. 113 + +Sribhashya, II. 182, 186, 229, 233, 234, 235, 237; II. 420 + +Sribhoja, III. 162 + +Srimararaja, III. 139 + +Srinagar, I. 269 + +Sringeri (Abbot and monastery), I. 208, 210, 211; II. 176; III. 147 + +Srinjaya, I. 88 + +Sriparama-purohita, III. 146 + +Sri-perumbudur, II. 233 + +Sri Rajasanagara, III. 159 + +Sriranga, II. 173, 190, 222, 232, 233, 234, 237 + +Srisailam, II. 227 + +Srisampradaya, II. 233 + +Srisanabhadresvara, III. 147 + +Sri Sikharesvara, III. 113 + +Srisomasarman, III. 120 + +Sri Suryavamsa Rama, III. 83, 84, 96 + Vaishnavas, II. 233, 235, 241 + Vinaya, III. 138, 148 + +Srok Kampuchea (Khmer), III. 101 + +Srong-tsan-gan-po (king), III. 347 + +Srosh, III. 221 + +Srut Gopal, II. 265 + +Sruti, I. lxxv, 54; II. 310 + +Ssu, III. 217 + +Ssu-Chuan, III. 349 + +Stael Holstein, II. 64 + +_Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahaviras und Buddhas_, I. 97 + +Stanton, III. 319 + +Starr, F., III. 336 + +State-craft, I. 18 + +Statue portraits, III. 114 _sq._ + +Stcherbatskoi, II. 87 + +Stein, I. xxxi; II. 127; III. 3, 193, 195, 196, 207, 209, 210, 218, +245, 301, 378 + +Steiner, III. 395 + +Stevenson, Mrs., I. 105 + +Stha, I. 116 + +Sthanakavasi, I. 116 + +Sthavira, I. 260; II. 100, 101, 103; III. 45, 149 + +Sthiramati, II. 10, 46, 94 + +sthula-sarira, II. 32 + +_Stories of the Eighty-four Vaishnavas_, II. 251 + +Strabo, III. 415, 431, 450 + +_Studies in Mystical Religion_, II. 313 + +Stupa, I. 119, 169; II. 76, 85, 98, 143, 172; III. 22, 65, 132, 165, +193, 194, 239, 270, 325 + +Suali, II. 321 + +Subandhu, II. 98 + +Subbashita Sangraha, II. 121, 123 + +Subhadda, I. 154, 166 + +Subhashita, II. 104 + +Subhuti, III. 360 + +Subjective reality, I. 327 + +Subrahmanya, II. 222 + +Sucandra, king, III. 386 + +Suchin, III. 261 + +Suchow, III. 192 + +Sudarsana, III. 298, 387 + +Sudas, I. 20, 59 + +Suddhadvaita, II. 248, 318 + +Suddhavidya, II. 319 + +Suddhodana, I. 131, 133, 148 + +Sudhanvan, king, II. 110, 207 + +Sudharman, I. 111 + +Sudras, I. 72; II. 85, 173, 185, 260; III. 183, 219 + +Suffering (cause of), I. 144, 206 + +Sufism, I. xii, ci; II. 239, 266; III. 460 + +Sugata, III. 168 + +_(La) Suggestion_, I. 318 + +Suhrillekha, II. 85; III. 286 + +Suhtankar, II. 73 + +Sui Annals and dynasty, III. 101, 206, 257 _sq._, 289, 293 + +Suicide, I. lxx, 205; II. 104; III. 329 + +Sujara, I. 175 + +Sukham, I. 224 + +Sukhavati, II. 23, 28, 103; III. 219, 220 + +Sukhavati-vyuha, II. 5, 14, 19, 27 _sq._; III. 220, 283, 284, 295, +313, 428 + +Sukh Nidhan, II. 265 + +Sukhothai, III. 79 _sq._, 82, 85 (Sukhodaya) + +Sukhtankar, II. 315 + +Sukshma-sarira, I. li + +Suku temples, III. 168 + +Sulagandi, III. 73 + +Sultanates, I. 29, 30 + +Sultan Muhammad Bahmani, III. 461 + Shahid, III. 459 + +Sumangalavilasini, III. 23, 30 + +Sumati (queen), Play, II. 237 + +Sumatra, I. xii; III. 104, 107, 151, 161-163 + +Sumedha, I. 343 + +Su-men-ta-la, III. 163 + +Sumerugarbha, III. 283 + +Sumpa, III. 353, 381 + +Sun (Buddha), III. 317 + +Sundara (king), I. 114 + (writer), II. 215 + +Sundari, I. 157 + +Sung dynasty, III. 148, 158, 205, 242, 253, 269, 282, 289, 290, 301 + +Sunga dynasty, I. 22; II. 68 + +Sung Yun, II. 65, 96; III. 209, 211, 254, 256 + +Sun-worship, II. 98, 109, 146, 156; III. 452, 453 + +Sunya (Sunyam, Sunrata, Sunyata), II. 38, 43, 51, 52, 55, 67, 73, 75, +115, 198; III. 173 + +Sunyamurti, II. 116 + +Sunya Purana, II. 114 + +Sunya Samhita, II. 115 + +Sunya-vada, I. 303; II. 322 + +Supernatural, the, I. 141, 161, 174, 304. _See_ Miracles + +Superstitions, I. xxxvii; II. 121; III. 230 _sq._, 240, 334, 344. +_See_ Aboriginal deities, Animism + +Suppiya, I. 289 + +Supreme Spirit, II. 46, 137, 179, 193, 194, 199, 229, 238, 243, 290, +294 + +Surangama, III. 284 + +Surangama Samadhi, II. 56 + +Surashtra, I. 23; III. 451 + +Surdas, II. 191 + +Surendrabodhi, III. 379 + +Sur-sagar, II. 191 + +Surya, I. 57; II. 146; III. 184, 186, 453, 454 + +Suryagarbha Sutra, II. 58; III. 215 + +Suryanarayana, II. 114 + +Suryavamsa Rama (Sri), II. 7; III. 11 + +Suryavarmadeva, III. 149 + +Suryavarman, III. 110 + +Suso, I. 317 + +Sutasoma Jataka, III. 172, 176, 181, 442 + +Sutra Kritanga, I. 111, 116 + +Sutralankara, II. 49, 83, 169; III. 439 + +Su-Tsung, III. 263, 274 + +Sutta, I. lxxiii, 98, 129 (meaning), 130, 150, 166, 172, 258, +277 _sq._ + +Suttanta, I. 129 + +Sutta Nipata, I. 117, 133, 135, 164, 216, 232, 279, 289; II. 160, 197; +III. 42, 299 + Sangaha, III. 56 + Vibhanga, I. 277, 289 + +Suvarnabhumi, III. 6, 52, 59, 103 + +Suvarna-dvipa, III. 353 + +Suvarna-prabhasa-sutra, II. 32, 54, 60; III. 191, 215, 284 + +Su-Wu, III. 105, 113 + +Suyagadangam, I. 116 + +Suzuki (Zeitaro), II. 10, 34, 42, 44, 56, 71, 83 + +Svabhava, II. 39 + +Svabhava-kaya, II. 32 + +Svabhava-vada, I. 98 + +Svacchanda, II. 224 + +Svankalok, III. 79 + +Svasamvedyopanishad, II. 322 + +Svayambhu, II. 20, 57, 118 + Purana, II. 20, 55, 118, 119; III. 383 + +Svetadvipa, II. 196; III. 425 + +Svetaketu, I. 8 + +Svetambara, I. 111, 112, 116, 117, 120 + +Svetasvatara Upanishad, I. 85; II. 180, 182, 187, 219, 296, 302, 305 + +Swaminarayana, II. 175, 252 + +Swat, II. 126 + +Swedenborg, I. lv + +Swinburne, I. lxvi; II. 287 + +Swing rites, I. 100; II. 115; III. 94 + +Syadvada, I. 108 + +Syama, III. 79 + +Syllabaries, use of, III. 300 + +Symbolism, I. lxx + +Synod, III. 34 + +Syria, I. 268; III. 430 + +Syriac, III. 189 + +Syrian Christianity, II. 226 + + +Ta-A-lo-han-nan-t'i-mi-to-lo-so-shuo-fa-chu-chi, III. 326 + +Tabaristan, III. 199 + +Tabat-i-Nasiri, II. 112 + +Ta Chi, III. 282 + +Ta Chieng, II. 3 + +Tagara (Ter), III. 106, 155 + +Tagaung, III. 47, 50 + +Tagore Devendranath, I. 76; II. 287 + Rabindranath, I. 46; II. 45 + +T'aiping Rebellion, III. 232, 319 + +Tai-shih-chih, II. 23 + +Tai-Tsu, III. 270, 275, 289 + +Tai-Tsung, III. 259, 260, 264, 270, 279, 288, 327 + +Taittiriya Aranyaka, II. 153 + +Taittiriya school, I. lxxiii, 78 _sq._ + Upanishad, I. 46, 72, 78, 81, 84 + +Tajih, II. 27 + +Ta-jih-ching, II. 58; III. 284, 317 + +Ta-jima, II. 88; III. 265 + +Takakusu, I. 258; II. 3, 55, 78, 81, 82, 90, 103, 104, 125; III. 162, +217, 256, 283, 286, 298, 315, 329 + +Ta Keo, III. 132 + +Takshasila, I. 282; II. 100; III. 220 + +Talaings, III. 28, 29, 45, 46, 51, 100 + +Talifu, III. 79 + +Talikota, I. 30 + +tamas, II. 298 + +_Tamilian Antiquary_, II. 215, 219 + +Tamil Puranas, II. 183 + +Tamils (language, literature, etc.), I. xxiv, xli, 108, 114, 118; II. +96, 182, 189, 191, 192, 204, 211, 212, 216; III. 5, 11 _sq._, 26, 42 +_sq._, 416 + +Ta Ming San Tsang, III. 289 + +Tamluk, II. 94 + +Ta-mo, III. 255 + +Ta-mohsue-mailun, III. 304 + +Tamralipti, II. 92 + +tan-dhan-man, II. 250 + +T'ang dynasty, II. 18; III. 54, 154, 155, 193, 198, 202, 204, 206, +208, 209, 210, 242, 258-269, 289, 290, 301, 337 + +Tangri, III. 216 + +Tanguts, III. 208, 212 + +Tanha, I. lxxvii _sq._, 144, 198, 206, 208, 209 + +Tanjore, I. 26; II. 214; III. 5, 16, 44 + +Tanjur, the, III. 351, 372 _sq._ + +Tanmatra, II. 299 + +Tantoc Panggelaran, III. 171 + +Tantras (Tantrism), I. xxxvi, lxxiv, lxxxi, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, 49, 67; +II. 4, 8, 9, 21, 32, 55, 61, 62, 87, 121, 185, 188 _sq._, 274 _sq._, +306, 342; III. 40, 173, 293, 372, 375, 462 + +Tantra Sastra, II. 281 + +Tantravarttika, II. 207 + +Tantrayana, III. 316 + +Tantri, III. 172 + +Tantric Buddhism, II. 126, 129, 130; III. 51, 52, 349 + school, III. 316-320 + texts, II. 121; III. 265 + +Tantular, III. 176 + +Tanunapat (Agni), I. 57 + +Tao, II. 42; III. 216 + +Tao-an, III. 295 + +Tao Hsin, III. 308 + +Tao Hsuan, III. 316, 326 + +Taoism, I. lxxxiii, 49, 306; II. 284; III. 125, 193, 216, 227 _sq._, +241, 252, 258, 267, 271, 275 _sq._, 305, 319 + +Taoist deities, III. 342 + +Tao-mi-to Ching, III. 295 + +Tao-te-Ching, III. 246, 247 + +Tapa, III. 183 + +Tapas, I. 71, 119. _See_ Asceticism + +Tapasi, III. 141 + +Ta Prohm temple, III. 123 + +Tapussa, III. 50 + +Tara, II. 16-19, 27, 105, 122 _sq._, 277, 280; III. 156, 165, 169, +173, 219, 348, 393 + +Tara, the White, III. 383 + +Taranatha, II. 56, 63, 65, 68, 78, 80, 87, 111, 112, 113, 115, 125, +126, 128, 129; III. 52, 108, 123, 156, 177, 180, 219, 306, 307, 331, +360, 363, 381, 398, 453 + +Taranatha Vidyaratha, II. 281 + +Tarigs, I. 238 + +Tarim basin, I. xxvi; II. 17; III. 188 _sq._, 349, 452 + +Tartar states, III. 8, 126, 249, 268 + +Tashiding, III. 371 + +Tashihchi, III. 327 + +Tashi Lama, II. 113; III. 370, 371 + +Tashi-lhun-po, III. 345, 360, 399 + +Tashkent, III. 199, 202 + +de Tassy (Garcin), II. 262 + +Tathagata, I. 110, 133, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168, 228, 230; II. 26, 38; +III. 166, 216, 446 + Garbha, II. 34, 43, 75, 84, 87 + Guhyaka, II. 55, 61, 123; III. 375 + +Ta-Tsi, II. 57 + +Tattanattu Pillai, II. 220 + +Tat tvam asi, I. 81 + +tattvas, II. 204, 297, 319 + +tattvatraya, II. 237 + +Ta'-t'ung-fu, III. 193 + +Taunggwin Sayadaw, III. 66 + +Taungu, III. 53 + +Tauric Artemis, II. 276 + +Taw Sein Ko, III. 49, 55, 59 + +Taxila (Takshasila), I. xxxi, xxxv, 21, 23; III. 450. Now Rawal Pindi + +Taylor (Isaac), III. 356 + +Ta Yueh Chih, III. 244 + +Ta Yun Ching, III. 261 + +_Teachings of Vedanta according to Ramanuja_, II. 315 + +Teg Bahadur Guru, II. 268, 270 + +Tegri, III. 354 + +tejas, II. 196 + +Telang, II. 207 + +Tel-el-Amarna, III. 432 + +Telinga Brahmans, II. 249 + +Telingana, III. 46 + +Telopa (Tailopa), III. 387 + +Telugu, I. 118; II. 219 + +Temple, Sir. R.C., III. 49, 51, 68, 69 + +Temple ritual, I. lxxxiv; II. 174; III. 42 _sq._, 331 _sq._, 389 +_sq._, 400 (Tibetan) + +Temples, I. xxix, xxxiii, xlii, xlvi, lxxxiv _sq._, 114, 115, 119 +(Jains); II. 172, 174; III. 74, 165 _sq._, 184 _sq._, 325, 343, 356. +_See also_ Chedis, Dagobas, Pagodas, Stupas + +Tenasserim, III. 73 + +Tendai, III. 310, 404 + +Tengalais, II. 163, 231, 235 + +Tenggarese, III. 157, 182 + +Tennent's _Ceylon_, III. 26, 33 + +Tennyson, I. 329 + +Tephu, III. 371 + +Ter, III. 194 + +Terai, I. 266 + +Terebinthus, III. 446 + +Terma, III. 350 + +Terminology, ambiguities, I. 8, 189; III. 224 + +Teshu Lama, III. 280 + +Tetsu-yen, III. 291 + +_Textbook of Psychology_, I. 190 + +Tezpur, II. 127 + +Thadominpaya, III. 48 + +Thagya, III. 69 + +Thai, the, I. xxv; III. 79, 81 + +Thanangam, I. 116 + +Thanesar, I. 25, 55 + +Thapinyu, III. 56 + +Tharrawadi, III. 65 + +Thathanabaing, III. 66, 72 + +Thaton, III. 6, 28, 29, 46, 48, 50, 55 + +Theg-dman, II. 3 + +Thegpa-chen-po, II. 3 + +Theopathic condition, II. 161 + +Thera, I. 256; III. 30 + +Theragatha, I. 137, 139, 170, 180, 200, 279; II. 181; III. 240, 297 + +Therapeutae, III. 434, 436 + +Theravada, I. 261, 262; II. 48, 62, 162 + +Therigatha, I. 171, 279; II. 181; III. 240, 299 + +Theriya Nikaya, III. 40 + +Thesmophoria, I. 101 + +Thibaut, II. 316 + +Thibaw, king, III. 49, 66, 71 + +Thib-Ching-Cha, III. 94 + +Thohanbwa, III. 61 + +Thomas, III. 396 + +Thompson, Francis, II. 162, 183 + +Thompson, P.A., III. 89 + +Thonmi Sanbhota, III. 348, 378 + +Thor, I. 63 + +Thot-Kathin, III. 93 + +Thought transference, III. 304, 309 + +Thrace (Thracians), III. 435 + +Three Bodies. _See_ Trikaya + +Three kingdoms, III. 249 + +Thsang-yang-Gya-thso, III. 366 + +Thugs, I. lxxxix; II. 277 + +Thu-'Nam, III. 94 + +Thunder, Ministry of, III. 225 + +Thuparama Dagoba, III. 16 + +Thurston, I. 90; II. 171, 225 + +Tibet, I. xiii, xxiv, xxvii, xcii, 212, 238, 248; II. 17, 19, 23, 32, +82, 100, 111, 122, 127, 128, 129, 278; III. 8, 192, 199, 200, 207, +210, 214, 260, 263, 276, 278, 329, 345 _sq._ + +Tibetan Canon, I. 276; II. 47, 57, 372-381 + Chronicles, III. 211 + +Tibetan manuscripts, III. 192 + translations, II. 74, 95, 103, 111, 280, 350, 352. _See also_ Kanjur, + Lamaism, Tanjur, Tantrism + +Tibeto-Burman languages, II. 279; III. 46 + +Tien (Shang Ti), I. 7; III. 216 + +Tien-shan, III. 192 + +Tien-t'ai, II. 51; III. 238, 258, 261, 287, 303, 310, 311 _sq._, 336 + +T'ientsin, III. 319 + +Tigaria, II. 114 + +Ti-Kuan, III. 312 + +Tiladhaka, II. 17 + +Ti-lo-shi-ka, II. 105 + +Timur, I. 29 + +Tinnevelly, I. 26; II. 222, 237 + +Tipitaka. _See_ Tripitaka + +Tirokuddasuttam, III. 92 + +Tirhut. I. 87, 113; II. 117 + +Tirthankara, I. 110, 119, 343; II. 153; III. 307 + +Tirumalar, II. 204 + +Tirumangai, II. 231 + +Tirumurai, II. 215, 220 + +Tirupati, II. 240 + +Tiruvacagam, I. xlv, xc; II. 215, 217, 219, 221, 232; III. 418 + +Tiru-vay-mori, II. 231 + +Tisastvustik (Turkish), III. 356 + +Tissak, III. 43 + +Tissa Moggaliputta, I. 256, 259, 261, 271 + +Ti-tsang, II. 18, 24; III. 221, 321, 327, 446 + +Titthiya school, I. 97 + +Tjandi Arjuno, III. 167 + Bimo, III. 167 + Djago, III. 159, 165, 168 + Kalasan, III. 165 _sq._ + Mendut, III. 165 + Plaosan, III. 165 + Sangasani, III. 168 + Sari, III. 165 + +Tjantakaparva, III. 172 + +Tjitjatih River, III. 158 + +Toba Hung, III. 252 + +Toba Tao, III. 252 + +Todar Mall, I. 31 + +Toemapel, III. 158, 159, 168 + +Tokhara, III. 202 + +Tokharian (Tokhari), III. 191, 202, 206, 213, 221 + +Tokmak, III. 198 + +Tokyo, III. 290 + +Toleration, I. xcii, xciv, 158, 178 + +Tolo-Pu-sa, II. 17 + +Tomara dynasty, I. 29 + +Tone inflexion, III. 81 + +Tonkin, III. 340 + +Tooth (Buddha's), III. 22-28, 277 + +Toramana, I. 25 + +Tortoise (incarnation), II. 147 + +T'oumu, II. 18 + +Toungco, III. 48 + +_T'oung Pao_, II. 78, 88; III. 183, 213, 217, 248, 280, 292, 297, 324, +335, 349, 350, 353, 384 + +_Tour in search of Sanskrit manuscripts_, II. 127 + +Towers of Fame and Victory, I. 120 + +Toyog, III. 189 + +Trade routes, I. xii, xxvi; II. 139; III. 100, 106, 155, 188, 189, +197, 203, 263, 415, 430 + +Trailokyasara, III. 114 + +Trailokyesvara, III. 116 + +Traiphum, III. 99 + +Tran dynasty, III. 341 + +_Translations of the Dhamma Sangari_, I. 281 + +Transliteration (Chinese system), III. 300 _sq._; + (Tibetan system), III. 347, 377 + +Transmigration. _See_ Metempsychosis, Reincarnation, Samsara + +Trapusha, III. 215 + +Travancore, I. 26; II. 147, 222 + +Triad, II. 23, 30, 164, 204; III. 122 + +Triad (Chinese Scriptures), III. 317, 327 + +Tribal divisions, II. 178 + +_Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces_, II. 261, 266 + +Trichinopoly, I. 17, 26; II. 235 + +Trichur, II. 207 + +Trika (tripartite), II. 223 + +Trikaya, II. 32, 84; III. 181, 388 + +Trilokasara, I. 117 + +Trimurti, I. 57; II. 164; III. 176, 180 + +Trinh, III. 341 + +Trinity, I, 310; III. 122, 421, 451 + +Tripitaka (Tipitaka), I. 51, 117, 128, 242, 258, 261, 271, 276; II. +78, 81, 84; III. 14, 51, 56, 65, 81, 83, 86, 88, 98, 217, 237, 248, +356. _See_ Chinese Tripitaka + +Triratna, III. 343 + +Trita, III. 425 + +Tritresta, III. 155 + +Tritsus, I. 20 + +True Law, the, I. 217 + +Trut-Thai, III. 93 + +Tsa, III. 296 + +Tsai Hsin, III. 213 + +Tsai-Li, III. 319 + +Tsang province, III. 364 + +Tsangspa-dKarpo, III. 392 + +Tsao Tung, III. 309 + +Tsarma, III. 211 + +Tseng-i, III. 296 + +Tshe-Mara, III. 350 + +Tsi-lu (Chi-lu), III. 287 + +Tsin dynasty, III. 103, 104, 249, 314 + +Tsin (former) State, III. 250 + +Tsong-kha-pa, I. xxvii; III. 276, 358, 381, 388, 398 + +Tsui Hao, III. 252 + +Tsung, III. 303 + +Tsung-men, III. 306, 310 + +Tsung-n'en-t'ung-yoao-hsu-chi, III. 307 + +Tsu-Shih, III. 306 + +Tu-Chi, III. 290 + +Tu Fa Shun, III. 315 + +Tughlak dynasty, I. 29 + +Tukaram, I. xc; II. 161, 244, 245, 255, 258; III. 427 + +Tukhara, III. 297 + +Tulsi Das, I. xlv, lxxv, lxxxi, xc, c; II. 150, 152, 191, 245 _sq._, +282 + +Tumed, III. 362 + +T'ung, III. 311 + +Tungabhadra, I. 30 + +Tun-huang, III. 189, 192, 193, 197, 210, 301, 446 + +Turanian invasions, I. 35 + +Turfan, II. 22; III. 190, 198, 200, 205 _sq._, 297, 356 + +Turiya, I. lxiii, 83 + +Turkestan, II. 24, 54, 56; III. 380, 458 + +Turki dynasties, I. 28; III. 456 + +Turkish, I. 20; III. 192, 215 + +Turkomans, I. 23 + +Turks, III. 198, 199 + +Turnour, III. 21, 25 + +Tusita heaven, I. 174, 261, 342; II. 7, 67; III. 20, 24, 220 + +Tutelary deities, III. 391 _sq._ + +Tvashtri, I. 57 + +_Two visits to Tea Countries of China_, III. 27 + +Tylor, I. 304 + +Tzu-An, III. 280 + +Tz'u-en-tai-shih, III. 315 + +Tz'u-en-tsung, III. 315 + +Tzu Liang, III. 253 + + +Uccheda, II. 43 + +Udana, I. 133, 157, 160, 226, 296; III. 214, 296, 372, 373 + +Udanavarga, III. 295 + +Udandapura, II. 111 + +Udayadityavarman, III. 110, 119 + +Udayana (king), II. 85 + +Uddaka Ramaputta, I. 135, 136, 303, 316 + +Uddalaka Aruni, I. 75, 81, 92; II. 308 + +Udeypore, III. 116 + +Udgatri, I. 69 + +Udhaccam, I. 227 + +Udipi, II. 240 + +Udyana, II. 22, 93, 96, 100, 109, 126, 127, 278; III. 213, 254, 300, +349, 398 + +Ugra. III. 146, 382 + +Ugrasena, king, III. 452 + +Uighur, I. 276; II. 54, 89; III. 189, 192, 198, 200, 206, 210, 215, +263, 356 + +Ujjain, I. 25; II. 108 + +Ujjeni, II. 227 + +Ujjhebhaka, II. 59 + +Ukkala, III. 50 + +Ukko, I. 9 + +Ullambana, III. 264 + +Uma, II. 216, 218; III. 114, 146, 147 + +Uma Haimavati, II. 277 + +Umapati, II. 184, 221 + +Underhill, I. 136, 308; II. 275 + +Uniformity (Hinduism), II. 167, 177 + +United Provinces, I. xlviii, 87, 132; II. 108, 194 + +Universal Mother, II. 287 + Religions, I. 123; II. 124 + +Upadana, I. 208 _sq._ + +Upadesa Sastra, II. 78 + +Upadhis, II. 313 + +Upadhyaya, III. 330 + +Upagamas, II. 205 + +Upagupta, I. 269, 271; II. 80; III. 307 + +Upajjhaya, I. 244 + +Upaka, I. 110 + +Upakaraka, I. 208 + +Upali, I. 155, 256, 257, 288 + (abbot), III. 36 + +Upanishads, I. xvi, liv _sq._, lxxiii, lxxvii, lxxix, 20, 40, 42, 44, +46, 48, 51, 53, 62, 66, 72, 74 _sq._, 92, 104, 108, 129, 159, 192, +209, 286, 288, 297, 305, 306, 310, 331; II. 48, 74, 151, 154, 186, +187, 201, 208, 229, 232, 234, 238, 240, 270, 280, 281, 293, 305, 308, +321; III. 175, 246, 305, 462 + +Upapuranas, II. 285 + +Upasaka, I. 249; III. 245 + +Upasakadasah, I. 116 + +Upasampada, I. 244; III. 328 + +Upatissa, I. 155 + +Upavasatha days, II. 104 + +Upeksha, III. 173 + +Upendra, II. 156 + +Uposatha days, I. 243, 244, 250, 257, 270; III. 41, 42, 59, 63, 72, +89, 124, 130, 332, 389 + +Upper Chindwin, III. 53 + +Ural Altaic languages, I. 20 + +Urga, III. 360, 369, 398 + +Uroja, II. 147 + +_Ursprung der Linga Kultus_, II. 143 + +Urumtsi, III. 192, 200 + +Uruvela, I. 136, 146, 168, 257 + +Ushas, I. 62, 63 + +Ushnisha-vijaya, III. 394 + +Ushnisha-vijaya-dharani, II. 125 + +utpada, II. 43 + +Utpala, II. 223 + +Utsarpini, I. 107 + +utsavavigraha, II. 173 + +Utsu-kan-kulgan, II. 3 + +uttama-yana, II. 3 + +Uttara, III. 50 + +Uttara-dhyana, I. 111, 112 + +Uttaradyayana, I. 117; III. 439 + +Uttarajiva, III. 57 + +Uttara Mimamsa, II. 291, 310 + +Uttarapathaka, I. 261 + +Uvasagadasao, I. 99, 116 + + +Vac, II. 181 + +Vacanamritam, II. 252 + +Vacaspatimisra, II. 95 + +Vaccha, I. 230 + +Vadagalais, II. 163, 235 _sq._, 243 + +Vaeddhas, III. 13 + +Vagisvara, II. 19 + +Vagvati mahatmya, II. 119 + +Vai-bhashika, I. 260; II. 82, 89, 90, 102; III. 379 + +Vaidehi (queen), II. 30 + +Vaidika Karmakanda, II. 190 + +Vaidurya, III. 327 + +Vaikhanasagama, II. 190 + +Vaikuntha, II. 196 + Natha, II. 260 + +Vaipulya Sutras, II. 48, 54, 103 + +Vairocana, II. 19, 26, 27, 126, 198; III. 166, 172 _sq._, 211, 337, +350, 385, 395 + +Vairocana-rasmi-pratimandita, II. 27 + +Vaisali, I. 111, 114; II. 17 + +Vai-seshika (philosophy), I. 109; II. 95, 291, 292, 304 + +Vaiseshikam, III. 44 + +Vaishnava, Vaishnavism. _See_ Vishnuism, Vishnuites + +_Vaishnavism and Saivism_, II. 152, 153, 157, 202, 242, 248, 256, 262 + +_Vaishnavite Reformers of India_, II. 232, 237 + +Vaisravana, III. 209, 392 + +Vaisvanara, I. 57 (Agni) + +Vaisya, I. 34; III. 183 (Visias) + +Vaitulya sect, III. 40, 41 + +Vajapeya, II. 171 + +Vajira, I. 190; III. 40 + +Vajjians, I. 161, 162, 166, 257, 258 + +Vajjiputta school, III. 19 + +Vajra, III. 122 + +Vajrabodhi, II. 21; III. 264, 317 + +Vajracarya, II. 119 + +Vajracarya-arhat-bhikshu-buddha, II. 119 + +Vajracchedika, II. 41; III. 191, 276, 283, 301, 374, 378 +(diamond-cutter) + +Vajradhara, II. 23; III. 389, 391 + +Vajradhatu, III. 317 + +Vajragarbha, II. 55 + +Vajrakaya, II. 32, 123 + +Vajrapani, III. 122, 391, 392 + +Vajrasattva, II. 23, 26, 32; III. 389, 391 + +Vajravarahi, III. 394 + +Vajrayana, II. 4; III. 40, 386 + +vak, III. 181 + +Valabhi, I. 117; II. 105 + +Valavati, II. 15 + +Valentinus, III. 445 + +Vallabha, I. xlv; II. 230, 244, 248, 253 + +Vallabhacarya, I. 42; II. 147, 176, 185, 245, 248 _sq._, 251, 268, 290 + +(De la) Vallee-Poussin, II. 9, 11, 32, 48, 85, 89, 121, 122, 315; III. +331, 373, 387 + +Valmiki, II. 246 + +Vama-carins, II. 283, 284 (left-handed celebrants) + +Vamadeva, II. 198 + +Vamana, II. 151, 193; III. 106 + +Vama Siva, III. 119 + +Vamsavali, II. 119 + +Vanaprastha, I. 89 + +Vanga, II. 279 + +Van-mien, III. 344 + +Varaha-Samhita, II. 195 + +Varahi Tantra, II. 190 + +Varamudra, II. 16 + +Varana Purana, II. 193 + +Vardhamana, I. 105, 111, 112 + +_Varieties of Religious Experience_, I. 309; II. 161 + +Varna, II. 178; III. 113 + +Varnapitaka, I. 293 + +Varuna, I. 57, 60, 88, 103; II. 28, 270 + +Vasana, II. 44 + +Vasantotsava, II. 270 + +Vasavadatta, II. 98 + +Vasco da Gama, I. 15, 31 + +Vasilief, II. 81, 90, 92 + +Vasishka, II. 64 + +Vasishtha, II. 152 + +Vasita, III. 355 + +Vassa, I. 149, 245; III. 81, 90, 131, 332 + +Vasu, Nagendranath, II. 114 + +Vasubandhu, I. xxxviii, 260; II. 48, 59, 64 _sq._, 83 _sq._, 102, 123, +169, 306; III. 52, 108, 123, 157, 166, 176, 220, 285, 286, 294, 307, +315, 376 + +Vasudeva, I. xliii, 24, 113; II. 64, 153, 154, 162, 180, 194 _sq._, +200, 228, 233, 245 + +Vasugupta, II. 225 + +Vasumitra, II. 78; III. 307 + +Vasus, I. 57 + +Vatapi, I. 26, 27, 114 + +vatsalya, II. 255 + +Vat-si-jum, III. 84 + +Vattagamani, I. 285; II. 50; III. 19, 31, 33 + +vatthu-vijja, III. 232 + +Vayu, I. 63; II. 239, 240 + +Vayu Purana, I. 15; II. 187, 202 + +Vayustuti, II. 241 + +vedana, I. 188 + +vedaniya, I. 107 + +Vedanta (Philosophy), I. xxxii, lii, cii, 47, 235, 302; II. 202, +208-225, 235, 268, 292 _sq._, 307-317 + Desika, II. 195, 236, 237 + Sutras, II. 202, 208, 229, 230, 233, 238, 255, 282, 305, 314 + +Vedartha Pradipa, II. 233 + Sangraha, II. 233 + +Vedas (Jain Canon), I. 117 + +Vedas (Vedic religion), I. xv, xxxvi, lxxiv, 3, 40, 42, 67, 77 _sq._, +89; II. 136 _sq._, 186, 202, 236, 292 _sq._; III. 186, 419 + +Vedasastras, II. 67 + +_Vedic Index_, I. 134; II. 153 + +Vedic Rites, II. 171 + +Vegetation deity, II. 156 + +Vemana, II. 219 + +Vena (king), I. 36, 88 + +Vengi, I. 27; III. 51, 156 + +Venhu, I. 103; II. 137 (Vishnu) + +Venkatesvara, I. 105 + +Vepulla (Mt.), I. 103 + +Verethragna, I. 63 + +Vernacular, literature, and language, I. xxiv, xlv, 40; II. 119, 241, +243, 244; III. 65 + +Vesali, I. 150, 159, 162 _sq._, 169, 254, 255, 257, 290 + +Vessabhu, I. 342 + +Vessantara, II. 10 + +Veth, III. 182 + +Vethadipa, I. 169 + +Vetulyaka sect, I. 260, 261, 293; II. 48, 67; III. 20, 40 + +Vetulyas, III. 19, 32 + +Vibbhajavadin sect, I. 261, 262, 276, 291, 298 + +Vibhangas, III. 21 + +Vibhasha, II. 79, 82, 89 + +vibhinnamsa, II. 255 + +Vibhu, III. 114 + +vici-kiccha, I. 227 + +Vidarbha, II. 85 + +viddhi, III. 117 + +Videha, I. 36, 87, 94, 161 + +Vidhi, II. 195 + +Vidudabha, I. 161 + +Vidya, II. 204 + +Vidyabhushana, Satischandra, II. 65, 94, 105, 111; III. 376 + +Vidyadharis, III. 182 (widadaris) + +Vidya-karaprabha, III. 379 + +Vidyamatra, III. 315 + +Vidyapati, II. 244, 253 + +_Vier philosophische Texte des Mahabharatam_, II. 187 + +Vighnotsava, III. 172 + +Vihara, I. 119, 245; II. 257; III. 149, 193, 212. _See also_ +Monasteries + +Viharo, I. 210 + +Vijaya, II. 149; III. 5, 12 + +Vijaya (Champa), III. 138 + Bahu, III. 33 + +Vijayaditya (king), III. 116 + +Vijayanagar, I. xli, 19, 30, 31; II. 210, 212, 249; III. 456 + +Vijayapur, III. 58 + +Vijayasambhava (king), III. 207, 211, 212 + +Vijayesvara, III. 116 + +Vijnana Bhikshu, II. 303 + +Vijnanamatra, III. 315 + +Vijnanavadin sect, II. 37 + +Vikramaditya, I. 25; II. 88 + +Vikramasila, II. 111, 112, 128 + +Vikrantavarman, III. 140, 143 + +Vikriti, II. 297 + +Village deities, I. 100, 103 + +_Village Gods of Southern India_, II. 213, 276 + +Villemereuil, III. 111 + +Vimala, II. 11 + +Vimala Dharma (I and II), III. 27, 36 + +Vimalakirti Sutra, II. 84 + +Vimana vatthu, I. 280, 289 + +Vimar'sini, II. 222 + +Vinaya, I. lxxv, 97, 129, 130, 135, 155 _sq._, 161, 224, 239, 241, +244, 245, 256 _sq._, 263, 277 _sq._; II. 48, 57, 71, 72, 80, 82, 99, +102, 125; III. 21, 29, 62, 191, 285, 292, 296 _sq._ (Hinayana), 322, +373 + +Vinaya Pattrika, II. 245 + Pitaka, III. 13, 59, 284, 373 + +Vinaya-vibhasha-Sutra, II. 78 + +Vindhya mountains, I. 20; II. 277 + +Vindhyacal, II. 277 + +Vindhyesvari (Maharani), II. 277 + +Vinnana, I. 189, 190, 197, 198 + +Vipakasrutam, I. 116 + +Vipassana, I. 313; III. 131, 310 + +Vipassi, I. 342 + +Virabhadra, II. 140; III. 391 + +Virapura, III. 140 + +Vira Saiva Brahmans, II. 227 + +Virgil, I. lv + +Virincivatsa, II. 87 + + +virya, II. 196; III. 173, 304 + +Visakha, I. 153, 159, 251 + +Vishnu (Vishnuism), I. xxxiv _sq._, xl _sq._, lxxi, lxxiv, lxxx, 17, +36, 47, 48, 57, 103, 343 (incarnations); II. 33, 113, 115, 130, +136-165, 182, 228 _sq._; III. 43 (Ceylon), 97 (Siam), 146 (Champa), +167, 173, 176 (Java), 186 (Bali), 392 (Tibet), 419 + +Vishnu Buddha, III. 181 + +Vishnu Dharma, II. 187, 228 + +Vishnuites (sects), I. 115; II. 115, 128, 140, 177 (Baishnabs), 179 +_sq._, 186 _sq._, 228 _sq._, 242 _sq._ + +Vishnukarma, III. 96 + +Vishnuloka, III. 114 + +Vishnu Purana, I. 218; II. 28, 146, 148, 155, 157, 186, 187, 228, +234, 306; III. 425 + +Vishnu-Siva, III. 113. Cf. Harihara + +Vishnusvami, II. 248 + +Vishnu Vardhana, III. 159, 168 + +Visishtadvaita (philosophy), II. 229, 233, 234, 316 _sq._ + +Visser, II. 24; III. 221 + +Visuddhi-Magga, III. 29, 30, 45 + +Visvaksena, II. 233 + +Visvamitra, I. 36 + +Vithalnath, II. 251 + +Vittala Deva, II. 233 + +Vitthala, II. 161, 257 + +Vittoba, II. 161, 257 + +Vivagasuyam, I. 116 + +vivartavada, II. 264, 318 + +Vivasvat, I. 57 + +Viveka (king), II. 237 + +Vivekananda (Svami), I. xlvii + +Viyahapannatti, I. 116 + +viyanga, III. 454 + +Vocan (Vochan inscript.), I. xxviii; III. 108, 138 _sq._ + +Voharaka Tissa (king), III. 19 + +Voharatissa, III. 40 + +Vrah Kamrata, III. 121 + +Vrah rupa, III. 115 + +Vrah Vinasikha, III. 117 + +Vriddha Harita Samhita, II. 163 + +Vrikats, II. 256 + +Vrindavana, II. 154 + +Vrishabha, II. 225 + +Vrishnis (sept), II. 154, 194 _sq._ + +Vritra, I. 59 + +Vritrahan, I. 63 + +Vritta-sancaya, III. 158 + +Vulcan, I. 56 + +Vulture's Peak (sermon, etc.), I. 157; II. 29, 49, 51, 55 + +vyakarana, II. 55 + +Vyakhyaprajnapti, I. 116 + +Vyakhyatantra, III. 377 + +Vyasakutas, II. 241 + +Vyuha, II. 196 _sq._ + + +Wachsberger, III. 194 + +Waddell, I. 212, 336; II. 16, 50, 128; III. 329, 347, 349, 361, 370, +371, 373, 380, 383, 389, 394, 395, 398, 400 + +Waguru (king), III. 66 + +Wahabis, III. 458 + +Wainamoinen, I. 67 + +Waleri, III. 168 + +Walleser, II. 51, 74, 85, 86, 315, 373 + +Wan, III. 278 + +Wang An Shih, III. 259 + +Wang-Chen, III. 277 + +Wang Chin, III. 264 + +Wang dynasty, III. 337 + +Wang Hsuan Ts'e, III. 260 + +Wang-Wei, III. 261 + +Wang Yang Ming, III. 272 + +Wan-li, III. 226, 279, 363 + +wanphra:, III. 92 + +Wan Ti, III. 289 + +Warren, I. 190, 212, 252, 320 + +Wartal, II. 175, 259 + +Was. _See_ Vasso + +Wassiljen, III. 283 + +Wat, III. 88 + Chern, III. 85 + Pho, III. 97 + Somarokot, III. 85 + +Watanabe, II. 55 + +Watters, I. 258; II. 15, 22, 23, 33, 51, 61, 76 _sq._, 80, 82 _sq._, +92, 126; III. 5, 21, 25, 45, 148, 156, 211, 240, 285, 300, 307, 315, +326, 453 + +Weber, I. 116; II. 176; III. 423 + +Wei, II. 171; III. 204, 206, 249, 252 _sq._, 257 + +Wei Ch'ih, III. 209 + +Wei-ch'ih I-seng, III. 195 + +Wei-ch'ih-Po-chih-na, III. 195 + +Wei Hsieh, III. 242 + +Wei-lueh, III. 245 + +Wei-shih-hsiang-chiao, III. 315 + +Wei-to, III. 326 + +Wells, H.G., I. ciii + +_Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung_, I. 236, 309 + +Wema Kadphises, II. 202 + +Wen Hsuan Ti, III. 251 + +Wen Shu, II. 19; III. 327 + +Wen-ti (Emperor), III. 252 + +Westcott, G.H., II. 262 _sq._ + +Western Tsin dynasty, II. 52; III. 203, 249 + +Wheel of Causation, I. 49 + +Wheel of Life, I. 212 + +Wheel of Righteousness, I. 143 + +White Brahma, III. 392 + +Whitehead, II. 213, 276, 394 + +White Horse Monastery, III. 244, 248, 249 + +White Huns. _See_ Huns + +White Lotus school, III. 314, 319 + +White Tara, III. 383, 394 + +Widow-burning (Sati, Suttee), I. lxxxviii; II. 168; III. 192 + +Widow's Mite, III. 437 + +Wiedemann, II. 122 + +Wieger, I. 173; II. 284, 320; III. 241, 259, 266, 267, 294, 304 + +Wihan, III. 89 + +Wilde, Oscar, II. 236 + +Williams (Monier), II. 277 + +Wilson, H.H., II. 155, 262 + +Wilwatikta, III. 160 + +Windisch, I. 143, 282 + +Winternitz, I. 134, 286; II. 55, 83, 84, 87, 118, 169, 187, 283 + +Wisdom, God of, II. 145 + +Wodeyars of Mysore, II. 226 + +(The) Woman of Samaria, III. 439 + +Women (status), I. 112, 158, 248, 251; II. 123, 160, 168, 232, 250, +251, 275 _sq._, 285; III. 56, 97. _See also_ Nuns + +Wong Madjapahit, III. 183 + +Wordsworth, I. lv + +World Religion (Buddhism as), I. 177 + +Worship of Relics. _See_ Relics + +Wright, II. 116 + +Writing (art of), I. 287. _See also_ Alphabets, Inscriptions + +Wu dynasty, III. 105, 109 + +Wu, Empress, III. 260, 289, 315 + +Wu Hou, III. 260 + +Wu-i (Hinayanist), II. 93 + +Wu-K'ung, III. 199, 202, 205, 262 + +Wu province, III. 364 + +Wu-t'ai-shan, II. 20, 21; III. 221, 321 + +Wu-Tao-tzu, III. 242, 261, 263 + +Wu-Ti, I. 265; III. 105, 161, 163, 196, 203, 208, 237, 253 _sq._, +289, 304 + +Wu-Ti (Northern Chan), III. 257 + +Wu Tsung, III. 258, 267, 268, 273, 278 + +_Wu-wei_, II. 42 + +Wu-wei-chiao, III. 318 + +Wu-yu, III. 300 + + +Xerxes, III. 432 + + +Yadavas, I. 30; II. 113, 154, 194 + +Yadriccha-vadins, I. 98 + +Yajakas, III. 118, 125 + +Yajna, I. 63 + +Yajnasri, king, III. 102 + +Yajnavalkya, I. lxxiii, 75, 79, 80, 83, 84, 93, 159, 298, 308 + +Yajurveda, I. 53, 93; II. 141, 277 + +Yaka-kulgan, II. 3 + +Yakkhas (Yakshas), I. 6, 102, 103; III. 13, 174, 393 + +Yama, I. 62, 103, 337; III. 174, 175, 225, 392 + +Yama (restraint), I. 305, 393 + +Yamaka, I. 229, 234 + +Yamalas, II. 282 + +Yamantaka, III. 389, 391, 392 + +Yamdok (lake), III. 394 + +Yamuna, II. 159; III. 113 + +Yamunacarya, II. 195, 232 + +Yana, II. 4. Cf. Hinayana, Mahayana + +Yang, II. 278, 289 + +Yang ( = God, in Malay), III. 183 + +Yang-Ti, III. 289 + +Yang Tikuh inscript., III. 109 + +Yangtse, III. 255, 269 + +Yang-wen Hiu, III. 303 + +Yannur, I. 126 + +Yantras, II. 280 + +Yao Ch'a, III. 255 + +Yao Ch'ung, III. 262 + +Yao Kuang Hsiao, III. 276 + +Yarkand, I. xxvi, 24; II. 76; III. 200, 202, 211 + +Yasa, I. 134, 145, 185, 257 + +Yashts, II. 28 + +Yasna, I. 63 + +Yasoda, II. 154 + +Yasodhara, I. 174, 301 + +Yasodharman (king), II. 148 + +Yasomitra, II. 89 + +Yasovarman, III. 115, 119 + +Yatis, I. 113, 119, 121 + +Yatras (religious dramas), II. 230 + +Yava, III. 152 + +Yavadi, III. 153 + +Yavadvipa, III. 140, 152 + +Yavakoti, III. 152 + +Yavanas, I. 23; II. 69 + +Yazawin (Chronicle), III. 65 + +Yellow Church, III. 358, 364, 383, 393, 398 _sq._ + +Yen-lo, III. 225 + +Yenta, III. 361 + +Yeses, III. 366, 367 + +Yeses Hod, III. 352 + +Ye'ses-sde, III. 379 + +Yethas, II. 96 + +Yezd, I. 69 + +Yi-dam, II. 122, 391 + +Yin, II. 278 + +Ying Tsung, III. 277 + +Ying-yai-Sheng-len, III. 160 + +Yoe, III. 49 + +Yoga (philosophy), I. xlviii, 73, 201, 302 _sq._; II. 128, 152, 189, +201, 202, 216, 224, 240, 291, 292, 296, 303 _sq._; III. 146, 173 + +Yogacara, I. 193, 260, 303; II. 37 _sq._, 42, 83, 87, 88, 90, 91, 103 + +Yogacaryabhumi sastra, III. 213, 284, 285 + +Yogacharya (Asanga's system), I. xxxix; II. 3, 306. _See_ Asanga + +Yogaddhyana, III. 146 + +Yogasastra, III. 213 + +Yoga-vasishtha-ramayana, II. 187 + +Yogini Tantra, II. 280, 289 + +Yoginis, II. 286 + +Yogis, I. lxv, 72, 303; II. 294 + +Yomma: rat (Yama), III. 96 + +Yonanagaralasanda, III. 18 + +Yonas, I. 268 + +Yo-shih-fo, III. 327 + +Yuan, III. 253, 311 + +Yuan (Annals, dynasty), III. 159, 234, 272, 273, 282, 289, 301, 310, +318, 324, 338, 357 + +Yuan Chwang, I. 258; II. 76; III. 5 + +Yuan-Jen-lu, III. 288 + +Yuan Tao, III. 267 + +Yuan Ti, III. 257 + +Yucatan, III. 169 + +Yu-Chao-En, III. 264 + +Yueh-chih, II. 20, 64, 109; III. 197, 201, 212, 213, 218, 248. _See_ +Kushan + +Yueh-teng-san-mei-ching, II. 55 + +Yugas, I. 46 + +Yu-lau-p'en, III. 264, 332 + +Yule's _Marco Polo_, I. 305; II. 320; III. 25, 124, 277 + +Yunga-Cheng, III. 237 + +Yung-Lo, III. 276, 278, 287, 359 + +Yun Kang, III. 252 + +Yun Men, III. 309 + +Yunnan, III. 46, 81, 262, 349 + +gYun-ston-rDo-rje-dpal, III. 357 + +Yu-pien, III. 300 + +Yu Ti, III. 228 + +Yuzunembutsu sect, III. 404 + + +Zaingganaing, III. 59 + +Zaotar, I. 63 + +Zarathustra, II. 156 + +Zarmanochegas, III. 431 + +Zedi, III. 74, 89 (chedi) + +Zen, I. 233, 322; II. 46; III. 269, 306, 405 + +Zervan, III. 215 + +Zeus, I. 63 + +Zinda Kaliana, II. 147 + Ghazi, III. 459 + +Zohar, the, III. 462 + +_Zo-jo-ji Library_, III. 290 + +Zoroaster (Zoroastrian religion), I. xv, 52, 63; II. 70, 275; III. +202, 209, 213, 216, 218 _sq._, 263, 419, 449 _sq._ + +Zoroastrian Gathas, I. 51, 52 + Theology, II. 275 + + + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical +Sketch, Vol. 3 (of 3), by Charles Eliot + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HINDUISM AND BUDDHISM *** + +***** This file should be named 16847.txt or 16847.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/8/4/16847/ + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Sankar Viswanathan, and the +Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |