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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Black and White, by Timothy Thomas Fortune
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Black and White
+ Land, Labor, and Politics in the South
+
+Author: Timothy Thomas Fortune
+
+Release Date: October 7, 2005 [EBook #16810]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BLACK AND WHITE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Suzanne Shell, Richard J. Shiffer, and the PG
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+BLACK AND WHITE
+
+_LAND, LABOR, and POLITICS in the SOUTH_
+
+By
+
+TIMOTHY THOMAS FORTUNE
+
+
+1884
+
+
+
+
+AUTHOR'S PREFACE
+
+
+In discussing the political and industrial problems of the South, I
+base my conclusions upon a personal knowledge of the condition of
+classes in the South, as well as upon the ample data furnished by
+writers who have pursued, in their way, the question before me. That
+the colored people of the country will yet achieve an honorable status
+in the national industries of thought and activity, I believe, and try
+to make plain.
+
+In discussion of the land and labor problem I but pursue the theories
+advocated by more able and experienced men, in the attempt to show
+that the laboring classes of any country pay all the taxes, in the
+last analysis, and that they are systematically victimized by
+legislators, corporations and syndicates.
+
+Wealth, unduly centralized, endangers the efficient workings of the
+machinery of government. Land monopoly--in the hands of individuals,
+corporations or syndicates--is at bottom the prime cause of the
+inequalities which obtain; which desolate fertile acres turned over to
+vast ranches and into bonanza farms of a thousand acres, where not one
+family finds a habitation, where muscle and brain are supplanted by
+machinery, and the small farmer is swallowed up and turned into a
+tenant or slave. While in large cities thousands upon thousands of
+human beings are crowded into narrow quarters where vice festers,
+where crime flourishes undeterred, and where death is the most welcome
+of all visitors.
+
+The primal purpose in publishing this work is to show that the social
+problems in the South are, in the main, the same as those which
+afflict every civilized country on the globe; and that the future
+conflict in that section will not be racial or political in character,
+but between capital on the one hand and labor on the other, with the
+odds largely in favor of nonproductive wealth because of the undue
+advantage given the latter by the pernicious monopoly in land which
+limits production and forces population disastrously upon subsistence.
+My purpose is to show that poverty and misfortune make no invidious
+distinctions of "race, color, or previous condition," but that wealth
+unduly centralized oppresses all alike; therefore, that the labor
+elements of the whole United States should sympathize with the same
+elements in the South, and in some favorable contingency effect some
+unity of organization and action, which shall subserve the common
+interest of the common class.
+
+ T. THOMAS FORTUNE.
+New York City, July 20, 1884.
+
+
+
+
+ CONTENTS
+
+ I--Black 1
+ II--White 6
+ III--The Negro and the Nation 13
+ IV--The Triumph of the Vanquished 19
+ V--Illiteracy--Its Causes 28
+ VI--Education--Professional or Industrial 38
+ VII---How Not to Do It 55
+ VIII--The Nation Surrenders 62
+ IX--Political Independence of the Negro 67
+ X--Solution of the Political Problem 79
+ XI--Land and Labor 89
+ XII--Civilization Degrades the Masses 96
+ XIII--Conditions of Labor in the South 107
+ XIV--Classes in the South 120
+ XV--The Land Problem 133
+ XVI--Conclusion 145
+ Appendix 151
+
+
+On a summer day, when the great heat induced a general thirst, a Lion
+and a Boar came at the same moment to a small well to drink. They
+fiercely disputed which of them should drink first, and were soon
+engaged in the agonies of a mortal combat. On their suddenly stopping
+to take breath for the fiercer renewal of the strife, they saw some
+vultures in the distance, waiting to feast on the one which should
+fall. They at once made up their quarrel, saying, "It is better
+for us to be friends, than to become the food of crows or
+vultures."--_AEsop's Fables_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+_Black_
+
+
+There is no question to-day in American politics more unsettled than
+the negro question; nor has there been a time since the adoption of
+the Federal Constitution when this question has not, in one shape or
+another, been a disturbing element, a deep-rooted cancer, upon the
+body of our society, frequently occupying public attention to the
+exclusion of all other questions. It appears to possess, as no other
+question, the elements of perennial vitality.
+
+The introduction of African slaves into the colony of Virginia in
+August, 1619, was the beginning of an agitation, a problem, the
+solution of which no man, even at this late date, can predict,
+although many wise men have prophesied.
+
+History--the record of human error, cruelty and misdirected
+zeal--furnishes no more striking anomaly than the British Puritan
+fleeing from princely rule and tyranny and dragging at his heels the
+African savage, bound in servile chains; praying to a just God for
+freedom, and at the same time riveting upon his fellow-man the gyves
+of most unjust and cruel slavery. A parallel for such hypocrisy, such
+sacrilegious invocation, is not matched in the various history of
+peoples.
+
+It did not matter to the early settlers of the American colonies that,
+in the memorable struggle for the right to be represented if taxed, a
+black man--Crispus Attucks, a full-blooded Negro--died upon the soil
+of Massachusetts, in the Boston massacre of 1770, in common with other
+loyal, earnest men, as the first armed protest against an odious
+tyranny; it did not matter that in the armies of the colonies, in
+rebellion against Great Britain, there were (according to the report
+of Adjutant General Scammell), on the 24th day of August, 1778, 755
+regularly enlisted negro troops; it did not matter that in the second
+war with Great Britain, General Andrew Jackson, on the 21st day of
+September, 1814, appealed to the "free colored people of Louisiana" as
+"sons of freedom," who were "called upon to defend _our_ most
+inestimable blessing," the right to be free and sovereign, and to
+"rally around the standard of the eagle, to defend all which is dear
+in existence;" it did not matter that in each of these memorable
+struggles the black man was called upon, and responded nobly, to the
+call for volunteers to drive out the minions of the British tyrant.
+When the smoke of battle had dissolved into thin air; when the
+precious right to be free and sovereign had been stubbornly fought for
+and reluctantly conceded; when the bloody memories of Yorktown and New
+Orleans had passed into glorious history, the black man, who had
+assisted by his courage to establish the free and independent States
+of America, was doomed to sweat and groan that others might revel in
+idleness and luxury. Allured, in each instance, into the conflict for
+National independence by the hope held out of generous reward and an
+honest consideration of his manhood rights, he received as his portion
+chains and contempt. The spirit of injustice, inborn in the Caucasian
+nature, asserted itself in each instance. Selfishness and greed rode
+roughshod over the promptings of a generous, humane, Christian nature,
+as they have always done in this country, not only in the case of the
+African but of the Indian as well, each of whom has in turn felt the
+pernicious influence of that heartless greed which overleaps honesty
+and fair play, in the unmanly grasp after perishable gain.
+
+The books which have been written in this country--the books which
+have molded and controlled intelligent public opinion--during the
+past one hundred and fifty years have been written by white men, in
+justification of the white man's domineering selfishness, cruelty and
+tyranny. Beginning with Thomas Jefferson's _Notes on Virginia_, down
+to the present time, the same key has been struck, the same song as
+been sung, with here and there a rare exception--as in the case of
+Mrs. Stowe's _Uncle Tom's Cabin_, Judge Tourgee's _A Fool's Errand_,
+Dr. Haygood's _Our Brother in Black_, and some others of less note.
+The white man's story has been told over and over again, until the
+reader actually tires of the monotonous repetition, so like the
+ten-cent novels in which the white hunter always triumphs over the red
+man. The honest reader has longed in vain for a glimpse at the other
+side of the picture so studiously turned to the wall.
+
+Even in books written expressly to picture the black man's side of the
+story, the author has been compelled to palliate, by interjecting
+extenuating, often irrelevant circumstances, the ferocity and
+insatiate lust of greed of his race. He has been unable to tell the
+story as it was, because his nature, his love of race, his inborn,
+prejudices and narrowness made him a lurking coward.
+
+And so it has been with the newspapers, which have ever been the
+obsequious reflex of distempered public opinion, siding always with
+the strong and powerful; so that in 1831, when the "Liberator"
+(published in Boston by the intrepid and patriotic Garrison) made its
+appearance, it was a lone David among a swarm of Goliaths, any one of
+which was willing and anxious to serve the cause of the devil by
+crushing the little angel in the service of the Lord. So it is to-day.
+The great newspapers, which should plead the cause of the oppressed
+and the down-trodden, which should be the palladiums of the people's
+rights, are all on the side of the oppressor, or by silence preserve a
+dignified but ignominious neutrality. Day after day they weave a false
+picture of facts--facts which must measurably influence the future
+historian of the times in the composition of impartial history. The
+wrongs of the masses are referred to sneeringly or apologetically.
+
+The vast army of laborers--men, women, and even tender children--find
+no favor in the eyes of these Knights of the Quill. The Negro and the
+Indian, the footballs of slippery politicians and the helpless victims
+of sharpers and thieves, are wantonly misrepresented--held up to the
+eyes of the world as beings incapable of imbibing the distorted
+civilization in the midst of which they live and have their being.
+They are placed in the attic, only to be aired when somebody wants an
+"issue" or an "appropriation."
+
+There are no "Liberators" to-day, and the William Lloyd Garrisons have
+nearly all of them gone the way of all the world.
+
+The part played by the ministry of Christ in the early conflict
+against human slavery in this country would be enigmatical in the
+extreme, utterly beyond apprehension, if it were not matter of history
+that the representatives of the Christian Church, in conflicts with
+every giant wrong, have always been the strongest supporters, the most
+obsequious tools of money power and the political sharpers who have
+imposed their vile tyrannies upon mankind. They have alternately
+supplicated and domineered, crawled in the dust or mounted the
+house-top, as occasion served, from Gregory to the Smiths and Joneses
+of the present time. So that it has passed into a proverb, that the
+ministers of the gospel may be always counted upon to take sides with
+the strongest party--always seeking to conciliate "King Cotton," "King
+Corporation," "King Monopoly," and all the other "Kings" of modern
+growth--swaying, like the reed in the wind, to the powers that be,
+whether of tyranny reared upon a thousand years of usurpation,
+military despotism of a day's growth, or presumptuous wealth
+accumulated by robbery, hypocrisy and insidious assassination. Instead
+of leading in the reformation of leviathan wrongs, the ministry waits
+for the rabble to applaud before it commends.[1] It was not in this
+manner that the great Christ set the world in motion, sowed broadcast
+the dynamite which uprooted long-established infamies, and prepared
+the way for the ultimate redemption of the world from sin and error.
+
+If the Christian ministry of the United States did at last recognize
+the demoralization and iniquity of slavery, it was because the heroic
+band, headed by William Lloyd Garrison, first fired the heart of the
+people and forced the ministry to take sides with the righteous cause.
+I speak not of the few heroic exceptions, but of the mass of the
+American clergy. If in the evangelization of the black man since the
+rebellion, the ministry have largely furthered the work, they have
+done so because there were hundreds and thousands of brave men and
+women ready to give their time and money to the upbuilding of outraged
+humanity and the cause of Christ. They have simply put in operation
+movements conceived and nurtured by the genius and philanthropy of
+others, and no one of them will claim that he has not reaped an
+abundant pecuniary harvest for his labors. Yet, I would accord to the
+ministry of the United States full meed of praise for all that they
+have done as the agents of the humane, intelligent and philanthropic
+opinions of the times; and, too, there have been good men who fought
+the good fight simply because the cause was just.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _Be thou the first true merit to befriend,
+ His praise is lost who waits till all commend._
+ _Pope's_ Essay on Man.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+_White_
+
+
+It is my purpose in writing this work to show that the American
+Government has always construed people of African parentage to be
+aliens, not only when the Constitution was tortured by narrow-minded
+men to shield the cruel, murderous slave-holder in the possession of
+his human property, but even now, when the panoply of citizenship is,
+presumably, all-sufficient to insure to the late slave the enjoyment
+of full manhood rights as a sovereign citizen.
+
+The conflict of law and the moral sentiment of the country has been
+long and bloody, and the end is not yet. Political parties in this
+country do not lead, but follow, public opinion. They hang upon the
+applause of the rabble, and succeed or fail in their efforts to
+administer the affairs of Government in proportion as they interpret
+the wishes of the rabble. Not alone do parties defer to the wishes of
+the illiterate, the "great unwashed" majority, but individuals as
+well, who prefer to ride upon the wave of success as the champions of
+great wrongs rather than to go into retirement as the champions of
+just principles. The voice of the Charmer is all too powerful to be
+successfully resisted.
+
+Republics have always been fruitful of demagogues. Such vermin find
+the soil of democratic government the most fertile and congenial for
+their operations, because the audiences to which they speak, the
+passions to which they appeal, are not always of the most reflective,
+humane or enlightened. Demagogues are the parasites of republics; and
+that our country is afflicted with an abnormal number of them is to be
+expected from the tentative nature of our institutions, the extent of
+our territory and the heterogeneity of our vast population.
+
+Under our government all the peoples of the world find shelter and
+protection--save the African (who was formerly used as a beast of
+burden and now as a football, to be kicked by one faction and kicked
+back by the other) and the industrious Chinaman, who was barred out by
+the over-obsequiousness of the Congress of the nation, in deference to
+the Sand-Lot demagogues of the Pacific coast, headed by Denis Kearney,
+because it was desirable to conciliate their votes, even at the
+expense of consistency and the unity of the Constitution. That great
+document, while constantly affirmed to be the most broad and liberal
+compact ever devised for the governance of man, has always been found
+to be narrow enough to serve the purposes of the slave oligarch and
+the make-shifts of the party in power; and has always afforded ample
+shelter and protection to the lazzaroni of Italy, the paupers of
+Ireland, and the incendiary spirits of other countries, but yet cannot
+shield a black man, a citizen and to the manor born, in any common,
+civil or political right which usually attaches to citizenship.
+
+A putative citizen of the United States commits murder in the
+jurisdiction of a friendly power, and the Chief Executive of fifty
+millions of people deems it incumbent upon him as the head of the
+faction to which he belongs to "call the attention of Congress" to the
+fact, ostensibly in the interest of justice and fair-play, but
+obviously to court the good will of the American sympathizers of the
+assassin. While on the contrary, within a few hundred miles of the
+National capital, an armed mob of citizens shoot down in cold blood a
+dozen of their fellow-citizens, but the Chief of the Nation did not
+deem it at all pertinent or necessary to "call the attention of
+Congress" to the matter. And why? Because, forsooth, the newspapers,
+voicing the wishes of the rabble and the cormorants of trade, cry down
+the "Bloody Shirt," proclaiming, with brazen effrontery, that each
+State is "_sovereign_," and that its citizens have a _perfect right_
+to terrorize and murder one another, if they so desire. The Bible
+declares that "Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach
+to any people." God save the Union!
+
+But such argument is indicative, not only of American politics but of
+Caucasian human nature as well--that human nature which seldom rises
+above self-interest in business or politics. If you have abundance of
+money, the merchant is all accommodation, the lawyer all smiles; if
+you have votes that count, politicians cannot be too obsequious, too
+affable, too anxious to serve you. But if you simply have common
+humanity, clothed in the awful majesty of a just cause, you appeal in
+vain to the cormorants of trade, the harpies of law, or the demagogues
+of power. Unless you are of the salt salty, unless you are clothed in
+broadcloth and fine linen, you cannot obtain even a respectful
+hearing.
+
+It took the Abolitionists full thirty years to convince the American
+people, the ministry of Christ included, that slavery was, pure and
+simple, a "Covenant with death and an agreement with hell;" and then,
+sad to say, they were convinced against their wills. Their sense of
+justice had become so obtuse as to wholly blunt the sense of reason,
+the brotherly sympathy of a common race-feeling, and the broad,
+liberal and just inculcations of Jesus Christ. The nation was sunk to
+the moral turpitude of Constantinople; and not even a John crying in
+the wilderness could arouse it to a sense of the exceeding foulness in
+the midst of which it grovelled, or of the storm gathering on the
+distant horizon.
+
+Although the abolition of slavery had been agitated for more than
+thirty years, the nation, which was ruled by politicians of the usual
+mental caliber, was startled at the defiant shot upon Fort
+Sumter--the shot that echoed the downfall of the foulest institution
+which has sapped the vitality of any modern government, and that
+aroused the people to a sorrowful realization that the power which
+defied them was strong enough and desperate enough to stop at nothing
+short of the disintegration of the American Union. So the nation,
+still sympathizing with slavery, still playing with a coal of fire,
+grappled with the monster, feeling itself powerful to crush it in a
+few short months.
+
+It was not because the people of the nation hated slavery and
+oppression that they rushed upon the field of battle; no such
+righteousness moved them: it was because the slave-power, which had
+for so long dictated legislation and the interpretation of the laws,
+would tolerate no adverse criticism or legislation upon the foul
+institution it championed, and appealed from the forum of reason to
+the forum of treasonable rebellion to enforce the right so long and (I
+blush to say it!) _constitutionally_ conceded to it.
+
+I do not believe that, in 1860, a majority (or even a respectable
+minority) of the American people desired the manumission of the slave;
+it is evident, from the temper of the political discussions of that
+time, that the combination of parties out of which, in 1856, the
+Republican party was formed, desired to do no more than to confine the
+institution of slavery within the territory then occupied. There was
+certainly very little comfort for the black man in this position of
+the "party of great moral ideas."
+
+The overtures[2] made by President Lincoln to the slave-power during
+the first year of the war were all made in the interest of the
+perpetuation of the Union, and not in the interest of the slave.
+
+His reply to Mr. Horace Greeley, who urged upon him the importance of
+issuing an emancipation proclamation is conclusive that he was more
+concerned about the Union than about the slave:
+
+ EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
+ _August 22, 1862_
+
+ HON. HORACE GREELEY:--Dear Sir: I have just read yours of
+ the 19th, addressed to myself through the _New York
+ Tribune_. If there be in it any statements or assumptions of
+ facts which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, now and
+ here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences
+ which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not, now and
+ here, argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an
+ imperious and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to
+ an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be
+ right.
+
+ As to the policy I seem to be pursuing, as you say, I have
+ not meant to leave any one in doubt.
+
+ I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way
+ under the constitution. The sooner the national authority
+ can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union it
+ was.
+
+ * * * If there be those who would not save the Union,
+ unless they could at the same time _destroy slavery, I do
+ not agree with them_. My paramount object in this struggle
+ _is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to
+ destroy slavery_. If I could save the Union _without_
+ freeing _any_ slave _I would do it_, and if I could save it
+ by freeing _all_ the slaves I would do it; and if I could
+ save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would
+ also do that. _What I do about slavery and the colored race,
+ I do because I believe it helps to save the Union_; and what
+ I forbear I forbear because I do not believe it would help
+ to save the Union. I shall do _less_ whenever I shall
+ believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do
+ _more_ whenever I shall believe doing more will help the
+ cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be
+ errors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall
+ appear to be true views.
+
+ I have here stated my purposes according to my view of
+ _official_ duty; and I intend no modification of my
+ oft-expressed _personal_ wish that all men, everywhere,
+ should be free.
+
+ Yours,
+ A. LINCOLN
+
+Everything--humanity, justice, posterity--was placed upon the
+sacrificial altar of the Union, and the slave-power was repeatedly and
+earnestly invited to lay down its traitorous arms, be forgiven, and
+keep its slaves. With Mr. Lincoln, as President, it was the Union,
+first, last, and all the time. And he but echoed the prevailing
+opinions of his time. I do not question or criticise his _personal_
+attitude; but what he himself called his "view of official duty" was
+to execute the will of the people, and that was _not_ to abolish
+slavery, at that time.
+
+As the politicians only took hold of the great question when they
+thought it would advance their selfish interests, they were prepared
+to abandon it or immolate it upon the altar of "expediency," when the
+great clouds of treason burst upon them in the form of gigantic
+rebellion. The politicians of that time, like the politicians of all
+times, were incapable of appreciating the magnitude of the questions
+involved in the conflict.
+
+But the slave-power had been aroused. It was not to be appeased by
+overtures; it wanted no compromise. It would brook no interference
+inimical to its "peculiar institution." In the Congress of the nation,
+in the high places of power, it had so long been permitted to dictate
+the policy to be pursued towards slavery, it had so inoculated the
+institutions of the government with the virus of its vicious opinions,
+that, to be interfered with, to be dictated to, was out of the
+question. It was Ephraim and his idol repeated.
+
+The South forced the issue upon the people of the country. The
+Southerners marched off under the banner of "States Rights"--a
+doctrine they have always championed. They cared nothing for the Union
+_then_; they care less for the Union _now_. The State to them is
+sovereign; the nation a magnificent combination of nothingness. The
+State has in its keeping all option over life, individual rights, and
+property. The spirit of Hayne and Calhoun is still the star that
+lights the pathway of the Southern man in his duty to the government.
+He recognizes no sovereignty more potential than that of his State.
+
+Long years of agitation and bloody war have failed to decide the
+rights of States, or the measure of protection which the National
+government owes to the individual members of States. We still grope in
+the sinuous by-ways of uncertainty. The State still defies the
+National authority; and the individual citizens of the Nation still
+appeal in vain for protection from oppressive laws of States or the
+violent methods of their citizens. The question, "Which is the
+greater, the State or the Sisterhood of States?" is still undecided,
+and may have to be adjudicated in some future stage of our history by
+another appeal to arms.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and
+Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim
+and declare * * * that, on the first day of January, in the year of
+our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held
+as slaves within any State, or designated part of the State, the
+people whereof shall be in rebellion against the United States, shall
+be then, and thenceforward, and forever free; * * * That the Executive
+will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation,
+designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people
+thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United
+States.--" President Lincoln's _"Conditional" Emancipation
+Proclamation_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+_The Negro and the Nation_
+
+
+The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled
+the question of chattel slavery[3] in this country. It forever choked
+the life out of the infamy of the Constitutional right of one man to
+rob another, by purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the
+produce of his own labor. But this was the only question permanently
+and irrevocably settled. Nor was this _the_ all-absorbing question
+involved. The right of a State to secede from the so-called _Union_
+remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort Sumter
+aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the
+measure of protection which the National government owes the
+individual members of States, a right imposed upon it by the adoption
+of the XIVth Amendment[4] to the Constitution, remains still to be
+affirmed.
+
+It was not sufficient that the Federal government should expend its
+blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs of four millions of people.
+There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel
+slavery. It has been declared to be an act of charity to enforce
+ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his intelligence would
+simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance
+the miserable existence of AEsop, the great black moralist. But this is
+just what the manumission of the black people of this country has
+accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the
+Southern whites; they are more systematically robbed of their labor;
+they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than under the slave
+regime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the
+laws of the State or of the Federal government. When they appeal to
+the Federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to go to the
+State authorities--as if they would have appealed to the one had the
+other given them that protection to which their sovereign citizenship
+entitles them!
+
+Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its
+protecting arm over the black man and his rights. He is, like the
+Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central
+or auxiliary authority to which he can appeal for protection. Wherever
+he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted authority powerless to
+protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute
+immunity, and irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of
+punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public opinion--which
+connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence.
+Legislatures of States have framed a code of laws which is more cruel
+and unjust than any enforced by a former slave State.
+
+The right of franchise[5] has been practically annulled in every one
+of the former slave States, in not one of which, to-day, can a man
+vote, think or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the
+views of the men who have usurped every function of government--who,
+at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun, have made themselves
+masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a
+government. They have usurped government with the weapons of the
+coward and assassin, and they maintain themselves in power by the most
+approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed
+as much innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. To-day,
+red-handed murderers and assassins sit in the high places of power,
+and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty.
+
+The newspapers of the country, voicing the sentiments of the people,
+literally hiss into silence any man who has the courage to protest
+against the prevailing tendency to lawlessness[6] and bare-faced
+usurpation; while parties have ceased to deal with the question for
+other than purposes of political capital. Even this fruitful mine is
+well-nigh exhausted. A few more years, and the usurper and the man of
+violence will be left in undisputed possession of his blood-stained
+inheritance. No man will attempt to deter him from sowing broadcast
+the seeds of revolution and death. Brave men are powerless to combat
+this organized brigandage, complaint of which, in derision, has been
+termed "waving the bloody shirt."
+
+Men organize themselves into society for mutual protection. Government
+justly derives its just powers from the consent of the governed. But
+what shall we say of that society which is incapable of extending the
+protection which is inherent in it? What shall we say of that
+government which has not power or inclination to insure the exercise
+of those solemn rights and immunities which it guarantees? To declare
+a man to be free, and equal with his fellow, and then to refrain from
+enacting laws powerful to insure him in such freedom and equality, is
+to trifle with the most sacred of all the functions of sovereignty.
+Have not the United States done this very thing? Have they not
+conferred freedom and the ballot, which are necessary the one to the
+other? And have they not signally failed to make omnipotent the one
+and practicable the other? The questions hardly require an answer. The
+measure of freedom the black man enjoys can be gauged by the power he
+has to vote. He has, practically, no voice in the government under
+which he lives. His property is taxed and his life is jeopardized, by
+states on the one hand and inefficient police regulations on the
+other, and no question is asked or expected of him. When he protests,
+when he cries out against this flagrant nullification of the very
+first principles of a republican form of government, the insolent
+question is asked: "What are you going to do about it?" And here lies
+the danger.
+
+You may rob and maltreat a slave and ask him what he is going to do
+about it, and he can make no reply. He is bound hand and foot; he is
+effectually gagged. Despair is his only refuge. He knows it is useless
+to appeal from tyranny unto the designers and apologists of tyranny.
+Ignominious death alone can bring him relief. This was the case of
+thousands of men doomed by the institution of slavery. _But such is
+not the case with free men._ You cannot oppress and murder freemen as
+you would slaves: you cannot so insult them with the question, "What
+are you going to do about it?" When you ask free men that question you
+appeal to men who, though sunk to the verge of despair, yet are
+capable of uprising and ripping hip and thigh those who deemed them
+incapable of so rising above their condition. The history of mankind
+is fruitful of such uprisings of races and classes reduced to a
+condition of absolute despair. The American negro is no better and no
+worse than the Haytian revolutionists headed by Toussaint l'Overture,
+Christophe and the bloody Dessalaines.
+
+I do not indulge in the luxury of prophecy when I declare that the
+American people are fostering in their bosoms a spirit of rebellion
+which will yet shake the pillars of popular government as they have
+never before been shaken, unless a wiser policy is inaugurated and
+honestly enforced. All the indications point to the fulfillment of
+such declaration.
+
+The Czar of Russia squirms upon his throne, not because he is
+necessarily a bad man, but because he is the head and center of a
+condition of things which squeezes the life out of the people. His
+subjects hurl infernal machines at the tyrant because he represents
+the system which oppresses them. But the evil is far deeper than the
+throne, and cannot be remedied by striking the occupant of it-_the
+throne itself must be rooted out and demolished_. So the Irish
+question has a more powerful motive to foment agitation and murder
+than the landlord and landlordism. The landlord simply stands out as
+the representative of the real grievance. To remove _him_ would not
+remove the evil; agitation would not cease; murder would still stalk
+abroad at noonday. _The real grievance is the false system which makes
+the landlord possible._ The appropriation of the fertile acres of the
+soil of Ireland, which created and maintains a privileged class, a
+class that while performing no labor, wrings from the toiler, in the
+shape of rents, so much of the produce of his labor that he cannot on
+the residue support himself and those dependent upon him aggravates
+the situation. It is this system which constitutes the real grievance
+and makes the landlord an odious loafer with abundant cash and the
+laborer a constant toiler always upon the verge of starvation.
+Evidently, therefore, to remove the landlord and leave the system of
+land monopoly would not remove the evil. Destroy the latter and the
+former would be compelled to go.
+
+Herein lies the great social wrong which has turned the beautiful
+roses of freedom into thorns to prick the hands of the black men of
+the South; which made slavery a blessing, paradoxical as it may
+appear, and freedom a curse. It is this great wrong which has crowded
+the cities of the South with an ignorant pauper population, making
+desolate fields that once bloomed "as fair as a garden of the Lord,"
+where now the towering oak and pine-tree flourish, instead of the corn
+and cotton which gladdened the heart and filled the purse. It was this
+gigantic iniquity which created that arrogant class who have exhausted
+the catalogue of violence to obtain power and the lexicon of sophistry
+for arguments to extenuate the exceeding heinousness of crime. How
+could it be otherwise? To tell a man he is free when he has neither
+money nor the opportunity to make it, is simply to mock him. To tell
+him he has no master when he cannot live except by permission of the
+man who, under favorable conditions, monopolizes all the land, is to
+deal in the most tantalizing contradiction of terms. But this is just
+what the United States did for the black man. And yet because he has
+not grown learned and wealthy in twenty years, because he does not own
+broad acres and a large bank account, people are not wanting who
+declare he has no capacity, that he is improvident by nature and
+mendacious from inclination.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[3] Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment
+for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall
+exist within the United States, or any place subject to their
+jurisdiction.--Art. XIII. Sec. 1 of the Constitution.
+
+[4] All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject
+to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of
+the State in which they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law
+which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the
+United States; _nor shall any State deprive any person of life,
+liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any
+person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
+laws_--XIVth Amendment, Section 1.
+
+[5] The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be
+denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account
+of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.--XVth Amendment,
+Sec. 1.
+
+[6] While I write these lines, the daily newspapers furnish the
+following paragraph. It is but one of the _waifs_ that are to be found
+in the newspapers day by day. There is always some _circumstance_
+which justifies the murder and exculpates the murderer. The black
+always deserves his fate. I give the paragraph:
+
+"SPEAR, MITCHELL CO., N.C., March 19, 1884.--Col. J.M. English, a
+farmer and prominent citizen living at Plumtree, Mitchell County,
+N.C., shot and killed a mulatto named Jack Mathis at that place
+Saturday, March 1. There had been difficulty between them for several
+months.
+
+"Mathis last summer worked in one of Col. English's mica mines.
+Evidence pointed to him being implicated in the systematic stealing of
+mica from the mine. Still it was not direct enough to convict him, but
+he was discharged by English. Mathis was also a tenant of one of
+English's houses and lots. In resentment he damaged the property by
+destroying fences, tearing off weather boards from the house, and
+injuring the fruit trees. For this Col. English prosecuted the negro,
+and on Feb. 9, before a local Justice, ex-Sheriff Wiseman, he got a
+judgment for $100. On the date stated, during a casual meeting, hot
+words grew into an altercation, and Col. English shot the negro.
+Mathis was a powerful man. English is a cripple, being lame in a leg
+from a wound received in the Mexican war.
+
+"A trial was had before a preliminary court recently, Col. S.C. Vance
+appearing for Col. English. After a hearing of all the testimony the
+court reached a decision of justifiable homicide and English was
+released. The locality of the shooting is in the mountains of western
+North Carolina, and not far from the Flat Rock mica mine, the scene of
+the brutal midnight murder, Feb. 17, of Burleson, Miller, and Horton
+by Rae and Anderson, two revenue officers, who took this means to gain
+possession of the mica mine."
+
+My knowledge of such affairs in the South is, that the black and the
+white have an altercation over some trivial thing, and the white to
+end the argument shoots the black man down. The negro is always a
+"_powerful fellow_" and the white man a "weak sickly man." The law and
+public opinion always side with the white man.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+_The Triumph of the Vanquished_
+
+
+There are those throughout the length and breadth of our great country
+who make a fair living by traducing better men than themselves; by
+continually crying out that the black man is incapable of being
+civilized; that he is born with the elements of barbarity,
+improvidence and untruthfulness so woven into his very nature that no
+amount of opportunity, labor, love, or sacrifice can ever lift him out
+of the condition, the "sphere God designed him to occupy"--as if the
+great Common Parent took any more pains in the making of one man than
+another. But those who utter such blasphemy, who call in the
+assistance of the Almighty to fight the battles of the devil, are the
+very persons who do most by precept and example to make possible the
+verification of their blasphemy. They carry their lamentations into
+the pulpit, grave convocations, newspapers, and even into halls of
+legislation, State and Federal. They are the false prophets who blind
+the eye of reason and blunt the sympathies of honest, well-meaning
+men. They are the Jonases on board the ship of progress. They belong
+to that class of men who would pick flaws in the finest work of art.
+They find fault with the great mass of ignorance around them,
+contending that the poor victims have only themselves to blame for
+their destitute and painful condition, and, therefore, are not
+entitled to the sympathy or charity of their more fortunate
+brethren--unmindful that the great Master, judging by the false laws
+of men, declared that "the poor ye have always with you;" while the
+very rich are held up as monsters of selfishness, rapacity and the
+most loathsome of social vices. It is, therefore, hardly to be
+expected that this class of persons would find anything good in the
+nature of the lately enslaved black man, or any improvement in his
+condition since a generous Government had made him an ignorant voter
+and a confirmed pauper--the victim of his former master, to be robbed
+outright by designing and unscrupulous harpies of trade, and to be
+defrauded of his franchise by blatant demagogues or by outlaws, to
+whom I will not apply the term "assassins" for fear of using bad
+English.
+
+When the American Government conferred upon the black man the boon of
+freedom and the burden of the franchise, it added four million men to
+the already vast army of men who appear to be specially created to
+labor for the enrichment of vast corporations, which have no souls,
+and for individuals, whom our government have made a privileged class,
+by permitting them to usurp or monopolize, through the accepted
+channel of barter and trade, the soil, from which the masses, the
+laboring masses, must obtain a subsistence, and without the privilege
+of cultivating which they must faint and die.[7] It also added four
+millions of souls to what have been termed, in the refinement of
+sarcasm, "the dangerous classes"[8]--meaning by which the vast army of
+men and women who, while willing and anxious to make an honest living
+by the labor of their hands, and who--when speculators cry
+"over-production," "glutted market," and other clap-trap--threaten to
+take by force from society that which society prevents them from
+making honestly.
+
+When a society fosters as much crime and destitution as ours, with
+ample resources to meet the actual necessities of every one, there
+must be something radically wrong, not in the society but in the
+foundation upon which society is reared. Where is this ulcer located?
+Is it to be found in the dead-weight of illiteracy which we carry? The
+masses of few countries are more intelligent than ours. Is it to be
+found in burdensome taxation or ill-adjusted tariff regulations? Few
+countries are burdened with less debt, and many have far worse tariff
+laws than curse our country. Is it to be found in an unjust pension
+list? We hardly miss the small compensation which we grant to the men
+(or their heirs) who, in the hour of National peril, gave their lives
+freely to perpetuate the Union of our States. Where, then, is secreted
+the parasite which is eating away the energies of the people, making
+paupers and criminals in the midst of plenty and the grandest of
+civilizations? Is it not to be found in the powerful monopolies we
+have created? Monopoly in land, in railroads, telegraphs, fostered
+manufactures, etc.,--the gigantic forces in our civilization which
+are, in their very nature, agents of public convenience, comfort and
+absolute necessity? Society, in the modern sense, could not exist
+without these forces; they are part and parcel of our civilization.
+Naturally, therefore, society should control them, or submit to the
+humiliation of being ruled by them. And this latter is largely the
+case at the present time. Having evolved those forces out of its
+necessities, made them strong and permanent, society failed to impose
+such conditions as wise policy should have dictated, and now suffers
+the calamitous consequences. The tail wags the dog, instead of the dog
+wagging the tail.
+
+No government can afford, with any degree of safety, to make four
+million of citizens out of so many slaves. And when it is remembered
+that our slaves were turned loose upon their former masters--lifted by
+one stroke of the pen, as it were, from the most degraded condition to
+the very pinnacle of sovereign manhood--the equals in unrestricted
+manhood, with the privileges and immunities of citizens who had been
+born to rule, apparently, instead of being ruled--it will be seen
+readily how critical was the situation.
+
+But the condition having once been created by the strong arm of the
+Federal Government, based upon a bloody and costly war in open
+defiance of the Constitution as designed by the compromising Fathers
+of the Republic; the slave once made a free man the same as his former
+master, and given the ballot, the highest privilege of government a
+man can exercise;--the Government having once gone so far, there was
+absolutely nothing for it to do but to interpose its omnipotent
+authority between the haughty and arrogant free man on the one hand
+and the crouching and fearful freed man on the other--the lion and the
+lamb. To do less would be more than cruel, it would be murderous;--the
+agency which created the condition was bound by all law and precedent
+to see that those conditions were maintained in their entirety. It
+could not evade the issue except at the expense of dignity,
+consistency and humanity. There was but one honorable course to
+pursue. Any other would be a horrible abandonment of principle. If it
+were powerful to create, to make free men and citizens, it must,
+manifestly, be powerful to insure the enjoyment of the freedom
+conferred, and protect the inviolability of the franchise granted. Any
+other conclusion would make government a by-word and a scoffing to the
+nations; any other conclusion would make its conferring of freedom and
+citizenship absurd in the extreme, a mere trick of the demagogue to
+ease the popular conscience. To do such a thing would sink a decent
+government lower in the estimation of the world than the miserable
+apology of government represented by the Khedive of Egypt.
+
+No patriotic American would admit to himself, or to a foreigner, that
+the United States Government, through its accredited representatives
+in Congress, possessed constitutional power to confer a benefit and
+did not possess power to make that benefit available; to contract an
+obligation, pecuniary or other, which it had not inherent power to
+liquidate. The validity of a contract, as a matter of fact, depends
+upon the ability of the parties to enter into it, for no court can
+enforce a contract when it is shown that the principals to it had not
+legal right to make it or to fulfill the conditions of it. It is
+accepted as a surety of power to observe the conditions when a
+sovereign government makes itself a party to a contract. The people
+are bound by their agents, to whom they delegate authority. Nothing is
+regarded in a more obnoxious light than the repudiation of their
+honest debts by sovereign States. It is regarded in financial circles
+as the crime of all crimes the blackest. The credit of the State is
+reduced to a song, and moneyed men shun it as they would a
+rattlesnake. The State and its people are held up as monsters of
+depravity. It matters not how unjust the debt, how poor the people;
+the mere fact that they repudiate an obligation which they entered
+into in good faith is sufficient to destroy their credit in New York
+or London and make them the target of every virtuous newspaper which
+voices the sentiment of the class that deals in "futures" and
+"corners." As an illustration, take the State of Virginia. The people
+of that State contracted large debts to aid and abet the cause of the
+so-called Confederate Government, a thing which crystallized around
+the question: "Have the Sovereign States absolute, undivided authority
+to regulate their own internal concerns, slave and other, or is this
+authority vested in the Federal or National Government?" When the
+people of Virginia contracted those large debts, drawing upon her
+future resources, and placing burdens upon men yet unborn, to
+propagate theories at variance with sound doctrines of government, and
+to perpetuate an institution too vile to be mentioned with respect, in
+1860, and immediately subsequent thereto, when the State of Virginia
+contracted the debts in question for the perpetuation of slavery, she
+had a population of 1,047,299; 65.6 per cent of which was white
+(free), and 34.4 per cent was colored (slave). Virginia, therefore, in
+contracting debts in 1860, did not calculate that twenty-two years
+thereafter the obligations would be repudiated, and the credit of the
+State depreciated, by the assistance of the very class of persons to
+bind whom to a cruel and barbarous servitude those debts were
+contracted. It is one of the most striking instances of retributive
+justice that I ever knew. Nothing was more natural, when the question
+came up for final settlement a few years ago, than that the black
+voters of Virginia should take sides with those who opposed the full
+settlement of the indebtedness. It is too much to expect of sensible
+men that they will assent, in a state of sovereign citizenship, to
+cancel debts contracted when they had no voice in the matter, and
+when, as a matter of fact, the debts were contracted to rivet upon
+them the chains of death. And yet for the part the black men of
+Virginia took upon the settlement of her infamous debt, they have been
+abused and maligned from one end of the country to the other. Because
+they refused to vote to tax themselves to pay money borrowed without
+their consent, and applied to purposes of death and slaughter, no man
+has been found to commend them or to accept as sufficiently
+extenuating, the peculiar circumstances surrounding the question.
+Shylock must have his pound of flesh, though the unlucky victim bleed
+his life away. But there are laws "higher" than any framed in the
+interest of tyrannical capital. In my opinion, the man who
+deliberately invests his money to perpetuate so vile an institution as
+slavery deserves not only to lose the interest upon his investment but
+the principal as well. I therefore have not a grain of sympathy for
+the greedy cormorants who invested their money in the so-called
+Confederate Government. Neither have I any sympathy for the people of
+the South who, having invested all their money in human flesh, found
+themselves at the close of the Rebellion paupers in more senses than
+one--being bankrupt in purse and unused to make an honest living by
+honest labor--too proud to work and too poor to loaf.
+
+In a question of this kind, no one disputes the power of Virginia to
+contract debts to propagate opinions, erroneous or other, but it is a
+question whether the people of one generation have the right to
+tax--that is, enslave--the people of generations yet unborn. The
+creation of public debts is pernicious in practice, productive of more
+harm than good. What right have I to create debts for my grandson or
+granddaughter? I have no right even to presume that I will have a
+grandson, certainly none that he will be able to meet his own debts in
+addition to those I entail upon him. The character of the people
+called upon to settle the debt of Virginia, contracted in 1860, before
+or immediately after, differed radically from the character of the
+people who were called upon to tax themselves to cancel that debt. Not
+only had the character of the people undergone a radical change; the
+whole social and industrial mechanism of the state had undergone a
+wonderful, almost an unrecognizable, metamorphosis. The haughty
+aristocrat, with his magnificent plantation, his army of slaves, and
+his "cattle on a thousand hills," who eagerly contracted the debt,
+had been transformed into a sour pauper when called upon to honor his
+note; while the magnificent plantation had been in many instances cut
+into a thousand bits to make homes for the former slaves, now freemen
+and citizens, the equals of "my lord," while "his cattle on a thousand
+hills" had dwindled down to a stubborn jackass and a worn out milch
+cow. True, the white man possessed, largely, the soil; but he was,
+immediately after the war, utterly incapable of wringing from it the
+bounty of Nature; he had first to be re-educated.
+
+But, when the bloody rebellion was over, the country, in its sovereign
+capacity, and by individual States, was called upon to deal with grave
+questions growing out of the conflict. Mr. Lincoln, by a stroke of the
+pen,[9] transferred the battle from the field to the halls of
+legislation. In view of the "Emancipation proclamation" as issued by
+Mr. Lincoln, and the invaluable service rendered by black troops[10]
+in the rebellion, legislation upon the status of the former slave
+could not be avoided. The issue could not be evaded; like Banquo's
+ghost, it would not down. There were not wanting men, even when the
+war had ended and the question of chattel slavery had been forever
+relegated to the limbo of "things that were," who were willing still
+to toy with half-way measures, to cater to the caprices of that
+treacherous yet brave power--the South. They had not yet learned that
+Southern sentiment was fundamentally revolutionary, dynamic in the
+extreme, and could not be toyed with as with a doll-baby. So the
+statesmen proceeded to manufacture the "Reconstruction policy"--a
+policy more fatuous, more replete with fatal concessions and far more
+fatal omissions than any ever before adopted for the acceptance and
+governance of a rebellious people on the one hand and a newly made,
+supremely helpless people on the other. It is not easy to regard with
+equanimity the blunders of the "Reconstruction policy" and the
+manifold infamies which have followed fast upon its adoption.
+
+The South scornfully rejected and successfully nullified the
+legislative will of the victors.
+
+Judge Albion W. Tourgee says of this policy in his book called _A
+Fool's Errand_: "It was a magnificent sentiment that underlay it
+all,--an unfaltering determination, an invincible defiance to all that
+had the seeming of compulsion or tyranny. One cannot but regard with
+pride and sympathy the indomitable men, who, being conquered in war,
+yet resisted every effort of the conqueror to change their laws, their
+customs, or even the _personnel_ of their ruling class; and this, too,
+not only with unyielding stubbornness, but with success. One cannot
+but admire the arrogant boldness with which they charged the nation
+which had overpowered them--even in the teeth of her legislators--with
+perfidy, malice, and a spirit of unworthy and contemptible revenge.
+How they laughed to scorn the Reconstruction Acts of which the wise
+men boasted! How boldly they declared the conflict to be
+irrepressible, and that white and black could not and should not live
+together as co-ordinate ruling elements! How lightly they told the
+tales of blood--of the Masked Night-Riders, of the Invisible Empire of
+Rifle clubs and Saber clubs (all organized for peaceful purposes), of
+warnings and whippings and slaughter! Ah, it is wonderful! * * *
+Bloody as the reign of Mary, barbarous as the chronicles of the
+Comanche!"
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[7] We of the United States take credit for having abolished slavery.
+Passing the question of how much credit the majority of us are
+entitled to for the abolition of Negro slavery, it remains true that
+we have only abolished one form of slavery--and that a primitive form
+which had been abolished in the greater portion of the country by
+social development, and that, notwithstanding its race character gave
+it peculiar tenacity, would in time have been abolished in the same
+way in other parts of the country. We have not really abolished
+slavery; we have retained it in its most insidious and widespread
+form--in the form which applies to whites as to blacks. So far from
+having abolished slavery, it is extending and intensifying, and we
+made no scruple of setting into it our own children--the citizens of
+the Republic yet to be. For what else are we doing in selling the land
+on which future citizens must live, if they are to live at all.--Henry
+George, _Social Problems_, p. 209.
+
+[8] Although for the present there is a lull in the conflict of races
+at the South, it is a lull which comes only from the breathing-spells
+of a great secular contention, and not from any permanent pacification
+founded on a resolution of the race problem presented by the Negro
+question in its present aspects. So long as the existing mass of our
+crude and unassimilated colored population holds its present place in
+the body politic, we must expect that civilization and political
+rights will oscillate between alternate perils--the peril that comes
+from the white man when he places civilization, or sometimes his
+travesty of it, higher than the Negro's political rights, and the
+peril that comes from the black man when his political rights are
+placed by himself or others higher than civilization--President James
+C. Willing, on "Race Education" in _The North American Review_, April,
+1883.
+
+[9] By virtue of the power and for the purposes aforesaid, I do ordain
+and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated
+States and parts of States, are and henceforth shall be free; and that
+the Executive Government of the United States, including the military
+and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom
+of said persons.--Abraham Lincoln's _Emancipation Proclamation_.
+
+[10] From Williams's _History of the Negro Race in America_ I
+construct the following table showing the number of colored troops
+employed by the Federal Government during the war of the Rebellion:
+
+ Colored Troops Furnished 1861-65
+ Total of New England States 7,916
+ Total of Middle States 13,922
+ Total, Western States and Territories 12,711
+ Total, Border States 45,184
+ Total, Southern States 63,571
+ -------
+ Grand Total States 143,304
+ At Large 733
+ Not accounted for 5,083
+ Officers 7,122
+ -------
+ Grand total 156,242
+
+This gives colored troops enlisted in the States in Rebellion; besides
+this, there were 92,576 colored troops (included with the white
+soldiers) in the quotas of the several States.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+_Illiteracy--Its Causes_
+
+
+At the close of the rebellion there were in the Union (according to
+the census of 1860) 4,441,830 people of African origin; in 1880 they
+had increased to 6,580,793. Of this vast multitude in 1860, it is safe
+to say, not so many as one in every ten thousand could read or write.
+They had been doomed by the most stringent laws to a long night of
+mental darkness. It was a crime to teach a black man how to read even
+the Bible, the sacred repository of the laws that must light the
+pathway of man from death unto life eternal. For to teach a slave was
+to make a firebrand--to arouse that love of freedom which stops at
+nothing short of absolute freedom. It is not, therefore, surprising
+that every southern state should have passed the most odious
+inhibitary laws, with severe fines and penalties for their infraction,
+upon the question of informing the stunted intelligence of the slave
+population. The following table will show the condition of education
+in the South in 1880:
+
+ COMPARATIVE STATISTICS OF EDUCATION AT THE SOUTH
+------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ White Colored
+ -------------------------- -------------------------
+States School Enroll- [A] School Enroll- [A] [B]
+ population ment population ment
+------------------------------------------------------------------------
+Alabama 217,590 107,483 49 170,413 72,007 42 $375,465
+Arkansas [b]181,799 [c]53,229 29 [b]54,332 [c]17,743 33 238,056
+Delaware 31,505 25,053 80 3,954 2,770 70 207,281
+Florida [b]46,410 [c]18,871 41 [b]42,099 [c]20,444 49 114,895
+Georgia [d]236,319 150,134 64 [d]197,125 86,399 45 471,029
+Kentucky [e]478,597 [c]241,679 50 [e]66,564 [c]23,902 36 803,490
+Louisiana [c]139,661 [d]44,052 32 [c]134,184 [d]34,476 26 480,320
+Maryland [f]213,669 134,210 63 [f]63,591 28,221 44 1,544,367
+Mississippi 175,251 112,994 64 251,438 123,710 49 850,704
+Missouri 681,995 454,218 67 41,489 22,158 53 3,152,178
+N.Carolina 291,770 136,481 47 167,554 89,125 53 352,882
+S.Carolina [g]83,813 61,219 73 [g]144,315 72,853 50 324,629
+Tennessee 403,353 229,290 57 141,509 60,851 43 724,862
+Texas [h]171,426 138,912 81 [h]62,015 47,874 77 753,346
+Virginia 314,827 152,136 48 240,980 68,600 28 946,109
+W.Virginia 202,364 138,799 68 7,749 4,071 53 716,864
+District of
+ Columbia 29,612 16,934 57 13,946 9,505 68 438,567
+ ------------------------------------------------------------
+Total 3,899,961 2,215,674 1,803,257 784,709 12,475,044
+------------------------------------------------------------------------
+[Table Header A: Percentage of the school population enrolled]
+[Table Header B: Total Expenditure for both races[a]]
+
+[a] In Delaware the colored public schools have been supported by
+the school tax collected from colored citizens only; recently,
+however, they have received an appropriation of $2,400 from the State;
+in Kentucky the school-tax collected from colored citizens is the only
+State appropriation for the support of colored schools; in Maryland
+there is a biennial appropriation by the Legislature; in the District
+of Columbia one-third of the school moneys is set apart for colored
+public schools, and in the other States mentioned above the school
+moneys are divided in proportion to the school population without
+regard to race.
+
+[b] Several counties failed to make race distinctions.
+
+[c] Estimated.
+
+[d] In 1879.
+
+[e] For whites the school age is 6 to 20, for colored 6 to 16.
+
+[f] Census of 1870.
+
+[g] In 1877.
+
+[h] These numbers include some duplicates; the actual school
+population is 230,527.
+
+Speaking in the Senate of the United States June 13, 1882, the bill
+for National "Aid to Common Schools" being under consideration,
+Senator Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire, said:
+
+ Excluding the states of Maryland and Missouri and the
+ District of Columbia, and the total yearly expenditure for
+ both races is only $7,339,932, while in the whole country
+ the annual expenditure is, from taxation, $70,341,435, and
+ from school funds $6,580,632, or a total of $76,922,067,
+ (see tables 2 and 7,) or one-tenth of the whole, while they
+ contain one-fifth of the school-population. The causes which
+ have produced this state of things in the Southern States
+ are far less important than the facts themselves as they now
+ exist. To find a remedy and apply it is the only duty which
+ devolves upon us. Without universal education, not only will
+ the late war prove to be a failure, but the abolition of
+ slavery be proved to be a tremendous disaster, if not a
+ crime.
+
+ The country was held together by the strong and bloody
+ embrace of war, but that which the nation might and did do
+ to retain the integrity of its territory and of its laws by
+ the expenditure of brute force will all be lost if, for the
+ subjection of seven millions of men, by the statutes of the
+ States is to be substituted the thraldom of ignorance and
+ the tyranny of an irresponsible suffrage. Secession, and a
+ confederacy founded upon slavery as its chief cornerstone,
+ would be better than the future of the Southern
+ States--better for both races, too--if the nation is to
+ permit one-third, and that the fairest portion of its
+ domain, to become the spawning ground of ignorance, vice,
+ anarchy, and of every crime. The nation as such abolished
+ slavery as a legal institution; but ignorance is slavery,
+ and no matter what is written in your constitutions and your
+ laws, slavery will continue until intelligence, handmaid of
+ liberty, shall have illuminated the whole land with the
+ light of her smile.
+
+ Before the war the Southern States were aristocracies,
+ highly educated, and disciplined in the science of polities.
+ Hence they preserved order and flourished at home, while
+ they imposed their will upon the nation at large. Now all is
+ changed. The suffrage is universal, and that means universal
+ ruin unless the capacity to use it intelligently is created
+ by universal education. Until the republican constitutions,
+ framed in accordance with the Congressional reconstruction
+ which supplanted the governments initiated by President
+ Johnson, common-school systems, like universal suffrage,
+ were unknown. Hence in a special manner the nation is
+ responsible for the existence and support of those systems
+ as well as for the order of things which made them
+ necessary. That remarkable progress has been made under
+ their influence is true, and that the common school is fast
+ becoming as dear to the masses of the people at the South as
+ elsewhere is also evident.
+
+ The Nation, through the Freedmen's Bureau, and perhaps to a
+ limited extent in other ways, has expended five millions of
+ dollars for the education of negroes and refugees in the
+ earlier days of reconstruction, while religious charities
+ have founded many special schools which have thus far cost
+ some ten millions more. The Peabody fund has distilled the
+ dews of heaven all over the South; but heavy rains are
+ needed; without them every green thing must wither away.
+
+ This work belongs to the Nation. It is a part of the war.
+ We have the Southern people as patriotic allies now. We are
+ one; so shall we be forever. But both North and South have a
+ fiercer and more doubtful fight with the forces of ignorance
+ than they waged with each other during the bloody years
+ which chastened the opening life of this generation.
+
+The South lost in the destruction of property about two billion
+dollars and in prosecuting the war two billion more. No people can
+lose so much without seriously disarranging the entire mechanism of
+their government. It is for this reason, therefore, that the measure
+of "National Aid to Education" has so many and so persistent
+advocates. I wish to place myself among them. If the safety of
+republican government abides in the intelligence and virtue of the
+people, it can very readily be seen how much safety there is in the
+South at present. If it be true that an ulcer will vitiate the entire
+body, and endanger the life of the patient, we can see very plainly to
+what possible danger the spread of illiteracy may lead us.
+
+Illiteracy in the South is one of the worst legacies which the
+rebellion bequeathed to the nation. It has been the prime cause of
+more misgovernment in the South than any other one cause, not even the
+insatiable rapacity of the carpet-bag adventurers taking precedence of
+it. It has not only served as a provocation to peculation and
+chicanery, but it has nerved the courage of the assassin and made
+merry the midnight ride of armed mobs bent upon righting wrongs by
+committing crimes before which the atrocities of savage warfare pale.
+Wholesale murders have been committed and sovereign majorities awed
+into silence and inaction by reason of the widespread illiteracy of
+the masses. The very first principles of republican government have
+been ruthlessly trampled under foot because the people were ignorant
+of their sovereign rights, and had not, therefore, courage to maintain
+them.
+
+That there should be in sixteen States and the District of Columbia a
+population of 5,703,218 people to be educated out of $12,475,044 is
+sufficient to arouse the apprehension of the most indifferent friend
+of good government. The State of New York alone, with a school
+population of only 1,641,173 spent, in 1880, $9,675,922.
+
+But I base my argument for the establishment and maintenance of a
+comprehensive system of National education upon other grounds than the
+"safety of the Union," which is the same argument used by Mr. Lincoln
+when he emancipated the slaves. This argument is strong, and will
+always greatly influence a certain class of people. And, naturally, it
+should, for the perpetuation of the Union is simply the perpetuation
+of a republican form of government. But there are stronger grounds to
+be considered.
+
+1. The United States government is directly responsible for the
+illiteracy and the widespread poverty which obtain in the South. Under
+its sanction and by its connivance the institution of slavery
+flourished and prospered, until it had taken such deep root as to be
+almost impossible of extirpation. It was the _Union_, and not the
+_States_, severally, which made slavery part and parcel of the
+fundamental law of the land. If this be a correct statement of the
+case, and I assume that it is, the _Union_ (and not the _States_,
+severally) is responsible for the ignorance of the black people of the
+South. Slavery could not have existed and grown in the Union save by
+permission of all the States of the Union. It is therefore obvious
+that the agency which created and fostered a great crime is obligated,
+not only by the laws of God but of man as well, to assume the
+responsibility of its creation and to remedy, as far as possible, the
+evil results of that crime. The issue cannot be evaded. The
+obligation rests upon the Union, not upon the several States, to
+assume the direction of methods by which the appalling illiteracy of
+the South is to be diminished.
+
+2. There have not been wanting men and newspapers to urge that the
+United States should reimburse the slave-holders of the South for the
+wholesale confiscation, so to speak, of their property. True, these
+men and newspapers belong to that class of unrepentants who believed
+that slavery was a _Divine institution_ and that the slave-holder was
+a sort of vicegerent of heaven, a holy Moses, as it were. But when we
+leave the absurdity of this claim, which lies upon the surface, there
+is much apparent reason in their representations. It was the _Union_
+which legalized the sale and purchase of slave property, thereby
+inviting capitalists to invest in it; and it was the _Union_ which
+declared such contracts null and void by the abolition of slavery, or
+confiscation of slave property. As I said before, I have no sympathy
+with those who invested their money in slave property. They not only
+received their just deserts in having their property confiscated, but
+they should have been compelled to make restitution to the last penny
+to the poor slaves whom they had systematically robbed. But perhaps
+this would have been carrying justice too near the ideal. For the
+great debt to the slave, who was robbed of his honest wage, we go
+behind the slave-holder, who had been invited by the government to
+invest his money in blood; we go to the head of the firm for the
+payment of debts contracted by the firm, for each member of the
+government is, measurably, an agent of the government, contracting and
+paying debts by its delegated authority. Thus the law holds him guilty
+who willfully breaks a contract entered into in good faith by all the
+parties to it. Instead of holding the slave-holder responsible for the
+robbery of the black man through a period of a hundred years, we hold
+the _government_ responsible.
+
+What man can compute the dollars stolen from the black slave in the
+shape of wages, for a period of a hundred years! What claim has the
+slave-holder against the government for confiscation of property by
+the side of the claim of the slaves for a hundred years of wages and
+enervated and dwarfed manhood! A billion dollars would have bought
+every slave in the South in 1860, but fifty billions would not have
+adequately recompensed the slave for enforced labor and debased
+manhood. The debt grows in magnitude the closer it is inspected. And
+yet there are those who will laugh this claim to scorn; who will be
+unable to see any grounds upon which to base the justice of it; who
+will say that the black man was fully compensated for all the ills he
+had borne, the robbery to which he had been subjected, and the
+debasement--not to say enervation--of his manhood, by the great act by
+which he was made a free man and a citizen.
+
+But there is, or should be, such a claim; it rests upon the strongest
+possible grounds of equity; while the conference of freedom and
+citizenship was simply the rendering back in the first instance that
+which no man has any right to appropriate, law or no law; and, in the
+second, bestowing a boon which had been honestly earned in every
+conflict waged by the Union from Yorktown to Appomatox Court House--a
+boon, I am forced to exclaim, which has, in many respects, proved to
+be more of a curse than a blessing, more a dead weight to carry than a
+help to conserve his freedom; and to aid in the fixing of his proper
+status as a co-equal citizen. I deny the _right_ of any man to enslave
+his fellow; I deny the _right_ of any government, sovereign as the
+Union or dependent as are the States in many respects, to pass any
+regulation which robs _one man or class_ to enrich _another_.
+Individuals may invest their capital in human flesh, and governments
+may legalize the infamous compact; yet it carries upon its face the
+rankest injustice to the man and outrage upon the laws of God, the
+common Parent of all mankind. There are those in this country--men too
+of large influence, however small their wit, who, aping miserably the
+masterly irony of _Junius_, speak of the black man as the "ward of the
+nation"--a sort of pauper, dependent upon the charity of a generous
+and humane people for sustenance, and even tolerance to dwell among
+them, to enjoy the blessing of a civilization which I pronounce to be
+reared upon quicksand, a civilization more fruitful of poverty, misery
+and crime than of competence, happiness and virtue. Those who regard
+the black man in the light of a "ward of the nation," are too
+narrow-minded, ignorant or ungenerous to deserve my contempt. The
+people of this country have been made fabulously affluent by legalized
+robbery of the black man; the coffers of the National Government have
+overflowed into the channels of subsidy and peculation, enriching
+sharpers and thieves, with the earnings of slave labor; while nineteen
+out of every twenty landowners in the South obtained their unjust hold
+upon the soil by robbing the black man. When the rebellion at last
+closed, the white people of the South were poor in gold but rich
+indeed in lands, while the black man was poor in everything, even in
+manhood, not because of any neglect or improvidence on his part, but
+because, though he labored from the rising to the setting of the sun,
+he received absolutely nothing for his labor, often being denied
+adequate food to sustain his physical man and clothing to protect him
+from the rude inclemency of the weather. He was a bankrupt in purse
+because the _government_ had robbed him; he was a bankrupt in
+character, in all the elements of a successful manhood, because the
+_government_ had placed a premium upon illiteracy and immorality. It
+was not the individual slave-owner who held the black man in chains;
+it was the _government_; for, the government having permitted slavery
+to exist, the institution vanished the instant the government declared
+that it should no longer exist!
+
+I therefore maintain that the people of this Nation who enslaved the
+black man, who robbed him of more than a hundred years of toil, who
+perverted his moral nature, and all but extinguished in him the Divine
+spark of intelligence, are morally bound to do all that is in their
+power to build up his shattered manhood, to put him on his feet, as
+it were, to fit him to enjoy the freedom thrust upon him so
+unceremoniously, and to exercise with loyalty and patriotism the
+ballot placed in his hands--the ballot, in which is wrapped up the
+destiny of republican government, the perpetuity of democratic
+institutions. It is the proper function of government to see to it
+that its citizens are properly prepared to exercise wisely the
+liberties placed in their keeping. Self-preservation would dictate as
+much; for, if it be considered the better part of valor to discretely
+build and maintain arsenals and forts to bar out the invader, to
+prepare against the assaults of the enemy from without, how much more
+imperative it is to take timely precautions to counteract the mischief
+of insidious foes from within? Are our liberties placed more in
+jeopardy by the assaults of an enemy who plans our destruction three
+thousand miles away than of the enemy within our very bosoms? Was it
+the puissance of the barbarian arms or the corruption and enervation
+of the character of her people which worked the downfall of Rome? Was
+it influences from _without_ or influences from _within_ which
+corrupted the integrity of the people of Sparta and led to their
+subjugation by a more sturdy people? Let us learn by the striking
+examples of history. A people's greatness should be measured, not by
+its magnificent palaces, decked out in all the gaudy splendors of art
+and needless luxuries, the price of piracy or direct thievery; not in
+the number of colossal fortunes accumulated out of the stipend of the
+orphan and widow and the son of toil; not in the extent and richness
+of its public buildings and palaces of idle amusement; not in vast
+aggregations of capital in the coffers of the common treasury--capital
+unnecessarily diverted from the channels of trade, extorted from the
+people by the ignorance of their "wise men," who seek in vain for a
+remedy for the evil, _because they do not want to find one_.[11] A
+people's greatness should not be measured by these standards, for
+they are the parasites which eat away the foundations of greatness and
+stability. On the contrary, such greatness is to be found in the
+general diffusion of wealth, the comparative contentment and
+competency of the masses, and the general virtue and patriotism of the
+_whole_ people. It should, therefore, manifestly be the end and aim of
+legislators to so shape the machinery placed in their hands as to
+operate with the least possible restraint upon the energies of the
+people. It should not be the studied purpose to enrich the few at the
+expense of the many, to restrain this man and give that one the
+largest possible immunity. No law should be made or enforced which
+would abridge my right while enlarging the right of my neighbor. That
+such is the case at this time--that legislatures are manipulated in
+the interest of a few, and that the great mass of the people feel only
+the burdens placed upon them by their servants, who are more properly
+speaking become their masters--that to such perversion of popular
+sovereignty we have come, is admitted by candid men.
+
+Therefore, that the people may more clearly know their rights and how
+best to preserve them and reap their fullest benefits, they should be
+instructed in the language which is the medium through which to
+interpret their grand _Magna Charta_.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[11] Since all sensible men know that the evil lies in a protective
+tariff and the bulky catalogue of monopoly.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+_Education--Professional or Industrial_
+
+
+The "Religious Training of the Freedmen" and the "Education of the
+Freedmen" have raised up an army of people more _peculiar_ in many
+respects than any other like class in all the history of mankind. They
+stand off by themselves; they are not to be approached by any counter
+method of "advocating a cause" or "building up the Kingdom of Christ"
+in _their_ field. Millions of dollars have been "raised" to root out
+the illiteracy and immorality of the Freedmen, and to build up their
+shattered manhood. Indeed, there have been times when I have seriously
+debated the question, whether the black man had any manhood left,
+after the missionaries and religious enthusiasts had done picturing,
+or, rather, caricaturing his debased moral and mental condition. He
+has been made the victim of the most exalted panegyric by one set of
+fanatics, and of the most painful, malignant abuse and detraction by
+another set. The one has painted him as a sort of angel, and the other
+as a sort of devil; when, in fact, he is neither one nor the other;
+when, simply, he is a _man_, a member of the common family, possessing
+no more virtue nor vice than his brother, the brother who has managed
+to so impose upon himself that he is pretty thoroughly convinced that
+nature expended all its most choice materials in the construction of
+his class. But this is simply the work of the devil, who delights in
+throwing cayenne pepper into the eyes of good men.
+
+The aspects of the work which has been done in the South for the
+colored people by "missionaries," so to term them, by the assistance
+of large sums of money donated by philanthropic men and women, are
+very many-sided indeed. I would in no wise underrate the magnitude of
+the work performed, nor attribute to those who have been the agents in
+disbursing these unparalleled benefactions motives other than of the
+purest and loftiest, in a majority of cases; but I think the time has
+arrived when we may disrobe the matter of the romance which writers
+have industriously woven about it. In the early stages of the work a
+few men and women of large fortunes, who had been "born with a silver
+spoon in their mouths," may have gone South to labor for humanity and
+the Master, may have left comfortable firesides and congenial
+companionships to make their homes among strangers who shut them out
+from their affections and sympathies because they had come to labor
+for the poor and the despised. Examples of this lofty devotion to a
+good cause there undoubtedly were in the days long ago; but the bulk
+of the work was performed by persons, male and female, to whom
+employment, an opportunity to make an honest living in an honest way,
+was a godsend. That they possessed much bravery to undertake a work
+which shut them out from the sympathy and social recognition of those
+who may be called their equals, is not denied; but that they were the
+pampered children of fortune, laboring simply for God and humanity,
+which zealous persons have painted them to be in newspapers and
+magazines, religious and other, is simply making a mountain out of a
+mole-hill. They were neither millionaires nor paupers, but they were
+educated men and women, like thousands throughout the North and West,
+who went into the field to labor because it was rich unto the harvest
+and the laborers were few. To say that salaries offered were not
+accepted always with promptness would be to get on the wrong side of a
+correct statement of fact. There are hundreds and thousands of
+educated men and women in the North and West to-day "waiting for
+something to turn up," and who would not hesitate a moment to embrace
+an opportunity, honorable and lucrative, which should present itself.
+There was little romance in the undertaking; there was far less in the
+work to be performed. I simply desire to protest against the
+correctness of the distorted pictures drawn ostensibly to magnify the
+sacrifices, which were many, and to belittle the rewards, which were
+great, in the performance of an ordinary piece of work, by a class of
+persons now rapidly disappearing from the scenes that once knew them.
+Their work is fast being transferred to the hands of colored men and
+women--the pupil is taking the place of the master; the demand drawing
+upon the colored--not the white--supply, because "birds of a feather
+flock together," more especially when one class is composed of
+chickens and the other of chicken-hawks. When lines are drawn, men
+unconsciously, as it were, keep on their own side. So, in colored
+churches and schools the whites are at a discount because it is easier
+and more congenial to employ colored help. Colored people are like
+white people. When they see nothing but white ministers in the white
+churches they conclude that it is best to have nothing but colored
+ministers in their own pulpits, and they are perfectly consistent and
+logical in their conclusion; the rule which actuates mankind in such
+matters being, not the biblical one, which enjoins that we do unto
+others as we _would have them_ do unto us, but, rather, do unto others
+as _they do_ unto us; and this latter rule would seem to be better
+adapted for worldly success than the former, because it has more of
+the practical than the theoretical about it, and is more earthly than
+heavenly in its observance. The same is true of schools and school
+teachers. The colored people everywhere are constantly clamoring for
+colored teachers, since the rank injustice of _separate_ schools is
+forced upon them.
+
+I would interject just here a few words on the _separate-school
+system_. Aside from the manifest injustice of setting up two
+schoolhouses in the same ward or district--injustice to the children
+in the spirit, false from every standpoint, that one child is better
+than another--the _double expense_ of maintaining two schools is
+obvious, and is sufficiently absurd to repel the sympathy or practical
+philanthropy of any man, Christian or Infidel. Why should the people
+be called upon to support _two_ schools within speaking distance of
+each other to preserve an infamous distinction, a sneaking caste
+prejudice? Why! Because the people are wise in their own
+conceit--perfectly rational upon all other questions save the _color
+question_. The South is weighted down with debt, almost as poor as the
+proverbial "Job's turkey," and yet she supports a dual school system
+simple to gratify a _prejudice_. I notice with surprise that among the
+bills pending before Congress to give national aid to education it is
+not proposed to interfere with the irregular and ruinous dual caste
+schools; thereby, in effect, giving the national assent to a system
+repugnant to the genius of the constitution. But it is nothing new
+under the sun for the Congress of the Nation to aid and abet
+institutions and theories anti-republican and pernicious in all their
+ramifications.
+
+Perhaps no people ever had more advantages to dedicate and prepare
+themselves for the ministry of Christ than the colored people of the
+South. The religious "idea" has been so thoroughly worked that other
+branches of study, other callings than the ministry, have paled into
+insignificance. The Cross of Christ has been held up before the
+colored youth as if the whole end and aim of life was to preach the
+Gospel, as if the philosophy of heaven superseded in practical
+importance the philosophy of life. The persistence with which this one
+"idea" has been forced upon colored students has produced the reverse
+of what was anticipated in a large number of cases, and very
+naturally. It is a false theory to suppose all the people of any one
+class to be specially fitted for only one branch of industry: for I
+maintain that preaching has largely become a trade or profession, in
+which the churches with large salaries have become prizes to be
+contended for with almost as much zeal and partisanship as the prizes
+in politics. This is true not only of colored ministers but white ones
+as well. It is no disparagement of colored ministers to say that day
+by day they grow more and more in favor of serving churches with fair
+salaries than in carrying around the cross as itinerants, without any
+special place to lay their heads when the storms blow and the rains
+descend. In this they do but pattern after white clergymen, who do not
+always set examples that angels would be justified in imitating.
+
+Colored people are naturally sociable, and intensely religious in
+their disposition. Their excellent social qualities make them the best
+of companions. They are musical, humorous and generous to a fault.
+Coupled with their strong religious bias, these attractive qualities
+will in time lift them to the highest possible grade in our dwarfed
+civilization, where the fittest does not always survive; the
+drossiest, flimsiest, most selfish and superficial often occupying the
+high places, social and political. But I have still higher aspirations
+for my race. There is hope for any people who are social in
+disposition, for this supposes the largest capacity for mutual
+friendships, therefore of co-operation, out of which the highest
+civilization is possible to be evolved; while a love of music and the
+possession of musical and humorous talent is, undeniably, indicative
+of genius and prospective culture and refinement of the most approved
+standard.
+
+Indeed, the constant evolution of negro character is one of the most
+marked and encouraging social phenomena of the times; it constantly
+tends upwards, in moral, mental development and material betterment.
+Those who contend that the negro is standing still, or "_relapsing
+into barbarism_," are the falsest of false prophets. They resolutely
+shut their eyes to facts all around them, and devote columns upon
+columns of newspaper, magazine and book argument--imaginary
+pictures--to the immorality, mental sterility and innate improvidence
+of this people; and they do this for various reasons, none of them
+honorable, many of them really disreputable. In dealing with this
+negro problem they always start off upon a false premise; their
+conclusions must, necessarily, be false. In the first place,
+disregarding the fact that the negroes of the South are nothing more
+nor less than the laboring class of the people, the same in many
+particulars as the English and Irish peasantry, they proceed to regard
+them as intruders in the community--as a people who continually take
+from but add nothing to the wealth of the community.
+
+It is nothing unusual to see newspaper articles stating in the most
+positive terms that the schools maintained by the State for the
+education of the blacks are supported out of the taxes paid by _white
+men_; and, very recently, it was spoken of as a most laudable act of
+justice and generosity that the State of Georgia paid out annually for
+the maintenance of colored schools more money than _the aggregate
+taxes paid into the treasury_ of the State by the Negro property
+owners of the State; while the grand commonwealth of Kentucky only
+appropriates for the maintenance of colored schools such moneys as are
+paid into the State treasury by the colored people. Can the philosophy
+of taxation be reduced to a more hurtful, a more demoralizing
+absurdity!
+
+Suppose the same standard of distribution of school funds should be
+applied to the city or the State of New York; what would be the
+logical result? Should we appropriate annually from nine to twelve
+millions of dollars to improve the morals of the people by informing
+their intelligence? Would the State be able, after ten years of such
+an experiment, to pay the myriads of officials which would be required
+to preserve the public peace, to protect life and insure proper
+respect for the so-called rights of property? Such an experiment would
+in time require the deportation to New York of the entire male adult
+population of Ireland, to be turned into the "finest police in the
+world," to stem the tide of crime and immorality which such premium
+upon ignorance would entail. Since even under the present munificent
+and well ordered school system, it is almost impossible to elect a
+Board of Aldermen from any other than the _slum_ elements of the
+population--the liquor dealers, the gamblers, and men of their kind,
+the President of the New York Board of Aldermen at this very writing
+being a liquor-dealer, who can estimate the calamity which the
+inauguration of the Kentucky system would bring upon the people of New
+York--appropriating to the support of the public schools only such
+taxes as were paid by the parents of the children who attend them!
+
+And, yet, there is hardly an editor in the South who does not regard
+it as so much robbery of the tax-payers to support schools for the
+colored people--for the proletarian classes generally, white and
+colored. They stoutly maintain that these people really add nothing to
+the stock of wealth, really produce nothing, and that, therefore
+charity can become no more magnanimous than when it gives, places in
+reach of, the poor man the opportunity to educate his child, the
+embryo man, the future citizen.
+
+They think it a sounder principle of government to equip and maintain
+vast penal systems--with chain gangs, schools of crime, depravity and
+death, than to support schools and churches. Millions of money are
+squandered annually to curb crime, when a few thousand dollars,
+properly applied, would prove to be a more humane, a more profitable
+preventive. The poor school teacher is paid _twenty-five dollars per
+month_ for three months in the year, while the prison guards is paid
+_fifty dollars per month_ for twelve months--ninety days being the
+average length given to teach the child in the school and three
+hundred and sixty-five being necessary to teach him in the prison,
+whence he is frequently graduated a far worse, more hopeless enemy of
+society than when he matriculated.
+
+And the brutality of the convict systems of Southern States is equaled
+by no similar institutions in the world, if we except the penal system
+enforced by Russia in Siberia. The terms of imprisonment for minor
+offenses are cruelly excessive, while the food and shelter furnished
+and the punishments inflicted would bring the blush of shame to the
+cheeks of a savage. The convict systems of Alabama, Georgia, South
+Carolina and Arkansas are a burning disgrace to the Christian
+civilization which we boast. Nothing short of a semi-barbarous public
+opinion would permit them to exist. Governors have "called attention"
+to them; legislatures have "investigated" and "resolved" that they
+should be purified, and a _few_ newspapers here and there have held
+them up to the scorn and contempt of the world; yet they not only grow
+worse year by year, but the number of them steadily multiplies. And so
+they will. How is it to be otherwise? To prevent such ulcerations upon
+the body you must purify the blood. You cannot root them out by
+probing; that simply aggravates them.
+
+A system of misrepresentation and vilification of the character and
+condition of the Southern Negro has grown up, for the avowed purpose
+of enlisting the sympathies of the charitable and philanthropic people
+of the country to supply funds for his regeneration and education,
+which the government, State and Federal, studiously denies; so that it
+is almost impossible to form a correct opinion either of his moral,
+mental or material condition. Societies have organized and maintain a
+work among that people which requires an annual outlay of millions of
+dollars and thousands of employees; and to maintain the work, to keep
+up the interest of the charitable, it is necessary to picture, as
+black as imagination can conceive it, the present and prospective
+condition of the people who are, primarily, the beneficiaries. The
+work and its maintenance has really become a heavy strain upon the
+patience and generosity of the liberal givers of the land--whose
+profuse behests have no parallel in the history of any people. They
+have kept it up wellnigh a quarter of a century; and it is no
+disparagement to their zeal to say the tax upon them is becoming more
+of a burden than a pleasure. They have done in the name of humanity
+and of God for the unfortunate needy what the government should have
+done for its own purification and perpetuity for the co-equal citizen.
+And it is high time that the government should relieve the individual
+from the unjust and onerous tax.
+
+I do not hesitate to affirm, that while the work done by the
+charitable for the black citizen of this Republic has been of the most
+incalculable benefit to him, it has also done him injury which it will
+take years upon years to eradicate. The misrepresentations resorted
+to, to obtain money to "lift him up," have spread broadcast over the
+land a feeling of contempt for him as a man and pity for his lowly and
+unfortunate condition; so that throughout the North a business man
+would much rather _give a thousand dollars_ to aid in the education of
+the black heathen than to give a black scholar and gentleman an
+opportunity to honestly _earn a hundred dollars_. He has no confidence
+in the capacity of the black man. He has seen him pictured a savage,
+sunk in ignorance and vice--an object worthy to receive alms, but
+incapable of making an honest living. So that when a black man
+demonstrates any capacity, shows any signs of originality or genius,
+rises just a few inches above the common, he at once becomes an object
+rare and wonderful--a "Moses," a "_leader_ of his people."--It is
+almost as hard for an educated black man to obtain a position of trust
+and profit as it is for a camel to go through the eye of a needle. The
+missionaries, the preachers, and the educators, assisted by the
+newspapers and the magazines, have educated the people into the false
+opinion that it is safer to "donate" a thousand dollars to a colored
+college than it is to give one black man a chance to make an honest
+living.
+
+Let us now look at the system of education as it has been operated
+among the colored people of the South.
+
+It cannot be denied that much of the fabulous sums of money lavishly
+given for the education of the Freedmen of the South, has been
+squandered upon experiments, which common sense should have dictated
+were altogether impracticable. Perhaps this was sequential in the
+early stages of the work, when the instructor was ignorant of the
+topography of the country, the temper of the people among whom he was
+to labor, and, more important still, when he was totally ignorant of
+the particular class upon whom he was to operate--ignorant of their
+temperament, receptive capacity and peculiar, aye, unique,
+idiosyncrasies. Thus thousands upon thousands of dollars were expended
+upon the erection and endowment of "colleges" in many localities where
+ordinary common schools were unknown. Each college was, therefore,
+necessarily provided with a primary department, where the child of ten
+years and the adult of forty struggled in the same classes with the
+first elements of rudimentary education. The child and the adult each
+felt keenly his position in the college, and a course of cramming was
+pursued, injurious to all concerned, to lessen the number in the
+primary and to increase the number in the college departments. No man
+can estimate the injury thus inflicted upon not only the student but
+the cause of education. Even unto to-day there are colleges in
+localities in the South which run all year while the common school
+only runs from three to eight months.
+
+Indeed, the multiplication of colleges and academies for the "higher
+education of colored youth" is one of the most striking phenomena of
+the times: as if theology and the classics were the things best suited
+to and most urgently needed by a class of persons unprepared in
+rudimentary education, and whose immediate aim must be that of the
+mechanic and the farmer--to whom the classics, theology and the
+sciences, in their extremely impecunious state, are unequivocable
+abstractions. There will be those who will denounce me for taking this
+view of collegiate and professional preparation; but I maintain that
+any education is false which is unsuited to the condition and the
+prospects of the student. To educate him for a lawyer when there are
+no clients, for medicine when the patients, although numerous, are too
+poor to give him a living income, to fill his head with Latin and
+Greek as a teacher when the people he is to teach are to be instructed
+in the _a b c's_--such education is a waste of time and a senseless
+expenditure of money.
+
+I do not inveigh against higher education; I simply maintain that the
+sort of education the colored people of the South stand most in need
+of is _elementary and industrial_. They should be instructed for the
+work to be done. Many a colored farmer boy or mechanic has been
+spoiled to make a foppish gambler or loafer, a swaggering pedagogue or
+a cranky homiletician. Men may be spoiled by education, even as they
+are spoiled by illiteracy. Education is the preparation for a future
+work; hence men should be educated with special reference to that
+work.
+
+If left to themselves men usually select intuitively the course of
+preparation best suited to their tastes and capacities. But the
+colored youth of the South have been allured and seduced from their
+natural inclination by the premiums placed upon theological, classical
+and professional training for the purpose of sustaining the reputation
+and continuance of "colleges" and their professorships.
+
+I do not hesitate to say that if the vast sums of money already
+expended and now being spent in the equipment and maintenance of
+colleges and universities for the so called "higher education" of
+colored youth had been expended in the establishment and maintenance
+of primary schools and schools of applied science, the race would have
+profited vastly more than it has, both mentally and materially, while
+the results would have operated far more advantageously to the State,
+and satisfactorily to the munificent benefactors.
+
+Since writing the above, I find in a very recent number of
+
+Judge Tourgee's magazine, _The Continent_, the following reflections
+upon the subject, contributed to that excellent periodical by Prof.
+George F. Magoun of Iowa College. Mr. Magoun says:
+
+ May I offer one suggestion which observation a few years
+ since among the freedmen and much reflection, with
+ comparisons made in foreign countries, have impressed upon
+ me? It is this, that the key of the future for the black men
+ of the South is _industrial_ education. The laboring men of
+ other lands cannot hold their own in skilled labor save as
+ they receive such education, and this of a constantly
+ advancing type. The English House of Commons moved two years
+ since for a Royal Commission to study the technical schools
+ of the continent, and the report respecting France made by
+ this commission has been republished at Washington by the
+ United States Commissioner of Education. In our two leading
+ northwestern cities, St. Louis and Chicago, splendid manual
+ training-schools have been formed, and east and west the
+ question of elementary manual training in public schools is
+ up for discussion and decision. All this for _white_
+ laboring men. As long ago as December, 1879, the Legislature
+ of Tennessee authorized a brief manual of the Elementary
+ Principles of Agriculture to be "taught in the public
+ schools of the State," for the benefit of _white_ farmers
+ again. The Professor of Chemistry in the Vanderbilt
+ University, Nashville, prepared the book--107 pages. Where
+ in all this is there anything for the educational
+ improvement of the black laborer just where he needs
+ education most? The labor of the South is subject in these
+ years to a marvelous revolution. The only opportunity the
+ freedman has to rise is by furnishing such skilled labor as
+ the great changes going on in that splendid section of the
+ land require. How can he furnish it, unless the education
+ given him is chiefly industrial and technical? Some very
+ pertinent statements of the situation are made in the
+ _Princeton Review_ for May. They confirm all that you have
+ said.[12] As to the various bills before Congress, the
+ writer says: "Immediate assistance should be rendered to the
+ ex-slave States in the development of an education suited to
+ their political and _industrial_ needs." Can this be an
+ education in Latin and Greek?"(The writer contends earnestly
+ for retaining these studies in classical college and academy
+ courses for students of all colors.) Can it be anything else
+ than training in elementary industry, such as is now
+ demanded for our Northern common-schools? If the
+ denominational freedmen's schools find this a necessity, is
+ it anything less for the Southern public schools act which
+ is contemplated in the bills before Congress?
+
+Mr. Magoun reasons wisely. If the colored men of the South are to
+continue their grip as the wage-workers and wealth-producers of that
+section they must bring to their employments common intelligence and
+skill; and these are to be obtained in the South as in the North, by
+apprenticeship and in schools specially provided for the purpose.
+Instead of spending three to seven years in mastering higher
+education, which presupposes favorable conditions, colored youth
+should spend those years in acquiring a "common school education," and
+in mastering some trade by which to make an honest livelihood when
+they step forth into the world of fierce competition.
+
+Some may ask: Shall we, then, not have some scholars, men learned in
+all that higher education gives? Of course; and we should have them.
+Men fitted by nature for special pursuits in life will make
+preparation for that work. Water will find its level. Genius cannot be
+repressed. It will find an audience, even though the singer be Robert
+Burns at his plow in the remoteness of Ayr, or the philosophic AEsop in
+the humble garb of a Greek pedant's slave. Genius will take care of
+itself; it is the mass of mankind that must be led by the hand as we
+lead a small boy. It is therefore that I plead, that the masses of the
+colored race should receive such preparation for the fierce
+competition of every day life that the odds shall not be against them.
+I do not plead for the few, who will take care of themselves, but for
+the many who must be guided and protected lest they fall a prey to the
+more hardy or unscrupulous.
+
+Mr. Magoun follows out his train of thought in the following logical
+deductions:
+
+ Plainly, if this opportunity for furnishing the skilled
+ labor of the South hereafter (as he has furnished the
+ unskilled heretofore) slips away from the black man, he can
+ never rise. In the race for property, influence, and all
+ success in life, the industrially educated white
+ man--whatever may be said of Southern white men "hating to
+ work"--will outstrip him. Before an ecclesiastical body of
+ representative colored men at Memphis, in the autumn of
+ 1880, I urged this consideration, when asked to advise them
+ about education, as the one most germane to their interests;
+ and preachers and laymen, and their white teachers,
+ approved every word, and gave me most hearty thanks. I
+ counseled aspiring young men to abstain from unsuitable
+ attempts at merely literary training; from overlooking the
+ intermediate links of culture in striving after something
+ "beyond their measure;" from expecting any more to be shot
+ up into the United States Senatorships, etc., by a
+ revolution which had already wellnigh spent its first
+ exceptional force (as a few extraordinary persons are thrown
+ up into extraordinary distinction in the beginning of
+ revolutions); from ambitious rejection of the steady,
+ thorough, toilsome methods of fitting themselves for
+ immediate practical duties and nearer spheres, by which
+ alone any class is really and healthfully elevated. To shirk
+ elementary preparation and aspire after the results of
+ scholarship without its painstaking processes is THE
+ _temptation of colored students_, as I know by having taught
+ them daily in college classes. I rejoice in every such
+ student who really climbs the heights of learning with
+ exceeding joy. But a far greater proportion than has thus
+ far submitted to thorough-going preparation for skilled
+ labor must do so, or there is no great future for them in
+ this land as a race.
+
+But already the absurdity of beginning at the apex of the educational
+fabric instead of at the base is being perceived by those who have in
+hand the education of colored youth. A large number of colleges are
+adding industrial to their other features, and with much success, and
+a larger number of educators are agitating the wisdom of such feature.
+
+Perhaps no educational institution in the Union has done more for the
+industrial education of the colored people of the South than the
+Hampton (Virginia) Normal and Agricultural Institute under the
+management of General S.C. Armstrong. The success of this one
+institution in industrial education, and the favor with which it is
+regarded by the public, augurs well for the future of such
+institutions. That they many multiply is the fervent wish of every man
+who apprehends the necessities of the colored people.
+
+In a recent issue of the _New York Globe_, Prof. T. McCants Stewart of
+the Liberia (West Africa) College, who is studying the industrial
+features of the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute for use in
+his capacity as a professor among the people of the Lone Star
+Republic, photographs in the following manner the great work being
+done at Hampton. Prof. Stewart says:
+
+ The day after my arrival, I was put into the hands of an
+ excellent New England gentleman, who was to show me through
+ the Institute. He took me first to the barn, a large and
+ substantial building in which are stored the products of the
+ farm, and in which the stock have their shelter. We ascended
+ a winding staircase, reached the top, and looked down upon
+ the Institute grounds with their wide shell-paved walls,
+ grassplots, flower-beds, orchards, groves and many
+ buildings--the whole full of life, and giving evidence of
+ abundant prosperity, and surrounded by a beautiful and
+ charming country. We came down and began our rounds through
+ "the little world" in which almost every phase of human life
+ has its existence.
+
+ We went into the shoe-making department. It is in the upper
+ part of a two-story brick building. On the first floor the
+ harness-making department is located. We were told that
+ Frederick Douglass has his harness made here. One certainly
+ gets good material and honest work; and reasonable prices
+ are charged. In the shoe department several Indian boys and
+ youths were at work. There were also three or four colored
+ boys. They make annually for the United States government
+ two thousand pairs of shoes for the Indians. They also look
+ after outside orders, and do all the repairing, etc., of
+ boots and shoes for the faculty, officers, and
+ students--making fully five thousand pairs of shoes a year,
+ if we include the repairing in this estimate. At the head of
+ this department is a practical shoemaker from Boston. Each
+ department has a practical man at its head. We visited, not
+ all the first day, the blacksmith, wheelwright and tin
+ shops, and looked through the printing office, and the
+ knitting-room, in which young men are engaged manufacturing
+ thousands of mittens annually for a firm in Boston. These
+ two departments are in a commodious brick edifice, called
+ the "Stone Building." It is the gift of Mrs. Valeria Stone.
+
+ One of the most interesting departments is located also in
+ the "Stone Building"--the sewing-room. In it are nearly a
+ score, perhaps more, of cheerful, busy girls. The rapid
+ ticking of the machine is heard, and the merry laugh
+ followed by gentle whispers gives life to the room. These
+ young girls are the future wives and mothers; and the large
+ majority of them will be married to poor men. In the
+ kitchen, the laundry, and the sewing-room, they are
+ acquiring a knowledge and habits of industry that will save
+ their husbands' pennies, and thus keep them from living from
+ hand to mouth, making an everlasting struggle to save their
+ nose from the grindstone. In the schoolroom, they are
+ gathering up those intellectual treasures, which will make
+ them in a double sense helpmeets unto their husbands.
+
+ Standing in the carpenter and paint shops, and in the saw
+ mill, and seeing Negro youths engaged in the most delicate
+ kind of work, learning valuable and useful trades, I could
+ not help from feeling that this is an excellent institution,
+ and that I would like to have my boys spend three years
+ here, from fourteen to seventeen, grow strong in the love
+ for work, and educated to feel the dignity of labor, and
+ get a trade: then if they have the capacity and desire to
+ qualify for a "top round in the ladder," for leadership in
+ the "world's broad field of battle," it will be time enough
+ to think of Harvard and Yale and Edinburgh, or perhaps
+ similar African institutions.
+
+ Mr. George H. Corliss, of Rhode Island, presented to the
+ school in 1879 a sixty-horse power Corliss engine. Soon
+ after Mr. C.P. Huntington, of the Missouri & Pacific R.R.,
+ gave a saw mill, and as a result of these gifts large
+ industrial operations were begun. The saw mill is certainly
+ an extensive enterprise. Logs are brought up from the
+ Carolinas, and boards are sawn out, and in the turning
+ department fancy fixtures are made for houses, piazzas, etc.
+
+ There are two farms. The Normal School farm, and the
+ Hemenway farm, which is four miles from the Institute. On
+ the former seventy tons of hay and about one hundred and
+ twenty tons of ensilaged fodder-corn were raised last year,
+ besides potatoes, corn, rye, oats, asparagus, and early
+ vegetables. Five hundred thousand bricks were also made. The
+ Hemenway farm, of five hundred acres, is in charge of a
+ graduate and his wife. Its receipts reach nearly three
+ thousand dollars a year, and the farm promises to do
+ invaluable service in time towards sustaining this gigantic
+ work. All of the industries do not pay. For example, the
+ deficit in the printing office last year was about seven
+ hundred dollars. This is due to the employment and training
+ of student labor. The primary aim is not the making of money
+ but the advancement of the student. After they learn, they
+ are good, profitable workmen; but they then leave the
+ Institute to engage in the outside world in the battle of
+ life. On the farm is a large number of stock, milch cows and
+ calves, beef cattle, horses and colts, mules, oxen, sheep
+ and hogs--in all nearly five hundred heads.
+
+ In these various industries, the farm, saw mill, machine
+ shop, knitting, carpentering, harness making, tinsmithing,
+ blacksmithing, shoe-making, wheel-wrighting, tailoring,
+ sewing, printing, etc., over five hundred students were
+ engaged in 1883. They earned over thirty thousand
+ dollars--an average of seventy dollars each. There is no
+ question about the fact that this is a "beehive" into which
+ a bee can enter, if accepted, with nothing but his soul and
+ his muscle, and get a good education!
+
+Professor Stewart's article carries upon its face the proper reply to
+Mr. Magoun's apprehensions and my own deductions, and is the very
+strongest argument for a complete and immediate recasting of the
+underlying principles upon which nearly all colored colleges are
+sustained and operated.
+
+Money contributed for eleemosynary purposes is a sacred trust, and
+should so be applied as to net the greatest good not only to the
+beneficiary but the donor. The primary object of educational effort
+among the colored people thus far has been to purify their perverted
+moral nature and to indoctrinate in them correcter ideas of religion
+and its obligations; and the effort has not been in vain. Yet I am
+constrained to say, the inculcation of these principals has been
+altogether a too predominant idea. Material possibilities are rightly
+predicated upon correct moral and spiritual bases; but a morally and
+spiritually sound training must be sustained by such preparation for
+the actual work of life, as we find it in the machine shop, the grain
+field, and the commercial pursuits. The moralist and missionary are no
+equals for the man whose ideas of honest toil are supplemented by a
+common school training and an educated hand. This is exemplified every
+day in the ready demand for foreign-born skilled labor over our own
+people, usually educated as gentlemen without means, as if they were
+to be kid-gloved fellows, not men who must contend for subsistence
+with the horny-handed men who have graduated from the machine shops
+and factories and the schools of applied sciences of Europe. Indeed,
+the absence of the old-time apprentices among the white youth of the
+North, as a force in our industrial organization to draw upon, can be
+accounted for upon no other ground than that the supply of
+foreign-born skilled help so readily fills the demand that employers
+find it a useless expenditure of means to graduate the American boy.
+Thus may we account for the "grand rush" young men make for the
+lighter employments and the professions, creating year after year an
+idle floating population of miseducated men, and reducing the
+compensation for clerical work below that received by hod-carriers.
+This is not a fancy picture; it is an arraignment of the American
+system of education, which proceeds upon the assumption that boys are
+all "born with a silver spoon in their mouths" and are destined to
+reach--not the poor-house, but the Senate House or the White House.
+
+The American system of education proceeds upon a false and pernicious
+assumption; and, while I protest against its application generally, I
+protest, in this connection, against its application in the case of
+the colored youth in particular. What the colored boy, what all boys
+of the country need, is _industrial not ornamental_ education; shall
+they have it? Let the State and the philanthropists answer.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[12] Judge Tourgee has for years been urgently and admirably writing
+in advocacy of National Aid in Southern Education.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+_How Not to Do It_
+
+
+Revolutions are always the outgrowth of deepest wrongs, clearly
+defined by long and heated agitation, which inflame the mind of the
+people, and divide them into hostile factions. The field of battle is
+simply the theater upon which the hostile factions decide by superior
+prowess, or numbers, or sagacity, the questions at issue. In these
+conflicts, right usually, but not invariably, triumphs, as it should
+always do. Revolutions quicken the conscience and intelligence of the
+people, and wars purify the morals of the people by weeding out the
+surplus and desperate members of the population; just as a
+thunderstorm clarifies the atmosphere.
+
+But the problems involved in the agitation which culminated in the War
+of the Rebellion are to-day as far from solution as if no shot had
+been fired upon Fort Sumter or as if no Lee had laid down traitorous
+arms four years thereafter.
+
+The giant form of the slave-master, the tyrant, still rises superior
+to law, to awe and oppress the unorganized proletariat--the common
+people, the laboring class. Even when slavery was first introduced
+into this country, Fate had written upon the walls of the nation that
+it "must go," and go it must, as the result of wise statesmanship or
+amid the smoke of battle and the awful "diapason of cannonade." No man
+can tell whether wisdom will dictate further argument of peaceful, or
+there must be found a violent, solution; but all men of passable
+intelligence know and feel that justice will prevail. Progress goes
+forward ever, backward never.
+
+That human intelligence has reached higher ground within the present
+century than it ever before attained, goes without saying. That we
+have marvelously improved upon all the mechanism of government is
+equally true. But whether we have improved upon the time-honored rules
+of dealing with rebels by extending to them general amnesty for all
+their sins of commission is seriously to be debated. If we may judge
+of the proper treatment of treason by the example which, according to
+Milton, High Heaven made of Lucifer, amnesty is a failure; if we may
+judge by the almost absolute failure of the results of the war of the
+Rebellion, we may emphatically pronounce amnesty to be a noxious weed
+which should not be permitted to take too firm a rooting in our
+dealing with traitors. Human, it may be, to err, and to forgive
+Divine; but for man to extend forgiveness too far is positively fatal.
+Examples are not wanting to show the truthfulness of the reasoning.
+
+There is no error which has been productive of more disaster and death
+than the stupid plan adopted by the Federal government in what is
+known as the "Reconstruction policy." This _policy_, born out of
+expediency and nurtured in selfishness, was, in its inception,
+instinct with the elements of failure and of death. Perhaps no piece
+of legislation, no policy, was ever more fatuous in every detail. How
+could it be otherwise? How could the men who devised it expect for it
+anything more than a speedy, ignominous collapse? All the past history
+of the Southern states unmistakably pointed to the utter failure of
+any policy in which the whites were not made the masters; unless,
+indeed, they were subjected to that severe governmental control which
+their treason merited, until such time as the people were prepared for
+self-government by education, the oblivion of issues out of which the
+war grew, the passing away by death of the old spirits, and the
+complete metamorphosis of the peculiar conditions predicated upon and
+fostered by the unnatural state of slavery.
+
+At the close of the Rebellion, in 1865, the United States government
+completely transformed the social fabric of the Southern state
+governments; and, without resorting to the slow process of educating
+the people; without even preparing them by proper warnings; without
+taking into consideration the peculiar relations of the subject and
+dominant classes--the slave class and the master class--instantly, as
+it were, the lamb and the lion were commanded to lie down together.
+The master class, fresh from the fields of a bloody war, with his
+musket strapped to his shoulder and the sharp thorn of ignominious
+defeat penetrating his breast; the master class, educated for two
+hundred years to dominate in his home, in the councils of municipal,
+state and Federal government; the master class, who had been taught
+that slavery was a divine institution and that the black man, the
+unfortunate progeny of Ham, was his lawful slave and property; and
+the slave class, born to a state of slavery and obedience, educated in
+the school of improvidence, mendacity and the lowest vices--these two
+classes of people, born to such widely dissimilar stations in life and
+educated in the most extreme schools, were declared to be _free, and
+equal before the law_, with the right to vote; to testify in courts of
+law; to sit upon jury and in the halls of legislation, municipal and
+other; to sue and be sued; to buy and to sell; to marry and give in
+marriage. In short, these two classes of people were made co-equal
+citizens, entitled alike to the protection of the laws and the
+benefits of government.
+
+I know of no instance in the various history of mankind which equals
+in absurdity the presumption of the originators of our "Reconstruction
+policy" that the master class would accept cordially the conditions
+forced upon them, or that the enfranchised class would prove equal to
+the burden so unceremoniously forced upon them. On the one hand, a
+proud and haughty people, who had stubbornly contested the right of
+the government to interfere with the extension of slavery, not to say
+confiscation of slave property--a people rich in lands, in mental
+resources, in courage; on the other, a poor, despised people, without
+lands, without money, without mental resources, without moral
+character--these peoples _equal_, indeed! These peoples go peaceably
+to the ballot-box together to decide upon the destiny of government!
+These peoples melt into an harmonious citizenry! These peoples have
+and exercise mutual confidence, esteem and appreciation of their
+common rights! These peoples _dissolve into one people!_ The bare
+statement of the case condemns it as impracticable, illusory, in the
+extreme. And, yet, these two peoples, so different in character, in
+education and material condition, were turned loose to enjoy the same
+benefits in common--to be one! And the _wise men_ of the nation--as,
+Tourgee's _Fool_ ironically names them--thought they were legislating
+for the best; thought they were doing their duty. And, so, having made
+the people free, and equal before the law, and given them the ballot
+with which to settle their disputes, the "_wise men_" left the people
+to live in peace if they could, and to cut each other's throats if
+they could not. That they should have proceeded to cut each other's
+throats was as natural as it is for day to follow night.
+
+I do not desire to be understood as inveighing against the manumission
+of the slave or the enfranchisement of the new-made free man. To do
+so, would be most paradoxical on my part, who was born a slave and
+spent the first nine years of my life in that most unnatural
+condition. What I do inveigh against, is the unequal manner in which
+the colored people were pitted against the white people; the placing
+of these helpless people absolutely in the power of this hereditary
+foeman--more absolutely in their power, at their mercy, than under the
+merciless system of slavery, when sordid interest dictated a modicum
+of humanity and care in treatment. And I arraign the "Reconstruction
+policy" as one of the hollowest pieces of perfidy ever perpetrated
+upon an innocent, helpless people; and in the treatment of the issues
+growing out of that policy, I arraign the dominant party of the time
+for base ingratitude, subterfuge and hypocrisy to its black partisan
+allies. With the whole power of the government at its back, and with a
+Constitution so amended as to extend the amplest protection to the
+new-made citizen, it left him to the inhuman mercy of men whose
+uncurbed passions, whose deeds of lawlessness and defiance, pale into
+virtues the ferocity of Cossack warfare. And, for this treachery, for
+leaving this people alone and single-handed, to fight an enemy born in
+the lap of self-confidence, and rocked in the cradle of arrogance and
+cruelty, the "party of great moral ideas" must go down to history amid
+the hisses and the execrations of honest men in spite of its good
+deeds. There is not one extenuating circumstance to temper the
+indignation of him who believes in justice and humanity.
+
+As I stand before the thirteen bulky volumes, comprising the "Ku Klux
+Conspiracy," being the report of the "Joint Select Committee, to
+inquire into the condition of affairs in the late Insurrectionary
+States," on the part of the Senate and House of Representatives of the
+United States, reported February 19, 1872, my blood runs cold at the
+merciless chronicle of murder and outrage, of defiance, inhumanity and
+barbarity on the one hand, and usurpation and tyranny on the other.
+
+If the shot upon Fort Sumter was treason, what shall we call the
+bloody conflict which the white men of the South have waged against
+the Constitutional amendments from 1866 to the murder of innocent
+citizens at Danville, Virginia, in 1883--even unto the present time?
+If the shot upon Fort Sumter drew down upon the South the indignation
+and the vengeance of the Federal government, putting father against
+son, and brother against brother, what shall we say the Federal
+Government should have done to put a period to the usurpation and the
+murders of these leagues of horror?
+
+The entire adult male population of the South, though no longer in
+armed "Rebellion," appeared to be in league against the government of
+the United States. The arm of State authority was paralyzed, the
+operation of courts of justice was suspended, lawlessness and
+individual license walked abroad, and anarchy, pure and simple,
+prevailed. Under the name of the "Ku Klux Klan," the South was bound
+by the following oath, ironclad, paradoxical and enigmatical as it is:
+
+ I, [name] before the great immaculate Judge of heaven and
+ earth, and upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, do, of
+ my own free will and accord, subscribe to the following
+ sacred, binding obligation:
+
+ I. I am on the side of justice and humanity and
+ constitutional liberty, as bequeathed to us by our
+ forefathers in its original purity.
+
+ II. I reject and oppose the principles of the radical
+ party.
+
+ III. I pledge aid to a brother of the Ku-Klux Klan in
+ sickness, distress, or pecuniary embarrassments. Females,
+ friends, widows, and their households shall be the special
+ object of my care and protection.
+
+ IV. Should I ever divulge, or cause to be divulged, any of
+ the secrets of this order, or any of the foregoing
+ obligations, I must meet with the fearful punishment of
+ death and traitor's doom, which is death, death, death, at
+ the hands of the brethren.
+
+Murderers, incendiaries, midnight raiders on the "side of justice,
+humanity and Constitutional liberty"! Let us see what kind of
+"justice, humanity and Constitutional liberty" is meant. In Volume I,
+page 21, I find the following:
+
+ Taking these statements from official sources, showing the
+ prevalence of this organization in every one of the late
+ insurrectionary States and in Kentucky, it is difficult now,
+ with the light that has recently been thrown upon its
+ history, to realize that even its existence has been for so
+ long a mooted question in the public mind. Especially is
+ this remarkable in view of the effects that are disclosed by
+ some of this documentary evidence to have been produced by
+ it. That it was used as a means of intimidating and
+ murdering negro voters during the presidential election of
+ 1868, the testimony in the Louisiana and other
+ contested-election cases already referred to clearly
+ establishes.
+
+ Taking the results in Louisiana alone as an instance, the
+ purpose of the organization at that time, whatever it may
+ have been at its origin, could hardly be doubted.
+
+ A member of the committee which took that testimony thus
+ sums it up:
+
+ The testimony shows that over 2,000 persons were killed,
+ wounded, and otherwise injured in that State within a few
+ weeks prior to the presidential election; that half the
+ State was overrun by violence; midnight raids, secret
+ murders, and open riot kept the people in constant terror
+ until the Republicans surrendered all claims, and then the
+ election was carried by the Democracy. The parish of Orleans
+ contained 29,910 voters, 15,020 black. In the spring of 1868
+ that parish gave 13,973 republican votes. In the fall of
+ 1868 it gave Grant 1,178, a falling off of 12,795 votes.
+ Riots prevailed for weeks, sweeping the city of New Orleans,
+ and filling it with scenes of blood, and Ku-Klux notices
+ were scattered through the city warning the colored men not
+ to vote. In Caddo there were 2,987 Republicans. In the
+ spring of 1868 they carried the parish. In the fall they
+ gave Grant one vote. Here also there were bloody riots.
+
+ But the most remarkable case is that of St. Landry, a
+ planting parish on the River Teche. Here the Republicans had
+ a registered majority of 1,071 votes. In the spring of 1868
+ they carried the parish by 678. In the fall they gave Grant
+ no vote, not one; while the democrats cast 4,787, the full
+ vote of the parish, for Seymour and Blair.
+
+ Here occurred one of the bloodiest riots on record, in
+ which the Ku-Klux killed and wounded over two hundred
+ Republicans, hunting and chasing them for two days and
+ nights through fields and swamps. Thirteen captives were
+ taken from the jail and shot. A pile of twenty-five dead
+ bodies was found half buried in the woods. Having conquered
+ the Republicans, killed and driven off the white leaders,
+ the Ku-Klux captured the masses, marked them with badges of
+ red flannel, enrolled them in clubs, led them to the polls,
+ made them vote the Democratic ticket, and then gave them
+ certificates of the fact.
+
+It is not my purpose to weary the reader with tedious citations from
+the cumbersome reports of the "Ku Klux conspiracy." Those reports are
+accessible to the reading public. They tell the bloody story of the
+terrible miscarriage of the "Reconstruction policy;" they show how
+cruel men can be under conditions favorable to unbridled license,
+undeterred by the strong arm of constituted authority; they show how
+helpless the freed people were; how ignorant, how easily led by
+unscrupulous adventurers _pretending to be friends_ and how easily
+murdered and overawed by veterans inured to the dangers and the toils
+of war; and, lastly, they show how powerless was the national
+government to protect its citizens' rights, specifically defined by
+the Federal constitution. _Was_, do I say? It is as powerless to day!
+
+In this brief review, then, of the history and present political
+condition of the American Negro I cannot omit, though I shall not
+detail, the horrors of the Ku Klux period. They are a link in the
+chain: and though today's links are different in form and guise, _the
+chain is the same_. Let the reader, then, be a little patient at being
+reminded of things which he has perhaps forgotten.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+_The Nation Surrenders_
+
+
+The mind sickens in contemplating the mistakes of the "Reconstruction
+policy;" and the revolting peculation and crime--which went hand in
+hand from 1867-8 to 1876, bankrupting and terrorizing those
+unfortunate States--plunging them into all but anarchy, pure and
+simple.
+
+A parallel to the terror which walked abroad in the South from 1866,
+down to 1876, and which is largely dominant in that section even unto
+the present hour, must be sought for in other lands than our own,
+where the iron hand of the tyrant, seated upon a throne, cemented with
+a thousand years of usurpation and the blood of millions of innocent
+victims, presses hard upon the necks of the high and the backs of the
+low; we must turn to the dynastic villanies of the house of Orleans or
+of Stuart, or that prototype of all that is tyrannical, sordid and
+inhuman, the Czar of all the Russias. The "Invisible Empire," with its
+"Knights of the White Camelia," was as terrible as the "Empire" which
+Marat, Danton and Robespierre made for themselves, with this
+difference: the "Knights of the White Camelia" were assassins and
+marauders who murdered and terrorized in defiance of all laws, human
+or divine, though claiming allegiance to both; while the Frenchmen
+regarded themselves as the lawful authority of the land and rejected
+utterly the Divine or "higher law." The one murdered men as highwaymen
+do, while the other murdered them under the cover of law and in the
+name of _Liberty_, in whose name, as Madame Roland exclaimed on the
+scaffold of revolutionary vengeance, so many crimes are perpetrated!
+The one murdered kings and aristocrats to unshackle the limbs of the
+proletariat of France; the other murdered the proletariat of the South
+to re-rivet their chains upon the wretched survivors. And each class
+of murders proclaimed that it was actuated by the motive of _justice
+and humanity_. Liberty was the grand inspiration that steeled the arm
+and hardened the heart of each of the avengers!
+
+And thus it has been in all the history of murder and plunder.
+Liberty! the People! these are the sacred objects with which tyrants
+cloak their usurpations, and which assassins plead in extenuation of
+their brazen disregard of life, of virtue, of all that is dear and
+sacred to the race. The dagger of Brutus and the sword of Cromwell,
+were they not drawn in the name of Liberty--the People? The guillotine
+of the French Commune and the derringer of J. Wilkes Booth, were they
+not inspired by Liberty--the People?
+
+The innocent blood which has been spilt in the name of liberty and the
+people, which has served the purposes of tyranny and riveted upon the
+people most galling chains, "would float a navy."
+
+By the side of the robbery, the embezzlement, the depletion of the
+treasury of South Carolina, and the imposition of ruinous and
+unnecessary taxation upon the people of that state by the Carpet-Bag
+harpies, aided and abetted by the ignorant negroes whom our government
+had not given time to shake the dust of the cornfield from their feet
+before it invited them to seats in the chambers of legislature, we
+must place the heartless butcheries of Hamburgh and Ellenton.
+
+By the side of the misgovernment, the honeycomb of corruption in which
+the Carpet-Bag government of Louisiana reveled, we must place the
+universal lawlessness which that state witnessed from 1867 to 1876.
+
+The whole gamut of states could be run with the same deplorable, the
+same sickening conclusion.
+
+The Federal authority had created the wildest confusion and retired to
+watch the fire-brand. The "wise men" of the nation had made possible a
+system of government in which robbery and murder were to contend for
+the mastery, in which organized ignorance and organized brigandage
+were to contend for the right to rule _and_ to ruin.
+
+It is not complimentary to the white men of the South that their
+organized brigandage proved to be more stubborn, more far-sighted than
+was unorganized ignorance. In a warfare of this disreputable nature
+very little honor can be accorded to the victorious party, be he
+brigand or ignoramus. The warfare is absolutely devoid of principle,
+and, therefore, victory, any way it is twisted, is supremely
+dishonorable.
+
+The South, therefore, although she rooted out the incubus of
+_carpet-baggism_ (one of the most noxious plants that ever blossomed
+in the garden of any nascent society), and stifled the liberties and
+immunities of a whole people, turning their new-found joy into sadness
+and mourning--although the South succeeded in accomplishing these
+results, she lies prostrate to-day, feared by her fellow-citizens, who
+will not trust her with power, and shunned by the industrious aliens
+who seek our shores, because they will not become members of a society
+in which individualism and absolutism are the supreme law--for was it
+not to escape these parasites that they expatriated themselves from
+the shores of the Volga, the Danube and the Rhine? Men will not make
+their homes among people who, spurning the accepted canons of justice
+and the courts of law, make themselves a community of _banditti_.
+Thus, the South lies prostrate, staggering beneath a load of
+illiteracy sufficient to paralyze the energies of any people; dwelling
+in the midst of usurpation, where law is suspended and individual
+license is the standard authority; where criminals and suspected
+criminals are turned over to the rude mercy of mobs, masked and
+irresponsible; where caste corrupts every rivulet that issues from the
+fountain of aspiration or of chastity;[13] where no man is allowed to
+think or act for himself who does not conform his thoughts and shape
+his actions to suit the censorious and haughty _dictum_ of the
+dominant class.
+
+"You must think as we think and act as we act, or you must go!" This
+is the law of the South.
+
+In each of the late rebellious states the ballotbox has been closed
+against the black man. To reach it he is compelled to brave the
+muzzles of a thousand rifles in the hands of silent sentinels who
+esteem a human life as no more sacred than the serpent that drags his
+tortuous length among the grasses of the field, and whose head mankind
+is enjoined to crush.
+
+The thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Federal
+constitution which grew out of the public sentiment created by thirty
+long years of agitation of the abolitionists and of the "emancipation
+proclamation"--issued as a war measure by President Lincoln--are no
+longer regarded as fundamental by the South. The beneficiaries of
+those amendments have failed in every instance to enjoy the benefits
+that were, presumably, intended to be conferred.
+
+These laws--having passed both branches of the Federal legislature,
+having received the approval and signature of the Chief Executive of
+the nation, and having been ratified by a majority of the states
+composing the sisterhood of states--these laws are no longer binding
+upon the people of the South, who fought long and desperately to
+prevent the possibility of their enactment; and they no longer
+benefit, if they ever did, the people in whose interest they were
+incorporated in the _Magna Charta_ of American liberty; _while the
+Central authority which originated them, has, through the Supreme
+Court, declared nugatory, null and void all supplementary legislation
+based upon those laws, as far as the government of the United States
+is concerned!_ The whole question has been remanded to the
+legislatures of the several states! The Federal Union has left to the
+usurped governments of the South the adjudication of rights which the
+South fought four years in honorable warfare to make impossible, and
+which it has since the war exhausted the catalogue of infamy and
+lawlessness to make of no force or effect. The fate of the lamb has
+been left to the mercy of the lion and the tiger.
+
+The "party of great moral ideas," having emancipated the slave, and
+enfranchised disorganized ignorance and poverty, finally finished its
+mission, relinquished its right to the respect and confidence of
+mankind when, in 1876, it abandoned all effort to enforce the
+provisions of the war amendments. That party stands today for
+organized corruption, while its opponent stands for organized
+brigandage. The black man, who was betrayed by his party and murdered
+by the opponents of his party, is absolved from all allegiance which
+_gratitude_ may have dictated, and is to-day free to make conditions
+the best possible with any faction which will insure him in his right
+to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
+
+The black men of the United States are, today, free to form whatever
+alliances wisdom dictates, to make sure their position in the social
+and civil system of which, in the wise providence of a just God, they
+are a factor, for better or for worse.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[13] "Southerners fire up terribly, as has been noted in these columns
+again and again, when the subject of intermarriage between whites and
+negroes is discussed. But the terrible state of immorality which
+exists there, involving white men and colored women, is something upon
+which the papers of that region are silent as a rule. Not so the grand
+jury that met recently at Madison, Ga., which thus spoke out in its
+presentment with all plainness of the Old Testament:
+
+"After several days of laborious investigation we have found the moral
+state of our country in a fair condition, and the freedom of our
+community from any great criminal offenses is a subject for
+congratulation to our people. But the open and shameless cohabitation
+of white men with negro women in our community cries to heaven for
+abatement. This crime in its nature has been such as to elude our
+grasp owing to the limited time of our session. It is poisoning the
+fountains of our social life; it is ruining and degrading our young
+men, men who would scorn to have imputation put on them of
+equalization with negroes, but who have, nevertheless, found the
+lowest depths of moral depravity in this unnatural shame of their
+lives."
+
+"The despatch chronicling the presentment adds: 'The reading of this
+presentment in court aroused a great feeling of indignation among men
+who declare that the private affairs of the people should not be
+intruded upon.' It strikes the Northern mind that until these 'private
+affairs' do not need to be 'intruded upon,' Southern newspapers and
+Southern clergymen would with better grace bottle up their indignation
+upon the terrible evils likely to result from the legitimate
+intermarriage of the two races."--_Newspaper waif._
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+_Political Independence of the Negro_
+
+
+The following chapter is, in the main, a reproduction of an address
+delivered by me before the Colored Press Association, in the city of
+Washington, June 27, 1882:--
+
+ * * * * *
+
+In addressing myself to a consideration of the subject: "The colored
+man as an Independent Force in our Politics," I come at once to one of
+the vital principles underlying American citizenship of the colored
+man in a peculiar manner. Upon this question hang all the conditions
+of man as a free moral agent, as an intelligent reasoning being; as a
+man thoughtful for the best interests of his country, of his
+individual interests, and of the interests of those who must take up
+the work of republican government when the present generation has
+passed away. When I say that this question is of a most complex and
+perplexing nature, I only assert what is known of all men.
+
+I would not forget that the arguments for and against independent
+action on our part are based upon two parties or sets of principles.
+Principles are inherent in government by the people, and parties are
+engines created by the people through which to voice the principles
+they espouse. Parties have divided on one line in this country from
+the beginning of our national existence to the present time. All other
+issues merge into two distinct ones--the question of a strong Federal
+Government, as enunciated by Alexander Hamilton, and maintained by the
+present Republican party, and the question of the rights and powers of
+the States, as enunciated by Thomas Jefferson, and as maintained by
+the present Democratic party,--called the "party of the people," but
+in fact the party of oligarchy, bloodshed, violence and oppression.
+The Republican party won its first great victory on the inherent
+weakness of the Democratic party on the question of Human Rights and
+the right of the Federal Government to protect itself from the
+assumption, the aggression, the attempted usurpation, of the States,
+and it has maintained its supremacy for so long a time as to lead to
+the supposition that it will rule until such time as it shall fall to
+pieces of itself because of internal decay and exterior cancers. There
+does not appear to exist sufficient vitality outside of the
+Republican party to keep its members loyal to the people or honest to
+the government. The loyal legislation which would be occasioned by
+dread of loss of power, and the administration of the government in
+the most economical form, are wanting, because of the absence of an
+honest, healthy opposing party.
+
+But it is not my purpose to dwell upon the mechanism of parties, but
+rather to show why colored Americans should be independent voters,
+independent citizens, independent men. To this end I am led to lay it
+down: (1.) That an independent voter must be intelligent, must
+comprehend the science of government, and be versed in the history of
+governments and of men; (2.) That an independent voter must be not
+only a citizen versed in government, but one loyal to his country, and
+generous and forbearing with his fellow-citizens, not looking always
+to the word and the act, but looking sometimes to the undercurrent
+which actuates these--to the presence of immediate interest, which is
+always strong in human nature, to the love of race, and to the love of
+section, which comes next to the love of country.
+
+Our country is great not only in mineral and cereal resources, in
+numbers, and in accumulated wealth, but great in extent of territory,
+and in multiplicity of interests, out-growing from peculiarities of
+locality, race, and the education of the people. Thus the people of
+the North and East and West are given to farming, manufacturing, and
+speculation, making politics a subordinate, not a leading interest;
+they are consequently wealthy, thrifty and contented: while the people
+of the South, still in the shadow of defeat in the bloodiest and most
+tremendous conflict since the Napoleonic wars, are divided sharply
+into two classes, and given almost exclusively to the pursuits of
+agriculture and hatred of one another. The existence of this state of
+things is most disastrous in its nature, and deplorable in its
+results. It is a barrier against the progress of that section and
+alien to the spirit and subversive of the principles of our free
+institutions.
+
+It is in the South that the largest number of our people live; it is
+there that they encounter the greatest hardships; it is there the
+problem of their future usefulness as American citizens must have full
+and satisfactory, or disastrous and disheartening demonstration.
+Consequently, the colored statesman and the colored editor must turn
+their attention to the South and make that field the center of
+speculation, deduction and practical application. We all understand
+the conditions of society in that section and the causes which have
+produced them, and, while not forgetting the causes, it is a common
+purpose to alter the existing conditions, so that they may conform to
+the logic of the great Rebellion and the spirit and letter of the
+Federal Constitution. It is not surprising, therefore, that, as an
+humble worker in the interest of my race and the common good, I have
+decided views as to the course best to be pursued by our people in
+that section, and the fruits likely to spring from a consistent
+advocacy of such views.
+
+I may stand alone in the opinion that the best interests of the race
+and the best interests of the country will be conserved by building up
+a bond of union between the white people and the negroes of the
+South--advocating the doctrine that the interests of the white and the
+interests of the colored people are one and the same; that the
+legislation which affects the one will affect the other; that the good
+which comes to the one should come to the other, and that, as one
+people, the evils which blight the hopes of the one blight the hopes
+of the other; I say, I may stand alone among colored men in the belief
+that harmony of sentiment between the blacks and whites of the
+country, in so far forth as it tends to honest division and healthy
+opposition, is natural and necessary, but I speak that which is a
+conviction as strong as the Stalwart idea of diversity between Black
+and White, which has so crystallized the opinion of the race.
+
+It is not safe in a republican form of government that clannishness
+should exist, either by compulsory or voluntary reason; it is not good
+for the government, it is not good for the individual. A government
+like ours is like unto a household. Difference of opinion on
+non-essentials is wholesome and natural, but upon the fundamental idea
+incorporated in the Declaration of Independence and re-affirmed in the
+Federal Constitution the utmost unanimity should prevail. That all men
+are born equal, so far as the benefits of government extend; that each
+and every man is justly entitled to the enjoyment of life, liberty and
+the pursuit of happiness, so long as these benign benefits be not
+forfeited by infraction upon the rights of others; that freedom of
+thought and unmolested expression of honest conviction and the right
+to make these effective through the sacred medium of a fair vote and
+an honest count, are God-given and not to be curtailed--these are the
+foundations of republican government; these are the foundations of our
+institutions; these are the birthright of every American citizen;
+these are the guarantees which make men free and independent and
+great.
+
+The colored man must rise to a full conception of his citizenship
+before he can make his citizenship effective. It is a fatality to
+create or foster clannishness in a government like ours. Assimilation
+of sentiment must be the property of the German, the Irish, the
+English, the Anglo-African, and all other racial elements that
+contribute to the formation of the American type of citizen. The
+moment you create a caste standard, the moment you recognize the
+existence of such, that moment republican government stands beneath
+the sword of Damocles, the vitality of its being becomes vitiated and
+endangered. If this be true, the American people have grave cause for
+apprehension. The Anglo-African element of our population is classed
+off by popular sentiment, and kept so. It is for the thoughtful, the
+honest, the calm but resolute men of the race to mould the sentiment
+of the masses, lift them up into the broad sunlight of freedom.
+Ignorance, superstition, prejudice, and intolerance are elements in
+our nature born of the malign institution of servitude. No fiat of
+government can eradicate these. As they were the slow growth, the
+gradual development of long years of inhuman conditions, so they must
+be eliminated by the slow growth of years of favorable conditions. Let
+us recognize these facts as facts, and labor honestly to supplant them
+with more wholesome, more cheering realities. The Independent colored
+man, like the Independent white man, is an American citizen who does
+his own thinking. When some one else thinks for him he ceases to be an
+intelligent citizen and becomes a dangerous dupe--dangerous to
+himself, dangerous to the State.
+
+It is not to be expected now that the colored voters will continue to
+maintain that unanimity of idea and action characteristic of them when
+the legislative halls of States resounded with the clamor of
+law-makers of their creation, and when their breath flooded or
+depleted State treasuries. The conditions are different now. They find
+themselves citizens without a voice in the shapement of legislation;
+tax-payers without representation; men without leadership masterful
+enough to force respect from inferior numbers in some States, or to
+hold the balance of power in others. They find themselves at the mercy
+of a relentless public opinion which tolerates but does not respect
+their existence as a voting force; but which, on the contrary, while
+recognizing their right to the free exercise of the suffrage, forbids
+such exercise at the point of the shotgun of the assassin, whom it not
+only nerves but shields in the perpetration of his lawless and
+infamous crimes. And why is this? Why is it that the one hundred and
+twenty thousand black voters of South Carolina allow the eighty
+thousand white voters of that State to grind the life out of them by
+laws more odious, more infamous, more tyrannical and subversive of
+manhood than any which depopulate the governments of the old world? Is
+it because the white man is the created viceregent of government? The
+Scriptures affirm that all are sprung from one parental stem. Is it
+because he is the constitutionally invested oligarch of government?
+The magna charta of our liberties affirms that "all men are created
+equal." Is it because the law of the land reserves unto him the
+dominance of power? The preamble of the Federal Constitution declares
+that "We" and not "I," constitute "the people of the United States."
+If the law of God and the law of man agree in the equality of right of
+man, explain to me the cause which keeps a superior force in
+subjection to a minority. Look to the misgovernment of the
+Reconstruction period for the answer--misgovernment by white men and
+black men who were lifted into a "little brief authority" by a mighty
+but unwieldy voting force. That black man who connived at and shared
+in the corruption in the South which resulted in the subversion of the
+majority rule, is a traitor to his race and his country, wherever he
+may now be eking out a precarious and inglorious existence, and I have
+nothing to heap upon his head but the curses, the execrations of an
+injured people. Like Benedict Arnold he should seek a garret in the
+desert of population, living unnoticed and without respect, where he
+might die without arousing the contempt of his people.
+
+The love of Liberty carries with it the courage to preserve it from
+encroachments from without and from contempt from within. A people in
+whom the love of liberty is in-born cannot be enslaved, though they
+may be exterminated by superior force and intelligence, as in the case
+of the poor Indian of our own land--a people who, two hundred years
+ago, spread their untamed hordes from the icebergs of Maine to the
+balmy sunland of Florida. But to-day where are they? Their love of
+freedom and valorous defense of priority of ownership of our domain
+have caused them to be swept from the face of the earth. Had they
+possessed intelligence with their more than Spartan courage, the wave
+of extermination could never have rolled over them forever. As a man I
+admire the unconquerable heroism and fortitude of the Indian. So brave
+a race of people were worthy a nobler and a happier destiny. As an
+American citizen, I feel it born in my nature to share in fullest
+measure all that is American. I sympathize in all the hopes,
+aspirations and fruitions of my country. There is no pulsation in the
+animated frame of my native land which does not thrill my nature.
+There is no height of glory we may reach as a government in which I
+should not feel myself individually lifted; and there is no depth of
+degradation to which we may fall to which I should not feel myself
+individually dragged. In a word, I am an American citizen. I have a
+heritage in each and every provision incorporated in the Constitution
+of my country, and should this heritage be attempted to be filched
+from me by any man or body of men, I should deem the provocation
+sufficiently grievous to stake even life in defense of it. I would
+plant every colored man in this country on a platform of this
+nature--to think for himself, to speak for himself, to act for
+himself. This is the ideal citizen of an ideal government such as ours
+is modelled to become. This is my conception of the colored man as an
+independent force in our politics. To aid in lifting our people to
+this standard, is one of the missions which I have mapped out for my
+life-work. I may be sowing the seed that will ripen into disastrous
+results, but I don't think so. My conception of republican government
+does not lead me to a conclusion so inconsistent with my hopes, my
+love of my country and of my race.
+
+I look upon my race in the South and I see that they are helplessly at
+the mercy of a popular prejudice outgrowing from a previous condition
+of servitude; I find them clothed in the garments of citizenship by
+the Federal Government and opposed in the enjoyment of it by their
+equals, not their superiors, in the benefits of government; I find
+that the government which conferred the right of citizenship is
+powerless, or indisposed, to force respect for its own enactments; I
+find that these people, left to the mercy of their enemies, alone and
+defenseless, and without judicious leadership, are urged to preserve
+themselves loyal to the men and to the party which have shown
+themselves unable to extend to them substantial protection; I find
+that these people, alone in their struggles of doubt and of prejudice,
+are surrounded by a public opinion powerful to create and powerful to
+destroy; I find them poor in culture and poor in worldly substance,
+and dependent for the bread they eat upon those they antagonize
+politically. As a consequence, though having magnificent majorities,
+they have no voice in shaping the legislation which is too often made
+an engine to oppress them; though performing the greatest amount of
+labor, they suffer from overwork and insufficient remuneration; though
+having the greater number of children, the facilities of education are
+not as ample or as good as those provided for the whites out of the
+common fund, nor have they means to supply from private avenues the
+benefits of education denied them by the State. Now, what is the
+solution of this manifold and grievous state of things? Will it come
+by standing solidly opposed to the sentiment, the culture, the
+statesmanship, and the possession of the soil and wealth of the South?
+Let the history of the past be spread before the eyes of a candid and
+thoughtful people; let the bulky roll of misgovernment, incompetence,
+and blind folly be enrolled on the one hand, and then turn to the
+terrors of the midnight assassin and the lawless deeds which desecrate
+the sunlight of noontide, walking abroad as a phantom armed with the
+desperation of the damned!
+
+I maintain the idea that the preservation of our liberties, the
+consummation of our citizenship, must be conserved and matured, not by
+standing alone and apart, sullen as the melancholy Dane, but by
+imbibing all that is American, entering into the life and spirit of
+our institutions, spreading abroad in sentiment, feeling the full
+force of the fact that while we are classed as Africans, just as the
+Germans are classed as Germans we are in all things American citizens,
+American freemen. Since we have tried the idea of political unanimity
+let us now try other ideas, ideas more in consonance with the spirit
+of our institution. There is no strength in a union that enfeebles.
+Assimilation, a melting into the corporate body, having no distinction
+from others, equally the recipients of government--this is to be the
+independent man, be his skin tanned by the torrid heat of Africa, or
+bleached by the eternal snows of the Caucasus. To preach the
+independence of the colored man is to preach his Americanization. The
+shackles of slavery have been torn from his limbs by the stern
+arbitrament of arms; the shackles of political enslavement, of
+ignorance, and of popular prejudice must be broken on the wheels of
+ceaseless study and the facility with which he becomes absorbed into
+the body of the people. To aid himself is his first duty if he
+believes that he is here to stay, and not a probationer for the land
+of his forefathers--a land upon which he has no other claim than one
+of sentiment.
+
+What vital principle affecting our citizenship is championed by the
+National Republican party of to-day? Is it a fair vote and an honest
+count? Measure our strength in the South and gaze upon the solitary
+expression of our citizenship in the halls of the National
+Legislature. The fair vote which we cast for Rutherford B. Hayes
+seemed to have incurred the enmity of that chief Executive, and he and
+his advisers turned the colored voters of the South over to the
+bloodthirsty minority of that section.
+
+The Republican party has degenerated into an ignoble scramble for
+place and power. It has forgotten the principles for which Sumner
+contended, and for which Lincoln died. It betrayed the cause for which
+Douglass, Garrison and others labored, in the blind policy it pursued
+in reconstructing the rebellious States. It made slaves freemen and
+freemen slaves in the same breath by conferring the franchise and
+withholding the guarantees to insure its exercise; it betrayed its
+trust in permitting thousands of innocent men to be slaughtered
+without declaring the South in rebellion, and in pardoning murders,
+whom tardy justice had consigned to a felon's dungeon. It is even now
+powerless to insure an honest expression of the vote of the colored
+citizen. For these things, I do not deem it binding upon colored men
+further to support the Republican party when other more advantageous
+affiliations can be formed. And what of the Bourbon Democratic party?
+There has not been, there is not now, nor will there ever be, any good
+thing in it for the colored man. Bourbon Democracy is a curse to our
+land. Any party is a curse which arrays itself in opposition to human
+freedom, to the universal brotherhood of man. No colored man can ever
+claim truthfully to be a Bourbon Democrat. It is a fundamental
+impossibility. But he can be an independent, a progressive Democrat.
+
+The hour has arrived when thoughtful colored men should cease to put
+their faith upon broken straws; when they should cease to be the
+willing tools of a treacherous and corrupt party; when they should
+cease to support men and measures which do not benefit them or the
+race; when they should cease to be duped by one faction and shot by
+the other. The time has fully arrived when they should have their
+position in parties more fully defined, and when, by the ballot which
+they hold, they should force more respect for the rights of life and
+property.
+
+To do this, they must adjust themselves to the altered condition which
+surrounds them. They must make for themselves a place to stand. In the
+politics of the country the colored vote must be made as uncertain a
+quantity as the German and Irish vote. The color of their skin must
+cease to be an index to their political creed. They must think less of
+"the party" and more of themselves; give less heed to a name and more
+heed to principles.
+
+The black men and white men of the South have a common destiny.
+Circumstances have brought them together and so interwoven their
+interests that nothing but a miracle can dissolve the link that binds
+them. It is, therefore, to their mutual disadvantage that anything but
+sympathy and good will should prevail. A reign of terror means a
+stagnation of all the energies of the people and a corruption of the
+fountains of law and justice.
+
+The colored men of the South must cultivate more cordial relations
+with the white men of the South. They must, by a wise policy, hasten
+the day when politics shall cease to be the shibboleth that creates
+perpetual warfare. The citizen of a State is far more sovereign than
+the citizen of the United States. The State is a real, tangible
+reality; a thing of life and power; while the United States is,
+purely, an abstraction--a thing that no man has successfully defined,
+although many, wise in their way and in their own conceit, have
+philosophized upon it to their own satisfaction. The metaphysical
+polemics of men learned in the science of republican government,
+covering volume upon volume of "debates," the legislation of
+ignoramuses, styled statesmen, and the "strict" and "liberal"
+construction placed upon their work by the judicial _magi_, together
+with a long and disastrous rebellion, to the cruel arbitrament of
+which the question had been, as was finally hoped, in the last resort,
+submitted, have failed, all and each, to define that visionary thing
+the so-called Federal government, and its just rights and powers. As
+Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson left it, so it is to-day, a
+bone of contention, a red flag in the hands of the political matadors
+of one party to infuriate those of the other parties.
+
+No: it is time that the colored voter learned to leave his powerless
+"protectors" and take care of himself. Let every one read, listen,
+think, reform his own ideas of affairs in his own locality; let him be
+less interested in the continual wars of national politics than in the
+interests of his own town and county and state; let him make friends
+of the mammon of unrighteousness of his own neighborhood, so far as to
+take an intelligent part among his neighbors, white and black, and
+vote for the men and for the party that will do the best for him and
+his race, and best conserve the interest of his vicinity. Let there be
+no aim of _solidifying_ the colored vote; the massing of black means
+the massing of white by contrast. Individual colored men--and many of
+them--have done wonders in self-elevation; but there can be no general
+elevation of the colored men of the South until they use their voting
+power in independent local affairs with some discrimination more
+reasonable than an obstinate clinging to a party name. When the
+colored voters differ among themselves and are to be found on _both
+sides_ of local political contests, they will begin to find themselves
+of some political importance; their votes will be sought, cast, _and
+counted_.
+
+And this is the key to the whole situation; let them make themselves a
+part of the people. It will take time, patience, intelligence,
+courage; but it can be done: and until it is done their path will lie
+in darkness and perhaps in blood.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+_Solution of the Political Problem_
+
+
+I have no faith in parties. In monarchical and imperial governments
+they are always manipulated by royal boobies, who are in turn
+manipulated by their empty-pated favorites and their women of
+soporific virtue; while in republics they are always manipulated by
+demagogues, tricksters, and corruptionists, who figure in the
+newspapers as "bosses," "heelers" and "sluggers," and in history as
+statesmen, senators and representatives. These gentlemen, who _rule_
+our government and _ruin_ our people, comprise what Mr. Matthew Arnold
+recently termed the "remnant" which should be permitted to run things
+to suit themselves, the people, the great mass, being incapable of
+taking care of themselves and the complex machinery of government. Of
+course, Mr. Arnold, who is necessarily very British in his ideas of
+government, intended that the "remnant" he had in his "mind's eye,"
+should comprise men of the most exalted character and intelligence,
+the very things which keep them out of the gutters of politics. Men of
+exalted character are expected in our country to attend to their own
+concerns, not the concerns of the people, and to give the "boys" a
+chance; while the men of exalted intelligence are, by reason of the
+great industry and seclusiveness necessary to their work, too much
+wedded to their books and their quiet modes of life to rush into ward
+meetings and contend for political preferment with the "Mikes" and
+"Jakes" who make their bread and butter out of the spoils and
+peculations of office. A Clay or Webster, a Seward or Sumner,
+sometimes gets into politics, but it is by accident. There is not
+enough money in our politics to cause honest men to make it an object,
+while the corruption frequently necessary to maintain a political
+position, is so disgusting as to deter honest men from making it a
+business.
+
+A love of power easily degenerates from patriotism into treason or
+tyranny, or both. As it is easier to fall from virtue to vice than it
+is to rise from vice to virtue, so it is easier to fall from
+patriotism than to rise to it.
+
+Before the war the men of the South engaged, at first, in politics as
+an elegant pastime. They had plenty of leisure and plenty of money.
+They did not take to literature and science, because these pursuits
+require severe work and more or less of a strong bias, for a thorough
+exposition of their profound penetralia. It may be, too, that their
+assumed patrician sensitiveness shrank from entering into competition
+with the plebeian fellows who had to study hard and write voluminously
+for a few pennies to keep soul and body together. And your Southern
+grandees, before the war, were not compelled to drudge for a
+subsistence; they had to take little thought for the morrow. Their
+vast landed estates and black slaves were things that did not
+fluctuate; under the effective supervision of the viperous
+slave-driver the black Samson rose before the coming of the sun, and
+the land, nature's own flower garden and man's inalienable heritage,
+brought forth golden corn and snowy cotton in their season. Southern
+intelligence expended its odors in the avenues where brilliance, not
+profundity, was the passport to popularity. Hence, Southern
+hospitality (giving to others that which had been deliberately stolen)
+became almost as proverbial in the _polite_ circles of America and
+Europe as the long established suavity and condescension of the
+French. And even unto the present time the hospitality of the South,
+shorn of its profuseness and grandiloquence, is frequently the theme
+of newspaper hacks and magazine penny-a-liners. But the shadow alone
+remains; the substance has departed--"There are no birds in last
+year's nest."
+
+If the literary reputation of the United States had been rated, up to
+the close of the Rebellion, on the contributions of Southern
+men--fiction, prose and poetry, science, art, and invention--the
+polite nations of the world would have regarded us as a nation of
+semi-barbarians. But, happily, the rugged genius of New England made
+up then and makes up now for the poverty of literary effort on the
+part of the South. True, a few men since the war have placed the
+South in a better light; but even their work, as an index of Southern
+genius, is regarded as highly precocious and tentative.
+
+The South has yet to demonstrate that she has capacity for high
+literary effort. In the process of that demonstration, I am fully
+persuaded that the Anglo-African--with his brilliant wit and humor,
+his highly imaginative disposition and his innate fondness for
+literary pursuits--will contribute largely to give the South an
+enviable and honorable position.
+
+What the South lacked in literary effort before the war she made up in
+a magnificent galaxy of meteoric statesmen, who rushed into politics
+with the instinct of ducks taking to water, and who were forgotten, in
+the majority of cases, before they had run out their ephemeral career.
+A few names have survived the earthquake, and are remembered for their
+cleverness rather than their depth. A few more decades, and they will
+be remembered only by the curious student who plods his weary way
+through the labyrinth of Congressional records and the musty archives
+of States, seeking for data of times which long ago passed into the
+hazy vista of history and romance. Before the war the Southern man of
+leisure took to politics more as a pastime than as a serious business.
+But as the pastime was agreeable, and as it gave additional weight and
+distinction, all those who could, strived to make it appear that they
+were men of importance in the Nation. They were largely a nation of
+politicians, always brilliant, shallow, bellicose and dogmatic, as
+ready to decide an argument with the shotgun or saber as with reason
+and logic.
+
+This was the temper of the people who rushed into the war with the
+confidence of a schoolboy and who limped out like a man overtaken in
+his gymnastic exercise by a paralytic stroke. The war taught the South
+a very useful lesson, but did not sufficiently convince it that it was
+preeminently a supercilious, arrogant people, who did not and do not
+possess all the virtue, intelligence, and courage of the country;
+that its stock of these prime elements is woefully small considering
+the long years it had posed as America's own patrician class.
+
+But when the war was over, and the Southern nobility turned its
+thoughts once more to social arrogance and political dominion, it
+found that Othello's occupation was entirely gone. A revolution had
+swept over the country more iconoclastic and merciless than that which
+followed in the wake of the French revolution nearly a hundred years
+before. The bottom rail had been violently placed upon the top;
+industrial adjustments had been so completely metamorphosed as to defy
+detection; while the basis and the method of political representation
+and administration had been so altered as to confound both the old and
+the new forces.
+
+Aside from the ignorance of the black citizens and the insatiate greed
+and unscrupulousness of their carpet-bag leaders--a band of vultures
+more voracious and depraved than any which ever before imposed upon
+and abused the confidence of a credulous people--the white men of the
+South had been educated to regard themselves as, naturally, the
+factors of power and the colored people as, naturally, the subject
+class, no factor at all. It was these two things which produced that
+exhibition of barbarity on the part of the South and impotence on the
+part of the government which make us go to Roumania and the Byzantine
+court for fit parallel.
+
+But, as I have said, a love of power easily degenerates into treason.
+If we may not call the violence, the assassinations, which have
+disgraced the South, _treason_ by what fitter name, pray, shall we
+call it? If the nullification of the letter and spirit of the
+amendments of the Federal Constitution by the conquered South was not
+renewed _treason_, what was it? What is it?
+
+The white men of the South, to the "manor born," having shown their
+superiority in the superlative excellencies of murder, usurpation and
+robbery (and I maintain they have gone further in the execution of
+these infamies than was true of the Negro-Carpet-bag _bacchanalia_);
+having made majorities dwindle into iotas and vaulted themselves into
+power at the point of the shot gun and dagger (regular bandit style);
+having made laws which discriminate odiously against one class while
+giving the utmost immunity to the other; having, after doing these
+things, modeled the government they rule upon the pro-slavery doctrine
+that it is a "white man's government"--having had time to become
+sobered, the white men of the South should be open to reason, if not
+to conviction.
+
+The black men of the South know full well that they were disfranchised
+by illegal and violent methods; they know that laws are purposely
+framed to defraud and to oppress them. This is dangerous knowledge,
+dangerous to the black and the white man. It will be decided by one of
+two courses--wise and judicious statesmanship or bloody and disastrous
+insurrection. When men are wronged they appeal either to the
+arbitrament of reason or of violence. No man who loves his country
+would sanction violence in the adjudication of rights save as a last
+resort. Reason is the safest tribunal before which to arraign
+injustice and wrong; but it is not always possible to reach this
+tribunal.
+
+The black and white citizens of the South must alter the lines which
+have divided them since the close of the war. They are, essentially,
+one people, and should be mutual aids instead of mutual hindrances to
+each other. By "one people" I don't wish to be understood as implying
+that the white and black man are one in an ethnological, but a generic
+sense, having a common origin. Living in the same communities,
+pursuing identical avocations, and subject to the same fundamental
+laws, however these may differ in construction and application in the
+several States, it is as much, if not even more, the interest of the
+white man that the black should be given every possible opportunity to
+better his mental, material and civil condition. Society is not
+corrupted from the apex but from the base. It is not the pure rain
+that falls from the heavens, but the stagnant waters of the pool, that
+breed disease and death. The corruption of the ballot by white men of
+the South is more pernicious than the misuse of it by black men; the
+perversion of the law in the apprehension and punishment of criminals,
+by being wielded almost exclusively against colored men, not only
+brings law into contempt of colored men but encourages crime among
+white men. Thus the entire society is corrupted. Mob law is the most
+forcible expression of an abnormal public opinion; it shows that
+society is rotten to the core. When men find that laws are purposely
+framed to oppress and defraud them they become desperate and reckless;
+and mob law, by usurping the rightful functions of the judiciary,
+makes criminals of honest men. As Alexander Pope expressed it:
+
+ _Vice is a monster of such frightful mien,
+ That to be hated needs but to be seen;
+ Yet, seen too oft, familiar with his face,
+ We first endure, then pity, then embrace._
+
+The South has nothing to gain and everything to lose in attempting to
+repress the energies and ambition of the colored man. It is to the
+safety as well as to the highest efficiency of society that all its
+members should be allowed the same opportunities for moral,
+intellectual and material development. "Do unto others as you would
+have them do unto you." "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."
+There is no escape from the law of God. You either deal justly or
+suffer the evil effects of wrong-doing. The disorders which have made
+the South a seething cauldron for fifteen years have produced the most
+widespread contempt of lawful authority not only on the part of the
+lawless whites but the law-abiding blacks, who have suffered patiently
+the infliction of all manner of wrong _because they were a generation
+of slaves, suddenly made freemen_. They permitted themselves to be
+shot because they had been educated to bare their backs at the command
+of the white oligarch. But that sort of pusillanimous cowardice cannot
+be expected to last always. Men in a state of freedom instinctively
+question the right of others to impose unequal burdens upon them, or
+to deny to them equal and exact protection of the laws. When oppressed
+people begin to murmur, grow restless and discontented, the opposer
+had better change his tactics, or lock himself up, as does the
+cowardly tyrant of Russia.
+
+A new generation of men has come upon the stage of action in the
+South. They know little or nothing of the regulations or the horrors
+of the slave regime. They know they are freemen; they know they are
+cruelly and unjustly defrauded; and they _question the right_ of their
+equals to oppose and defraud them. A large number of these people have
+enjoyed the advantage of common school education, and not a few of
+academic and collegiate education, and a large number have "put money
+in their purse." The entire race has so changed that they are almost a
+different people from what they were when the exigencies of war made
+their manumission imperative. Yet there has been but little change in
+the attitude of the white men towards this people. They still
+strenuously deny their right to participate in the administration of
+justice or to share equally in the blessings of that justice.
+
+There must be a change of policy. The progress of the black man
+demands it; the interest of the white man compels it. The South cannot
+hope to share in the industrious emigration constantly flowing into
+our ports as long as it is scattered over the world that mob law and
+race distractions constantly interrupt the industry of the people, and
+put life and property in jeopardy of eminent disturbance; and she
+cannot hope to encourage the investment of large capital in the
+development of her industries or the extension of her national system.
+Capital is timid. It will only seek investment where it is sure of
+being let alone. Again, while the present state continues, no Southern
+statesman, however capable he may be, can hope to enjoy the confidence
+of the country or attain to high official position. Thoughtful, sober
+people will not entrust power to men who sanction mob law, and who
+rise to high honor by conniving at or participating in assassination
+and murder. They have too much self-respect to do it.
+
+Only a few weeks since, a narrow-minded senator from the State of
+Alabama, speaking upon the question of "National Aid to Education,"
+said he would rather vote for an appropriation to place the Southern
+States in direct communication with the Congo than to vote money to
+educate the blacks. There is no ingrate more execrable than the one
+who lifts up his hand or his voice to wrong the man he has betrayed.
+This senator from Alabama does not represent the majority of the
+people of his state. Take away the shot gun and mob law and he would
+be compelled to crawl back into the obscurity out of which he was
+dragged by his accomplices in roguery.
+
+The colored man is in the South to stay there. He will not leave it
+voluntarily and he cannot be driven out. He had no voice in being
+carried into the South, but he will have a very loud voice in any
+attempt to put him out. The expatriation of 5,000,000 to 6,000,000
+people to an alien country needs only to be suggested to create mirth
+and ridicule. The white men of the South had better make up their
+minds that the black men will remain in the South just as long as corn
+will tassel and cotton will bloom into whiteness. The talk about the
+black people being brought to this country to prepare themselves to
+evangelize Africa is so much religious nonsense boiled down to a
+sycophantic platitude. The Lord, who is eminently just, had no hand in
+their forcible coming here; it was preeminently the work of the devil.
+Africa will have to be evangelized _from within_, not _from without_.
+The Colonization society has spent mints of money and tons of human
+blood in the selfish attempt to plant an Anglo-African colony on the
+West Coast of Africa. The money has been thrown away and the human
+lives have been sacrificed in vain. The black people of this country
+are Americans, not Africans; and any wholesale expatriation of them is
+altogether out of the question.
+
+The white men of the South should not deceive themselves: the blacks
+are with them to remain. Whether they like it or not, it is a fact
+that will not be rubbed out.
+
+If this be true, what should be the policy of the whites towards the
+blacks? The question should need no answer at my hands. If it were not
+for the unexampled obtuseness of the editors, preachers and
+politicians of that section, I should close this chapter here.
+
+The white men and women of the South should get down from the
+delectable mountain of delusive superiority which they have climbed;
+and, recognizing that "of one blood God made all the children of men,"
+take hold of the missionary work God has placed under their nose.
+
+Instead of railing at the black man, let them take hold of him in a
+Christian spirit and assist him in correcting those moral abscesses
+and that mental enervation which they did so awfully much to infuse
+into him; they should first take the elephant out of their own eyes
+before digging at the gnat in their neighbor's eyes. They should
+encourage him in his efforts at moral and religious improvement, not
+by standing off and clapping their hands, but by going into his
+churches and into his pulpits, showing him the "light and the way" not
+only by precept but example as well. Can't do it, do you say? Then
+take your religion and cast it to the dogs, for it is a living lie; it
+comes not from God but from Beelzebub the Prince of Darkness. A
+religion that divides Christians is unadulterated paganism; a minister
+that will not preach the Gospel to sinners, be they black or white, is
+a hypocrite, who "steals the livery of Heaven to serve the Devil in."
+They should make liberal provision for the schools set apart for the
+colored people, and they should visit these schools, not only to mark
+the progress made, and to encourage teacher and pupil, but to show to
+the young minds blossoming into maturity and usefulness that they are
+friends and deeply interested in the progress made. In public, they
+should seek first to inspire the confidence of colored men by just
+laws and friendly overtures and by encouraging the capable, honest
+and ambitious few by placing them in position of honor and trust. They
+should show to colored men that they accept the Constitution as
+amended, and are earnestly solicitous that they should prosper in the
+world, and become useful and respected citizens. You can't make a
+friend and partisan of a man by shooting him; you can't make a sober,
+industrious, honest man by robbing and outraging him. These tactics
+will not work to the uplifting of a people. "A soft answer turns away
+wrath." Even a dog caresses the hand that pats him on the head.
+
+The South must spend less money on penitentiaries and more money on
+schools; she must use less powder and buckshot and more law and
+equity; she must pay less attention to politics and more attention to
+the development of her magnificent resources; she must get off the
+"race line" hobby and pay more attention to the common man; she must
+wake up to the fact that--
+
+ _Worth makes the man, and want of it the fellow,_
+
+and that it is to her best interest to place all men upon the same
+footing before the law; mete out the same punishment to the white
+scamp that is inexorably meted out to the black scamp, for a scamp is
+a scamp any way you twist it; a social pest that should be put where
+he will be unable to harm any one. In an honest acceptance of the new
+conditions and responsibilities God has placed upon them, and in
+mutual forebearance, toleration and assistance, the South will find
+that panacea for which she has sought in vain down to this time.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+Land and Labor
+
+
+There is more prose than poetry in the desperate conflict now
+waging in every part of the civilized world between labor and
+capital,--between the dog and his tail, again, for, when the question
+is reduced to a comprehensive statement of fact, it will be readily
+seen that capital is the offspring of labor, not labor the offspring
+of capital. Capital can produce nothing. Left to itself, it is as
+valueless as the countless millions of gold, silver, copper, lead and
+iron that lie buried in the unexplored womb of Nature. This storied
+wealth counts for nothing in its crude, undeveloped state. As it is
+to-day, so it was a thousand years ago. Years may add to the bulk,
+and, therefore, the richness of its value; but until man, by his labor
+of muscle and brain, has brought it forth, it has no value whatever.
+To have value, it must become an object of barter, of circulation, in
+short, of exchange. As its value depends upon its utility, so when it
+can no longer be used it again becomes a useless mass of perishable
+wealth. It is the product of labor, pure and simple. Speaking on
+"Management of the Banks" (footnote p. 223), in his work on _Labor and
+Capital_, Edward Kellogg says:--
+
+ All who become rich by speculations in bank, state and other
+ stocks, gain their wealth at the expense of the producing
+ classes; for no increased production is made by the changing
+ market value of these stocks. It is clear, that when the
+ rate of interest is increased, the gains of money-lenders
+ are augmented, and the money gained will buy a greater
+ quantity of property and labor. The increased gains of the
+ lender must be paid by the borrowers, by the productions of
+ their own or of others' labor.
+
+So Adam Smith, speaking of "the Origin and Use of Money" (_Wealth of
+Nations_, p. 33), says:
+
+ In order to avoid the inconveniency of such situations,
+ every prudent man in every period of society, after the
+ first establishment of the divisions of labor, must
+ naturally have endeavored to manage his affairs in such a
+ manner as to have at all times by him, besides the peculiar
+ produce of his own industry, a certain quantity of some one
+ commodity or other, such as he imagined few people would be
+ likely to refuse in exchange for the produce of their
+ industry.
+
+Labor is the one paramount force which develops the resources of the
+world. It produces all the wealth; it pays, in the last analysis, all
+the taxes--National, State and municipal; it produces the wealth which
+sustains all the institutions of learning, as well as ministers to the
+profligate luxuries of the idlers and sharpers who add nothing to the
+wealth of society, but on the contrary constantly take from it, and
+who have not inaptly been termed by Dr. Howard Crosby the "dangerous
+classes;" it makes the wealth which gives a few men millions of
+dollars as their share, either as rental or usurious interest upon
+capital invested in the production of wealth; and it creates the vast
+surplus which lies in the coffers of the Federal and State treasuries
+of our land.
+
+The producing agency, without which there could be no wealth; without
+which the landlord could exact no rent and capital could draw no
+interest, the producing agency alone receives an inadequate proportion
+of the wealth it produces. The man who conducts any business requiring
+labor and capital not only exacts an unjust proportion of the
+laborer's hire, but takes more than he justly should as interest upon
+his capital and as reward for his own time and labor, often amounting
+to no trouble or labor, he delegating to other hands, such as foremen
+or overseers, the absolute control of his investment. Yet, the man who
+invests capital not only derives, in a majority of cases, a sufficient
+income to enable him to live in more than comfort but to have a
+healthy bank account; while the laborer, who alone makes capital draw
+interest by giving it employment in developing the resources of
+nature, derives only a bare subsistence, frequently not sufficient to
+meet the absolute necessaries of his daily life. His wife and children
+must be content with life simply--bare, cold life--often without any
+of the conveniences or the commonest luxuries which make existence
+anything more than the curse it is to a large majority of humankind.
+This is peculiarly true of the condition of the masses of the Old
+World, and is fast becoming true in our own young and vigorous
+country.
+
+In every quarter of the globe the cry of depressed and defrauded labor
+is heard. The enormous drain upon the producing agents necessary to
+maintain in idleness and luxury the great capitalists of the world who
+accumulated their ill-gotten wealth by fraud, perjury and "conquest,"
+so called, grinds the producing agent down to the lowest possible
+point at which he can live and still produce. The millionaires of the
+world, so called "aristocracies," and the taxes imposed by sovereign
+states to liquidate obligations more frequently contracted to enslave
+than to ameliorate the conditions of mankind, are a constant drain
+which comes ultimately out of the laboring classes in every case.
+
+What are millionaires, any way, but the most dangerous enemies of
+society, always eating away its entrails, like the cultures that
+preyed upon the chained Prometheus? Take our own breed of these
+parasites; note how they grind down the stipend they are compelled to
+bestow upon the human tools they must use to still further swell their
+ungodly gains! Note how they take advantage of the public; how they
+extort, with Shylock avarice, every penny they possibly can from those
+who are compelled to use the appliances which wealth enables them to
+contrive for the public convenience and comfort; how they corrupt
+legislatures and dictate to the unscrupulous minions of the law. The
+Athenians were wise who enacted into law the principle that when a
+citizen became too powerful or rich to be controlled within proper
+bounds, the safety of society demanded that he should be exiled--sent
+where his power or riches could not be used to the detriment of his
+fellow-citizens. Should such a rule be applied to-day, society in
+every land could disgorge with much advantage the men who ride the
+people as the Old Man of the Sea rode Sindbad the luckless sailor. But
+our civilization is built upon a higher conception of individual right
+and immunity; there is now no limit to the right of one man to rob
+another of the produce of his labor or his natural and conferred
+rights. Not only may individuals rob and plunder their fellows with
+absolute impunity, but our laws have put breath into that soulless
+thing which has become notoriously infamous as a "corporation." Around
+this thing, this engine of extortion and oppression, our laws have
+placed bulwarks which the defrauded laborer, the widow and orphan, and
+even the sovereign public, cannot overleap. Here is where Monopoly
+first shows its cormorant head.
+
+If millionaires are enemies of society, and I assume that they
+are--not because they have property, but because, as a rule, they have
+acquired it by unjust processes and use it tyrannically--what excuse
+have we for aristocracies, an idle class, a privileged class, who toil
+not, nor spin? What is a recognized aristocracy, such as England
+maintains? From what perennial fountain did it draw its nobility and
+wealth? Came they not through Norman conquest and robbery? Who pay the
+heavy taxes levied upon the people to support the privileged classes
+of England? The royal revenues and princely preserves, are they not
+supported out of the sweat of the poorer classes, upon whom all the
+burdens of society fall at last? And why should there be royal
+revenues and princely preserves? Do they add anything to the wealth of
+a nation or the happiness of a people? Let us see.
+
+Brassey (Sir Thomas), in his book on _Work and Wages_, p. 71, says:
+
+ The Irish Poor Law Commissioners stated that the average
+ produce of the soil in Ireland was not much above one half
+ the average produce in England, whilst the number of
+ laborers employed in agriculture was, in proportion to the
+ quantity of land under cultivation more than double, viz.:
+ as five to two. Thus ten laborers in Ireland raised only the
+ same quantity of produce that four laborers raised in
+ England, and this produce was generally of an inferior
+ quality.
+
+Why is it that ten men in Ireland produce no more than four men
+produce in England?
+
+Henry George says (_Social Problems_, p. 150):
+
+ A year ago I traveled through that part of Ireland from
+ which these government-aided emigrants come. What surprises
+ an American at first, even in Connaught, is the apparent
+ sparseness of population, and he wonders if this can indeed
+ be that over-populated Ireland of which he has heard so
+ much. _There is plenty of good land_, but on it are only fat
+ beasts, and sheep so clean and white that you at first think
+ that they must be washed and combed every morning. Once,
+ this soil was tilled and was populous, but now you will find
+ only traces of ruined hamlets, and here and there the
+ miserable hut of a herd, who lives in a way that no Terra
+ del Fuegan could envy. For the 'owners' of this land, who
+ live in London and Paris, many of them having never seen
+ their estates, find cattle more profitable than men, and so
+ the men have been driven off. _It is only when you reach the
+ bog and the rocks_ in the mountains and by the sea shore,
+ that you find a dense population. Here they are crowded
+ together on land on which nature never intended men to live.
+ It is too poor for grazing, so the people who have been
+ driven from the better lands are allowed to live upon it--as
+ long as they pay their rent. If it were not too pathetic,
+ the patches they called fields would make you laugh.
+ Originally the surface of the ground must have been about as
+ susceptible of cultivation as the surface of Broadway. But
+ at the cost of enormous labor the small stones have been
+ picked off and piled up, though the great boulders remain,
+ so that it is impossible to use a plow; and the surface of
+ the bog has been cut away and manured by seaweed, brought in
+ from the shore on the backs of men and women, till it can be
+ made to grow something.
+
+Sir Thomas Brassey writes from a capitalist's standpoint, while Mr.
+George writes from the standpoint of a philosopher who not only sees
+gross social wrongs but boldly applies the remedy. But let us see if
+the same fester which irritates the body of Irish society has not also
+a parasitical existence in our own land, where society is yet in its
+infancy, where the people are supposed to enjoy all the advantages of
+the competitive system, and where all are, measurably, free to take
+and to use the opportunities offered the pioneers, or him who gets
+first his grip upon the three natural elements absolutely essential to
+man's existence, viz.: air, water, and land.
+
+Wm. Goodwin Moody says (_Land and Labor in the United States_, p. 77):
+
+ Instead of being able to boast, as could our fathers, that
+ every man who tilled the soil was lord of the manor he
+ occupied, owning no master, the last census report made a
+ return of 1,024,701 tenant farms in our country in 1880.
+
+ A comparison of this showing with the land-holdings of
+ Great Britain and Ireland will help to a better
+ understanding of what these things import. The very latest
+ statistics give the total number of holdings in England and
+ Wales at 414,804; in Ireland, at 574,222; in Scotland, at
+ 80,101; total, 1,069,127. Showing that in the whole of Great
+ Britain and Ireland, counting all the holdings as tenant
+ occupations, which they are not, there are 200,000 less
+ tenant farms than in the United States.
+
+Again:
+
+ Among the owners of the tenant farms in our country are
+ English, French, and German capitalists, non-residents, who
+ have bought immense tracts of the railroad lands, and seized
+ upon the alternate government sections lying within their
+ railroad purchases, and on those tracts have commenced their
+ bonanza operations, or planted their tenants on the American
+ system.
+
+When it is remembered that the entire network of railroads in the
+United States is practically under the absolute control of five or six
+men who, having derived their valuable franchises and more than
+princely land grants from the people, show the utmost disregard of the
+comfort, convenience or rights of the donors; when it is remembered
+that one family in the city of New York controls enough land with
+enough tenants to constitute an overgrown village; and that what they
+do not claim as their own is held by one-fourth of the rest of the
+population; when it is remembered that nearly every article which has
+become a household necessity has been seized upon and can be obtained
+only through some corporation, in the manufacture of which the
+government has virtually granted a monopoly, as Charles granted to the
+Duke of Buckingham a monopoly in the sale of gold lace; when it is
+remembered that, even in this new country, three-fourths of the
+population rent their homes and cannot buy them[14]; when these things
+are remembered, as they should be, it will be readily seen that the
+condition of our work-people is fast becoming no better than that of
+the people of Europe, where a thousand years of false social
+adjustments, of usurpation and of tyranny, have reduced the
+proletariat class to the verge of starvation and desperation.
+
+True, the immigrant laborers from Europe in the North, and the
+colored people at the South tend to crowd into the cities, where their
+labor is least needed and the conditions of life for them must be at
+the hardest; true, in America if a man _has it in him_ the way is open
+for him to mount to the topmost round of the social ladder; true, too,
+the operatives in manufactures and the agricultural laborers here live
+on a far higher plane than in Europe; but the elements of degradation
+as well as of elevation are present in our land, and "easy in the
+descent" to the infernal regions. Let us be warned in time.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+_Civilization Degrades the Masses_
+
+
+There are men in all parts of the world, whose names have become
+synonyms of learning and genius, who proclaim it from the housetops
+that civilization is in a constant state of evolution to a higher,
+purer, nobler, happier condition of the people, the great mass of
+mankind, who properly make up society, and who have been styled, in
+derision, the "_mudsills_ of society." So they are, society rests upon
+them; society must build upon them; without them society cannot be,
+because they are, in the broadest sense, society itself,--not only the
+"mudsills" but the _superstructure_ as well. They not only constitute
+the great producing class but the great consuming class as well. They
+are the bone and sinew of society.
+
+It is therefore of the utmost importance to know the condition of the
+people; it is not only important to know exactly what that condition
+is, but it is of the very first importance to the well-being of
+society that there should be absolutely nothing in that condition to
+arouse the apprehension of the sharks who live upon the carcass of the
+people, or of the people who permit the sharks to so live. There is
+nothing more absolutely certain than that the people--who submit to be
+robbed through the intricate and multifarious processes devised by the
+cupidity of individuals and of governments--when aroused to a full
+sense of the wrongs inflicted upon them, will strike down their
+oppressors in a rage of desperation born of despair.
+
+Modern tyrannies are far more insidious than the military despotisms
+of the past. These modern engines which crush society destroy the
+energy and vitality of the people by the slow process of starvation,
+sanctioned by the law, and in a majority of instances, are patiently
+borne by the victims. It is only when human nature can endure no more
+that protests are first heard; then armed resistance; then anarchy.
+Thus it was with the French of the eighteenth century. Thus it is with
+the Russian, the German, the English, the Irish peoples of to-day. The
+heel of the tyrant is studded with too many steel nails to be borne
+without excruciating pain and without earnest protest.
+
+If in their desperate conflict with the serpent that has coiled its
+slimy length about the body of the people the latter resort to
+dynamite, and seek by savage warfare to right their wrongs, they are
+to be condemned and controlled, for they confound the innocent with
+the guilty and work ruin rather than reform. Yet there is another side
+to be considered, for when injustice wraps itself in the robes of
+virtue and of law, and calls in the assistance of armies and all the
+destructive machinery of modern warfare to enforce its right to
+enslave and starve mankind, what counter warfare can be too savage,
+too destructive in its operations, to compel attention to the wrong?
+The difficulty is that vengeance should discriminate, but that is a
+refinement which blind rage can hardly compass.
+
+I believe in law and order; but I believe, as a condition precedent,
+that law and order should be predicated upon right and justice, pure
+and simple. Law is, intrinsically, a written expression of justice;
+if, on the contrary, it becomes instead written _injustice_, men are
+not, strictly speaking, bound to yield it obedience. There is no law,
+on the statute books of any nation of the world, which bears unjustly
+upon the people, which should be permitted to stand one hour. It is
+through the operations of law that mankind is ground to powder; it is
+by the prostitution of the rights of the masses, by men who pretend to
+be their representatives and are not, that misery, starvation and
+death fill the largest space in the news channels of every land.
+
+In New York City--where the intelligence, the enterprise, the wealth
+and the christianized humanity of the New World are supposed to have
+their highest exemplification--men, women and children die by the
+thousands, starved and frozen out of the world! Thousands die yearly
+in the city of New York from the effects of exposure and insufficient
+nutriment. The world, into which they had come unbidden, and the
+fruits of which a just God had declared they should enjoy as reward of
+the sweat of their brows, had refused them even a bare subsistance;
+and, this, when millions of food rot in the storehouses without
+purchasers! The harpies of trade prefer that their substance should
+resolve itself into the dirt and weed from which it sprung, rather
+than the poor and needy should eat of it and live.
+
+I have walked through the tenement wards of New York, and I have seen
+enough want and crime and blasted virtue to condemn the civilization
+which produced them and which fosters them in its bosom.
+
+I have looked upon the vast army of police which New York City
+maintains to protect life and so-called "vested rights," and I have
+concluded that there is something wrong in the social system which can
+only be kept intact by the expenditure of so much productive force,
+for this vast army, which stands on the street corners and lurks in
+the alley ways, "spotting," suspicious persons, "keeping an eye" on
+strangers who look "smart," this vast army contributes nothing to the
+production of wealth. It is, essentially, a parasite. And yet,
+without this army of idlers, life would be in constant danger and
+property would fall prey not only to the vicious and the desperate,
+but to the hungry men and women who have neither a place to shelter
+them from the storms of heaven, nor food to sustain nature's cravings
+from finding an eternal resting place in the Potter's Field. And, even
+after every precaution which selfishness can devise, courts of law and
+police officers are powerless to stay the hand of the pariahs whom
+society has outlawed--the men and women who are doomed to starve to
+death and be buried at the expense of society. The streets of every
+city in the Union are full of people who have been made desperate by
+social adjustments which prophets laud to the skies and which
+philosophers commend as "ideal," as far as they go.
+
+One-half the producing power of the United States is to-day absolutely
+dependent upon the cold charity of the world; one fourth does not make
+sufficient to live beyond the day, while the other one-fourth only
+manages to live comfortably at the expense of the most parsimonious
+economy.
+
+It is becoming a mooted question whether labor-saving machinery has
+not supplanted muscle-power in the production of every article to such
+a marvelous extent as to make thoughtful men tremble for the future of
+those who can only hope to live upon the produce of their labors. The
+machine has taken the place, largely, of man in the production of
+articles of consumption, of wear and of ornamentation; but no machine
+has, as yet, been invented to take the place of human wants. The
+markets of the world are actually glutted with articles produced by
+machine labor, but there are no purchasers with the means to buy, to
+consume the additional production caused by machinery and the
+consequent cheapening of processes of producing the articles of
+consumption, ornamentation, etc. When men have work they have money;
+and when men have money they spend it. Hence, when the toilers of a
+land have steady employment trade is brisk; when business stagnation
+forces them into idleness vice and crime afflict the country.
+
+What avail the tireless labor of the machine and the mountains of
+material it places upon the market, if there are no purchasers? One
+man at a machine will do as much work in a factory to-day as required
+the work of fifty men fifty years ago; but the enhanced volume of
+production can have only one purchaser now where there was once fifty,
+hence the fitful existence of the one and the desperate struggle for
+existence of the forty-nine.[15] As iron and steel cannot compete with
+muscle and brain in the volume of production, so iron and steel cannot
+compete with muscle and brain in consumption. And, without
+consumption, what does production amount to? What does it avail us
+that our stores and granaries are overstocked, if the people are
+unable to buy? The thing is reduced to a cruel mockery when stores and
+granaries are over-gorged, while people clamor in vain for clothing
+and food, and drop dead within reach of these prime elements of warmth
+and sustentation.
+
+What does it avail us if the balance of trade be in our favor by one,
+or two, or three hundred millions of dollars, if this result be
+obtained by the degradation and death of our own people? More; not
+only at the expense of the well being of our own people, but of the
+people of those countries in whose markets we are enabled to undersell
+them, by reason of the more systematic pauperization of our own
+producing classes.
+
+Competition, it is declared, is the life of trade; if this be true, it
+is truer that it is the death of labor, of the poorer classes. For
+Great Britain has established herself in the markets of the world at
+the expense of her laboring classes. While the capitalists of that
+country hold up their heads among the proudest people of the world,
+her laboring classes are absolutely ground to powder. Because of the
+inhuman competition which her manufacturers have been led to adopt,
+and the introduction of improved labor-saving machinery, her balance
+of trade runs far into the millions of pounds, and political
+economists place their hands upon their hearts and declare that Great
+Britain is the most happy and prosperous country on the face of the
+globe. But the declaration is illusory in the extreme. No country can
+be happy and prosperous whose "mudsills" live in squalor, want,
+misery, vice and death. If Great Britain is happy and prosperous, how
+shall we account for the constant strikes of labor organizations for
+higher pay or as a protest against further reduction of wages below
+which man cannot live and produce? The balance of trade desire is the
+curse of the people of the world. It can be obtained only by
+underbidding other people in their own markets; and this can be done
+only by the maximum of production at the minimum of cost--by forcing
+as much labor out of the man or the machine as possible at the least
+possible expense.
+
+There is death in the theory; death to our own people and death to the
+people with whom we compete. When a people no longer produce those
+articles which are absolutely necessary to sustain life the days of
+such people may be easily calculated.
+
+Men talk daily of "over production," of "glutted markets," and the
+like; but such is not a true statement of the case. There can be no
+over production of anything as long as there are hungry mouths to be
+fed. It does not matter if the possessors of these hungry mouths are
+too poor to buy the bread; if they are hungry, there is no
+overproduction. With a balance of $150,000,000 of trade; with
+plethoric granaries and elevators all over the land; with millions of
+swine, sheep and cattle on a thousand hills; with millions of surplus
+revenue in the vaults of the National treasury, diverted from the
+regular channels of trade by an ignorant set of legislators who have
+not gumption enough to reduce unnecessary and burdensome taxation
+without upsetting the industries of the country--with all its
+grandiloquent exhibition of happiness and prosperity, the laboring
+classes of the country starve to death, or eke out an existence still
+more horrible.
+
+The factories of the land run on half time, and the men, women and
+children who operate them grow pinch-faced, lean and haggard, from
+insufficient nutriment, and are old and decrepit while yet in the bud
+of youth; the tenements are crowded to suffocation, breeding
+pestilence and death; while the wages paid to labor hardly serve to
+satisfy the exactions of the landlord--a monstrosity in the midst of
+civilization, whose very existence is a crying protest against our
+pretensions to civilization.
+
+Yet, "competition" is the cry of the hour. Millionaires compete with
+each other in the management of vast railroads and water routes,
+reducing labor to the verge of subsistence while exacting mints of
+money as tolls for transportation from the toilers of the soil and the
+consumers who live by their labor in other industrial enterprises; the
+manufacturers join in the competition, selling goods at the least
+possible profit to themselves and the least possible profit to those
+who labor for them; and, when no market can be found at home, boldly
+enter foreign markets and successfully compete with manufacturers who
+employ what our writers are pleased to style "pauper" labor. Every
+branch of industry is in the field _competing_, and the competition is
+ruining every branch of industry. The constant effort to obtain the
+maximum of production at the minimum of cost operates injuriously upon
+employer and employee alike; while the shrinkage in money circulation,
+caused by the competition, reduces, in every branch of industry, the
+wages of those who are the great consumers as well as producers; it
+produces those "hard times" which bear so hardly upon the poor in
+every walk of life. Even the laboring man has entered the race, and
+now competes in the labor market with his fellow for an opportunity to
+make a crust of bread to feed his wife and child. When things reach
+this stage, when the man who is working for one dollar and a half per
+day is underbid by a man who will work for a dollar and a quarter,
+then the condition of the great wealth producing and consuming class
+is desperate indeed. And so it is.
+
+Frederick Douglass, the great Negro commoner, speaking at Washington,
+April 16, 1883, on the "Twenty-first Anniversary of Emancipation in
+the District of Columbia," said:
+
+ Events are transpiring all around us that enforce respect of
+ the oppressed classes. In one form or another, by one means
+ or another, the ideas of a common humanity against
+ privileged classes, of common rights against special
+ privileges, are now rocking the world. Explosives are heard
+ that rival the earthquake. They are causing despots to
+ tremble, class rule to quail, thrones to shake and
+ oppressive associated wealth to turn pale. It is for America
+ to be wise in time.
+
+And the black philosopher, who had by manly courage and matchless
+eloquence braved the mob law of the North and the organized brigandage
+and robbery of the South in the dark days of the past, days that tried
+men's souls, standing in the sunlight of rejuvenated manhood, still
+was the oracle of the oppressed in the sentiments above quoted.
+
+All over the land the voice of the masses is heard. Organizations in
+their interests are multiplying like sands on the seashore. The
+fierce, hoarse mutter of the starved and starving gives unmistakable
+warning that America has entered upon that fierce conflict of
+money-power and muscle-power which now shake to their very centers the
+hoary-headed commonwealths of the old world. In _John Swintons Paper_
+of a recent date I find the following editorial arraignment of the
+present state of "Labor and Capital:"
+
+ The cries of the people against the oppressions of capital
+ and monopoly are heard all over the land; but the capitalist
+ and monopolist give them no heed, and go on their way more
+ relentlessly than ever. Congress is fully aware of the
+ condition of things; but you cannot get any bill through
+ there for the relief of the people. The coal lords of
+ Pennsylvania know how abject are the tens of thousands of
+ blackamoors of their mines; but they grind them without
+ mercy, and cut their days' wages again whenever they squeal.
+ Jay Gould knows of the wide-spread ruin he has wrought in
+ piling up his hundred millions; but he drives along faster
+ than ever in his routine of plunder. The factory Christians
+ of Fall River see their thousands of poor spinners
+ struggling for the bread of life amid the whirl of
+ machinery: but they order reduction after reduction in the
+ rate of wages, though the veins of the corporations are
+ swollen to congestion. The "Big Four" of Chicago, who corner
+ grain and provisions, and the capitalists here and elsewhere
+ who do the same thing, know well how the farmers suffer and
+ the tables of the poor are ravaged by their operations; but
+ they prosecute their work more extensively and recklessly
+ than ever. The railroad and telegraph corporations know
+ that, in putting on "all that the traffic will bear," they
+ are taking from this country more than the people can stand;
+ yet their only answer is that of the horseleech....
+
+ Our lawmakers know how the people are wronged through
+ legislation in the interest of privilege and plunder; but
+ they add statute to statute in that same interest. They know
+ how advantageous to the producers would be the few measures
+ asked in their name; yet they persistently refuse to adopt
+ them. The great employers of labor, the cormorants of
+ competition, know through what hideous injustice they enrich
+ themselves; but speak to them of fair play, and they flout
+ you from their presence. The wealthy corporations owning
+ these street car lines in New York see that their drivers
+ and conductors are kept on the rack from sixteen to eighteen
+ hours every day of the week, including Sundays; but when a
+ bill is brought into the State Legislature to limit the
+ daily working hours to twelve, they order their hired agents
+ of the lobby to defeat it. These gamblers of Wall street
+ know that their gains are mainly through fraud; yet
+ forever, fast and furious, do they play with loaded dice.
+
+ The landlords of these tenement quarters know by the
+ mortality statistics how broad is the swathe that death cuts
+ among their victims; but they add dollar to dollar as coffin
+ after coffin is carried into the street. * * *
+
+ These owners of the machinery of industry know how it bears
+ upon the men who keep it flying; but they are regardless of
+ all that, if only it fills their coffers. These owners of
+ palaces look upon the men by whom they are built; but think
+ all the time how to raise the rent of their hovels. These
+ great money-lenders who hold the mortgages on countless
+ farms know of the straits of the mortgage-bound farmers; yet
+ they never cease to plot for higher interest and harder
+ terms. The gilded priests of Mammon and hypocrisy cannot get
+ away from the cries of humankind; but when do you ever hear
+ them denouncing the guilty and responsible criminals in
+ their velvet-cushioned pews? Harder and harder grow the
+ exactions of capital. Harder and harder grows the lot of the
+ millions. Louder and louder grow the cries of the sufferers.
+ Deafer and deafer grow the ears of the millionaires. _Yet_,
+ if those who cry would but use their power in action,
+ peaceful action, they could right their wrongs, or at least
+ the most grievous of them, before the world completes the
+ solar circuit of this year.
+
+Wm. Goodwin Moody (_Land and Labor in the United States_, p. 338),
+reverting to the difficulties which beset the pathway of labor
+organizations, which have so far been productive of nothing but
+disaster to the laboring classes, says:
+
+ Is it not time that new weapons should be adopted, and new
+ methods introduced? * * * Will not the working men of the
+ country learn anything from the bitter experiences they have
+ passed through, and abandon methods that have been so
+ uniformly followed by the ultimate failure of all their
+ efforts. But the great evils by which we are surrounded, and
+ that are destroying the foundations of society, can be
+ removed by the working-men only. They form the large
+ majority of its members, and in our country they are
+ all-powerful. Still it is only by absolutely united action
+ that the working-men can accomplish any good. By disunion
+ they may achieve any amount of evil. The enemy they have to
+ contend against, though few in number, are strong in
+ position and possession of great capital. Nevertheless,
+ before the united working-men of the country, seeking really
+ national objects and noble ends, by methods that are just
+ and in harmony with the institutions under which we live,
+ the tyranny of capital will end. The working-men will also
+ draw to their support a very large part of the best thought
+ and intelligence of the country, that will be sure to keep
+ even step with the labor of society in its attack upon the
+ enemies of humanity and progress.
+
+There is no fact truer than this, that the accumulated wealth of the
+land, and the sources of power, are fast becoming concentrated in the
+hands of a few men, who use that wealth and power to the debasement
+and enthrallment of the wage workers. Already it is almost impossible
+to obtain any legislation, in State or Federal legislatures, to
+ameliorate the condition of the laboring classes. Capital has placed
+its tyrant grip upon the throat of the Goddess of Liberty. The power
+of railroad and telegraph corporations, and associated capital
+invested in monopolies which oppress the many, while ministering to
+the wealth, the comfort and the luxury of the few, has become
+omnipotent in halls of legislation, courts of justice, and even in the
+Executive Chambers of great States, so that the poor, the oppressed
+and the defrauded appeal in vain for justice.
+
+Such is the deplorable condition of the laboring classes in the west,
+the north and the east. They are bound to the car of capital, and are
+being ground to powder as fast as day follows day. They organize in
+vain; they protest in vain; they appeal in vain. Civilization is doing
+its work. "To him that hath, more shall be given; to him that hath
+nothing, even that shall be taken from him."
+
+Let us turn to the South and see if a black skin has anything to do
+with the tyranny of capital; let us see if the cause of the laboring
+man is not the same in all sections, in all States, in all
+governments, in the Union, as it is in all the world. If this can be
+shown; if I can incontestably demonstrate that _the condition of the
+black and the white laborer is the same, and that consequently_ _their
+cause is common_; that they should unite under the one banner and work
+upon the same platform of principles for the uplifting of labor, the
+more equal distribution of the products of labor and capital, I shall
+not have written this book in vain, and the patient reader will not
+have read after me without profit to himself and the common cause of a
+common humanity.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[14] W.G. Moody: _Land and Labor in the United States._
+
+[15] Wm. Goodwin Moody shows this conclusively in his work on _Land
+and Labor in the United States_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+_Conditions of Labor in the South_
+
+
+I am not seriously concerned about the frightful political disorders
+which have disgraced the Southern States since the close of the War of
+the Rebellion; nor am I seriously concerned about the race-wars in
+that section about which so much has been justly said, and about which
+so very little is really known, in spite of the vast mass of testimony
+that did not more than begin to tell the tale. I know that time and
+education will give proper adjustment to the politics of the South,
+and that the best men of all classes, the intelligent and the
+property-holders will eventually grasp the reins of political or civil
+power and give, as far as they can, equilibrium to the unbalanced
+conditions.
+
+The men of natural parts, of superior culture and ambitious spirit
+usually, in all societies, manage to rise to the top as the natural
+rulers of the people. You cannot keep them down; you cannot repress
+them. They rise to the top as naturally as sparks fly upward to the
+heavens. Demagogues and quacks manage only to impose upon the ignorant
+and confiding, upon men, conscious of their own inability to rule, who
+gladly transfer the responsibility to the first loud-mouthed fellow
+who comes along claiming, as his own, superior capacity and virtue.
+Intelligent men do not permit ignoramuses and adventurers to rule
+them; they prefer to rule themselves; and they submit to be ruled by
+such interlopers only so long as it takes them to thoroughly
+understand the condition of affairs. It is not, therefore, to be
+marvelled at that the white men of the South spread death and terror
+in their pathway to the throne of power in subverting the governments
+of the Reconstruction policy, based as those governments were, upon
+_disorganized_ ignorance on the part of the blacks and organized
+robbery on the part of the white adventurers, who have become infamous
+under the expressive term "carpet-baggers;" although the genuine
+Northern immigrants, the "Fools" who came in good faith to cast in
+their lot with the Southern people supposing themselves to be welcome,
+should not share in the obloquy of that epithet. But, should the white
+men of the South continue indefinitely as the rulers of the South, to
+the absolute exclusion of participation of the black citizens of those
+states, then would my surprise be turned into profound amazement and
+horror at what such tyranny would produce as a logical result. Yet I
+know the temper of the people of the South too well to base any
+deduction upon a proposition so full of horror and despair. And, then,
+too, such a proposition would be at variance with all accepted
+precedents of two peoples living in the same community, governed by
+the same laws and subject to the same social and material conditions.
+I submit that I have no fears about the future political status of the
+whites and blacks of the South. The intelligent, the ambitious and the
+wealthy men of both races will eventually rule over their less
+fortunate fellow-citizens without invidious regard to race or previous
+condition. And the great-grandson of Senator Wade Hampton may yet vote
+for the great-grandson of Congressman Robert Smalls to be Governor of
+the chivalric commonwealth of South Carolina. Senator Wade Hampton may
+grit his teeth at this aspect of the case; but it is strictly in the
+domain of probability. The grandson of John C. Calhoun, the great
+orator and statesman of South Carolina, has not as yet voted for a
+colored Governor, but he has for a colored sheriff and probate judge,
+as the following testimony he gave before the Blair committee on
+"Education and Labor," (Vol II, p. 173), in the city of New York,
+September 13, 1883, will show:
+
+ "Q. (the Chairman) What do you think of his [the black
+ man's] intellectual and moral qualities and his capacity for
+ development? A. (Mr. Calhoun, John C.) ... The probate judge
+ of my county is a Negro and one of my tenants, and I am here
+ now in New York attending to important business for my
+ county as an appointee of that man. He has upon him the
+ responsibilities of all estates in the county; he is probate
+ judge.
+
+ "Q. Is he a capable man? A. A very capable man, and an
+ excellent, good man, and a very just one."
+
+Again (_Ibid_ p. 137), Mr. Calhoun testified:
+
+ The sheriff of my county is from Ohio, _and a Negro_, and he
+ is a man whom _we all support in his office_, because he is
+ capable of administering his office.
+
+When the grandson of John C. Calhoun can make such admissions,
+creditable alike to his head and his heart, may not the great-grandson
+of Wade Hampton rise up to chase the Bourbonism of his
+great-grandfather into the tomb of disgruntlement? I have not the
+least doubt of such probability. Again, I say, I am not seriously
+concerned about the future political status of the black man of the
+South. He has talent; he has ambition; he possesses a rare fund of
+eloquence, of wit and of humor, and these will carry him into the
+executive chambers of States, the halls of legislation and on to the
+bench of the judiciary. You can't bar him out; you can't repress him:
+he will make his way. God has planted in his very nature those
+elements which constitute the stock-in-trade of the American
+politician--ready eloquence, rich humor, quick perception--and you may
+rest assured he will use all of them to the very best advantage.
+
+I know of municipalities in the South to-day, where capable colored
+men are regularly voted into responsible positions by the best white
+men of their cities. And why not? Do not colored men vote white men
+into office? And, pray, is the white man less magnanimous than the
+black man? Perish the thought! No; the politics of the South will
+readily adjust themselves to the best interest of the people; be very
+sure of this. And the future rulers of the South will not all be
+white, nor will they be all black: they will be a happy commingling of
+the two peoples.
+
+And thus with the so-called "war of races:" it will pass away and
+leave not a trace behind. It is based upon condition and
+color-prejudice--two things which cannot perpetuate themselves. When
+the lowly condition of the black man has passed away; when he becomes
+a capable president of banks, of railroads and of steamboats; when he
+becomes a large land-holder, operating bonanza farms which enrich him
+and pauperize black and white labor; when he is not only a prisoner at
+the bar but a judge on the bench; when he sits in the halls of
+legislation the advocate of the people, or (more profit if less honor)
+the advocate of vast corporations and monopolies; when he has
+successfully metamorphosed the condition which attaches to him as a
+badge of slavery and degradation, and made a reputation for himself as
+a financier, statesman, advocate, land-holder, and money-shark
+generally, his color will be swallowed up in his reputation, his
+bank-account and his important money interests.
+
+Is this a fancy picture? Is there no substantial truth seen in this
+picture of what will, must and shall be, as the logical outgrowth of
+the Divine affirmation that of one blood he created all men to dwell
+upon the earth, and of the Declaration of Independence that "we hold
+these truths to be self-evident:--That all men are created equal; that
+they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
+that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness"?
+
+Let us see.
+
+A few months ago I sat in the banking office of Mr. William E. Mathews
+and ex-Congressman Joseph H. Rainey (of South Carolina), in
+Washington. As I sat there, a stream of patrons came and went. The
+whites were largely in the majority. They all wanted to negotiate a
+loan, or to meet a note just matured. Among the men were contractors,
+merchants, department clerks, etc. They all spoke with the utmost
+deference to the colored gentleman who had money to loan upon good
+security and good interest.
+
+A few months ago I dined with ex-Senator B.K. Bruce (of Mississippi),
+now Register of the United States Treasury. The ex-Senator has a
+handsome house, and a delightful family. In running my eyes over his
+card tray, I saw the names of some of the foremost men and women of
+the nation who had called upon Register and Mrs. Bruce. In passing
+through the Register's department with the Senator, sight-seeing, I
+was not surprised at the marks of respect shown to Mr. Bruce by the
+white ladies and gentlemen in his department. Why? Because Mr. Bruce
+is a gentleman by instinct, a diplomat by nature, and a scholar who
+has "burned the midnight oil." Such a person does not have to ask men
+and women to respect him; they do so instinctively.
+
+I walked down F street and called at the office of Prof. Richard T.
+Greener, a ripe scholar and a gentleman. The professor not only has a
+paying law practice, but is president of a new insurance company. He
+has all that he can do, and his patrons are both black and white.
+
+All this and more came under my observation in the course of an hour's
+leisure at the capital of the nation. And the black man has not yet
+aroused himself to a full sense of his responsibilities or of his
+opportunities.
+
+In Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston we have colored men
+of large wealth, who conduct extensive business operations and enjoy
+the confidence and esteem of their fellow citizens without regard to
+caste.
+
+Speaking upon the progress of the colored race, in the course of an
+address on the "Civil Rights Law," at Washington, October 20, 1883,
+the Hon. John Mercer Langston, United States Minister and Consul
+General to Hayti, and one of the most remarkable, scholarly, and
+diplomatic men the colored race in America has produced, drew the
+following pen-picture:
+
+ Do you desire to witness moral wonders? Start at Chicago;
+ travel to St. Louis; travel to Louisville; travel to
+ Nashville; travel to Chattanooga; travel on to New Orleans,
+ and in every State and city you will meet vast audiences,
+ immense concourses of men and women with their children,
+ boys and girls, who, degraded and in ignorance because of
+ their slavery formerly, are to-day far advanced in general
+ social improvement.
+
+ It would be remarkable now for you to go into the home of
+ one of our families, and find even our daughters incompetent
+ to discourse with you upon any subject of general interest
+ with perfect ease and understanding. Excuse me, if I refer
+ to the fact that some two weeks ago I visited St. Louis for
+ two reasons; first to see my son and daughter, and secondly
+ and mainly to attend the seventy-second anniversary of the
+ birth of perhaps the richest colored man in the State of
+ Missouri. I went to his house, and I was surprised as I
+ entered his doors and looked about his sitting-room and
+ parlors, furnished in the most approved modern style, in the
+ richest manner; but I was more surprised when I saw one
+ hundred guests come into the home of this venerable man, to
+ celebrate the seventy-second anniversary of his birth, all
+ beautifully attired; and when he told me, indirectly, how
+ much money he had made, since the war, and what he was worth
+ on the night of this celebration, I was more surprised than
+ ever. I am surprised at the matchless progress the colored
+ people of this country have made since their emancipation. I
+ have traveled in the West Indies; I have seen the
+ emancipated English, Spanish and French Negro; but I have
+ seen no emancipated Negro anywhere who has made the progress
+ at all comparable with the colored people of the United
+ States of America.
+
+I desire it to be distinctly understood, that I am not at all anxious
+about the mental and material development of the colored people of the
+United States. They are naturally shrewd, calculating and agreeable,
+possessing in a peculiar degree the art of pleasing; and these
+qualities will give them creditable positions in the business
+interests of the country in a few years. But they must have time to
+collect their wits, to sharpen their intelligence, to train their
+moral sense and the feeling of social responsibility, to fully
+comprehend all that the change from chattel slavery to absolute
+freedom implies. Men cannot awaken from a Rip Van Winkle slumber of a
+hundred years and grasp at once the altered conditions which flash
+upon them. The awakening is terrific, appalling, staggering.
+
+When a man has been confined for long years in a dark dungeon he has
+not trouble in discerning objects about him which, when he first
+entered his dungeon, were indistinct or invisible to him. So when he
+is brought suddenly to the strong light of the sun the effulgence
+overmasters him, and he is blind as a bat. But slowly and painfully he
+becomes accustomed to the transition from absolute darkness to
+absolute light, and then nature wears to his vision her naturally gay
+and winsome appearance. So with the slave. His grasp of the conditions
+of freedom is slow and uncertain. But give him time, lend him a
+helping hand, and he will completely master the situation.
+
+In one of the most remarkable pamphlets of the time, written by C.K.
+Marshall, D.D., of Vicksburg, Miss., entitled _The Colored Race
+Weighed in the Balance_, being a reply to a most malicious speech by
+J.L. Tucker, D.D., of Jackson, Miss., I find many truths that the
+American people should know. Both Dr. Marshall and Dr. Tucker are
+white ministers of the South, and both should be intimately acquainted
+with the characteristics, capacity and progress of the colored people.
+But Dr. Tucker appears to be as ignorant of the colored race as if he
+had spent his days in the Sandwich Islands instead of the sunny land
+of the South.
+
+Dr. Marshall says (p. 55):
+
+ I think I know nearly all that can be said against a Negro.
+ In one form or another, the complaints have been a thousand
+ times reiterated; but has he not been, and is he not now
+ what the white man and society have made him? He is
+ naturally peace-loving, docile, and imitative. If kindly and
+ justly treated, with due allowance for the _peculiar
+ elements_ that make up his life, he will render back, in
+ kind at least, equally with the brother in white in _like
+ surroundings_. Everybody knows some reliable, trustworthy
+ Negro man and woman; and John Randolph said that of two of
+ the politest men he ever saw one was a Negro. _Gentleness_
+ is a wonderful agency in managing a Negro: I know it tells
+ powerfully upon white folks. The psalmist, addressing his
+ Maker, says, "Thy gentleness hath made me great." It is a
+ mighty lever; it moves the world; it moved it before
+ Archimedes; it moves it still; but peevishness,
+ fault-finding, scolding, cursing, premature censure, haughty
+ and assuming ways, sullenness, ill-temper, whether in the
+ field, the kitchen, the nursery, or parlor, will
+ legitimately result in thriftlessness, revolt, departure,
+ and contempt for white people! Many of the young generation
+ have not yet found their places in the new order of things;
+ and their silly parents work themselves nearly to death to
+ keep their sons from the plow and to make ladies of their
+ daughters, just like white folks; but time, gentleness,
+ bread, and neat homes will, with religion and culture, bring
+ great changes. And I say it to the credit of their former
+ owners, and their own instincts and capabilities, that _they
+ constitute to-day the best peasantry, holding similar
+ relations to the ruling classes on the face of the earth_.
+ Their vices are no greater; their respect for law about the
+ same; and their care for their children little inferior.
+ Besides, they speak the language of their country better,
+ are less cringing and craven, freer from begging; more
+ manly, more polite, less priest-ridden, less obsequious;
+ have a higher estimate of human rights and obligations;
+ understand farming, cooking, house-work, and manual labor,
+ in which they have been trained, better, I insist, than any
+ similarly conditioned race or people. They are less
+ profane--very much less--than white people; less bitter,
+ vindictive, and bloodthirsty; less intemperate, and far, far
+ less revengeful; and less selfish than what they
+ contemptuously snub as "poor white trash." But he is a
+ sinner! I believe the old stale rhyme tells some truth in a
+ modified sense, "In Adam's fall we sinned all;" but I do not
+ believe the serpent's tooth struck a more deadly and
+ depraving virus into the Negro's share of the apple of Eden,
+ dooming him as a sinner to a lower plane of wickedness than
+ others. He commits not all, but many, of the sins, crimes,
+ and misdemeanors, and indulges many of the vices of polished
+ humanity--cultured Caucasian humanity. They have had but
+ moderate experience in the sole management of their own
+ affairs.
+
+Again (p. 66):
+
+ The Negro is neither a beggar, nor a pauper, nor a tramp;
+ and if honestly dealt with, he can make his own way. Where
+ they are idle and profligate, execute the law vigorously
+ against them, and they will approve and aid in the work. We
+ can lift them up, or cast them down. For one, I think we owe
+ them a debt of gratitude and impartial justice for their
+ faithful conduct during the war; and when disposed to
+ criticise and reproach them for not coming in all things up
+ to your sentimental notions, just put yourself in their
+ place. Then you will, if your scales are true and your
+ weights just, settle the question with little difficulty. I
+ cannot serve my readers better, perhaps, than by quoting the
+ words of the Rev. Dr. Callaway, lately Professor in Emory
+ College, Oxford, Ga., and new President of Paine Institute,
+ Augusta, Ga., a native of that State, and to the manor born.
+ In a late address, he says: "We have spoken of the Negro as
+ related to the conduct of the war, but it remains to be said
+ that, in his relation to us as a friend during that period,
+ and to our wives and children as guardian, the testimony of
+ his fidelity is on the lips of every surviving soldier. It
+ is easy to conjecture how, with a race less loyal to home
+ and patron, the testimony in the case might have been a
+ narrative of lawlessness and license. What he refrained
+ from, therefore, is to his credit. But in the four years of
+ darkness and demoralization, when, besides those of military
+ age, every boy whose muscles were equal to the support of a
+ musket, and every old man with vigor enough to mark time,
+ was called to the front, the Negro, commanding as a
+ patriarch and reverent as a priest, kept sacred vigil at our
+ homes. Besides this, with a foresight not developed for
+ himself or his family, but evoked by virtue of his office,
+ and the piteous destitution of our loved ones, he provided
+ for their wants. 'They were a-hungered, and he fed them.'
+ What he did is to his honor. What we refrain from in our
+ place of power as the superior race, shall be to our credit;
+ what we do in return shall be in proof of our appreciation.
+ The conduct of the Negro during the war proves him kindly,
+ temperate, trustworthy; his conduct since the war reveals in
+ him considerateness, purpose, capacity, an order of growing
+ good qualities. During the war his inferior courage, it may
+ be assumed, inured to his superior serviceableness, his
+ fears giving counsel to his courtesy and care. So set it
+ down, if you will, though the logic is as lame as the charge
+ is ungrateful."
+
+This testimony upon the character, temper and adaptability of colored
+people is all the more valuable because Dr. Marshall not only treats
+the question from a Christian standpoint, but because his intimate
+acquaintance with the subject adds weight and authority to his
+opinion.
+
+In the same strain, Dr. Atticus G. Haygood, President of Emory
+College, in Georgia, a man of the largest culture, Christian
+intelligence and progressive ideas, says, in his masterful work, _Our
+Brother in Black, His Freedom and His Future_ (p. 194):
+
+ If white people and black people wish to know how to treat
+ each other in all the relations of life, let them study the
+ Bible. Take for example the business relations of life, the
+ old question of capital and labor, of service and wages. For
+ the settlement of all questions that grow out of these
+ relations the laws laid down and the principles taught in
+ the Bible, are worth all the "political economies" in the
+ world. They apply to all races and conditions of men, in all
+ countries and in all times. They are as needful and useful
+ in New England factories as on Southern plantations. Free
+ Negroes are not the only underlings in the world, Negro
+ servants are not the only hirelings. There are thousands of
+ factory operatives, day laborers, domestic servants,
+ mechanics, sewing women, clerks, apprentices, and such like,
+ whose cry for justice against oppression goes up to heaven
+ by day and by night. "For which things' sake," in all lands,
+ "the wrath of God is come upon the children of
+ disobedience." Let us here recall some of these
+ half-forgotten laws; they must do us all good. I know they
+ are needed in the South; I am persuaded that they are needed
+ wherever there are masters and servants.
+
+Having heard a great deal about the condition of the colored people in
+Louisiana, I decided that it would not be uninteresting to have an
+authentic statement of that condition by some person fully capable of
+furnishing the desired information. I therefore addressed a letter to
+the Hon. Theophile T. Allain, a colored member of the Louisiana
+Legislature for Sweet Iberville parish, and a large sugar planter.
+From Mr. Allain's letter I condense the following statement, which
+will be found to be interesting for many reasons:
+
+"First," says Mr. Allain, "I speak as a man of the South, who pays
+taxes on thirty-five thousand dollars worth of property, and without
+owing to any man one dollar. I claim to be well informed as to the
+condition of the colored people of the South, the people who bear the
+heat and burden of the day.
+
+"In the cotton section of the South the Negroes are kept in
+subjugation, and are not permitted to exercise the right of suffrage
+guaranteed to them by the provisions of the Federal constitution. In
+the sugar-growing districts of Louisiana the colored and white people
+live upon terms of friendship and cordiality. In these districts there
+are thousands of colored men, who before the war were slaves, who now
+pay taxes upon property, assessed in their own names, ranging in value
+from five hundred to fifty thousand dollars. They produce principally
+rice and sugar. It is a self-evident fact that the labor of the
+colored men produces two-thirds of all the cotton raised in the South,
+four-fifths of the sugar, and nine-tenths of all the rice.
+
+"In the cotton sections of Louisiana the colored men work mostly on
+shares, and here and there some of them have accumulated a little
+money; but, as a rule, they make fortunes for the landlords and die in
+poverty because of no fault of their own. Rent here, as everywhere
+else, pulls the laborer down, and keeps him down. What remains to him
+after the landlord has taken his _share_, goes to the Jew shopkeepers
+and other middle men at crossroads, who will not be satisfied with any
+profit less than one hundred to one hundred and fifty per cent.
+
+"But the sugar districts of Louisiana are like oases in the desert.
+Vacuum pans, steam cars, fine machinery and smiling faces are to be
+met on every hand. Colored laborers find employment very readily in
+the sugar districts from October to February; and during
+cultivation-time, in many places, the colored laborers receive _as
+high as one dollar and twenty cents per day_, and during the grinding
+season, which is the harvest time, laborers receive from one dollar
+and twenty-five cents to one dollar and fifty cents per day in the
+field and seventy-five cents for one half of the night. At this
+season we run the sugar machinery night and day. I should not omit to
+state that colored men are, in the majority of cases, employed as
+engineers at our sugar mills, and receive from two to two and a half
+dollars per day:
+
+"You will be surprised when I tell you that the most of the
+bricklaying and plastering work, and the blacksmithing and
+carpentering work is done in the sugar districts by colored men, who
+average three dollars per day for their work.
+
+"There are fifty-eight parishes in Louisiana, twenty-four of them
+being sugar districts. To illustrate the degree of toleration which
+obtains in the cotton and sugar growing districts, take the following
+statement: In the Louisiana House of Representatives there are
+thirteen colored members--all from the sugar districts; in the Senate
+there are four colored members--all from the sugar districts. This
+condition of things is readily accounted for by the fact that the
+colored people in the sugar districts are more generally tax payers
+than they are in the cotton districts, and, having mutual interests,
+both white and black are more tolerant and better informed. The
+Bulldozer and White Liner can find but little room to ply their
+nefarious work where everybody finds plenty of work that pays well,
+and where material prosperity is the first and political bickering the
+secondary consideration. Because of the mutual interests at stake,
+colored men in the sugar districts are often protected by their
+bitterest political opponents.
+
+"The State of Louisiana is assessed at $200,000,000, of which her
+colored population pay taxes upon more than $30,000,000.--Two thirds
+of this is owned by colored men in the sugar districts."
+
+I could multiply quotations, but they would serve only to confirm my
+view, that the colored man merely requires time to fully comprehend
+his freedom and his opportunities, to enjoy the ample immunities of
+the first and to improve to the utmost the advantages of the second.
+All over the country the colored man is coming to understand that if
+he is ever to have and enjoy a status in this country at all
+commensurate with that of his white fellow-citizens, he must get his
+grip upon the elements of success which they employ with such effect,
+and boldly enter the lists, a competitor who must make a way for
+himself. Dr. Marshall says truly: "The Negro is neither a beggar, nor
+a pauper, nor a tramp." He is, essentially, a man of the largest
+wealth, God having given him, under tropical conditions, a powerful
+physique, with ample muscle and constitution to extract out of the
+repositories of nature her buried wealth. He only needs intelligence
+to use the wealth he creates. When he has intelligence, he will no
+longer labor to enrich men more designing and unscrupulous than he is;
+he will labor to enrich himself and his children. Indeed, in his
+powerful muscle and enduring physical constitution, directed by
+intelligence, the black man of the South, who alone has demonstrated
+his capacity to labor with success in the rice swamps, the cotton, and
+the cornfields of the South, will ultimately turn the tables upon the
+unscrupulous harpies who have robbed him for more than two hundred
+years; and from having been the slave of these men, he, in turn, will
+enslave them. From having been the slave, he will become the master;
+from having labored to enrich others, he will force others to labor to
+enrich him. The laws of nature are inexorable, and this is one of
+them. The white men of the South may turn pale with rage at this
+aspect of the case, but it is written on the wall. Already I have seen
+in the South the black and white farm laborer, working side by side
+for a black landlord; already I have seen in the South a black and a
+white brick-mason (and carpenters as well) working upon a building
+side by side, under a colored contractor. And we are not yet two
+decades from the surrender of Robert E. Lee and the manumission of the
+black slave.
+
+I have no disposition to infuriate any white man of the South, by
+placing a red flag before him; we simply desire to accustom him to
+look upon a picture which his grand-children will not, because of the
+frequency of the occurrence, regard with anything more heart-rending
+than complacent indifference. The world moves forward; and the white
+man of the South could not stand still, if he so desired. Like the
+black man, he must work, or perish; like the black man, he must submit
+to the sharpest competition, and rise or fall, as the case may be. And
+so it should be.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+_Classes in the South_
+
+
+Since the war the people of the South are, from a Northern standpoint,
+very poor. There are very few millionaires among them. A man who has a
+bank account of fifty thousand dollars is regarded as very rich. I am
+reminded of an incident which shows that the Southern people fall down
+and worship a golden calf the same as their deluded brothers of the
+North and West.
+
+A few years ago I was a resident of Jacksonville, the metropolis of
+Florida. Florida is a great Winter resort. The wealthy people of the
+country go there for a few months or weeks in the Winter. It is
+fashionable to do so. A great many wealthy northern men have acquired
+valuable landed interests in Jacksonville, among them the Astors of
+New York, who have a knack for pinning their interests in the soil.
+The people of Jacksonville were very proud to have as a resident and
+property holder, Mr. Wm. B. Astor. And Mr. Astor appeared to enjoy
+immensely the worship bestowed upon his money. He built one or two
+very fine buildings there, which must net him a handsome return for
+his investment by this time. Mr. Astor had with him a very shrewd "Man
+Friday," and this Man Friday got it into his head that he would like
+to be Mayor of Jacksonville, and he sought and obtained the support of
+his very powerful patron. It leaked out that Mr. Astor favored his Man
+Friday for Mayor. The "business interests" of the city took the matter
+"under advisement." After much "consultation" and preliminary
+skirmishing, it was decided that it would be unwise to antagonize Mr.
+Astor's Man Friday; and so he was placed in nomination as the
+"Citizens' Candidate." He was elected by a handsome majority. I
+believe it is a disputed question to-day, whether Mr. Astor's Man
+Friday was, or was not, a citizen of the place at the time he was
+elected Mayor. Be that as it may, it showed beyond question that the
+people knew how to go down upon their knees to the golden calf.
+
+A condition of slavery or of serfdom produces two grievous evils,
+around which cluster many others of less importance, viz: the creation
+of vast landed estates, and the pauperization and debasement of labor.
+Pliny declared that to the creation of vast _latifundia_ (aggregated
+estates) Italy owed its downfall. The same is true of the downfall of
+the South and its pet institution, since they produced a powerful and
+arrogant class which was not content to lord it on their vast demesnes
+and over their pauper labor, but must needs carry their high-flown
+notions into the councils of the nation, flaunting their gentle birth
+and undulating acres in the faces of horny-handed statesmen like
+Abraham Lincoln, Henry Wilson, and others.
+
+The operations of the vast landed estates of the South produced all
+the industrial disjointments which have afflicted the South since the
+war. The white man was taught to look upon labor as the natural
+portion of the black slave; and nothing could induce a white man to
+put his hand to the plow, but the gaunt visage of starvation at his
+door. He even preferred ignominious starvation to honest work; and, in
+his desperate struggle to avoid the horror of the one and the disgrace
+of the other, he would sink himself lower in the scale of moral infamy
+than the black slave he despised. He would make of himself a monster
+of cruelty or of abject servility to avoid starvation or honest work.
+It was from this class of vermin that the planters secured their
+"Nigger drivers" or overseers, and a more pliable, servile, cruel,
+heartless set of men never existed. They were commonly known as "_poor
+white trash_," or "crackers." They were most heartily and righteously
+detested by the slave population. As the poor whites of the South were
+fifty years ago, so they are to-day--a careless, ignorant, lazy, but
+withal, arrogant set, who add nothing to the productive wealth of the
+community because they are too lazy to work, and who take nothing from
+that wealth because they are too poor to purchase. They have graded
+human wants to a point below which man could not go without starving.
+They live upon the poorest land in the South, the "piney woods," and
+raise a few potatoes and corn, and a few pigs, which never grow to be
+hogs, so sterile is the land upon which they are turned to "root, or
+die." These characteristic pigs are derisively called "shotes" by
+those who have seen their lean, lank and hungry development. They are
+awful counterparts of their pauper owners. It may be taken as an index
+of the quality of the soil and the condition of the people, to observe
+the condition of their live stock. Strange as it may appear, the
+faithful dog is the only animal which appears to thrive on "piney
+woods" land. The "piney woods" gopher, which may be not
+inappropriately termed a "highland turtle," is a great desideratum in
+the food supply of the pauper denizens of these portions of the South.
+There is nothing enticing about the appearance of the gopher. But his
+flesh, properly cooked, is passably palatable.
+
+The poor white population of the South who live in the piney woods are
+sunk in the lowest ignorance, and practice vices too heinous to be
+breathed. They have no schools, and their mental condition hardly
+warrants the charitable inference that they would profit much if they
+were supplied with them. Still, I would like to see the experiment
+tried. Their horrible poverty, their appalling illiteracy, their
+deplorable moral enervation, deserve the pity of mankind and the
+assistance of philanthropic men and a thoughtful government. Though
+sunk to the lowest moral scale, _they are men_, and nothing should be
+omitted to improve their condition and make them more useful members
+of the communities in which they are now more than an incubus.
+
+It may not be out of place here to state that the Kuklux Klan, the
+White Liners League, the Knights of the White Camelia, and other
+lawless gangs which have in the past fifteen years made Southern
+chivalry a by-word and reproach among the nations of the earth, were
+largely recruited from this idle, vicious, ignorant class of
+Southerners. They needed no preparation for the bloody work
+perpetrated by those lawless organizations, those more cruel than
+Italian brigands. They instinctively hate the black man; because the
+condition of the black, his superior capacity for labor and
+receptivity of useful knowledge, place him a few pegs higher than
+themselves in the social scale. So these degraded white men, the very
+substratum of Southern population, were ready tools in the hands of
+the organized chivalrous brigands (as they had been of the slave
+oligarch), whose superior intelligence made them blush at the
+lawlessness they inspired, and who, therefore, gladly transferred to
+other hands the execution of those deeds of blood and death which make
+men shudder even now to think of them. It was long a common saying
+among the black population of the South that "I'd rudder be a niggah
+den a po' w'ite man!" and they were wise in their preference.
+
+It is safe to say, that the peasantry of no country claiming to be
+civilized stands more in need of the labors of the schoolmaster and
+the preacher, than do the so-called "poor white trash" of the South.
+On their account, if no other, I am an advocate of a compulsory system
+of education, a National Board of Education, and a very large National
+appropriation for common school and industrial education.
+
+I name this class first because it is the very lowest.
+
+Next to this class is the great labor force of the South, the class
+upon whose ample shoulders have fallen the weight of Southern labor
+and inhumanity for lo! two hundred years--_the black man_. Time was,
+yesterday, it appears to me, when this great class were all of _one_
+condition, driven from the rising to the setting of the sun to enrich
+men who were created out of the same sod, and in the construction of
+whose mysterious mechanism, mental and physical, the great God
+expended no more time or ingenuity. Up to the close of the Rebellion,
+of that gigantic conflict which shook the pillars of republican
+government to their center, the great black population were truly the
+"mudsills" of Southern society, upon which rested all the industrial
+burdens of that section; truly, "the hewers of wood and the drawers of
+water;" a people who, in the mysterious providence of God, were torn
+root and branch from their savage homes in that land which has now
+become to them a dream "more insubstantial than a pageant faded," to
+"dwell in a strange land, among strangers," to endure, like the
+children of Israel, a season of cruel probation, and then to begin
+life in earnest; to put their shoulders to the wheel and assist in
+making this vast continent, this asylum of the oppressed of the world,
+the grandest abode of mingled happiness and woe, and wealth and
+pauperization ever reared by the genius and governed by the
+selfishness and cupidity of man. And to-day, as in the dark days of
+the past, this people are the bone and sinew of the South, the great
+producers and partial consumers of her wealth; the despised, yet
+indispensable, "mudsills" of her industrial interests.
+
+A Senator of the United States from the South, whose hands have been
+dyed in the blood of his fellow citizens, and who holds his high
+office by fraud and usurpation, not long since declared that his State
+could very well dispense with her black population. That population
+outnumbers the white three to one; and by the toil by which that State
+has been enriched, by the blood and the sweat of two hundred years
+which the soil of that State has absorbed, by the present production
+and consumption of wealth by that black population, we are amazed at
+the ignorance of the great man who has been placed in a "little brief
+authority." The black population cannot and will not be dispensed
+with; because it is so deeply rooted in the soil that it is a part of
+it--the most valuable part. And the time will come when it will hold
+its title to the land, by right of purchase, for a laborer is worthy
+of his hire, and is now free to invest that hire as it pleases him
+best. Already some of the very best soil of that State is held by the
+people this great magnus in the Nation's councils would supersede in
+their divine rights.
+
+When the war closed, as I said, the great black population of the
+South was distinctively a laboring class. It owned no lands, houses,
+banks, stores, or live stock, or other wealth. Not only was it the
+distinctively laboring class but the distinctively pauper class. It
+had neither money, intelligence nor morals with which to begin the
+hard struggle of life. It was absolutely at the bottom of the social
+ladder. It possessed nothing but health and muscle.
+
+I have frequently contemplated with profound amazement the momentous
+mass of subjected human force, a force which had been educated by the
+lash and the bloodhound to despise labor, which was thrown upon itself
+by the wording of the Emancipation Proclamation and the surrender of
+Robert E. Lee. Nothing in the history of mankind is at all comparable,
+an exact counterpart, in all particulars, to that great event. A
+slavery of two hundred years had dwarfed the intelligence and morality
+of this people, and made them to look upon labor as the most baneful
+of all the curses a just God can inflict upon humankind; and they were
+turned loose upon the land, without a dollar in their hands, and, like
+the great Christ and the fowls of the air, without a place to lay
+their head.
+
+And yet to-day, this people, who, only a few years ago, were bankrupts
+in morality, in intelligence, and in wealth, have leaped forward in
+the battle of progress like _veterans_; have built magnificent
+churches, with a membership of over two million souls; have preachers,
+learned and eloquent; have professors in colleges by the hundreds and
+schoolmasters by the thousands; have accumulated large landed
+interests in country, town and city; have established banking houses
+and railroads; manage large coal, grocery and merchant tailoring
+businesses; conduct with ability and success large and influential
+newspaper enterprises; in short, have come, and that very rapidly,
+into sharp competition with white men (who have the prestige of a
+thousand years of civilization and opportunity) in all the industrial
+interests which make a people great, respected and feared. The
+metamorphosis has been rapid, marvelous, astounding. Their home life
+has been largely transformed into the quality of purity and refinement
+which should characterize the home; they have now successful farmers,
+merchants, ministers, lawyers, editors, educators, physicians,
+legislators--in short, they have entered every avenue of industry and
+thought. Their efforts yet crude and their grasp uncertain, but they
+are in the field of competition, and will remain there and acquit
+themselves manfully.
+
+Of course I speak in general terms of the progress the colored people
+have made. Individual effort and success are the indicators of the
+vitality and genius of a people. When individuals rise out of the
+indistinguishable mass and make their mark, we may rest assured that
+the mass is rich and capable of unlimited production. The great mass
+of every government, of every people, while adding to and creating
+greatness, go down in history unmentioned. But their glory, their
+genius, success and happiness, are expended and survive in the few
+great spirits their fortunate condition produced. The governments of
+antiquity were great and glorious, because their proletarians were
+intelligent, thrifty and brave, but the proletarians fade into
+vagueness, and are great only in the few great names which have been
+handed down to us. It has been said that a nation expends a hundred
+years of its vitality in the production of a great man of genius like
+Socrates, or Bacon, or Toussaint l'Overture, or Fulton. And this may
+be true. There can now be no question that the African race in the
+United States possess every element of vitality and genius possessed
+by their fellow citizens of other races, and any calculation of race
+possibilities in this country which assumes that they will remain
+indefinitely the "mudsills" only of society will prove more brittle
+than ropes of sand.
+
+At this time the colored people of the South are largely the
+industrial class; that is, they are the producing class. They are
+principally the agriculturists of the South; consequently, being
+wedded to the soil by life-long association and interest, and being
+principally the laboring class, they will naturally invest their
+surplus earnings in the purchase of the soil. Herein lies the great
+hope of the future. For the man who owns the soil largely owns and
+dictates to the men who are compelled to live upon it and derive
+their subsistence from it. The colored people of the South recognize
+this fact. And if there is any one idiosyncrasy more marked than
+another among them, it is their mania for buying land. They all live
+and labor in the cheerful anticipation of some day owning a home, a
+farm of their own. As the race grows in intelligence this mania for
+land owning becomes more and more pronounced. At first their
+impecuniosity will compel them to purchase poor hill-lands, but they
+will eventually get their grip upon the rich alluvial lands.
+
+The class next to the great black class is the _small white farmers_.
+This class is composed of some of the "best families" of the South who
+were thrown upon their resources of brain and muscle by the results of
+the war, and of some of the worst families drawn from the more thrifty
+poor white class. Southern political economists labor hard to make it
+appear that the vastly increased production of wealth in the South
+since the war is to be traced largely to the phenomenally increased
+percentum of small white farmers, but the assumption is too
+transparent to impose upon any save those most ignorant of the
+industrial conditions of the South, and the marvelous adaptability to
+the new conditions shown by colored men. I grant that these small
+white farmers, who were almost too inconsiderable in numbers to be
+taken into account before the war, have added largely to the
+development of the country and the production of wealth; but that the
+tremendous gains of free labor as against slave labor are to be placed
+principally to their intelligence and industry is too absurd to be
+seriously debated. The Charleston (S.C.) _News and Courier_, a
+pronounced anti-negro newspaper, recently made such a charge in all
+seriousness. The struggle for supremacy will largely come between the
+small white and black farmer; because each recurring year will augment
+the number of each class of small holders. A condition of freedom and
+open competition makes the fight equal, in many respects. Which will
+prove the more successful small holder, the black or the white?
+
+The fourth class is composed of the _hereditary land-lords_ of the
+South; the gentlemen with flowing locks, gentle blood and irascible
+tempers, who appeal to the code of honor (in times past) to settle
+small differences with their equals and shoot down their inferiors
+without premeditation or compunction, and who drown their sorrows, as
+well as their joviality in rye or Bourbon whiskey; the gentlemen who
+claim consanguinity with Europe's titled sharks, and vaunt their
+chivalry in contrast to the peasant or yeoman blood of all other
+Americans; the gentlemen who got their broad acres (however they came
+by their peculiar blood) by robbing black men, women and children of
+the produce of their toil under the system of slavery, and who
+maintain themselves in their reduced condition by driving hard
+bargains with white and black labor either as planters or
+shop-keepers, often as both, the dual occupations more effectually
+enabling them to make unreasonable contracts and exactions of those
+they live to victimize. They are the gentlemen who constantly declare
+that "this is a white man's government," and that "the Negro must be
+made to keep his place." They are the gentlemen who have their grip
+upon the throat of Southern labor; who hold vast areas of land, the
+product of robbery, for a rise in values; who run the stores and
+torture the small farmer to death by usurious charges for necessaries;
+these are the gentlemen who are opposed to the new conditions
+resultant from the war which their Hotspur impetuosity and Shylock
+greed made possible. In short, these gentlemen comprise the moneyed
+class. They are the gentlemen who are hastening the conflict of labor
+and capital in the South. And, when the black laborer and the white
+laborer come to their senses, join issues with the common enemy and
+pitch the tent of battle, then will come the tug of war.
+
+But the large land-owners and tradesmen of the South will not in the
+future belong exclusively to the class of persons I have described. On
+the contrary this class of hereditary land-owners will be sensibly
+diminished and their places be taken by successful recruits from the
+ranks of small white and black farmers. Indeed, I confess, I strongly
+incline to the belief that the black man of the South will eventually
+become the large land-holding class, and, therefore, the future
+tyrants of labor in that section. All the indications strongly point
+to such a possibility. It is estimated that, already, the colored
+people own, in the cotton growing states, 2,680,800 acres, the result
+of seventeen years of thrift, economy, and judicious management; while
+in the State of Georgia alone they own, it is reliably estimated,
+680,000 acres of land, and pay taxes on $9,000,000 worth of property.
+Dr. Alexander Crummell, a most learned African, in a very interesting
+pamphlet drawn out by the malicious misstatements of Dr. Tucker,
+before referred to by me, makes the following deductions and
+statements, to wit:
+
+ Let me suggest here another estimate of this landed property
+ of the Negro, acquired _since_ emancipation. Taking the old
+ slave States in the general, there has been a large
+ acquisition of land in each and all of them. In the State of
+ Georgia, as we have just seen, it was 680,000 acres. Let us
+ put the figure as low as 400,000 for each State--for the
+ purchase of farm lands has been everywhere a passion with
+ the freedman--this 400,000 acres multiplied into 14, _i.e._
+ the number of the chief Southern States, shows an aggregate
+ of 5,600,000 acres of land, the acquisition of the black
+ race in less than twenty years.
+
+ But Dr. Tucker will observe a further fact of magnitude in
+ this connection: It is the increased PRODUCTION which has
+ been developed on the part of the freedman since
+ emancipation. I present but _one_ staple, and for the reason
+ that it is almost exclusively the result of $1.
+
+ I will take the five years immediately preceding the late
+ civil war and compare them with the five years preceeding
+ the last year's census-taking; and the contrast in the
+ number of cotton-bales produced will show the industry and
+ thrift of the black race as a consequent on the gift of
+ freedom:
+
+ _Years_ _Bales_
+ 1857 2,939,519
+ 1858 3,113,962
+ 1859 3,851,481
+ 1860 4,669,770
+ 1861 3,656,006
+ ----------
+ Total 18,230,738
+
+ _Years_ _Bales_
+ 1878 4,811,265
+ 1879 5,073,531
+ 1880 5,757,397
+ 1881 6,589,329
+ 1882 5,435,845
+ -----------
+ The five years' work of _freedom_ 27,667,367
+ The five years' work of _slavery_ 18,230,738
+ ----------
+ Balance in favor of freedom 9,436,629
+
+ Now this item of production is a positive disproof of Dr.
+ Tucker's statement, "that the average level in material
+ prosperity is but little higher than it was before the war."
+ Here is the fact that the Freedman has produced one-third
+ more in five years than he did in the same time when a
+ slave!
+
+ Another view of this matter is still more striking. The
+ excess of yield in cotton in seven years [_i.e._, from 1875
+ to 1882] over the seven years [_i.e._, from 1854 to 1861]
+ is 17,091,000 bales, being $1. If Dr. Tucker will glance at
+ the great increase of the cotton, tobacco, and sugar crops
+ South, as shown in Agricultural Reports from 1865 to 1882,
+ and reflect that NEGROES have been the producers of these
+ crops, he will understand their indignation at his
+ outrageous charges of "laziness and vagabondage:" and
+ perhaps he will listen to their demand that he shall take
+ back the unjust and injurious imputations which, without
+ knowledge and discrimination, he makes against a whole race
+ of people.
+
+ This impulse to thrift on the part of the Freedmen was no
+ tardy and reluctant disposition. It was the _immediate_
+ offspring of freedom.
+
+It is not possible even to approximate the landed acquisitions of the
+colored people, but that they have been large purchasers of small
+holdings will readily be admitted by all candid persons who are
+acquainted with the intense pastoral nature of the people, their
+constant thrift, and their deepseated determination to own their own
+homes. If we assume, with Dr. Crummell, that in the past seventeen
+years, the hardest, most disadvantageous years they will ever again be
+compelled to go through, they have come into possession of 5,600,000
+acres, the gain in the next seventeen years must be vastly greater. At
+any rate, we are free to place the holdings in the next fifty years at
+not less than 35,000,000 acres, and the probability is that it will be
+vastly more.
+
+In the _Popular Science Monthly_ for October 1881, Mr. J. Stahl
+Patterson, in an article on the "Movement of the Colored Population,"
+says: "It would seem that in the industrial aspects of the case the
+white and colored men may be, under certain circumstances, the
+complement of each other." Again: "There are two distinct classes of
+colored economists. One is satisfied with dependence on others for
+employment, the other affects independent homes, and struggles to
+secure them, however humble. Some even acquire wealth."
+
+In the same monthly for February, 1883, Prof. E.W. Gilliam has a long
+article on the "African in the United States," in which he does all he
+can to make wider the breach between the blacks and the whites. He has
+very little good to say of the black man. But he was forced to make
+the following admissions, viz:
+
+"The blacks are an improving race, and the throb of aspiration is
+quickening. * * * Advancement in mental training and in economic
+science must needs be slow but there _is_ advancement."
+
+The learned professor makes the interesting calculation that the
+blacks in the Southern States will increase from 6,000,000 in 1880, to
+192,000,000, in 1980; while the whites in the South, in 1880,
+12,000,000, will number only 96,000,000, in 1980. The learned
+professor infers that this vast army will be "doomed to remain where
+they have been, and be hewers of wood and drawers of water," because
+they form a "distinct alien race." I think, if the professor will wait
+until 1980, he will find that this "alien race," which profligate
+white men have done and are doing so much to amalgamate with their own
+race, will not only increase approximately as he has figured it out,
+in numbers, but in wealth as well.
+
+The future landlord and capitalist of the South are no longer confined
+to the white race: the black man has become a factor, and he must be
+counted.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+_The Land Problem_
+
+
+The ownership of land in the South is the same pernicious thing it has
+come to be in every civilized country in the world. Instead of being,
+as it was intended to be, a blessing to the people, it is the crying
+curse which takes precedence of all other evils that afflict mankind.
+And the cause is not far to seek. Land is, in its very nature, the
+common property of the people. Like air and water, it is one of the
+natural elements which inhere in man as a common right, and without
+which life could in no wise be sustained. A man must have air, or he
+will suffocate; he must have water, or he will perish of thirst; he
+must have access to the soil, for upon it grow those things which
+nature intended for the sustentation of the physical man, and without
+which he cannot live. Deprive me of pure fresh air, and I die; deprive
+me of pure fresh water, and I die; deprive me of free opportunity to
+earn my bread by the sweat of my brow, by sowing in the sowing time
+and reaping in the reaping time, and I die. There is no escape from
+this aspect of the case: there is no logic that can reduce these
+truisms to sophistries. They are founded in the omnipotent laws of
+God, and are as universal as the earth. They apply with as much truth
+to life in the United States as in Dahomey; they operate in like
+nature upon the savage as upon man in the civilized state. Individual
+ownership in the land is a transgression of the common right of man,
+and a usurpation which produces nearly, if not all, the evils which
+result upon our civilization; the inequalities which produce
+pauperism, vice, crime, and wide-spread demoralization among all the
+so-called "lower classes;" which produce, side by side, the
+millionaire and the tramp, the brownstone front and the hut of the
+squatter, the wide extending acres of the bonanza farm and the small
+holding, the lord of the manor and the cringing serf, peasant and
+slave.
+
+I maintain, with other writers upon this land question, that land is
+common property, the property of the whole people, and that it cannot
+be alienated from the people without producing the most fearful
+consequences. No man is free who is debarred in his right, to so much
+of the soil of his country as is necessary to support him in his right
+to life, for without the inherent right to unrestrained access to the
+soil he cannot support life, except in primitive society where land is
+plentiful, population sparse, and industry undiversified. As
+population becomes denser and land becomes scarcer from having been
+monopolized by the more far seeing, or more fortunate, and industry
+becomes more diversified, mankind begins to feel the pressure of
+population described by Malthus, and the scarcity of subsistence;
+caused, not by this pressure of population, as Malthus maintains, but
+by the restricted production of subsistence caused by the monopoly and
+concentration of the soil, which inhibits the producing agency from
+the production of the increased subsistence necessary to the increased
+number of mouths to be fed. There can be no such thing as
+overproduction when there are hundreds and thousands who perish for
+food; there can be no pressure upon population when there are hundreds
+and thousands of acres of arable land locked up in a deed purchase, or
+entail, or primogeniture, upon which alone beasts are allowed to
+trespass. The idea is preposterous. And yet men who are regarded as
+standard authority upon economic questions impose this sophistry of
+overproduction and pressure of population upon mankind, and are
+applauded for their ignorance, or the cupidity which makes them to
+pervert the truth.
+
+Monopoly of land is the curse of the race in every modern government.
+Being the one great source from which all wealth must and does spring,
+its concentration in the hands of a few men not only impoverishes the
+people, but seriously cripples the operations of government (the one
+and the other being substantially identical) by curtailing the
+productive energies of the people and diverting into the coffers of
+individuals rental which should flow into the common treasury as
+taxes, thus lifting from the shoulders of the people the enormous
+burden of the maintenance of government which falls upon them.
+
+Monopoly of land was the prime element which hastened the decay of
+Roman greatness and strength, because when the people no longer had
+homes to fight for they ceased to be patriots, ceased to be virtuous,
+and became mercenaries, or slaves or tyrants; left to those who had
+monopolized the soil, the defense of their property: and these, being
+few in numbers, parsimonious after the nature of their class, and
+effeminate from luxurious living and habits of indolence, fell easy
+victims to the rapacity and iron nerve of Goth and Vandal. The great
+French Revolution would have never occurred but for the monopoly of
+land, which, after long ages, became centered in a few hands, who by
+reason of this were a privileged class and in the refinement of
+language had been designated as the "nobility." The nobility, as was
+natural, having been created by the State, not only ground the
+proletariat to powder but dictated to the State. When it was no longer
+possible to purchase land, because those whose nobility rested upon it
+would not alienate it, and when the proletariat had been reduced to a
+state of vassalage, more vile and grinding than slavery itself, the
+proletariat rose up in its might and crushed at one tremendous blow
+the hydra-headed monstrosity. Marat, Danton and Robespiere
+concentrated in their intense natures the venom, the hate, and the
+desperation of the people--a more terrible triumvirate than the
+celebrated one which colored the Tiber with the patrician blood of
+Rome. The Nihilism of Russia is the outgrowth of monopoly in land and
+the consequent enslavement of the people by the aristocracy, beginning
+with the autocrat upon his throne. England has reached a transition
+period. The pressure of her population has become so intense, that the
+great producing classes can no longer stand the tension and live. The
+land has been filched from the people to enrich the brainless
+favorites and the courtesans of kings, and entailed upon their progeny
+generation after generation. The land of Great Britain is held by the
+nobility and the princely cormorants of trade, who exact rental which
+cannot be paid from the produce of the soil, so usurious is it, or who
+turn the rich acres into pleasure grounds and pasturages. As Nero
+fiddled while Rome was one vast blaze of conflagration and horror, so
+the nobility of Great Britain dance and make merry while the people
+starve or seek in other lands that opportunity to live which their
+country denies to them. For the past five years the government of
+Great Britain has been engaged in a most desperate struggle with the
+people of one of her constituent islands, the agitation assuming, like
+the chameleon, different colors or names as the exigencies of the
+contending forces determined. But the one great question at the root
+of the agitation is the monopoly of the land by the "nobility" and the
+successful cormorants of trade, and the consequent pressure of
+population upon the enforced circumscription of production. The best
+lands have been alienated from the people, while the inferior lands
+upon which they are allowed to live will not yield the exorbitant
+rental demanded and the necessary subsistence for those who work them.
+Hence, Ireland is in a state so explosive that it can only be
+appropriately described by the term "dynamitic." In the interest of a
+few landlords the whole Irish nation has been demoralized and
+impoverished, so that the government of Great Britain finds it
+necessary to "_assist_" able-bodied men to reach America, or any other
+portion of the world they desire to go to, in order to make a living.
+
+If monopoly in land produces such results as these is it not to be
+condemned as subversive of correct social adjustments and the
+perpetuity of government? The question admits of but one answer. If
+monopoly in land compels a government to "assist" its able-bodied men,
+its laborers, its producers of wealth, its soldiery, to go to other
+lands, is it not to be condemned as parasitical, destroying the very
+bone and sinew of government? The answer is self-evident. If monopoly
+in land produces such results as these, would it not be wise
+statesmanship and sound governmental policy to confiscate to the
+people the millions of acres which avarice, cunning, favoritism and
+robbery have turned into parks, pasturages and game preserves--making
+the few thousands who constitute the land monopolists, the idlers and
+the harpies, go honestly to work to make a living, and giving at the
+same time the same opportunity to the great laboring classes, who
+earnestly desire to make a living but to whom the opportunity is
+cruelly and maliciously denied?
+
+I am opposed to aristocracies and so-called privileged classes,
+because they are opposed to the masses. They make inequalities, out of
+which grow all the miseries of society, because there is no limit to
+their avarice, parsimony and cruelty. So _they_ thrive, _all the rest_
+of humanity may go to the dogs; so they revel in luxury and
+debauchery, all the rest of humanity may revel in poverty, vice and
+crime; so they enjoy all the blessings of organized society, all the
+rest of humanity may bear its curses. Man is essentially a selfish
+animal. Self-preservation is the very first law which he learns to
+observe and to practice. That he may get on top of the social ladder
+and remain there, he will sacrifice family, common humanity and
+patriotism. Naturally, Moloch-self is the god he serves. To enjoy a
+little brief authority, he would enslave universal mankind, and
+declare, as Solomon did, after exhausting the catalogue of tyranny and
+libertinism, "all is vanity"--emptiness! Thus, it is dangerous to
+confide in the humanity of man. To place in his hands a weapon so
+all-powerful as land, is to place him upon a pinnacle from whose vast
+altitude he can, will, and does crush his unfortunate fellowman.
+
+Like the small stream which gathers volume and momentum in its
+wanderings from the small lake to the gulf, into which it debouches as
+a mighty river like the "Father of Waters," so the first encroachments
+of the land shark are small, and hardly felt; but give him time, let
+him grow from the Norman soldier of fortune into the English nobility
+of to-day, and you have a monster whose proportions and rapacity
+stagger the imagination to fully apprehend. What the common soldier of
+fortune received as reward for his valor eight hundred years ago, and
+which he held subject to confiscation to his prince if he failed to
+render him service in person and with retainers, has developed into a
+huge monopoly which appropriates in rental more than the tenant can
+pay, with the added necessary subsistence required to sustain him.
+There are also the imposition of direct taxes by the government and
+indirect taxes upon all implements and other articles of manufacture,
+occasioned by the division of labor, which he must use; all of which
+taxes the land monopolists have managed to shift upon the tenant and
+wage-laborer. Time augments the evil. So that, to-day, in Great
+Britain, a man cannot purchase land, except in rare cases, and then
+the purchaser must pay a fortune for the privilege. The poor farmer,
+the wage-laborer, the common man, has not and cannot have any grip
+upon the soil, but must come into the world a slave, and go down to
+his grave after a life of toil and self-denial, a slave, with the
+tormenting consciousness that as he was, so must the unfortunate
+offspring of his loins be!
+
+If this be the tendency of organized society--if the tendency be to
+enslave mankind, place a premium upon human woe and crime--then
+organized society is organized robbery, and the savage state is
+preferable. There is no appeal from this deduction. What avail the
+triumphs of art, science and commerce, if the majority of mankind are
+ground to powder to make those triumphs possible!
+
+It is not the law of God, but the law of man, that produces these
+herculean evils which constantly threaten the peace and safety of
+society.
+
+But the British land-owner, having enslaved the people of his own
+island, has shackled the people of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, doomed
+them and their posterity to be perpetual aliens in their native lands;
+he has, upon the plea of conquest, the argument of the base assassin
+and robber, reduced the people of India to a state worse than death;
+and his iron grip has been placed upon the uncounted millions of
+African soil; the Islands of the sea squirm in his grasp; the West
+India Islands are his prostrate prey; while a portion of the vast
+continent of America owns his sway and groans under his exactions.
+
+But this is not all. In our own country the British land shark has
+made his appearance. His vile clutch, which our forefathers unwrenched
+in the strength of their Colonial greatness, has again been fastened
+upon our throat. The following table will show the extent to which the
+parasite has insinuated himself into our vital parts. Let the good
+people of this country--who should know that monopoly in land is the
+death note of free institutions; that large estates are the parasites
+of republics and the death of small freeholders--let the people read
+the following table with the closeness which its gravity should
+inspire. The San Francisco _Daily Examiner_, a leading paper on the
+Pacific coast says:
+
+ Besides the millions of acres belonging to railroad and
+ other corporations, the amount of land that is being
+ acquired by foreign capitalists and landlords is fairly
+ amazing. Ireland is to-day groaning beneath the yoke of
+ oppression, and not many years will roll around before the
+ American tenant, upon his knees, will also look up into the
+ scowling face of his master and acknowledge his obedience.
+ Following are a few of America's foreign landlords, and the
+ amount of their holdings expressed in acres:--
+
+ An English Syndicate, No. 3, in Texas 3,000,000
+ The Holland Land Company, New Mexico 4,500,000
+ Sir Edward Reid, and a syndicate in Florida 2,000,000
+ English Syndicate, in Mississippi 1,800,000
+ Marquis of Tweedale 1,750,000
+ Philips, Marshal & Co., London 1,300,000
+ German Syndicate 1,100,000
+ Anglo-American Syndicate, Mr. Rogers President, London 750,000
+ Byron H. Evans, of London, in Mississippi 700,000
+ Duke of Sutherland 425,000
+ British Land Company, in Kansas 320,000
+ William Whallay, M.P., Peterboro, England 310,000
+ Missouri Land Company, Edinburgh, Scotland 300,000
+ Robert Tennant, of London 230,000
+ Dundee Land Company, Scotland 247,000
+ Lord Dunmore 120,000
+ Benjamin Newgas, Liverpool 100,000
+ Lord Houghton, in Florida 60,000
+ Lord Dunraven, in Colorado 60,000
+ English Land Company, in Florida 50,000
+ English Land Company, in Arkansas 50,000
+ Albert Peel, M.P., Leicestershire, England 10,000
+ Sir J.L. Kay, Yorkshire, England 5,000
+ Alexander Grant, of London, in Kansas 35,000
+ English Syndicate (represented by Closs Bros.) Wisconsin 110,000
+ M. Ellerhauser, of Halifax, Nova Scotia, in West Virginia 600,000
+ A Scotch Syndicate, in Florida 500,000
+ A. Boysen, Danish Consul, in Milwaukee 50,000
+ Missouri Land Company, of Edinburgh, Scotland 165,000
+
+ Total 20,747,000
+
+Commenting upon these startling figures, the _New York (Daily) World_,
+one of the best informed papers of the time says:
+
+ The land grabber is not a fungus of nineteenth century
+ growth. He first came among English-speaking peoples over
+ eight centuries ago. Wherever his foot has found a
+ standing-place pauperism and its sequence, crime, have
+ followed. In the British Isles he is known as an Acreocrat.
+ Since he has extended his operations from his native country
+ to our own free soil the land-grabber should be examined
+ under the microscope of history analytically, impartially,
+ and truthfully.
+
+ The unnaturalized foreigner threatens us with other dangers
+ than those which would be created by our indigenous American
+ land-grabber. The British acreocrat who owns real estate in
+ this country believes in the cancer of English monarchy with
+ its hideous annals of nearly a thousand years. He accepts
+ the tradition of an hereditary House of Lords, a body
+ composed of the effete and played out descendants of the
+ most tyrannical and profligate rascals which Europe ever
+ produced, and he will remain an English blueblood in every
+ thought and action, which cannot fail to bring about in free
+ America and on his own acres here the same poverty-stricken
+ class of peasants as now curse Great Britain and Ireland.
+
+ English "upper-tendom" is represented in recent purchases
+ of American soil by one duke, one marquis, two earls, a
+ baron, two baronets and two members of Parliament. The
+ British duke owns 425,000 acres; the marquis, 1,750,000
+ acres; the two earls, 160,000 acres; the baron, 60,000
+ acres; the brace of baronets, 2,000,500 acres; and the pair
+ of Parliamentary politicians, 860,000 acres. In the rest of
+ the land purchased by our brand-new imported lords of the
+ soil, England's governing acreocrats, are largely
+ represented in their 20,941,666 acres.
+
+ Much ignorance is affected in American society respecting
+ the manner in which the British landocrats came by their
+ property. It is enough that "my lud" has a handle to his
+ name, and Murray Hill shoddyocracy will wine and dine and
+ toady him, and perhaps for his title marry him to some
+ sweet, pure and good American girl, whose life hereafter
+ will be a purgatory to herself and a mutual misery to both.
+
+But the land held by the foreigner in the United States is a mere
+bagatelle. He is odious not because he is a foreigner, but only
+because he is the representative, on the one hand, of the odious land
+system of the Old World, and on the other of those monarchical ideas
+which have made the great body of the European people unwilling
+slaves, reducing them to the very verge of desperation and starvation.
+Archimedes explained, as illustrating the vast power of the fulcrum,
+that if he had a place to stand he could move the world. The British
+land-shark, having got his hold upon the soil, possesses the place to
+stand for which the Greek sighed in vain, and no man will say he does
+not move the world; and he will continue to move _it_ until such time
+as the world shall move _him._
+
+The foreign land-shark is still in his infancy. We have an indigenous
+land-shark whose maw is so capacious that the rapacity of his appetite
+in no wise keeps pace with its lightning-like digestion. Congressman
+William Steel Holman, of Indiana, one of the purest statesmen of these
+corrupt times, and one of the most thoroughly informed men of the
+country upon the question of eminent domain, and the bestowal of that
+domain upon corporations and syndicates, recently said, on the floor
+of the House of Representatives, in the course of a discussion on the
+Post-office Appropriation bill:
+
+ Is it just and proper to require the landgrant railroads to
+ transport your mails at 50 per cent of the rates you pay to
+ corporations whose railroads were built by private capital?
+ I think it is. I think it liberal and more than liberal when
+ the cost in public wealth is considered in the building of
+ these land-grant railroads. I submit tables of the railroads
+ built under the land-grant system, compiled from official
+ reports, and they show an aggregate of 218,386,199 acres,
+ 192,081,155 acres of which were granted between June 30,
+ 1862, and March 4, 1875, the aggregate length of railroads
+ for which the grants were made being 20,803 miles, 13,071
+ miles independent of the 7,732 mileage of the Pacific roads;
+ and the reports of the Post-office Department show that last
+ year the Government paid, on 11,588,56 miles of land-grant
+ railroad, independent of the Union Pacific system and the
+ great body of lapsed grants, $1,144,323.91 for postal
+ service. The startling fact appears that in the gradual
+ development of these grants, great as they are, they still
+ swell in their proportions. I pointed out on a former
+ occasion the startling discrepancies that appear in the
+ official statements of these grants, and can only say now,
+ as I did then, that in such enormous grants a few million
+ acres either way is considered of no moment.
+
+Again:
+
+ There are other grants which I have not included in either
+ of the foregoing tables where not a spadeful of earth has
+ been dug in the construction of a railroad, yet the lands
+ are withdrawn from settlement and claimed by the
+ corporation, although the grants were long since forfeited.
+ The forfeiture of these grants will, of course, be declared.
+ Of all of these grants over 109,000,000 acres, including
+ over 16,000,000 this House has already declared forfeited,
+ are beyond any reasonable question forfeited, and the
+ declaration of that forfeiture by Congress is demanded by
+ the highest consideration of public policy, common honesty,
+ and justice to the people. Even to the extent these
+ land-grant railroads enumerated in the first table were
+ completed, you paid them, as I have shown, last year
+ $1,144,323.91 for transporting your mails. This bill would,
+ as to these roads, to the extent they are entitled to the
+ lands granted and including the Pacific systems, save to the
+ Treasury annually, I think, near a million dollars, perhaps
+ more.
+
+Deducing from the foregoing statement of land-grants to corporations,
+Mr. Holman draws the following picture of what the people may do when
+they are fully informed and aroused to the enormous extent to which
+they have been despoiled by their unfaithful servants in congress:
+
+ The wealth that builds palaces, undermines the foundations
+ of free Government, and wrings from the heart of labor the
+ cry of despair! With the public lands exhausted, with
+ remnants of the Indian-tribes despoiled of their
+ reservations, and the lands seized upon by capitalists and
+ merciless speculators (except so far as you have pledged
+ them in advance to the railroad corporations), and lands
+ everywhere advanced in price beyond the reach of laboring
+ men, with the hope of better fortune and of independent
+ homes dying out of the heart of labor, with men fully
+ conscious of the wrong you have done them by your
+ legislation, can the peaceful order of society be hoped for
+ as of old? I am not astonished that gentlemen deem this
+ early hour an opportune moment to urge the policy of a great
+ navy; it will come, if it does come, in the natural order
+ before a great army. Capital is timid and full of
+ suggestions; the Navy is the most remote, but I am not
+ surprised that here and there comes also the intimation that
+ your Army is too small. These, too, may be some of the
+ bitter fruits of your imperial grants. I fear that it will
+ be seen soon enough that when you have destroyed the very
+ foundations of security and hope upon which labor has rested
+ so long, the old-time repose and peaceful order will be no
+ more. Gentlemen should not forget that the wrong that has
+ been done to laboring men and their children by giving over
+ their natural inheritance to an accursed monopoly will in
+ due time be considered by the most intelligent body of
+ laboring men who ever debated a public wrong--men fully
+ aware of their rights and capable of asserting them.
+
+But the foreign land-shark, and the corporate land-shark, dwindle into
+insignificance by the side of the individual land-shark. Every hamlet,
+town, city, and state in the Union is in the grasp of the individual
+land holder. Starting with his fellows as a pioneer two hundred and
+fifty years ago, with his pickaxe on his shoulder, he has steadily
+grown in size and importance, so that today he holds in his hands the
+destinies of the Republic and the life of his fellow citizens. His
+bulk has become mastodonian in proportions and his influence has
+shrivelled up the energies of the people. More absolute than the Iron
+Prince of Germany, he pays no taxes; he limits production, not to the
+requirements of the population but to the demand of the market, at
+such figures as he can extort from the crying necessities of the
+people through the operations of "corners;" he regulates the wheels of
+government, State and Federal, and dictates to the people by making
+them hungry and naked.
+
+We stand only upon the threshold of governmental existence; the
+nation, in comparison to the hoary-handed commonwealths of Europe, was
+born but yesterday; but, having adopted at the beginning the system
+which hastened the downfall of Rome after she had spread her authority
+over the known world, we are already weak and exhausted. Monopoly has
+stunted the people, and they stagger to the grave, starved to death by
+a system of robbery almost too transparent to require minute
+elucidation at the hand of the conscientious writer upon economic
+questions. The suppressed groans of the toiling masses are echoed and
+reechoed from every corner of the land, and burst forth in mobocratic
+fury that the entire police authority finds it almost impossible to
+stay. The newspapers are a daily chronicle of the desperate condition
+to which the country has been brought by the rapacity and ignorance of
+legislators and the parasitical manipulations of the gang which has
+rooted itself in the soil of the country.
+
+The fires of revolution are incorporated into the _Magna Charta_ of
+our liberties, and no human power can avert the awful eruption which
+will eventually burst upon us as Mount Vesuvius burst forth upon
+Herculaneum and Pompeii. It is too late for America to be wise in
+time. "_The die is cast._"
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+_Conclusion_
+
+
+I know it is not fashionable for writers on economic questions to tell
+the truth, but the truth should be told, though it kill. When the wail
+of distress encircles the world, the man who is linked by "the touch
+of nature" which "makes the whole world kin" to the common destiny of
+the race universal; who hates injustice wherever it lifts up its head;
+who sympathizes with the distressed, the weak, and the friendless in
+every corner of the globe, such a man is morally bound to tell the
+truth as he conceives it to be the truth.
+
+In these times, when the law-making and enforcing authority is leagued
+against the people; when great periodicals--monthly, weekly and
+daily--echo the mandates or anticipate the wishes of the powerful men
+who produce our social demoralization, it becomes necessary for the
+few men who do not agree to the arguments advanced or the interests
+sought to be bolstered up, to "cry aloud and spare not." The man who
+with the truth in his possession flatters with lies, that "thrift may
+follow fawning" is too vile to merit the contempt of honest men.
+
+The government of the United States confiscated as "contraband of war"
+the slave population of the South, but it left to the portion of the
+unrepentant rebel a far more valuable species of property. The slave,
+the perishable wealth, was confiscated to the government and then
+manumitted; but property in land, the wealth which perishes not nor
+can fly away, and which had made the institution of slavery possible,
+was left as the heritage of the robber who had not hesitated to lift
+his iconoclastic hand against the liberties of his country. The baron
+of feudal Europe would have been paralyzed with astonishment at the
+leniency of the conquering invader who should take from him his slave,
+subject to mutation, and leave him his landed possessions which are as
+fixed as the Universe of Nature. He would ask no more advantageous
+concession. But the United States took the slave and left the thing
+which gave birth to _chattel slavery_ and which is now fast giving
+birth to _industrial slavery_; a slavery more excruciating in its
+exactions, more irresponsible in its machinations than that other
+slavery, which I once endured. The chattel slave-holder must, to
+preserve the value of his property, feed, clothe and house his
+property, and give it proper medical attention when disease or
+accident threatened its life. But industrial slavery requires no such
+care. The new slave-holder is only solicitous of obtaining the maximum
+of labor for the minimum of cost. He does not regard the man as of any
+consequence when he can no longer produce. Having worked him to death,
+or ruined his constitution and robbed him of his labor, he turns him
+out upon the world to live upon the charity of mankind or to die of
+inattention and starvation. He knows that it profits him nothing to
+waste time and money upon a disabled industrial slave. The multitude
+of laborers from which he can recruit his necessary laboring force is
+so enormous that solicitude on his part for one that falls by the
+wayside would be a gratuitous expenditure of humanity and charity
+which the world is too intensely selfish and materialistic to expect
+him. Here he forges wealth and death at one and the same time. He
+could not do this if our social system did not confer upon him a
+monopoly of the soil from which subsistence must be derived, because
+the industrial slave, given an equal opportunity to produce for
+himself, would not produce for another. On the other hand the large
+industrial operations, with the multitude of laborers from which Adam
+Smith declares employers grow rich, as far as this applies to the
+soil, would not be possible, since the vast volume of increased
+production brought about by the industry of the multitude of co-equal
+small farmers would so reduce the cost price of food products as to
+destroy the incentive to speculation in them, and at the same time
+utterly destroy the necessity or the possibility of famines, such as
+those which have from time to time come upon the Irish people. There
+could be no famine, in the natural course of things, where all had an
+opportunity to cultivate as much land as they could wherever they
+found any not already under cultivation by some one else. It needs no
+stretch of the imagination to see what a startling tendency the
+announcement that all vacant land was free to settlement upon
+condition of cultivation would have to the depopulation of
+over-crowded cities like New York, Baltimore and Savannah, where the
+so-called pressure of population upon subsistence has produced a
+hand-to-hand fight for existence by the wage-workers in every avenue
+of industry.
+
+This is no fancy picture. It is a plain, logical deduction of what
+would result from the restoration to the people of that equal chance
+in the race of life which every man has a right to expect, to demand,
+and to exact as a condition of his membership of organized society.
+
+The wag who started the "forty acres and a mule" idea among the black
+people of the South was a wise fool; wise in that he enunciated a
+principle which every argument of sound policy should have dictated,
+_upon the condition that the forty acres could in no wise be
+alienated_, and that it could be regarded _only_ as _property_ as
+_long as it was cultivated_; and a fool because he designed simply to
+impose upon the credulity and ignorance of his victims. But the
+justness of the "forty acre" donation cannot be controverted. In the
+first place, the slave had earned this miserable stipend from the
+government by two hundred years of unrequited toil; and, secondly, as
+a free man, he was inherently entitled to so much of the soil of his
+country as would suffice to maintain him in the freedom thrust upon
+him. To tell him he was a free man, and at the same time shut him off
+from free access to the soil upon which he had been reared, without a
+penny in his pocket, and with an army of children at his
+coat-tail--some of his reputed wife's children being the illegitimate
+offspring of a former inhuman master--was to add insult to injury, to
+mix syrup and hyssop, to aggravate into curses the pretended
+conferrence of blessings.
+
+When I think of the absolutely destitute condition of the colored
+people of the South at the close of the Rebellion; when I remember the
+moral and intellectual enervation which slavery had produced in them;
+when I remember that not only were they thus bankrupt, but that they
+were absolutely and unconditionally cut off from the soil, with
+absolutely no right or title in it, I am surprised,--not that they
+have already got a respectable slice of landed interests; not that
+they have taken hold eagerly of the advantages of moral and
+intellectual opportunities of development placed in their reach by the
+charitable philanthropy of good men and women; not that they have
+bought homes and supplied them with articles of convenience and
+comfort, often of luxury--but I am surprised that the race did not
+turn robbers and highwaymen, and, in turn, terrorize and rob society
+as society had for so long terrorized and robbed them. The thing is
+strange, marvelous, phenomenal in the extreme. Instead of becoming
+outlaws, as the critical condition would seem to have indicated, the
+black men of the South _went manfully to work_ to better their own
+condition and the crippled condition of the country which had been
+produced by the ravages of internecine rebellion; _while the white men
+of the South, the capitalists, the land-sharks, the poor white trash,
+and the nondescripts, with a thousand years of Christian civilization
+and culture behind them, with "the boast of chivalry, the pomp of
+power," these white scamps, who had imposed upon the world the idea
+that they were paragons of virtue and the heaven-sent vicegerents of
+civil power, organized themselves into a band of outlaws, whose
+concatenative chain of auxiliaries ran through the entire South, and
+deliberately proceeded to murder innocent men and women for POLITICAL
+REASONS and to systematically rob them of their honest labor because
+they were too accursedly lazy to labor themselves._
+
+But this highly abnormal, unnatural condition of things is fast
+passing away. The white man having asserted his superiority in the
+matters of assassination and robbery, has settled down upon a barrel
+of dynamite, as he did in the days of slavery, and will await the
+explosion with the same fatuity and self-satisfaction true of him in
+other days. But as convulsions from within are more violent and
+destructive than convulsions from without, being more deepseated and
+therefore more difficult to reach, the next explosion will be more
+disastrous, more far-reaching in its havoc than the one which
+metamorphosed social conditions in the South, and from the dreadful
+reactions of which we are just now recovering.
+
+As I have said elsewhere, the future struggle in the South will be,
+not between white men and black men, but between capital and labor,
+landlord and tenant. Already the cohorts are marshalling to the fray;
+already the forces are mustering to the field at the sound of the
+slogan.
+
+The same battle will be fought upon Southern soil that is in
+preparation in other states where the conditions are older in
+development but no more deep-seated, no more pernicious, no more
+blighting upon the industries of the country and the growth of the
+people.
+
+It is not my purpose here to enter into an extended analysis of the
+foundations upon which our land system rests, nor to give my views as
+to how matters might be remedied. I may take up the question at some
+future time. It is sufficient for my purpose to have indicated that
+the social problems in the South, as they exfoliate more and more as
+resultant upon the war, will be found to be the same as those found in
+every other section of our country; and to have pointed out that the
+questions of "race," "condition" "politics," etc., will all properly
+adjust themselves with the advancement of the people in wealth,
+education, and forgetfulness of the unhappy past.
+
+The hour is approaching when the laboring classes of our country,
+North, East, West and South, will recognize that they have a _common
+cause_, a _common humanity_ and a _common enemy_; and that, therefore,
+if they would triumph over wrong and place the laurel wreath upon
+triumphant justice, without distinction of race or of previous
+condition _they must unite_! And unite they will, for "a fellow
+feeling makes us wond'rous kind." When the issue is properly joined,
+the rich, be they black or be they white, will be found upon the same
+side; and the poor, be they black or be they white, will be found on
+the same side.
+
+_Necessity knows no law and discriminates in favor of no man or race._
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+
+I append to this volume a portion of the testimony of Mr. John
+Caldwell Calhoun because of the uniform fairness with which he treated
+the race and labor problem in the section of country where he is an
+extensive landowner and employer of labor.
+
+Mr. Calhoun's testimony was given before the Blair Senate Committee on
+Education and Labor and will be found in the Committee's Report as to
+_The Relations between Labor and Capital_. (Vol. II, pp. 157).
+
+ NEW YORK, _Thursday, September 13, 1883_
+
+ LABOR IN THE SOUTHWEST
+
+ JOHN CALDWELL CALHOUN sworn and examined
+
+ By the CHAIRMAN:
+
+ Question. Where do you reside?--Answer. In Chicot County,
+ Arkansas.
+
+ Q. State to the committee, if you please, where you were
+ born, of what family connection you are, and what have been
+ your opportunities for becoming acquainted with the past and
+ the present condition of agricultural labor in the Southern
+ States.
+ --A. I was born in Marengo County, Alabama. My father was a
+ planter there before the war.
+
+ Q. He was a son of John C. Calhoun, the statesman?--A. He
+ was a son of Mr. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina.
+
+ Q. You are his grandson, then?
+ --A. Yes, sir; I am his grandson. My father was Col. Andrew
+ P. Calhoun. I was reared in South Carolina. In 1854 my father
+ removed his residence from his plantations in Alabama to Fort
+ Hill, South Carolina, near Pendleton, where I was raised. I
+ have been identified with the agricultural interest of the
+ South from my earliest recollections, and have been a
+ practical cotton planter myself since the war, giving my own
+ personal attention to my interests since 1869.
+
+ Q. When did you remove from South Carolina?
+ --A. I removed from South Carolina to Chicot County,
+ Arkansas, in 1869.
+
+ Q. Until 1869 you had been a resident of South Carolina?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. And of course very familiar with the condition of things
+ on the Atlantic coast. Since that time you have been in the
+ Mississippi Valley?
+ --A. Yes, sir; my experience as a cotton planter and with
+ the laborers of the South is confirmed, I may say, almost
+ entirely to the Mississippi Valley, for I left South
+ Carolina so soon after the war that things had hardly shaped
+ themselves there so that I could form an accurate estimate
+ of the labor or the condition of affairs in South Carolina
+ or on the Atlantic coast.
+
+ The CHAIRMAN. Not having had a personal acquaintance with
+ Mr. Calhoun, and learning of his rare opportunities to give
+ valuable information to the committee, and of his presence
+ in the city, I addressed him a letter, calling attention to
+ the subject-matter upon which we should like information,
+ and which I had reason to think he could give us better than
+ almost any one else, indicating certain questions which I
+ would like to have him prepared to answer, and receiving a
+ courteous reply, expressing a willingness to oblige the
+ committee, I have called him before the committee, and will
+ now read the questions:--
+
+ 1st. What is the condition of the laborers in your
+ section?
+
+ 2d. Under what system are the laborers in your section
+ employed?
+
+ 3d. When hired for wages what is paid?
+
+ 4th. What division is made between labor and capital of
+ their joint production when you work on shares?
+
+ 5th. When you rent what division is made?
+
+ 6th. How many hours do the laborers work?
+
+ 7th. Under what system do you work?
+
+ 8th. What is the relation existing between the planters and
+ their employees?
+
+ 9th. What danger is there of strikes?
+
+ 10th. How can the interest of the laborers of your section
+ be best subserved?
+
+ If you have prepared answers to these questions, and can
+ give your answers consecutively, I would like you to do so.
+ The WITNESS. I have prepared replies in order that I might
+ save the committee time as well as condense my ideas.
+
+ Q. 1. What is the condition of the laborers in your
+ section?
+ --A. The laborers in the Mississippi Valley are
+ agricultural. But few whites are employed; they soon become
+ landowners or tenants. Your question, therefore, reduces
+ itself to, What is the condition of the negroes? I should
+ say good, as compared with a few years ago, and improving.
+ You must recollect that it has only been 18 years since the
+ negroes emerged from slavery without a dollar and with no
+ education, and that for generations they had been taught to
+ rely entirely upon others for guidance and support. They
+ became, therefore, at once the easy prey of unscrupulous
+ men, who used them for their personal aggrandizement, were
+ subjected to every evil influence, and did not discover for
+ years the impositions practiced upon them. They were
+ indolent and extravagant, and eager to buy on a credit
+ everything the planter or merchant would sell them. The
+ planter had nothing except the land, which, with the crop to
+ be grown, was mortgaged generally for advances. If he
+ refused to indulge his laborers in extravagant habits during
+ the year, by crediting them for articles not absolutely
+ necessary, his action was regarded as good grounds for them
+ to quit work, and there were those present who were always
+ ready to use this as an argument to array the negroes
+ against the proprietors. This, of course, demoralized the
+ country to a very great extent, and it has only been in the
+ past few years the negro laborers have realized their true
+ condition and gone to work with a view of making a support
+ for themselves and families. There is yet much room for
+ improvement, but they will improve just as they gain
+ experience and become self-reliant.
+
+ Considering their condition after emancipation and the evil
+ influences to which they have been subjected, even the small
+ advancement they have made seems surprising.
+
+ Q. 2. Under what systems are the laborers in your section
+ employed?
+ --A. There are three methods: we hire for wages, for a part
+ of the crop, or we rent.
+
+ Q. 3. When hired for wages what is paid?
+ --A. When hired by the month we pay unskilled field hands
+ from $10 to $20 per month and board. When hired by the day,
+ for unskilled laborers, from 75 cents to $1. Teamsters, $1 a
+ day and board. Artisans, from $2 to $5. In addition to their
+ wages and board, the laborers are furnished, free of cost, a
+ house, fuel, and a garden spot varying from half to one
+ acre; also the use of wagon and team with which to haul
+ their fuel and supplies, and pasturage, where they have
+ cattle and hogs, which they are encouraged to raise.
+
+ Q. 4. What division is made between labor and capital of
+ their joint production when you work on shares?
+ --A. I doubt if there is greater liberality shown to
+ laborers in any portion of the world than is done under this
+ system. The proprietor furnishes the land and houses,
+ including dwelling, stables, and outhouses, pays the taxes,
+ makes all necessary improvements, keeps up repairs and
+ insurance, gives free of cost a garden spot, fuel, pasturage
+ for the stock owned by the laborer, and allows the use of
+ his teams for hauling fuel and family supplies, provides
+ mules or horses, wagons, gears, implements, feed for teams,
+ the necessary machinery for ginning, or, in short, every
+ expense of making the crop and preparing it for market, and
+ then divides equally the whole gross proceeds with the
+ laborers. In addition to all this, the proprietor frequently
+ mortgages his real estate to obtain means to advance to the
+ laborers supplies on their portion of the crop yet to be
+ grown, thus mortgaging what he actually possesses, and
+ taking a security not yet in existence, and which depends
+ not only upon the vicissitudes of the seasons, but the
+ faithfulness of the laborers themselves. Under this system
+ thrifty, industrious laborers ought soon to become
+ landowners. But, owing to indolence, the negroes, except
+ where they are very judiciously managed and encouraged, fail
+ to take advantage of the opportunities offered them to raise
+ the necessaries of life. They idle away all the time not
+ actually necessary to make and gather their corn and cotton,
+ and improvidently spend what balance may remain after paying
+ for the advances made to them.
+
+ Q. 5. When you rent, what division is made?
+ --A. Where the laborer owns his own teams, gears, and
+ implements necessary for making a crop, he gets two-thirds
+ or three-fourths of the crop, according to the quality and
+ location of the land.
+
+ Under the rental system proper, where a laborer is
+ responsible and owns his team, &c., first-class land is
+ rented to him for $8 or $10 per acre. With the land go
+ certain privileges, such as those heretofore enumerated.
+
+ Q. 6. How many hours do the laborers work?
+ --A. This is an extremely difficult question to answer.
+ Under the wages system, from sunrise to sunset, with a rest
+ for dinner of from one and one-half to three hours,
+ according to the season of the year.
+
+ Under the share or rental system there is much time lost;
+ for instance, they seldom work on Saturday at all, and as
+ the land is fertile, and a living can be made on a much
+ smaller acreage than a hand can cultivate, they generally
+ choose one-third less than they should, and it is safe to
+ say that one third of the time which could and would be
+ utilized by an industrious laborer is wasted in fishing, and
+ hunting, and idleness.
+
+ Q. 7. Under what system do you work?
+ --A. We are forced to adopt all systems heretofore stated.
+ We prefer, however, the tenant system. We wish to make small
+ farmers our laborers, and bring them up as nearly as
+ possible to the standard of the small white farmers. But
+ this can only be done gradually, because the larger portion
+ of the negroes are without any personal property. We could
+ not afford to sell the mules, implements, &c., where a
+ laborer has nothing. Therefore the first year we contract to
+ work with him on the half-share system, and require him to
+ plant a portion of the land he cultivates in corn, hay,
+ potatoes, &c. For this portion we charge him a reasonable
+ rent, to be paid out of his part of the cotton raised on the
+ remainder. In this way all of the supplies raised belong to
+ him, and at the end of the first year he will, if
+ industrious, find himself possessed of enough supplies to
+ support and feed a mule. We then sell him a mule and
+ implements, preserving, of course, liens until paid. At the
+ end of the second year, if he should be unfortunate, and not
+ quite pay out, we carry the balance over to the next year,
+ and in this way we gradually make a tenant of him. We
+ encourage him in every way in our power to be economical,
+ industrious, and prudent, to surround his home with
+ comforts, to plant an orchard and garden, and to raise his
+ own meat, and to keep his own cows, for which he has free
+ pasturage. Our object is to attach him as much as possible
+ to his home. Under whatever system we work, we require the
+ laborer to plant a part of his land in food crops and the
+ balance in cotton with which to pay his rent and give him
+ ready money. We consider this system as best calculated to
+ advance him. Recognizing him as a citizen, we think we
+ should do all in our power to fit him for the duties of
+ citizenship. We think there is no better method of doing
+ this than by interesting him in the production of the soil,
+ surrounding him with home comforts, and imposing upon him
+ the responsibilities of his business. Who will make the best
+ citizen or laborer, he who goes to a home with a week's
+ rations, wages spent, wife and children hired out, or he who
+ returns to a home surrounded with the ordinary comforts, and
+ wife and children helping him to enjoy the products of their
+ joint labor? We recognize that no country can be prosperous
+ unless the farmers are prosperous. Under our system, we seek
+ to have our property cultivated by a reliable set of
+ tenants, who will be able to always pay their rent and have
+ a surplus left.
+
+ Again, a large portion of the cotton crop of the country is
+ made by small white farmers. These to a great extent are
+ raising their own supplies, and making cotton a surplus
+ crop. The number who do this will increase year by year. It
+ must be apparent that the large planters cannot afford to
+ hire labor and compete with those whose cotton costs nothing
+ except the expenditure of their own muscle and energy. The
+ natural consequence resulting from this condition of things
+ is that the negro, if he is to prosper, must gradually
+ become a small farmer, either as a tenant or the owner of
+ the soil, and look himself upon cotton as a surplus crop.
+
+ Q. 8. What is the relation existing between the planters
+ and their employers?
+ --A. Friendly and harmonious. The planter feel an interest
+ in the welfare of his laborers, and the latter in turn look
+ to him for advice and assistance.
+
+ Q. 9. What danger is there of strikes?
+ --A. Very little. As a rule the laborers are interested in
+ the production of the soil, and a strike would be as
+ disastrous to them as it would be to the proprietors. There
+ is really very little conflict between labor and capital.
+ The conflict in my section, if any should come in future,
+ will not assume the form of labor against capital, but of
+ race against race.
+
+ Q. 10. How can the interest of the laborers of your section
+ be best subserved?
+ --A. By the establishment by the States of industrial
+ schools, by the total elimination from Federal politics of
+ the so-called negro question, and by leaving the solution to
+ time, and a reduction of taxation, both indirect and
+ incidental. It is a noteworthy fact that the improvement of
+ my section has kept pace, _pari passu_, with the cessation
+ of the agitation of race issues. The laborers share equally
+ with the landowners the advantages of the improvement, and
+ there is every reason to expect increasing and permanent
+ prosperity if all questions between the landowners and their
+ laborers in our section are left to the natural adjustment
+ of the demand for labor. For many years the negroes regarded
+ themselves as the wards of the Federal Government, and it
+ were well for them to understand that they have nothing more
+ to expect from the Federal Government, than the white man,
+ and that, like him, their future depends upon their own
+ energy, industry, and economy. This can work no hardship.
+ The constant demand for labor affords them the amplest
+ protection. Nothing, probably, would contribute so
+ immediately to their prosperity as the reduction of the
+ tariff. They are the producers of no protected articles. The
+ onerous burdens of the tariff naturally fall heaviest upon
+ those who are large consumers of protected articles and
+ produce only the great staples, grain and cotton, which form
+ the basis of our export trade, and which can, from their
+ very nature in this country, receive no protection from a
+ tariff.
+
+ Q. In your own State, Arkansas, what portion of the land
+ cultivated and what proportion of the acreage of the land
+ cultivated is in the form of large plantations?
+ --A. That lying along the Mississippi and Arkansas Rivers.
+ It would be hard for me to estimate the proportions. I do
+ not know that I have ever considered it, but the portions
+ which are cultivated in large plantations lie directly on
+ the Mississippi River in front of the State of Arkansas and
+ on the Arkansas River. The rest of the State is cultivated
+ very much by small white farmers.
+
+ Q. And are the productions of the small holdings and large
+ holdings similar; I inquire as to cotton particularly?
+ --A. No, sir. In the interior of the State cotton is made a
+ surplus crop entirely.
+
+ Q. What are the principal crops there?
+ --A. Our people are raising their own supplies, fruits and
+ vegetables. For instance, it was stated by the land agent of
+ the Iron Mountain Railroad at a public meeting in Little
+ Rock some weeks ago that that road had carried out from the
+ State of Arkansas in one week 800,000 pounds of green peas
+ and strawberries.
+
+ Q. To what market?
+ --A. To Saint Louis, going to different markets. The section
+ of the State lying between Little Rock and Fort Smith is
+ peculiarly adapted for growing fruit, and there is a very
+ large fruit trade.
+
+ Q. What kinds of fruit?
+ --A. I might say almost all kinds, but particularly apples;
+ that section of country is noted for its apples.
+
+ Q. Are peaches raised there also?
+ --A. Very fine, indeed.
+
+ Q. Plums?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. Are oranges raised there?
+ --A. No, sir; we do not raise any of the tropical fruits,
+ such as oranges, bananas, and lemons.
+
+ Q. How in regard to oats, rye, corn, wheat, potatoes, and
+ crops of that description?
+ --A. If our exhibit, which is now being made at the
+ Louisville Exposition, can be seen it will compare
+ favorably with that of any other portion of the United
+ States.
+
+ Q. Even with the Northwest?
+ --A. Even with the Northwest.
+
+ Q. Would you judge that one-half the cultivated surface of
+ Arkansas is made up of the larger plantations?
+ --A. No, sir; I should not say more than a third, as a
+ rough estimate.
+
+ Q. Upon these plantations is there any crop raised for
+ consumption anywhere but upon the plantations, save the
+ cotton?
+ --A. Only in a very limited way. We raise Irish potatoes
+ for the northern markets, and it is an extremely profitable
+ and productive crop with us.
+
+ Q. What is the home market price?
+ --A. We do not sell these potatoes at home at all. We get
+ them to Saint Louis, Chicago, and Cincinnati before the
+ ground is really thawed out up there. We get from $5 to $10
+ a barrel for them.
+
+ Q. A barrel of about 3 bushels?
+ --A. A barrel of about 3 bushels. That of course is a fancy
+ price, and only lasts until the product comes in from other
+ sources.
+
+ Q. That is an advantage no farmer has elsewhere in the
+ United States than in Arkansas?
+ --A. In Arkansas and Louisiana, on the Mississippi River.
+
+ Q. Are potatoes raised largely in Louisiana?
+ --A. Yes, sir; in parts. The cultivation of the alluvial
+ lands in Louisiana is very similar to what I am speaking of
+ in Arkansas.
+
+ Q. Is the potato of good quality raised on those rich
+ lands?
+ --A. Of very fine quality.
+
+ Q. Can you give the average crop of potatoes per acre?
+ --A. I cannot, as I have never raised any myself for market.
+ We leave it almost entirely to our small farmers to do that
+ sort of thing.
+
+ Q. About 300 bushels per acre, Senator Pugh says. This is
+ the Irish potato you speak of, not the sweet?
+ --A. The Irish potato. We raise also the sweet potato there.
+ I have raised sweet potatoes that weighed five pounds.
+
+ Q. And of good quality?
+ --A. Of fine quality.
+
+ Q. The size does not depreciate the quality, then?
+ --A. Not at all.
+
+ Q. They, I suppose are raised for exportation from the
+ State?
+ --A. No, sir; they are raised almost entirely for home
+ consumption by our farmers.
+
+ Q. Do your people at home prefer the sweet to the Irish
+ potato for their own use?
+ --A. I cannot say they do. I think they raise both in equal
+ proportions.
+
+ Q. Which, on the whole, is the most profitable crop to
+ raise of potatoes?
+ --A. The Irish potatoes because we export and sell them. The
+ sweet potato does not mature until the fall of the year.
+
+ Q. Upon your plantations you encourage the raising of the
+ variety of crops you have spoken of for consumption, by the
+ laborers, and for the use of the planter, I suppose, but not
+ for exportation and sale?
+ --A. Not for sale. We merely raise them for home consumption
+ in case of a disaster to our cotton crops. The cotton crop
+ is subjected to very many vicissitudes, and we want to have
+ all our supplies at home, so that in case of a failure of
+ the cotton crop we have our living made at least.
+
+ Q. Are the planters and those who labor upon the
+ plantations substantially independent of the small farmers
+ surrounding them, or do they constitute consumers for the
+ smaller farmers in the interior?
+ --A. We have our own gardens, and generally raise our own
+ supplies, but every planter interests himself to find a
+ market for all the products of his laborers. For instance,
+ we encourage them to raise poultry to a great extent. If
+ they have a surplus of potatoes, or eggs, or chickens, we
+ will buy it and create a market for it, and ship the
+ articles off in order that if they have any surplus they may
+ realize on it. On the Mississippi River we have nearly all
+ the markets. Boats are passing there every day going
+ directly by the banks of the river. We have the markets of
+ New Orleans, Vicksburg, Memphis, Saint Louis, Chicago, and
+ we have, you may say, the whole country open before us where
+ we can create a market. We make the best market we can for
+ the products of our small farmers.
+
+ Q. Do you know something of the prices in the North for the
+ various crops you have mentioned, and if so, how do they
+ compare with the price realized by your laborers at home?
+ --A. Our laborers realize the prices of the Northwest. We
+ ship the articles for them. For instance, a negro has
+ several barrels of potatoes; I consign them to my merchants
+ in Saint Louis, and have them sold for his account.
+
+ Q. There are no middlemen, really; you transact this
+ business for them?
+ --A. I transact this business for them direct.
+
+ Q. Charging them simply the cost of transportation?
+ --A. You are asking me the relationship between the
+ proprietor and the negro. There are a great many stores on
+ the Mississippi River, and negroes sometimes go and trade
+ directly. There are a great many properties in the
+ Mississippi Valley owned by non-residents. There are some
+ plantations rented out to negroes that there is not a white
+ man on at all. The proprietor comes and collects his rent at
+ the end of the year when the crop is made; or it may be his
+ negro tenant consigns the cotton to a factor in New Orleans.
+
+ Q. Where is the proprietor himself usually resident?
+ --A. In different States. We have people who are proprietors
+ of real estate who live out in Orange, New Jersey; some live
+ in South Carolina; some live in Georgia, in the various
+ States, but they own property with us, and this property is
+ rented directly to the negroes. Generally, though, there is
+ a responsible manager in charge of this property, but there
+ are instances where there is not even a white man on the
+ place at all.
+
+ Q. In those instances, how do matters work? Do the negroes
+ conduct affairs with reasonable prudence, and consult the
+ interest of the owners?
+ --A. No, sir; in these instances the property generally goes
+ to decay gradually; the negro will not make an improvement
+ on real estate at all.
+
+ Q. In these cases do the negroes work together and carry on
+ the plantation as a whole, or is the plantation cut up into
+ small holdings and rented out to negroes?
+ --A. It is cut into small portions and rented according to
+ the size of the family. Some men work two mules; some four.
+ It is regulated better by the number of animals he works.
+ For instance, a mule can cultivate in that country with ease
+ about fifteen acres. A man with two mules would work thirty
+ acres; a man with four, sixty, and so on. I know some
+ negroes who work eight and ten mules that they have paid
+ for; but I will say this right here, and it shows the
+ necessity of the education of the negro and of fitting him
+ for the condition of being able to take care of himself and
+ make his own contracts and sign his own name to a contract:
+ I have known of numerous instances where negroes, working
+ under the management of a proprietor of a plantation, have
+ made enough money to buy a home; such a one will go back out
+ in the hills, that section of country lying back of the
+ alluvial lands, and buy a home. In three or four years he
+ will move back to the river again, having lost all his
+ property, mortgaged it to some storekeeper, become
+ extravagant, and that storekeeper in a short time--three or
+ four years probably--will have absorbed all he had earned
+ under the management of a planter.
+
+ Q. About that store system; how extensive is it, and how
+ great an evil does it constitute?
+ --A. It constitutes a very considerable evil, but you
+ cannot blame the storekeeper for it, for this reason, or he
+ can only be blamed partially: Capital in that country is
+ very limited. When you consider the fact that New Orleans,
+ which handles the cotton crop of that country, has a smaller
+ banking capital than any one of your little towns in
+ Massachusetts or New Hampshire, it shows at once that there
+ is not enough capital to be advanced to the country people
+ at reasonable enough rates of interest for those people to
+ conduct a strictly legitimate business. I have known capital
+ to cost in New Orleans, counting the commissions, 15 or 20
+ per cent, for money loaned. The storekeeper who borrows
+ money to conduct his business with has to buy his goods from
+ some merchant at some point who must make his profit. He
+ cannot go directly to the producer, because he has got to
+ have somebody to help him out if his capital falls short.
+ Therefore, before the goods get down to him, they cost him
+ perhaps 30, 40, or 50 percent more than the first price.
+ Therefore he has to tack on an enormous profit to bring
+ himself out whole and pay his expenses in order to meet his
+ obligations with the factor in New Orleans. There is,
+ however, among a certain class, as there would be in all
+ sections of the country, as exists right here in New York,
+ or anywhere else, a set of people who will always prey upon
+ ignorance. The best protection that can be afforded to the
+ laborer of that country is education; fit him for his
+ condition of life, that he may protect himself.
+
+ Q. Do you mean to be understood that these traders do
+ business upon borrowed capital?
+ --A. Almost entirely.
+
+ Q. Their capital is hired in New Orleans?
+ --A. Or any points they may go for it; I merely mention New
+ Orleans as one point. A number of our people borrow money in
+ Memphis, and some borrow money in Vicksburg.
+
+ Q. Do you know whether those people to any extent borrow
+ capital of Northern capitalists in New York and other
+ portions of the North
+ --A. That class of people do not. In the last few years--I
+ might say almost within the last two years--Northern capital
+ has begun to seek investment in our section of the country,
+ but only upon mortgages on real estate. The class of
+ storekeepers I allude to generally have no real estate at
+ all; they only have their stores.
+
+ Q. Your system by which the planter makes a market for the
+ surplus productions of the laborers upon his plantation
+ dispenses with a middleman, and enables the laborer to make
+ a saving, whereas, if he goes to the hills he makes a loss?
+ --A. Yes, sir. I will put it more definitely: As long as he
+ is under the guidance and care of the proprietor of the
+ plantation he prospers, the planter, as we express it in
+ that country, "loaning him our aid"; we make it very
+ expressive to the negro, we loan him our aid, that is, he
+ must follow our advice, and he has learned to do that, and
+ by doing that he accumulates; but when thrown upon his own
+ resources--there are individual exceptions, of course, where
+ a good many negroes prosper themselves when thrown upon
+ their own resources in Arkansas--but as a general fact,
+ where he leaves the guidance and care of the proprietor of a
+ plantation and subjects himself just as any one else does to
+ the common trading with storekeepers, in a very few years he
+ loses what he has accumulated.
+
+ Q. Under these favorable circumstances which surround the
+ laborer on the plantation one would think he ought to
+ accumulate; but I understand you that as a rule he is rather
+ improvident and fails to accumulate. To what do you
+ attribute that improvidence on the part of the negro
+ laborer?
+ --A. It is simply from the want of a proper appreciation of
+ the opportunities of advancement from his condition. The
+ negroes are just beginning, as I expressed it, to realize
+ the responsibilities of life, and just as they begin to
+ realize the responsibilities of life here, they begin to
+ prosper. The prosperity of the South has only begun in the
+ last few years, and it has begun to increase just as the
+ race issue has ceased. I will demonstrate that to you by a
+ little paragraph I cut out of the _New York Herald_ last
+ night, taken from the New Orleans _Times-Democrat_. If you
+ take the assessed valuation of real estate in Alabama, in
+ 1879 it was at $117,486,581; in 1883 it is assessed at
+ $152,920,115. There has been that increase in four years
+ from $117,000,000 to $152,000,000. Now let us take the State
+ of Arkansas: in 1879 our real estate was valued at
+ $86,892,541; in 1883 it is valued at $136,000,000. It goes
+ on just in that same proportion. For instance, this shows
+ that in eight of the Southern and Southwestern States there
+ has been an increase of nearly half a billion dollars--that
+ is, $494,836,686--in value of taxable property during the
+ short period of four years.
+
+ I happened to pick up this book last night. If I had an
+ opportunity I could have gotten some statistics to show you
+ the increased production in these different States, and how
+ completely it has taken place, as the laborer has begun to
+ rely on himself and been thrown on his resources.
+
+ Q. Have you observed the origin of these statistics?
+ --A. They come from the New Orleans _Times-Democrat_. I will
+ read this in order that they may be known. This is from the
+ _Herald_ of yesterday:
+
+ SOUTHERN PROGRESS
+
+ The New Orleans TIMES-DEMOCRAT has gathered from
+ trustworthy sources and given to the public valuable
+ statistics showing the industrial progress made in the
+ Southern States during the past four years. This covers the
+ period since 1879, the year to which the figures of the
+ latest national census apply. The census returns show a
+ marvelous material growth in the South during the preceding
+ ten years. But, according to the reports published by our
+ New Orleans contemporary, the progress of the past four
+ years is greater and more wonderful than that achieved
+ during the decade between the census years.
+
+ Taking the important item of assessed value of property, a
+ comparison between the years 1879 and 1883 gives the
+ following remarkable results:
+
+ -----------------------------------------------------------------
+ Assessment Tax Assessment Tax
+ States 1883 rate 1879 rate
+ -----------------------------------------------------------------
+ Alabama $152,920,115 6-1/2 $117,486,581 7
+ Arkansas 136,000,000 7 86,892,541 6-1/2
+ Florida 56,000,000 5 29,471,648 7
+ Georgia 300,000,000 2-1/2 135,659,530 5
+ Louisiana 200,000,000 6 209,361,402 6
+ Mississippi 116,288,810 2-1/2 129,308,345 3-1/2
+ Tennessee 252,289,873 2 223,211,345 1
+ Texas 500,000,000 3 304,470,736 5
+ -----------------------------------------------------------------
+ Total 1,710,498,798 4-1/2 1,215,662,128 5
+ -----------------------------------------------------------------
+
+ This shows that in eight Southern and Southwestern States
+ there has been an increase of nearly half a billion
+ dollars--$494,836,668--in the value of taxable property
+ during the short period of four years, while the rate of
+ taxation has been actually reduced. At the same time liberal
+ appropriations have been made for schools, public
+ improvements, and other useful purposes. "Nor is this
+ marvelous advance in valuation," says the _Times-Democrat_,
+ "the result of any inflation in value, but the natural
+ sequence of grand crops, new industries developed, new
+ manufactories, mines, and lumber mills established."
+
+ The extension of railroads has been hardly less
+ astonishing. In the eight States above enumerated there were
+ in 1879 11,604 miles of railroad. There are now 17,891
+ miles, showing an increase in four years of 6,287 miles. The
+ agricultural progress made is shown by the fact that the
+ value of raw products raised in these States, including all
+ crops, lumber, cattle, and wool, has advanced from
+ $398,000,000 in 1879 to $567,000,000 in 1883, or an increase
+ of $169,000,000. During this period the mineral output of
+ Alabama alone has increased from $4,000,000 to $19,000,000,
+ and the lumber product of Arkansas from $1,790,000 to
+ $8,000,000.
+
+ The trade of New Orleans is a barometer of Southern
+ industry and commerce. The value of domestic produce in that
+ city in 1881-82 was $159,000,000; in 1882-83 it was
+ $200,000,000. The value of exports of domestic produce to
+ foreign countries in the former year amounted to
+ $68,000,000; in the latter it reached $95,000,000.
+
+ These figures tell a remarkable story of recent progress in
+ the Southern States. Always rich in natural resources, the
+ South has long been poor through lack of development. It has
+ at last entered upon a new era of industrial activity, and
+ is now making rapid strides toward a stage of material
+ prosperity commensurate with its great natural wealth.--_New
+ York Herald_, September 12,1883.
+
+ Now, here is quite a remarkable fact to which I wish to
+ call your attention, to show you the opportunities for labor
+ existing in the South and what is the condition of certain
+ counties in the South. I hold in my hand a book that is
+ compiled for the benefit of the Georgia Pacific Railroad,
+ but I happened to find it in my room and thought these
+ matters would be interesting.
+
+ Q. The data you consider reliable?
+ --A. What I read I think comes from the census report; I
+ think this is reliable:
+
+ In this connection let us glance at Montgomery
+ County, Alabama, which, although not in the belt
+ we are studying, is on the same prairie formation
+ crossed by the Georgia Pacific Railway, on the
+ edge of Mississippi. Compare it with Butler
+ County, Ohio, which "shows the best record of any
+ county in the West." In live stock Montgomery has
+ $1,748,273; Butler, $1,333,592.
+
+ That is the largest producing county in Ohio as compared
+ with Montgomery County, Alabama, before the war.
+
+ Montgomery had 63,134 hogs; Butler, 51,640.
+ Animals slaughtered: Montgomery, $336,915;
+ Butler, $318,274. In grain Butler was
+ considerably ahead, but in roots Montgomery led.
+ Montgomery doubled Butler in the production of
+ wool, and had its cotton crop to show besides.
+ The total value of the crops of Montgomery County
+ was $3,264,170; those of Butler only $1,671,132.
+
+ There is Montgomery County, Alabama, compared with the
+ leading producing county in Ohio.
+
+ Q. Do you know as to the relative size of the two counties?
+ --A. I think it was given here:
+
+ A handsome triumph for the Alabama county! And
+ yet Montgomery is not up to the average of the
+ prairie counties of Alabama.
+
+ I do not know the relative size. Here is a fact to which I
+ wish to call particular attention:
+
+ We have examined the mortality tables of the
+ United States census for 1880, and find that as
+ regards health, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi
+ make a better showing than some of the oldest and
+ most densely populated Northern States.
+
+ There is generally an idea prevailing that the Southern
+ States are very unhealthy. It is a point that bears directly
+ on our labor question, and for that reason I wish to call
+ special attention to this table, which is taken directly
+ from the census:
+
+ ANNUAL DEATH RATE FOR EACH THOUSAND OF POPULATION
+
+ New York 17.38
+ Pennsylvania 14.92
+ Virginia 16.32
+ Massachusetts 18.59
+ Kentucky 14.39
+ Georgia 13.97
+ Alabama 14.20
+ Mississippi 12.89
+
+ Mississippi has the smallest average death rate of any of
+ that number of States which I have enumerated.
+
+ Q. I suppose the circumstance that the average death rate
+ is larger in cities ought to be taken into account, the
+ Southern population being mostly rural, is it not?
+ --A. The Southern population is to a very great extent
+ rural--Still there are cities in Georgia which I suppose in
+ proportion to our rural population would not make the latter
+ in excess of what it is here. If you take your rural
+ population here and in New Jersey, where you are densely
+ populated, we are no more densely populated in the
+ proportion of our city population to the country than you
+ are here, I think.
+
+ Q. Of the population, which is, as a rule, the more healthy
+ in the South, the colored or the white population?
+
+ By Mr. PUGH:
+
+ Q. There must be some qualification of that difference
+ between the death rate between such States as Massachusetts,
+ for instance, and Georgia, on account of the fact--which I
+ suppose must be conceded--that in these new States
+ population is younger and more vigorous than in the older
+ States. The emigration to these States has been of the
+ younger and more vigorous population, not so liable to die
+ as those who remain behind and are older?
+ --A. There has been but very little emigration into these
+ States up to this census.
+
+ MR. PUGH. That is the fact to some extent, I suppose,
+ anyway.
+
+ The CHAIRMAN. In that same connection, I suppose, should be
+ borne in mind the fact that the population of these Eastern
+ States is largely re-enforced by immigration from Europe,
+ and that is of the younger and more vigorous European
+ population, and I do not know but what the people in
+ Massachusetts will insist upon it that they are as young and
+ as vigorous as anybody.
+
+ Mr. PUGH. I have no doubt. I saw a great many very old
+ people there.
+
+ The WITNESS. I merely mentioned this because I wanted to do
+ away with the impression which generally exists that the
+ Southern States are very unhealthy.
+
+ Mr. PUGH. I have no doubt that what you state is true as a
+ general fact.
+
+ The WITNESS. Now, to bear out the assertion which I made
+ that the prosperity of the negroes began to increase with
+ the cessation of race issues in the South, which has been so
+ apparent to me that I can almost mark the time that it
+ began, look at the cotton crop that is being made to a great
+ extent by small farmers; look at the increase of the cotton
+ crop in the different States in the last few years. For
+ instance, take Georgia: in 1870 she made 473,934 bales of
+ cotton; in 1880 she made 814,441, an increase of 75 per
+ cent. Alabama in 1870 produced 429,482 bales; and in 1880
+ 699,654, an increase of 62 per cent. Mississippi in 1870
+ produced 564,938 bales; in 1880 she produced 955,808 bales,
+ an increase of 69 per cent.
+
+ Here is a very significant fact also with regard to the
+ condition of our laborers in the South, and it shows one of
+ the disadvantages we have had to labor under. During the
+ war, and from the results of the war, nearly all of our
+ live stock was destroyed, a great portion of it was
+ destroyed, which left us after the war without the means of
+ raising our own meat and such supplies at home, and took
+ away from the South a great portion of our wealth, for we
+ know that cattle, hogs &c., increase in arithmetical
+ progress. If you have a hog, this year she bears so many
+ pigs, and in a couple of years those pigs bear so many, and
+ so on. But we were left without live stock. I have here a
+ table which shows, even under those difficulties, the
+ increase in that respect in the Southern States of live
+ stock. These are very significant figures. It is entirely an
+ accident that I happened to get hold of them last night. The
+ live stock of New York in 1870 was 5,286,421; in 1880,
+ 5,422,238, an increase of 2 per cent. In Pennsylvania it was
+ 4,484,748 in 1870; in 1880, 5,255,204, an increase of 17 per
+ cent. In Georgia, in 1870, it was 2,275,137; in 1880,
+ 3,139,101, an increase of 38 per cent. In Alabama it was
+ 1,606,299 in 1870, and in 1880, 2,586,221, an increase of 61
+ per cent, and in Mississippi, in 1870, it was 1,724,295, and
+ in 1880, 2,398,334, an increase of 38 per cent. This shows
+ that with all the disadvantages the South had to contend
+ with of their stock cattle being destroyed, the natural
+ advantages of climate and pasturage, to which I attribute
+ it, existing in the South have enabled them to increase more
+ rapidly their live stock than any other of the States of the
+ Union. That shows clearly the advantages which that country
+ offers for immigration and labor. This is an advantage to
+ labor. As I stated in my written reply to your submitted
+ questions, we work but few white laborers in my section of
+ the country. Why? Because they soon become land-owners with
+ the opportunities which present themselves to them. The
+ white men will not be there more than two or three years
+ before he has bought and paid for his land in almost every
+ instance.
+
+ By the CHAIRMAN:
+
+ Q. And he becomes an employer himself?
+ --A. He becomes an employer himself.
+
+ Q. Does he usually locate upon the plantation lands along
+ the rivers?
+ --A. No, sir; he cannot buy this land, because the planter
+ would not divide a large plantation into tracts; he would
+ not sell off a portion of his land without selling the
+ whole.
+
+ Q. In how large tracts are the plantations held? Just
+ mention the acreage of some of them that you are acquainted
+ with.
+ --A. I would say variously from 500 to 2,500 acres in
+ cultivation.
+
+ Q. How valuable are these plantations per acre?
+ --A. That is a question which cannot be answered definitely
+ except in this way: where a planter owns the land, and he is
+ out of debt, the land is not for sale, because he cannot
+ invest his money in anything that is so profitable; but
+ where a planter's property is mortgaged, and the mortgagee
+ wants to foreclose and will foreclose, and there is not in
+ that country the money which the planter can borrow to
+ relieve himself of his indebtedness, he will probably sell
+ his land at a small excess of his debt in order to save
+ something. You see there is a want of capital in that
+ country, and if a planter is involved, as many planters are
+ and have been ever since the war, he must do the best he
+ can. There are many planters in that country who are nothing
+ but agents of the factors, from the fact that the interest
+ and commissions they pay upon the debt amount to more than
+ the rent for the property, and they hold on to it as a home.
+ Therefore, a planter in that condition will sell at a
+ nominal price, whereas a plantation owned and paid for is
+ not for sale.
+
+ By Mr. PUGH:
+
+ Q. There is really no established market price?
+ --A. None at all, owing to the necessity of the one to sell
+ and the desire of another to buy.
+
+ By the CHAIRMAN:
+
+ Q. At what rates per acre have you known the title to
+ change in some instances?
+ --A. I have known lands to be bought there, including
+ woodlands and cleared lands, at from $20 to $25 an acre,
+ which would be, say, $40 or $50 an acre for the cleared
+ land, and I have known other planters to refuse $80 an acre,
+ cash.
+
+ Q. Do you think that $80 or $100 per acre would be a
+ reasonable price for these plantation lands?
+ --A. They sold before the war for $120 an acre.
+
+ By Mr. CALL:
+
+ Q. You are speaking now of the alluvial lands?
+ --A. I am speaking of the alluvial lands on the Mississippi
+ River, cleared, ready for cultivation, with the improvements
+ existing upon them.
+
+ By the CHAIRMAN:
+
+ Q. Improved plantations?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. Upon what price per acre do you think those lands would
+ pay, one year with another, an interest of 6 per cent?
+ --A. I will best answer that question by the figures of
+ rents which I have given. The rent, without any
+ responsibility attached to the proprietor at all, is from $8
+ to $10 an acre.
+
+ Q. In money?
+ --A. In money. I will say further that I have been living in
+ that country since 1869, and I have never yet known a year
+ when there has not been a sufficient crop made to pay the
+ rent, without a single exception.
+
+ By Mr. CALL:
+
+ Q. What is left to the tenant after he pays this $10 an
+ acre?
+ --A. That land produces on an average 400 pounds of lint
+ cotton to the acre, which at 10 cents a pound is $40.
+
+ By the CHAIRMAN:
+
+ Q. To what extent is Northern capital availing itself of
+ opportunity to invest in these plantations?
+ --A. I might say it is limited.
+
+ Q. From what fact does that arise?
+ --A. From the fact that the safety of investments there is
+ just becoming apparent to capitalists. Capitalists up to
+ this time have been afraid to go to the South, owing to the
+ disturbed condition of affairs politically and this very
+ race-issue question. A man does not want to carry his money
+ down there and put it into a country that might be involved
+ in riots and disturbances. Those questions are now just
+ beginning to settle themselves, and capital is beginning to
+ find its way.
+
+ Q. Do you anticipate in the near or remote future any
+ further difficulty from the race question?
+ --A. Not at all, and if we are left to ourselves things will
+ very soon equalize themselves.
+
+ Q. You are left to yourselves now, are you not?
+ --A. We are now.
+
+ Q. All you ask is to continue to be let alone?
+ --A. Just to be let alone. The South, with her natural
+ resources and advantages of climate and soil, feels that she
+ is perfectly able to take care of herself and her affairs,
+ and all she wants is that the legislation of the country,
+ both Federal and State, should be that which will mete out
+ justice to all her citizens, colored as well as white.
+
+ Q. Does the South feel as though all she had got to do was
+ to take care of herself, or does she feel a little
+ responsibility for the other section of the country?
+ --A. She feels, more immediately now, responsibility for
+ that section, for this reason, that the negro population of
+ the South, compared with the white population of the South,
+ might be a dangerous element, but the negro population,
+ compared with the whole white population of the United
+ States as an integral body, sinks into insignificance.
+ Therefore, the forces which are at work in the South today
+ make us strongly Union. They are directly contrary to what
+ were existing before the war, and there are no people in
+ this Government today who have the same interest in the
+ Federal Union that the people of the Southern States have,
+ and they appreciate it.
+
+ Q. You feel that it is to your advantage that the negro
+ population should be dealt with by the forty or fifty
+ millions of whites, that the races should be balanced in
+ that proportion rather than in the proportion that exists
+ between them and the white population of the South alone?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. The central idea of the South is a national idea, then?
+ --A. The central idea of the South is more a national idea
+ now than it has been in this respect.
+
+ Q. I would use the word "leading" rather than "central"
+ there--the leading idea?
+ --A. We, of course, claim that we want to manage the
+ internal affairs of our States just as much as New York, or
+ New Hampshire, or Massachusetts would want to manage theirs,
+ but that it is necessary for us to have the guidance and
+ protection of the Government: we want it just as much as
+ either of those States.
+
+ Q. Have you traveled considerably through the North?
+ --A. I have.
+
+ Q. What portions of the North have you visited within the
+ last few years?
+ --A. I have visited Philadelphia, New York, Boston,
+ Hartford, and I might say a number of other points in the
+ States of which they are the chief cities.
+
+ Q. While we are speaking of this matter of reciprocal
+ feeling between the sections of country, as you have
+ mentioned the attitude of the South, I should like to know
+ from you, from your personal observation and knowledge, what
+ you find to be that of the North toward the South?
+ --A. I think it is of the kindliest character. I have never
+ in my life been treated with more consideration than I have
+ been by gentlemen in the East who were most opposed to the
+ South during the war.
+
+ Q. I do not refer simply to personal courtesy, but I mean
+ the expression of feeling as between the sections, the
+ general tendency and drift of Northern feeling towards the
+ Southern portions of the country, to the people of the
+ South?
+ --A. I think, so far as I have been able to observe, that
+ the feeling in the East towards the South is a general
+ anxiety for her prosperity. I would go so far as to speak of
+ it as anxiety for her prosperity.
+
+ Q. You think the war of sections is pretty much over?
+ --A. I think it is obliterated, and for that reason I go
+ back to this point, that our prosperity in the South has
+ begun.
+
+ Q. You have described with some minuteness the condition of
+ things among the planters and those who work upon the
+ plantations. I should like to ask this question further,
+ whether any of the negroes along the alluvial bottoms are
+ obtaining ownership of lands in fee-simple?
+ --A. In very few instances in the alluvial lands. When they
+ make enough money to buy a home they generally go to the
+ hill country, where land can be bought at a much more
+ reasonable price.
+
+ Q. With what amount of accumulation will a negro get up and
+ go to the hills?
+ --A. There are negroes right in my section of the country
+ who have an accumulation clear of all expenses of from a
+ thousand to $3,500 a year.
+
+ Q. Do they remain or do they go and buy homesteads for
+ themselves?
+ --A. They probably remain until they accumulate a few
+ thousand dollars, and then go and buy a home. We encourage
+ it, from the fact that we want the others behind to be
+ stimulated to do the same thing. I will say in that
+ connection that the future of the negro of the South is the
+ alluvial lands.
+
+ Q. These plantations?
+ --A. Not only these plantations particularly. What I mean by
+ alluvial lands are the alluvial lands on the coast and the
+ alluvial lands of the Mississippi Valley, the rich lands
+ where the negro relies on his own energy and exertion rather
+ than on his brains. There is an immigration coming into the
+ older States now.
+
+ Q. The older Southern States?
+ --A. The older Southern States. As they come in the negroes
+ gradually give way and go to the richer lands. For instance,
+ one railroad last year brought into the Mississippi Valley
+ over 10,000 negro immigrants.
+
+ Q. From what States?
+ --A. From the Atlantic and Gulf States.
+
+ Q. What became of them?
+ --A. They were scattered along the alluvial lands of the
+ Mississippi Valley. As the negroes of the Mississippi Valley
+ either immigrate from that valley and go in different
+ directions and buy land, the planters of the Mississippi
+ Valley send out to the older States and replace them with
+ labor from those States. A negro in the older States,
+ probably, to make his support would have to cultivate 15 or
+ 20 acres of land, whereas a negro in the Mississippi Valley
+ can make his support on 8 or 10 acres of land.
+
+ Q. Will this result in the ownership of the alluvial lands
+ being transferred to the negro?
+ --A. No, sir; because as he makes money he goes off.
+
+ Q. He is a Chinese immigrant?--A. I mean by "goes off" he
+ does not go out of the State, but he goes to the hills.
+
+ Q. And to smaller ownerships?--A. To smaller ownerships.
+
+ Q. And the aim of the Southern planter is to accommodate
+ this tendency of things to smaller rentings?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. Do you think a plantation is more productive where,
+ under a general supervision by the planter or the owner, it
+ is let out in small sections to the negroes to cultivate, or
+ is it better to cultivate the plantation as a whole?
+ --A. It is better to let it out, as I stated in my written
+ answers. The cotton crop of this country is being raised to
+ such an extent by the small white farmers that the large
+ planter can no longer afford to hire and compete with that
+ class of labor who only expend their own energy;
+ consequently the tendency is to make farmers of the negroes.
+
+ Q. What chance is there of the planter securing white
+ labor to carry on these plantations?
+ --A. There is such a small proportion of white labor in the
+ South that it would be difficult for him to find them, and
+ the tide of foreign immigration is just beginning to be
+ turned in that direction. There has been a prejudice against
+ white emigrants going to the South, on account of going
+ among the negroes.
+
+ Q. Do you think that is diminishing?
+ --A. Diminishing yearly.
+
+ Q. You mean that immigration from Europe is being employed
+ on the plantations?
+ --A. Not exactly upon the large cotton plantations, but the
+ smaller plantations are now being converted into farms. For
+ instance, there has been a large immigration of European
+ emigrants into that section of the country between Little
+ Rock and Fort Smith.
+
+ Q. Do they, upon these farm or small plantations being
+ converted into farms, work in companionship with the negro
+ laborer?
+ --A. No; they generally buy the land and work it themselves;
+ they may hire a negro and work with him; they are laborers
+ themselves.
+
+ Q. Is there any tendency among the white and colored
+ laborers of any class to work in companionship, or to
+ fraternize at all in labor?
+ --A. I cannot say that there is. A white man would not take
+ a negro in as a partner to work with him in the field.
+
+ Q. And will a white man find any difficulty in hiring
+ another white man and negro to work together side by side in
+ the field?
+ --A. No, sir; I have them myself working side by side.
+
+ Q. There is no prejudice of that kind?
+ --A. None at all.
+
+ Q. No white man inquires whether he can work by himself or
+ is to work in company with a negro? Do they exhibit any
+ reluctance to work in company with the negro?
+ --A. The class of white people that work in our country for
+ wages comes from Ohio, and Missouri, and Indiana, and that
+ section of country, and I find there is some prejudice among
+ that class of people sometimes, but still there are
+ instances--as I say, I have men from Indiana now myself
+ hired working right in a gang with negroes.
+
+ Q. There is no strong tendency in that way, I suppose?
+ --A. No strong tendency in that way. There are no white
+ laborers from the South proper; at least the number we can
+ hire for wages is so small that it is not sufficient to call
+ it a class.
+
+ Q. In the Southern States proper about two thirds of the
+ population is white, is it not?
+ --A. I do not recollect. According to the census returns I
+ think there are about seven millions of negroes. The census
+ would give the exact statement.
+
+ Q. Not far from two thirds of the population, I think, is
+ white. In the Gulf States proper at least one half the
+ population must be white. In what way is the white laboring
+ population of the South employed?
+ --A. They are employed as small farmers nearly almost
+ entirely.
+
+ Q. Not to as great extent as mechanics and artisans?
+ --A. I suppose there is a liberal proportion of them to the
+ population; we have to have our artisans and mechanics; but
+ as a rule the white population of the South are small
+ farmers, either owners of the land themselves or tenants.
+
+ Q. How as to their material prosperity and thrift and
+ saving?
+ --A. It varies very much. For instance, take the State of
+ Georgia--and I believe it is admitted that Georgia is one of
+ the most thrifty and prosperous of all the Southern
+ States--I think the small farmers are generally
+ self-sustaining; they raise their own supplies.
+
+ Q. Do these small white farmers employ negro help to any
+ extent?
+ --A. To a certain extent. If a man has more land than his
+ family can work he will hire a negro laborer. There is no
+ prejudice against his doing so either on the part of the
+ farmer hiring him or the negro hired.
+
+ Q. He may hire some white and other colored laborers, I
+ suppose?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. Do they work together?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. How in regard to the value of the hill lands you have
+ spoken of in the State of Arkansas; as compared with the
+ alluvial, what is the difference in value?
+ --A. It is very great. There are farms in Arkansas that can
+ be bought, partially cleared up, and with some improvements
+ upon them, for from $5 to $20 an acre, less than the rent of
+ fair lands on the river. There is no finer section of
+ country in the world--I say that unhesitatingly--for a
+ foreign immigrant, or the immigrant from the East, or from
+ anywhere, than is afforded to-day in Arkansas and Texas.
+
+ Q. And political disturbances are at an end?
+ --A. We apprehend nothing at all; there is no reason why we
+ should.
+
+ Q. You were speaking of the necessity of the education of
+ the laborer of the South, the negro especially. Will you not
+ describe to us the actual condition of the masses of the
+ colored people in the matter of education, to what extent it
+ has progressed, and what facilities and opportunities exist,
+ and what additional are required?
+ --A. It varies in different sections. For instance, Georgia,
+ and Tennessee are probably ahead of any of the Southern
+ States in point of educating the colored people; they have
+ more facilities; they have negro primary schools and
+ colleges where a man is educated. The education that I was
+ speaking of, more particularly for the negro, is a plain
+ English education, sufficient to enable him to read and
+ write.
+
+ Q. What we call up North a common school education?
+ --A. A common school education. I will illustrate that.
+ Suppose a negro comes to me to make a contract that I have
+ written for him, and he cannot read or write. I offer that
+ contract to him, and I read it to him. He touches a pen and
+ signs his mark to it; there is no obligation attached at
+ all. He says at once, "That man is an educated man; he has
+ the advantage of me; he shows me that contract; I do not
+ know what is in it; I cannot even read it." Therefore a
+ contract made with a negro in that way is almost a nullity;
+ but if he could read that contract himself and sign his own
+ name to it, it would be a very different thing. I never
+ allow a negro to sign a written contract with me before he
+ has taken it home with him and had some friend to read it
+ over and consult with him about it, because I want some
+ obligation attached to my contracts.
+
+ Q. It is necessary for you as well as the negro?
+ --A. Necessary for my protection as well as his.
+
+ Q. How many of the negroes on the plantations can
+ comprehend a written contract by reading it, because a man
+ may be somewhat educated and not be able to decipher a
+ contract?
+ --A. I cannot give you an exact proportion, for it varies to
+ a great extent. I can only say that that number is
+ increasing rapidly.
+
+ Q. From what circumstances comes this increase?
+ --A. From their desire to gain knowledge.
+
+ Q. Do you find that desire strong among the colored people?
+ --A. Very strong indeed; and there are two ideas which a
+ negro possesses that give me great hopes for his future. If
+ I did not believe the negro was capable of sufficient
+ development to make him a responsible small farmer, I should
+ not want to remain in the business that I am any longer,
+ because I believe that the development of my business is
+ necessarily based upon the development of the negro and the
+ cultivation of my lands. The negro possesses two remarkable
+ qualifications: one is that he is imitative, and the other
+ is that he has got pride; he wants to dress well; he wants
+ to do as well as anybody else does when you get him aroused,
+ and with these two qualifications I have very great hopes
+ for him in the future.
+
+ Q. What do you think of his intellectual and moral
+ qualities and his capacity for development?
+ --A. There are individual instances I know of where negroes
+ have received and taken a good education. As a class, it
+ would probably be several generations, at any rate, before
+ they would be able to compete with the Caucasian. I believe
+ that the negro is capable of receiving an ordinary English
+ education, and there are instances where they enter
+ professions and become good lawyers. For instance, I know in
+ the town of Greenville, Miss., right across the river from
+ me, a negro attorney, who is a very intelligent man, and I
+ heard one of the leading attorneys in Greenville say he
+ would almost have anybody on the opposite side of a case
+ rather than he would that negro. The sheriff of my county is
+ from Ohio, and a negro, he is a man whom we all support in
+ his office. We are anxious that the negroes should have a
+ fair representation. For instance, you ask for the feeling
+ existing between the proprietor and the negroes. The probate
+ judge of my county is a negro and one of my tenants, and I
+ am here now in New York attending to important business for
+ my county as an appointee of that man. He has upon him the
+ responsibilities of all estates in the county; he is probate
+ judge.
+
+ Q. Is he a capable man?
+ --A. A very capable man, and an excellent, good man, and a
+ very just one.
+
+ Q. Do you see any reason why, with fair opportunities
+ assured to himself and to his children, he may not become a
+ useful and competent, American citizen?
+ --A. We already consider him so.
+
+ Q. The question is settled?
+ --A. I thought you were speaking personally of the man I
+ referred to.
+
+ Q. No; I was speaking of the negro generally--the negro
+ race.
+ --A. Let me understand your question exactly.
+
+ Q. Do you see any reason why the negroes, as a component
+ part of the American population, may not, with a fair
+ chance, come to be useful, industrious, and competent to the
+ discharge of the duties of citizenship?
+ --A. I think they may as a class, but it will take probably
+ generations for them to arrive at that standard.
+
+ Q. It has taken us generations to arrive at the standard,
+ has it not?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. There is some talk about our ancestors having been
+ pirates, I believe. Now, will you state to us what the
+ existing facilities for education are among the negroes?
+ --A. I can only speak as regards Arkansas. Of course I do
+ not know much of the other States. In Arkansas we have in
+ each county a school board. These boards examine and employ
+ teachers. We are taxed for a school fund, from which these
+ teachers are paid.
+
+ Q. What proportion of the colored children attend school,
+ do you think?
+ --A. On my own property there are five schools, and I think
+ the larger portion, I might say nearly all that are capable
+ of going to school, do go to school.
+
+ Q. How many children are there on your own property?
+ --A. I could scarcely form an idea.
+
+ Q. There are five schools?
+ --A. There are five schools, and I should suppose from 300
+ to 500 children.
+
+ Q. Those are educated in public schools?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. I understand you to say that nearly all of them attend?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. For how long a time each year is school kept open?
+ --A. The schools extend all the year except vacation, I
+ think, which is about three months; but a number of the
+ negroes will withdraw their children from school during
+ cotton-picking season, to help them pick the crop.
+
+ Q. Between what ages do they actually attend school?
+ --A. From 6 to 19. I know a great many of them who are going
+ to school who are 17, 18, and 19, who can just begin to read
+ and write a little.
+
+ Q. Do you find any inclination among the older negroes who
+ are past school age to endeavor to read and write?
+ --A. Not very much, but they are anxious their children
+ should, and appeal to them. In almost every instance where a
+ man has a child who can read and write, he will bring him
+ along with him when he makes a contract. They are very proud
+ of their children being able to read and write.
+
+ Q. Are they satisfied, as a rule, with their simply
+ becoming able to read and write, or do they like to have
+ them make a little further progress in mathematics,
+ geography, &c.?
+ --A. As a class they look to them simply to read and write.
+ They think when they have got that far they know everything;
+ but then there are certain ones who have ambition, just as
+ it is with our own race. There are some men who have tastes
+ for literature, and receive a better education than others
+ do, but it is not the same proportion of the negro race of
+ course that it is with our own. There are instances where
+ negroes are also anxious to obtain a collegiate education,
+ and become school teachers.
+
+ Q. I do not know that you are able to state to what extent
+ they actually attend school in the hill districts?
+ --A. I am not.
+
+ Q. You speak both of your own plantation and of other
+ plantations as well as your own in that regard?
+ --A. I am speaking of the alluvial lands along the
+ Mississippi River.
+
+ Q. In Arkansas?
+ --A. Not only in Arkansas, but in Louisiana and Mississippi;
+ I will say the alluvial lands on the Mississippi River
+ between Memphis and Vicksburg.
+
+ Q. Are the negroes on those lands generally having the same
+ opportunities for education that they do on your plantation?
+ --A. Oh, yes, sir; there is a common school system.
+
+ Q. And it is as prevalent in Louisiana and Mississippi as
+ in Arkansas?
+ --A. I think it is.
+
+ Q. What is the nativity of those teachers, as a rule?
+ --A. They are generally colored people from either the East
+ or the Northwest. There are some white teachers, but very
+ few.
+
+ Q. Are any of the white teachers Southern in birth?
+ --A. There is not a white teacher on my own property; they
+ are all colored teachers on my own property. The proportion
+ of white teachers is very small.
+
+ Q. How much do these colored teachers themselves know?
+ --A. Some of them are remarkably well educated.
+
+ Q. And generally earnestly devoted to their work?
+ --A. Perfectly so.
+
+ Q. Or is it simply to get their money?
+ --A. No; I think some of them really have a desire to see
+ their scholars advance.
+
+ Q. Some pride in their race, to have them get on, I
+ suppose?
+ --A. I think there is a certain pride in that respect; and,
+ again, they want to gain a reputation as teachers.
+
+ Q. What compensation does a teacher get?
+ --A. I think about from $50 to $100 a month.
+
+ Q. Do they pay their own expenses, board and shelter?
+ --A. Yes, sir; but board is cheap, merely nominal.
+
+ Q. About what amount?
+ --A. I should say these teachers can get board for $10 a
+ month.
+
+ Q. Is the cost of clothing in your part of the country
+ about the same as here?
+ --A. This is our market.
+
+ Q. You buy the ready-made clothing largely for the
+ population in general, I suppose?
+ --A. We buy both ready-made clothing and cloth to make up.
+
+ Q. I suppose the colored population hardly buy custom
+ goods?
+ --A. A great many of them buy the cloth, and some of their
+ women are as good tailoresses as you would find anywhere.
+ They buy the cloth and make it up themselves.
+
+ Q. That must bring a suit of clothes pretty cheap in a
+ colored family; they really expend nothing but buy the cloth
+ themselves?
+ --A. They sell very good jeans cloth there at 35 or 40 cents
+ a yard; they generally wear jeans.
+
+ Q. All seasons of the year?
+ --A. Generally in all seasons of the year. In the summer
+ time a laboring man hardly ever wears a coat at all.
+
+ Q. What do you think an average colored Southern laborer
+ expends per annum for his clothing, say the head of the
+ family, the man--what does it cost him for clothing a year?
+ --A. I cannot give you a definite answer. I will only say
+ that we who are the producers of cotton are very glad to see
+ them get in a prosperous condition in order that there may
+ be more consumption, and when a man is prosperous he will
+ buy two suits of clothes, where if he is not prosperous he
+ will make one do.
+
+ Q. We have had a good deal of testimony as to what it
+ actually costs a Northern laborer a year for clothing. I
+ have no desire to show that any laborers dress cheaply or
+ poorly; I merely want to get an idea of the relative cost of
+ the laboring man living North or South, in the item of
+ clothing?
+ --A. I can sell and do sell a man a pair of jeans pants and
+ a coat from $7 to $12 per suit.
+
+ Q. How many suits will he want in a year?
+ --A. That will depend on his condition and his ability to
+ pay me. If he is a prosperous man and beginning to
+ accumulate he will make one do. Whenever a negro begins to
+ accumulate he goes to extremes; he does not want to buy
+ anything; he wants to accumulate rapidly. Where a man is not
+ doing so well, and there is little doubt of his ability to
+ pay, he would probably want several suits; but I would
+ confine him to one or two.
+
+ Q. The same is true, I suppose, of his wife and children?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. But you look on the matter of clothing as a much less
+ expensive item in the laborer's account in your country than
+ here in the North where the climate is colder, I suppose?
+ --A. Yes, sir. What absorbs the profit of the laborers with
+ us is their want of providence; that is, if they get surplus
+ money they throw it away for useless articles.
+
+ Q. It has been suggested that a postal savings bank might
+ be a good thing as a place of deposit of the savings of the
+ colored population of the South; they might feel some
+ confidence in an institution of that kind, and that it would
+ be a beneficial thing to them. What is your own judgment?
+ --A. I advocate it and approve it, and indeed propose to
+ start a savings bank in our own neighborhood. In this
+ connection I will mention another important feature. In the
+ Mississippi Valley--and when I speak of the Mississippi
+ Valley I mean both sides of the river, Arkansas and
+ Louisiana on one side and Mississippi on the other--there
+ are numbers of negroes who have considerable accumulations
+ and use their surplus to advance to other negroes. For
+ instance, there are negroes right on our property who have
+ accumulated enough to help out certain others, as they
+ express it, and they use their money as an investment in
+ that way. For instance one negro who has got something will
+ advance it to another negro and take a mortgage on his crop.
+ Consequently there are numbers of them who are getting
+ advances from their co-laborers, and I always give them that
+ opportunity when they want it. My idea of the adjustment in
+ the Mississippi Valley, seeing what I can make from the
+ mercantile portion of my business, is that it is simply my
+ revenue that I get from the rent of my land as an investment
+ on my capital; and whenever a negro can get his own merchant
+ in New Orleans--a number of them have very good factors in
+ New Orleans and ship their cotton direct--I encourage it.
+ When one negro wants to help out another, I give him the
+ privilege of doing it and encourage it. There are several
+ negroes, a great many, not a few in Chicot County to-day who
+ have their own factors in New Orleans, ship their own goods,
+ and receive their own accounts of sales.
+
+ Q. They are not owners of alluvial lands?
+ --A. They are not owners at all; they are tenants.
+
+ Q. I suppose some time they will be liable to make some
+ accumulations, and they will now and then own a plantation?
+ --A. I do know of one instance on the river below Vicksburg
+ where the old property of Mr. Davis was bought by a former
+ slave of his.
+
+ Q. Is that the only instance?
+ --A. The only instance I know of.
+
+ Q. One question we have been accustomed to put is as to the
+ actual personal feeling that exists between the laborers and
+ capitalists of different parts of the country. What is the
+ feeling between the laborers, colored and white, and the
+ owners of the land and of capital at the South?
+ --A. I confine my replies to my own section, because I am
+ not familiar with the others. I have answered that question
+ in the written answers. The feeling is harmonious and good,
+ as I have expressed it there. The negro naturally looks to
+ the planter for advice and for assistance, and the planter
+ looks to his laborers for the development of his property.
+ Consequently their interests are identical and their
+ feelings good.
+
+ Q. You have alluded once or twice to the pressure of
+ outside, and I suppose Northern, opinion; I assume that you
+ mean political opinion in the past and the desirability that
+ it should cease. What is the fact as to a progressive
+ disintegration of the solid Republican or solid negro vote
+ of the South? What are the chances of its dividing, and of
+ the white vote dividing? We hear now of a "solid South,"
+ colored on the one side and white on the other. What
+ prospect is there of a division in that regard; to what
+ extent does it exist, or is it going on?
+ --A. The negroes of the South are already divided in their
+ votes. There are a great many who vote with the proprietors
+ of the properties. There are instances where they vote with
+ what they call their Republican friends. A few years ago in
+ the South any man who was an escaped convict from one of
+ your penitentiaries here who would come down to that country
+ and tell the negroes that he was one of General Grant's
+ soldiers, and fought to free him, would vote the last one
+ out; but any of those negroes would come to me at that very
+ time with his money and get me to save it for him, and take
+ care of it for him. He would put all his confidence in me so
+ far as his money was concerned, but when it would come to
+ politics he would vote with this man, who probably did not
+ own the coat he had on his back. Those kind of inferences
+ were what did do us in the South very material damage. Let
+ me illustrate that by a riot in my own county. In Chicot
+ County, in 1872, there was a proposition to impose upon the
+ county a railroad tax of $250,000 for the purpose of
+ building a railroad.
+
+ Q. What proportion of the taxable property of the county
+ would that have been?
+ --A. Our whole assessed valuation was about $1,500,000 at
+ that time. This was brought out by a promise that if the
+ appropriation was made, the levees on our river should be
+ built and this road would run on the levees. At that time
+ the whole of the local government in Chicot County was in
+ the hands of men who did not own any property in the county,
+ and had just come down there and been elected by the
+ negroes, who have a very large majority in that county. This
+ tax was a very great imposition upon us. At that time there
+ was a negro attorney at Lake Village, who was one of the
+ prime movers in this thing. The planters knew that this was
+ only intended as a speculation upon the county, for the vote
+ was afterwards taken, the appropriation was made, and not
+ one foot of levee was put up, and not one foot of that
+ railroad was built in Chicot County. Still we are mandamused
+ now for the interest on that debt that was put on us by that
+ kind of influence. One of our planters was remonstrating
+ with this negro attorney about this debt and told him it was
+ an imposition on the property owners, and that the thing
+ ought not to be done, when the man became violent and
+ insolent, and it resulted in a difficulty between this
+ planter and the negro. The planter had a little pen-knife in
+ his pocket, the blade not longer than my little finger; he
+ struck the negro with it and it happened accidentally to hit
+ him on a vital point and killed him. The sheriff of the
+ county was a negro. The planter, with two innocent parties
+ in whose house this occurrence took place at the
+ county-seat, in Lake Village, was arrested and lodged in
+ jail. A few days afterwards--probably not more than two or
+ three--nearly every negro in the county was summoned to
+ Lake Village, and they rose like so many locusts, coming in
+ from every direction, took those three men out of jail shot
+ them to pieces, murdered them. It was such an outrage that
+ the people from Memphis and Vicksburg and from the hill
+ countries, commenced to come in there with companies,
+ started down with companies. On investigation we found out
+ that the sheriff of the county had exercised his authority
+ to send out to the ignorant negroes of the county and summon
+ them to the village, and these fellows went because they
+ were afraid not to obey the mandate of the sheriff. At that
+ time feeling was running very high, and these people were
+ anxious to come in and quell this riot, but a few of us who
+ were more prudent, a few of the leading planters of the
+ county, got together, sent these different companies word
+ not to come there, that we did not want them in the county;
+ some of the companies were already on their way to Chicot
+ County, thinking the people there were going to be
+ massacred. A great many of our people had to run away from
+ their homes for several days; but we took the ground that we
+ would let the thing take its natural course. As soon as
+ things quieted down, which they did so partially in three or
+ four days, some of our gentlemen who had gone off with their
+ families returned, and it resulted in our arresting a few of
+ the ringleaders in the county. The courts and the
+ administration were all at that time in the hands of persons
+ not identified with the interests of the county, and it was
+ impossible for us to get justice meted out. We saved a
+ massacre of the negroes of the county, but we never could
+ bring those men to any kind of punishment before the courts,
+ and finally we came to a compromise with them, that if they
+ would leave the county we would withdraw the suit against
+ them, and that was the way the thing was ended. Now, I do
+ not believe you could get up a riot in Chicot County because
+ I think there are many intelligent negroes there who would
+ not permit it. Those are the kind of race issues that I
+ referred to. Relieve us of that sort of thing, and leave our
+ government to ourselves and our people, and give to the
+ negro the same protection the white man has, but do not give
+ him any more. Do not let him feel that he has the United
+ States Government standing behind him, and that he is the
+ child of the United States Government to be taken care of,
+ but that he must rely on his own resources and energy for
+ his living, and time will solve the question, and the demand
+ for his labor will protect him.
+
+ Q. Do you find that the feeling among the negroes which
+ resulted in the exodus of a few years ago has been allayed
+ and perhaps has disappeared?
+ --A. I will tell you something that is rather amusing about
+ that. The first that I heard of a negro exodus in my section
+ of the country--it was to Kansas--was my manager coming into
+ my room one morning and saying that the negroes were going
+ out to the river to go to Kansas. I said, "It is several
+ miles to the river; how are they going?" Said he, "They are
+ toting their things out on their heads." Said I, "Go right
+ at once there and offer them the wagons on the plantation to
+ haul the things. What is the matter?" Said he, "I don't
+ know; I went out this morning and summoned the hands to the
+ field, but they say they are all going to Kansas." I got on
+ my horse and rode out and met a negro who had been my
+ engineer. I said to him, "What is the matter, where are you
+ all going?" He stopped right on the road and said, "Mr.
+ Calhoun, you never have deceived me, and I am going to tell
+ you what is the matter. There were two men came through here
+ last week, one night, and said 'You see this picture?' There
+ is a picture of a farm in Kansas for me that General Grant
+ has bought out there for me. That is so because my name is
+ on the back of it, and here is my ticket; that carries me to
+ Kansas." Said I, "Let me see it." He showed me a piece of
+ pasteboard that had printed on it "Good for one trip to
+ Kansas." Said I, "What did you pay him for this?" He said,
+ "We paid him $2 a piece." "How many of you are in this
+ thing?" "Over eighty of us are in this thing." Said I, "That
+ man then swindled you out of $160; he is an imposter; there
+ is no farm bought for you in Kansas." I saw that the time
+ for me to remonstrate with them was not then; they were on
+ their way to the Mississippi River, and I let them all go.
+ After they got out there I went and expostulated with them;
+ told them of the difference in climate, soil, and everything
+ else that they were accustomed to, and that if they went
+ there many of them would lose their families and children.
+ They would not listen to me. They went on to the river bank,
+ and those negroes who went out there owed me over $109,000.
+
+ Q. How many of them were there? Eighty I think you said?
+ --A. There were 80, I think. Once, I suppose, there were 150
+ negroes, perhaps more, on the bank of the river. They were
+ not at a regular landing. They went out to the intermediate
+ points where a boat would not be compelled to land. We
+ notified all the boats coming up the river not to land at
+ this point. I did not want these negroes to go off, being
+ satisfied that they were going to their ruin if they did;
+ that they were leaving comfortable homes; many of them had
+ sold their mules or given them away at a mere sacrifice. One
+ negro sold a mule worth $150 for $15 to get off. They opened
+ their potato-houses, they opened their corn-cribs and
+ scattered the corn, giving it away to everybody that would
+ offer them five cents a bushel. I had given two of these
+ people a piece of land, the productions of all of which
+ they were to have for bringing it into cultivation and
+ improving it. Knowing the negro nature as I do, and knowing
+ that he would not want anybody to derive the benefit of
+ something that he thought he was entitled to, I got two
+ white men in the county to come and offer me to take this
+ piece of land and cultivate it on shares with me, giving me
+ one half its product, whereas with them I was entitled to
+ nothing. As soon as those two fellows found out that I had
+ made a good bargain for their land they went back home from
+ the river bank, and as soon as they went back all the rest
+ followed. Then I called the whole plantation up and told
+ them to appoint two representatives and that I would send
+ them to Kansas at my own expense to examine into this matter
+ and report to them. These two men went to Kansas, came back,
+ and reported the true condition of affairs; and now if what
+ they call in that country "a poor white man"--the negro's
+ expression--goes through the country and says "Kansas," they
+ almost want to mob him. That was the result of the Kansas
+ movement.
+
+ Q. What has become of those who went to Kansas?
+ --A. Many of them have returned and many have died; numbers
+ of them have died. Quite a large number went to Washington
+ County Mississippi, just opposite me.
+
+ Q. From time to time, at Washington, efforts are being made
+ to secure public lands in the Territories, the Indian
+ Territory and elsewhere, for the purpose of colonizing such
+ tracts with negroes. Do you think there is any sort of
+ occasion for that?
+ --A. None in the world. If the alluvial lands on the
+ Mississippi River were protected from overflow and brought
+ into a condition where they could be cultivated they would
+ afford all the homes, and of the best character, that the
+ negroes could possibly want in the South, and the natural
+ tendency is to come to just such lands.
+
+ Q. And the negroes prefer to be there to anywhere else?
+ --A. Those that come, I notice, never go back.
+
+ Q. You suggested the improvement of the levees. What is the
+ necessity, and in what degree is it difficult for those
+ residing along the river banks to protect themselves?
+ --A. I am the president of the levee board of Chicot County.
+ The plan which has been suggested by the Mississippi River
+ Commission and Mr. Eads, as their chief engineer, is
+ unquestionably the correct one for the improvement of the
+ Mississippi River. We know this not only from theory, but
+ from long experience with the river, those of us who have
+ lived there. The Mississippi River being, as it is generally
+ termed, the "Father of Waters," and passing through several
+ States, it is almost a national system, and it would be
+ impossible for any system to be adopted by the States which
+ would be local. Consequently it is imperatively the duty of
+ the Government of the United States to take care of the
+ improvement of the Mississippi River. There are certain
+ sections of the Mississippi River that are naturally above
+ overflow, made so by cut-offs. The fall of the Mississippi
+ River is about four inches to the mile. Consequently, when
+ there is one of those large bends, where the river runs
+ around where the cut-off is, no increase of water is needed.
+ The fall being four inches to the mile, the lands just above
+ the cut-off are made higher and above overflow, whereas just
+ below, the lands are overflowed or become liable to
+ overflow. The improvement of the Mississippi River itself
+ for commercial purposes, as well as the protection of the
+ lands, is dependent upon the building of the levees, for the
+ levees of course confine the water within its banks, and
+ give not only a greater volumn of water, but greater
+ velocity for scouring purposes, which scours out the sand
+ bars that are formed continually on the river. Captain
+ Eads's plan of forming jetties where the banks cave, saves
+ this deposit, as it were, in the water, which makes the sand
+ bars. A mattress is put against the caving banks which
+ prevents the alluvial land caving into the river which forms
+ the sand bars below. Then the increased volumn and increased
+ velocity of the water wash out the channel, and improve it
+ for commercial purposes, answering the object of protecting
+ the land, and at the same time opening that immense channel
+ for commerce.
+
+ Again, there are very important lines of railroad that are
+ being built up and down either bank of the Mississippi
+ River, and it is necessary they should be protected for
+ commercial purposes, as well as that the Mississippi River
+ should be improved for commercial purposes, and they can
+ only be protected by the building of levees. We who have
+ been on the river, and who feel that we are familiar with
+ it, have closely watched the course of the Commission, and I
+ can only say, as an expression of the opinion of the people,
+ that we indorse what the Commission are doing.
+
+ Q. And desire still more of it?
+ --A. Yes, sir; it is absolutely necessary. What has already
+ been expended by the Government would be absolutely useless
+ unless additional appropriations are made to complete the
+ work. I would like to call your attention to this point. The
+ Atchafalaya, in Louisiana, is a stream which runs from just
+ about the mouth of Red River into the Gulf of Mexico. The
+ fall from the mouth of the Atchafalaya and Red River to the
+ Gulf of Mexico is very much greater than the fall from the
+ mouth of Red River to the Gulf by way of New Orleans down
+ the Mississippi River. A few years ago the Atchafalaya was a
+ stream which could be waded across, but owing to the current
+ gradually going through it, it commenced to wash out until
+ now it has got to be a stream 100 feet deep.
+
+ Q. Is there or not any perceptible increase or diminution
+ of the column of the Mississippi itself as compared with 25,
+ or 50, or 100 years ago?
+ --A. We think that our waters are higher now than they have
+ ever been before.
+
+ Q. Greater extremes, or is there a uniform flow?
+ --A. A larger uniform flow, and it is attributed to the
+ destruction of the forests, though that is mere theory. One
+ of the arguments, at any rate, is that it is owing to the
+ destruction of the forests in the Northwest, which causes
+ more rain storms and gives a larger rainfall.
+
+ Q. I have heard the idea advanced that the destruction of
+ the woods and timber about the headwaters would, in case of
+ rain, lead to a more rapid deposit in the stream, it would
+ not be held back by the swampy nature of the soil, and so
+ you might have more sudden rises and falls in the river than
+ formerly without the volume of water or the uniform flow
+ being increased or lessened?
+ --A. I think--at least I have heard it so expressed by men
+ experienced on the river--that the flow of the Mississippi
+ River is greater now than it was formerly.
+
+ Q. That one year with another, more water runs down the
+ channel?
+ --A. We can see a slight increase of the water of the
+ Mississippi River. I do not know how it may increase in the
+ future, or if it will at all, but that is the opinion of
+ people there now. The point I want to call your attention to
+ specifically is the necessity for the prevention of the
+ water of the Red River going down through the Atchafalaya,
+ for if the Atchafalaya washes out it leaves New Orleans, a
+ large commercial city, upon, as it were, an inland sea. The
+ waters which overflow from the banks of the Mississippi
+ River on the front of Arkansas go over into the Red River
+ and never come back into the Mississippi River any more
+ until they come out at the mouth of the Red River. Just at
+ the mouth of Red River, and before Red River reaches the
+ Mississippi, is the Atchafalaya. So that all of this
+ overflow water that could be kept in the Mississippi River
+ by building the levees on the front of Arkansas, now goes
+ into Red River and helps to wash out the Atchafalaya, which
+ will ruin the city of New Orleans if that is not prevented.
+ It is a very strong commercial point, for the commerce of
+ New Orleans is a matter to be considered in our affairs.
+
+ Q. I suppose there is no doubt that the Atchafalaya
+ furnishes an outlet, which relieves your plantations very
+ much?
+ --A. No, sir; it does not affect where I live at all.
+
+ Q. Below the Red River, in Louisiana, is it not a relief in
+ case of an overflow?
+ --A. A partial relief; but in Louisiana, when you get down
+ that far, they pretty much have their system of levees
+ built, which protect the sugar district; there are only
+ probably a few gaps; and the Mississippi River, when it gets
+ that far down, does not rise in the same proportion that it
+ does where I live, 500 miles above. The mouth of the
+ Atchafalaya is 500 miles below where I am.
+
+ Q. Has this increased drainage from the Atchafalaya
+ resulted in any injury to the navigation of the river as far
+ north?
+ --A. Not as yet; but if it is not stopped--the commission
+ realize the fact I am now telling you--if it is not checked,
+ the whole Mississippi River will naturally turn through the
+ Atchafalaya, because the fall is so much greater.
+
+ Q. How do they propose to check it?
+ --A. That is a matter the commission and scientific
+ engineers would have to decide.
+
+ Q. Can they block it at the outlet of the Red River?
+ --A. They propose to check it principally by stopping the
+ water from the Mississippi River that goes into the Red
+ River. There would in that way be an enormous quantity of
+ water kept out of Red River. That would be one method. What
+ the engineers would consider sufficient or necessary to be
+ done, of course I would not venture to express an opinion
+ upon.
+
+ Q. What danger is there to the large mass of capital
+ invested in these alluvial lands, unless something is done
+ to prevent the overflows of which you speak?
+ --A. The lands that are now liable to overflow are almost
+ entirely abandoned.
+
+ Q. To how large an extent are they now abandoned?
+ --A. Taking in the whole of Mississippi Valley proper, from
+ Memphis down.
+
+ Q. Has there been any computation or reasonable estimate
+ that you know of the value of those lands affected by the
+ overflow?
+ --A. I have never heard of it; but I will say that those
+ lands which are liable to overflow now, if brought into
+ cultivation, are just as valuable as any we are cultivating;
+ probably more so, because they have the alluvial deposits
+ upon them. There is a deposit there from 3 to 4 inches.
+
+ Q. You have no idea of the extent of those lands?
+ --A. I cannot give you the proportion. I will simply say it
+ is a very large proportion.
+
+ Q. A third, or a half, or a quarter?
+ --A. More than a half. I saw it estimated some time ago, at
+ least I will give it as a statement published in the
+ _Planters' Journal_, published in Vicksburgh, that there are
+ thirteen counties on the Mississippi River which, if all
+ cleared up and put into cultivation, are capable of
+ producing the entire cotton crop of the United States, and I
+ have heard the question discussed.
+
+ Q. What prevents their being cleared up and put into
+ cultivation?
+ --A. Simply the overflow.
+
+ Q. Have they ever been cleared as yet?
+ --A. A great portion of them; and now destroyed because the
+ levee system is not complete. On these lands all the negro
+ labor which is not found profitable on the poorer lands in
+ the older States, could be made extremely profitable, not
+ only to the proprietors of the lands, but to the laborers
+ themselves.
+
+ Q. Do you think it would be within limit to say that one
+ half of the alluvial plantation lands, such as you have
+ described in Arkansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana, is now
+ practically destroyed by reason of this overflow occasioned
+ by the destruction of the levee system?
+ --A. Yes, sir.
+
+ Q. At least one half?
+ --A. At least one half of that which has been in
+ cultivation, and which can be brought into cultivation.
+
+ Q. Of that which is thus useless now, what portion has been
+ formerly under cultivation?
+ --A. It would be impossible for any one to form an estimate,
+ because it is so varied.
+
+ Q. The amount of land that has been improved and which is
+ now destroyed by reason of the overflow, you cannot state?
+ --A. I cannot state it accurately; I will state it
+ approximately; I should say at least one third.
+
+ Q. One third of the entire amount that has been improved is
+ now destroyed by reason of the overflow, resulting from
+ imperfections in the levee system?
+ --A. Yes, sir; that is what I mean to say.
+
+ Q. And of that which has not been improved but might be
+ improved, how much?
+ --A. At least half.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+As I have devoted some space to the general condition of labor in the
+whole country, and as some of my statements and conclusions may be
+looked upon as extravagant, I deem it very pertinent to add to the
+appendix a portion of the testimony of Dr. R. Heber Newton, given
+before Senator Blair's Committee on the "_Relations between Capital
+and Labor_," in New York City, September 18, 1883 (Vol. II., p. 535).
+Dr. Newton is recognized as a clear thinker and a ready writer not
+only on theological but on economic questions as well. His testimony
+on the points to which I have asked attention was as follows:
+
+ A LABOR QUESTION COMING
+
+ The broad fact that the United States census of 1870
+ estimated the average annual income of our wage-workers at a
+ little over $400 per capita, and that the census of 1880
+ estimates it at a little over $300 per capita, is the quite
+ sufficient evidence that there is a labor question coming
+ upon us in this country. The average wages of 1870
+ indicated, after due allowance for the inclusion of women
+ and children, a mass of miserably paid labor--that is, of
+ impoverished and degraded labor. The average wages of 1880
+ indicated that this mass of semi-pauperized labor is rapidly
+ increasing, and that its condition has become 25 per cent
+ worse in ten years. The shadow of the old-world
+ _proletariat_ is thus seen to be stealing upon our shores.
+ It is for specialists in political economy to study this
+ problem in the light of the large social forces that are
+ working such an alarming change in our American society. In
+ the consensus of their ripened judgment we must look for the
+ authoritative solution of this problem. I am not here to
+ assume that role. I have no pet hobby to propose, warranted
+ to solve the whole problem without failure. I do not believe
+ there is any such specific yet out. * * *
+
+
+ I
+
+ THE FAULTS OF LABOR
+
+ Plainly, labor's fault must be found with itself.
+
+ 1. Leaving upon one side the class of skilled labor, a
+ large proportion of our wage-workers are notoriously
+ inefficient. In the most common tasks one has to watch the
+ average workingman in order to prevent his bungling a job.
+ Hands are worth little without some brains; as in the work
+ done, so in the pay won. Our labor is quite as largely
+ uninterested--having no more heart than brains back of the
+ hands. Work is done mechanically by most workingmen, with
+ little pride in doing it well, and little ambition to be
+ continually doing it better.
+
+ 2. There is too commonly as little sense of identity with
+ the employer's interests, or of concern that any equivalent
+ in work should be rendered for the pay received. In forms
+ irritating beyond expression employers are made to feel that
+ their employees do not in the least mind wasting their
+ material, injuring their property, and blocking their
+ business in the most critical moments. Under what possible
+ system, save in a grievous dearth of laborers, can such
+ labor be well off, and incompetence and indifference draw
+ high wages?
+
+ 3. Our labor is for the most part very thriftless. In the
+ purchase and in the preparation of food--the chief item of
+ expense in the workingman's family and that wherein economic
+ habits count for most--men and women are alike improvident.
+ The art of making money go the farthest in food is
+ comparatively unknown. Workingmen will turn up their noses
+ at the fare on which a Carlyle did some of the finest
+ literary work of our century. I remember some time ago
+ speaking to one of our butchers, who told me that workingmen
+ largely ordered some of his best cuts. Now an ample supply
+ of nutritious food is certainly essential for good work,
+ whether of the brain or of the brawn. The advance of labor
+ is rightly gauged, among other ways, by its increasing
+ consumption of wheat and meat, but the nutritiousness of
+ meat is not necessarily dependent upon its being from the
+ finest cut. I should like to see all men eating "French"
+ chops and porter-house steaks if they could afford it; but
+ when I know the average wages of our workingmen and the cost
+ of living on the simplest possible scale, it is discouraging
+ to learn such a fact as that which I have mentioned, since
+ all the elements of necessary sustenance can be had in so
+ much cheaper forms. * * *
+
+ 4. Labor must fault itself further, on the ground of its
+ lack of power of combination and of its defective methods in
+ combination. It has been by combination that the middle
+ class has arisen, and by it that capital has so wonderfully
+ increased. The story of the Middle Ages, familiar to us all,
+ is the story of the rise of the industrial class by
+ combination in guilds. Labor's numbers, now a hindrance,
+ might thus become a help. In a mob men trample upon each
+ other; in an army they brace each other to the charge of
+ victory.
+
+ Trades-unions represent the one effective form of
+ combination won by American labor. Trades-unions need no
+ timid apologists. Their vindication is in the historic tale
+ of the successful advances which they have won for
+ workingmen. Called into being to defend labor against
+ legislation in the interests of capital, in the days when to
+ ask for an advance in wages led to workingmen's being thrown
+ into prison, they have in England led on to the brilliant
+ series of reforms which mark our century, as told so well in
+ the articles by Mr. Howell (_The Nineteenth Century_ for
+ October, 1882) and by Mr. Harrison (_The Contemporary
+ Review_ for October, 1883). Doubtless they have committed
+ plenty of follies, and are still capable of stupid tyrannies
+ that only succeed in handicapping labor, in alienating
+ capital, and in checking productivity--that is, in lessening
+ the sum total of divisible wealth. Such actions are
+ inevitable in the early stages of combination on the part of
+ uneducated men, feeling a new sense of power, and striking
+ blindly out in angry retaliation for real or fancied
+ injuries.
+
+ Trades-unions are gradually, however, outgrowing their
+ crude methods. The attempts, such as we have seen lately,
+ of great corporations to break them up, is a piece of
+ despotism which ought to receive an indignant rebuke from
+ the people at large. Labor must combine, just as capital has
+ combined, in forming these very corporations. Labor's only
+ way of defending its interests as a class is through
+ combination. It is the abuse and not the use of
+ trades-unions against which resistance should be made.
+
+ The chief abuse of our trades-unions has been their
+ concentration of attention upon the organization of strikes.
+
+ Strikes seem to me in our present stage of the
+ "free-contract" system entirely justifiable when they are
+ really necessary. Workingmen have the right to combine in
+ affixing a price at which they wish to work. The supply of
+ labor and the demand for goods, in the absence of higher
+ considerations, will settle the question as to whether they
+ can get the increase. The trying features of this method of
+ reaching a result are incidental to our immature industrial
+ system. Strikes have had their part to play in the
+ development of that system. We note their failures and
+ forget their successes; but they have had their signal
+ success, and have won substantial advantages for labor.
+ Their chief service, however, has been in teaching
+ combination, and in showing labor the need of a better
+ weapon by which to act than the strike itself.
+
+ The strike requires long practice and great skill to wield
+ it well. Practice in it is more costly than the experiments
+ at Woolwich. Mr. Dolles, in his new work on political
+ economy, gives some statistics which abundantly illustrate
+ the folly of strikes, although he only gives one side of the
+ case, namely, the losses which fall directly upon the
+ laborers themselves. If to these were added the losses of
+ capitalists, the aggregate would become colossal. In 1829
+ the Manchester spinners struck, and lost $1,250,000 in wages
+ before the dispute was at an end. The next year their
+ brethren at Ashton and Stayleybridge followed their example
+ in striking and in losing $1,250,000. In 1833 the builders
+ of Manchester forfeited $360,000 by voluntary idleness. In
+ 1836 the spinners of Preston threw away $286,000. Eighteen
+ years afterward their successor, seventeen thousand strong,
+ slowly starved through thirty-six weeks and paid $1,200,000
+ for the privilege. In 1853 the English iron-workers lost
+ $12,000 by a strike. Such losses marked, too, the strikes of
+ the London builders in 1860, and tailors in 1868, and the
+ northern iron-workers in 1865. The strike of the Belfast
+ linen-weavers, which was ended a few weeks since by the
+ mediation of the British Association for the Advancement of
+ Science, cost the operatives $1,000,000.
+
+ The cost of strikes is expressible only in the aggregate of
+ the savings of labor consumed in idleness, of the loss to
+ the productivity of the country, of the disturbance of the
+ whole mechanism of exchange, and of the injury wrought upon
+ the delicate social organization by the strain thus placed
+ upon it. The famous Pittsburgh strike is estimated to have
+ cost the country ten millions of dollars. When so costly a
+ weapon is found to miss far more often than it hits, it is
+ altogether too dear. * * *
+
+ Trades-unions in this country seem to me to be gravely at
+ fault in clinging to such an obsolete weapon. They should
+ have turned their attention to our modern improvement upon
+ this bludgeon.
+
+ Arbitration is a far cheaper and more effective instrument
+ of adjusting differences between capital and labor--a far
+ more likely means of securing a fair increase of wages. It
+ places both sides to the controversy in an amicable mood,
+ and is an appeal to the reason and conscience--not wholly
+ dead in the most soulless corporation. It costs next to
+ nothing. It is already becoming a substitute for strikes in
+ England, where the trades-unions are adopting this new
+ weapon. * * *
+
+ Trades-unions ought, among us, to emulate the wisdom of
+ European workingmen, and use their mechanism to organize
+ forms of association which should look not alone to winning
+ higher wages but to making the most of existing wages, and
+ ultimately to leading the wage-system into a higher
+ development. The provident features of the English
+ trades-unions are commonly overlooked, and yet it is
+ precisely in these provident features that their main
+ development has been reached. Mr. George Howell shows that a
+ number of societies, which he had specially studied, had
+ spent in thirty years upward of $19,000,000 through their
+ various relief-funds, and $1,369,455 only on strikes. Mr.
+ Harrison speaks of seven societies spending in one year
+ (1879) upward of $4,000,000 upon their members out of work.
+ He shows that seven of the great societies spent in 1882
+ less than 2 per cent of their income on strikes; and states
+ that 99 per cent of union funds in England "have been
+ expended in the beneficent work of supporting workmen in bad
+ times, in laying by a store for bad times, and saving the
+ country from a crisis of destitution and strife."
+
+ Trades-unions ought to be doing for our workingmen what
+ trades-unions have already done in England. * * * It has
+ been by the power of combination among the workingmen,
+ developed through the trades-unions, that this long list of
+ beneficent legislation--factory acts, mines-regulation acts,
+ education acts, tenant-right acts, employers' liability
+ acts, acts against "truck," acts against cruelty to animals,
+ etc.--has been secured. It has been wrested from reluctant
+ parliaments by the manifestations of strength on the part of
+ the laboring classes. * * *
+
+ Our trades unions ought to be the means of securing one of
+ the great necessities of labor in this country--accurate and
+ generally diffused information concerning the state of the
+ labor-market. Were there any thorough combination in
+ existence on the part of these unions in hard times, there
+ could be diffused through the great centers of labor in the
+ East regular reports of the labor-market in the different
+ local centers of the country, such as would guide workingmen
+ in their search for opportunities of work. * * *
+
+ Another action that our labor unions might take in the
+ interest of the workingmen is in the development of
+ co-operation. The story of European co-operation is one of
+ the most encouraging tales of our modern industrial world.
+ Germany, for example, had in 1877 some 2,830 credit
+ societies; of which 806 reported 431,216 members; advances
+ for the year, in loans to their members, $375,000,000, with
+ a loss of one mark to every 416 thalers, or 23-4/5 cents on
+ every $297--an indication of soundness in their financial
+ operations that many capitalistic corporations might well
+ envy. The rapid growth of these societies is bringing the
+ omnipotence of credit to the aid of the workingmen in
+ Germany.
+
+ We have within the past decade had a most encouraging
+ growth of a somewhat similar form of co-operation in the
+ building and loan associations, which are now estimated to
+ number probably about 8,000 in the nation, with a membership
+ of 450,000, and an aggregated capital of $75,000,000.
+
+ The co-operative stores have reached a wonderful
+ development in England, with most beneficent results. There
+ were 765 stores reporting to the congress in 1881, which
+ showed aggregate sales of $65,703,990, with profits of
+ $435,000; while Scotland reported 226 stores in the same
+ year, representing sales of $17,423,170, and profits of
+ $113,665.
+
+ Against this showing our workingmen have comparatively
+ little to offer. We have, it is true, had a great deal more
+ of experimenting in co-operative distribution than is
+ ordinarily supposed. Co-operative stores began among us
+ between 1830 and 1840. The Workingmen's Protective Union
+ developed a great many stores at this time, which together
+ did a business in their best days ranging from $1,000,000 to
+ $2,000,000 per annum. In the decade 1860-70 there was an
+ extensive revival of co-operative stores; plans for
+ wholesale agencies being even discussed. A few of these
+ earlier stores still live. Two great national orders have
+ arisen, seeking to build up co-operative stores, among other
+ aims.
+
+ The Grangers had in 1876 twenty State purchasing agencies,
+ three of which did a business annually of $200,000, and one
+ of which did an annual business of $1,000,000. They claimed
+ to have, about the same time, five steamboat or packet
+ lines, fifty societies for shipping goods, thirty-two grain
+ elevators, twenty-two warehouses for storing goods. In 1876
+ one hundred and sixty Grange stores were recorded. In he
+ same year it was officially stated that "local stores are in
+ successful operation all over the country."
+
+ The Sovereigns of Industry also developed co-operative
+ distribution largely. In 1877 President Earle reported that
+ "ninety-four councils, selected from the whole, report a
+ membership of 7,273, and with an average capital of only
+ $884 did a business last year of $1,089,372.55. It is safe
+ to assume that the unreported sales will swell the amount to
+ at least $3,000,000."
+
+ There have been numerous stores started apart from these
+ orders. The finest success won is by the Philadelphia
+ Industrial Co-operative Society. Starting in 1875 with one
+ store, it has now six stores. Its sales for the quarter
+ ending February 18, 1882, were $51,413.63. A considerable
+ increase of interest in such stores marks the opening of our
+ decade. Stores are starting up in various parts of the
+ country. The Grangers claim to have now hundreds of
+ co-operative stores, upon the Rochdale plan, in successful
+ operation. Texas reports officially (1881) seventy-five
+ co-operative societies connected with this order. * * *
+
+ We had an epoch of brilliant enthusiasm over co-operative
+ agriculture in 1840-50, but little has been left from it.
+ One form of agricultural co-operation, a lower form, has
+ been astonishingly successful--the cheese-factories and
+ creameries. It is estimated that there are now 5,000 of them
+ in the country. In co-operative manufactures we have had
+ many experiments, but few successes, from 1849 onward.
+ Massachusetts reported twenty-five co-operative
+ manufactories in 1875. All of them, however, were small
+ societies.
+
+ Now, co-operation has its clearly marked limitations. It is
+ of itself no panacea for all the ills that labor is heir to.
+ But it can ameliorate some of the worst of those ills. It
+ can effect great savings for our workingmen, and can secure
+ them food and other necessaries of the best quality. If
+ nothing further arises, the spread of co-operation may
+ simply induce a new form of competition between these big
+ societies; but no one can study the history of the movement
+ without becoming persuaded that there is a moral development
+ carried on which will, in some way as yet not seen to us,
+ lead up the organization of those societies into some higher
+ generalization, securing harmony. It is constantly and
+ rightly said that business can never dispense with that
+ which makes the secret of capital's success in large
+ industry and trade, namely, generalship. Co-operation can,
+ it is admitted, capitalize labor for the small industries,
+ in which it is capable of making workingmen their own
+ employers, but it is said it can never, through committees
+ of management, carry on large industries or trade. I can,
+ however, see no reason why hereafter it may not enable large
+ associations to hire superior directing ability at high
+ salaries, just as paid generals give to republics the
+ leadership which kings used to supply in monarchies. There
+ are in the savings-banks of many manufacturing centers in
+ our country amounts which if capitalized would place the
+ workingmen of those towns in industrial independence; moneys
+ which, in some instances, are actually furnishing the
+ borrowed capital for their own employers. In such towns our
+ workingmen have saved enough to capitalize their labor, but
+ for lack of the power of combination, let the advantage of
+ their own thrift inure to the benefit of men already rich.
+ They save money and then loan it to rich men to use in
+ hiring them to work on wages, while the profits go to the
+ borrowers of labor's savings.
+
+ But the chief value of co-operation, in my estimate, is its
+ educating power. It opens a training school for labor in the
+ science and art of association.
+
+ Labor once effectively united could win its dues, whatever
+ they may be. The difficulties of such association have lain
+ in the undeveloped mental and moral condition of the rank
+ and file of the hosts of labor. * * *
+
+ Now, of this effort at co-operation I find scarcely any
+ trace in the trade organizations of our workingmen.
+ Trades-unions have until very lately passed the whole
+ subject by in utter silence. What has been done by
+ workingmen in this country in the line of co-operation has
+ been done outside of the great trade associations, which
+ form the natural instrumentalities for organizing such
+ combination. They offer the mechanism, the mutual knowledge,
+ the preliminary training in habits of combination, which
+ together should form the proper conditions for the
+ development of co-operation. Is it not a singular thing,
+ considering the manifold benefits that would come to labor
+ from such a development, that the attention of these great
+ and powerful organizations has not heretofore been seriously
+ called to this matter. * * *
+
+ The story of such attempts as have already been made in
+ this direction is one of a sad and discouraging nature to
+ all who feel the gravity of this problem. Again and again
+ great organizations have risen on our soil, seeking to
+ combine our trade associations and promising the millennium
+ to labor, only to find within a few years suspicion,
+ distrust, and jealousy eating the heart out of the order,
+ and disintegration following rapidly as a natural
+ consequence. The time must soon come let us hope, when the
+ lesson of these experiences will have been learned.
+
+ These are some of the salient faults of labor--faults which
+ are patent to all dispassionate observers. The first step to
+ a better state of things lies through the correction of
+ these faults. Whatever other factors enter into the problem,
+ this is the factor which it concerns labor to look after if
+ it would reach the equation of the good time coming. No
+ reconstruction of society can avail for incompetent,
+ indifferent, thriftless men who cannot work together.
+ Self-help must precede all other help. Dreamers may picture
+ utopias, where all our present laws are suspended, and
+ demagogues may cover up the disagreeable facts of labor's
+ own responsibility for its pitiful condition, but sensible
+ workingmen will remember that, as Renan told his countrymen
+ after the Franco-Prussian war, "the first duty is to face
+ the facts of the situation." There are no royal roads to an
+ honest mastery of fortune, though there seem to be plenty of
+ by-ways to dishonest success. Nature is a hard
+ school-mistress. She allows no makeshifts for the discipline
+ of hard work and of self-denial, for the culture of all the
+ strengthful qualities. Her American school for workers is
+ not as yet overcrowded. The rightful order of society is not
+ as yet submerged on our shores. There are the rewards of
+ merit for all who will work and wait. No man of average
+ intelligence needs to suffer in our country if he has clear
+ grit in him. "The stone that is fit for the wall," as the
+ Spanish proverb runs, "will not be left in the road."
+
+
+ II
+
+ FAULTS OF CAPITAL
+
+ But--for there is a very large "but" in the case--when all
+ this is said, only the thorough going _doctrinaire_ will
+ fail to see that merely half the case has been presented.
+ There is a shallow optimism which, from the heights of
+ prosperity, throws all the blame of labor's sufferings on
+ labor's own broad shoulders; steels the heart of society
+ against it because of these patent faults, and closes the
+ hand against its help, while it sings the gospel of the
+ Gradgrinds--"As it was and ever shall be. Amen."
+
+ Labor itself is not wholly responsible for its own faults.
+ These faults spring largely out of the defective social
+ conditions amid which the workingman finds himself placed.
+ Before we proceed to administer to him the whole measure of
+ the "whopping" due for his low estate, we had better look
+ back of him, to see why it is that he is as he is.
+
+ The inefficiency of labor is by no means the fault of the
+ individual laborer alone. Heredity has bankrupted him
+ before he started on his career. His parents were probably
+ as inefficient as he is--and most likely _their_ parents
+ also. One who sees much of the lower grades of labor ceases
+ to wonder why children turn out worthless, knowing what the
+ parents were. General Francis A. Walker, in opening the
+ Manufacturers' and Mechanics' Institute at Boston lately,
+ said:
+
+ "There is great virtue in the inherited industrial
+ aptitudes and instincts of the people. You can no more make
+ a first-class dyer or a first-class machinist in one
+ generation than you can in one generation make a Cossack
+ horseman or a Tartar herdsman. Artisans are born, not made."
+
+ Our incompetents may plead that they were not born
+ competent. It does not readily appear what we are going to
+ do about this working of heredity against labor, except as
+ by the slow and gradual improvement of mankind these low
+ strata of existences are lifted up to a higher plane.
+ Meanwhile we must blame less harshly and work a little more
+ earnestly to better the human stock.
+
+ The environment of labor handicaps still further this
+ organic deficiency. In most of our great cities the homes of
+ the workingmen are shockingly unwholesome; unsunned, badly
+ drained, overcrowded. The tenements of New York are enough
+ alone to take the life out of labor. City factories often
+ are not much better. The quality of the food sold in the
+ poorer sections of our cities--meat, bread, milk, etc.--is
+ defectively nutritious, even where it is not positively
+ harmful. The sanitary conditions are thus against labor.
+
+ This could be largely reflected by the State and city
+ authorities, and ought to be rectified in simple justice to
+ society at large, which is now so heavily burdened by the
+ manifold evils bred under such conditions. Government guards
+ carefully the rights both of land and capital by an immense
+ amount of legislation and administration. Has not labor a
+ fair claim to an equal solicitude on the part of the State?
+ Health is the laborer's source of wealth, but it is by no
+ means so farefully looked after as are the resources of the
+ other two factors of production. It is only within the last
+ three years that in New York we have had a satisfactory
+ tenement-house law or a fair administration of any law
+ bearing on this evil. There ought to be the exercise of some
+ such large wisdom as led the city of Glasgow to spend
+ $7,000,000 in reconstructing three thousand of the worst
+ tenements of that city, with a consequent reduction of the
+ death rate from 54 per thousand to 29 per thousand, and with
+ a corresponding decrease in pauperism and crime.
+
+ To this end our municipal governments should be taken out
+ of party politics and made the corporation business that
+ they are in German cities.
+
+ We have in none of the States of our Union any such
+ legislation as that of the thorough system of factory laws
+ in England, and we ought to supply the lack promptly.
+ Whatever may be said as to interference on the part of
+ legislation with the rights of capital, the sufficient
+ answer is that the whole advance of society has been a
+ constant interference on the part of legislation with the
+ merely natural action of the law of supply and demand; and
+ that only thus has England, for example, secured the immense
+ amelioration in the condition of the problem of labor and
+ capital which marks her state to-day.
+
+ It can be said also in this connection that if Government
+ has one business more peculiarly her own than another, it is
+ to look after the class that most needs looking after; and
+ that not simply from the interest of the class itself, which
+ would rarely supply a basis for governmental interference,
+ but in the interests of society at large--of the State
+ itself. The State's first concern is to see her citizens
+ healthful, vigorous, wealth-producing factors; and to this
+ end bad sanitary conditions, which undermine the
+ "health-capital" of labor, imperatively demand correction.
+
+ The deeper seated the roots of labor's inefficiency in
+ heredity and environment, the greater the need for an
+ education that will develop whatever potencies may lie
+ latent. Inefficiency will rarely correct itself. Superior
+ ability must train it into better power. Where is there any
+ proper provision for such an education?
+
+ State governments and our National Government have for a
+ number of years been fostering certain branches of
+ industrial education, chiefly in the line of agriculture.
+ The late report of the Bureau of Education upon industrial
+ education presents a very encouraging summary of what is
+ thus being done under the guidance of the State. It reports
+ concerning forty-three colleges aided by State grants to
+ give agricultural and mechanical training, besides a large
+ number of technical departments in other colleges,
+ industrial schools, evening classes for such instruction,
+ etc. Probably the finest example of industrial education
+ that the country possesses is found in the Hampton schools
+ in Virginia. Of attempts, however, to combine general and
+ intellectual education with practical training and
+ handicrafts we have few examples. The Hampton schools,
+ already alluded to, present one of the best. Professor
+ Adler's school in this city is very interesting in this
+ respect.
+
+ Our common schools have until lately signally passed by the
+ whole field of practical education. Drawing is at last being
+ generally introduced, and sewing is also being introduced to
+ a small extent, I believe, especially in New England. But
+ the schools which are supposed to be intended for the mass
+ of the people, and which are supplied at the public cost,
+ have made next to no provision for the practiced training of
+ boys and girls to become self-supporting men and
+ women--wealth-producing citizens; while the whole curriculum
+ of the school-system tends to a disproportionate
+ intellectuality, and to an alienation from all manual labor.
+ * * *
+
+ The necessity of the State's entering the educational field
+ is disputed by no one; but if it is to educate children at
+ the public cost it is bound, I think, to so educate its
+ wards that they shall return to society the taxation imposed
+ for their education. Its justification in becoming
+ school-master lies in the necessity of making out of the raw
+ material of life citizens who shall be productive factors in
+ the national wealth and conservators of its order. If,
+ therefore, it is justified in teaching the elementary
+ branches of education, if it is justified in adding to those
+ elementary branches departments that may be considered in
+ the nature of luxuries, how much more is it justified in
+ training the powers by which self-support shall be won and
+ wealth shall be added to society! * * *
+
+ That such efforts to encourage industrial education would
+ pay our Government is best seen in the example of England.
+ The International Exhibition of 1851 revealed to England its
+ complete inferiority to several continental countries in
+ art-industries, and the cause of that inferiority in the
+ absence of skilled workmen. The Government at once began to
+ study the problem, and out of this study arose the
+ Kensington Museum, with its art-schools, and similar
+ institutions throughout the country, which have already made
+ quick and gratifying returns in the improvement of the
+ national art-industries, and in the vast enrichment of the
+ trade growing therefrom.
+
+ Concerning the uninterestedness of labor and its too common
+ lack of any identification with capital, we must also look
+ beyond labor itself to find the full responsibility of this
+ evil.
+
+ The whole condition of industrial labor has changed in our
+ century. Contrast the state of such labor a century ago with
+ what it is now. Then the handicraftsman worked in his own
+ home, surrounded by his family, upon a task all the
+ processes of which he had mastered, giving him thus a sense
+ of interest and pride in the work being well and thoroughly
+ done. Now he leaves his home early and returns to it late,
+ working during the day in a huge factory with several
+ hundred other men. The subdivision of labor gives him now
+ only a bit of the whole process to do, where the work is
+ still done by hand, whether it be the making of a shoe or a
+ piano. He cannot be master of a craft, but only master of a
+ fragment of the craft. He cannot have the pleasure or pride
+ of the old-time workman, for he _makes_ nothing. He sees no
+ complete product of his skill growing into finished shape
+ in his hands. What zest can there be in this bit of manhood?
+ Steam machinery is slowly taking out of his hands even this
+ fragment of intelligent work, and he is set at feeding and
+ watching the great machine which has been endowed with the
+ brains that once were in the human toiler. Man is reduced to
+ being the tender upon a steel automaton which thinks and
+ plans and combines with marvelous power, leaving him only
+ the task of supplying it with the raw material, and of
+ oiling and cleansing it.
+
+ Some few machines require a skill and judgment to guide
+ them proportioned to their own astonishing capacities, and
+ for the elect workmen who manage and guide them there is a
+ new sense of the pleasure of power.
+
+ But, for the most part, mechanism takes the life out of
+ labor as the handicraft becomes the manufacture--or, more
+ properly, the _machino_-facture; and the problem of to-day
+ is, how to keep up the interest of labor in its daily task,
+ from which the zest has been stolen.
+
+ Manufacturers ought to see this problem and hasten to solve
+ it. Those who profit most by the present factory system
+ ought, in all justice, to be held responsible to those who
+ suffer most from it. They ought to be held morally bound to
+ make up to them in some way the interest in life that has
+ gone out with the old handicrafts. They could interest their
+ hands _out_ of the working hours, and in ways that would
+ give them a new interest _in_ their working hours. * * *
+
+ Not a few of our manufacturers are already opening their
+ eyes to the facts of the industrial problem, and, with
+ far-seeing generosity and human brotherliness that will,
+ according to the eternal laws, return even the good things
+ of this world unto them, they are providing their workingmen
+ with libraries, reading-rooms, and halls for lectures and
+ entertainments. They are encouraging and stimulating the
+ formation of literary and debating societies, bands, and
+ clubs, and such other things as give social fellowship and
+ mental interest. All this can be done at comparatively small
+ cost. The men in the employ of a great establishment can be
+ taught a new interest in their task as they learn to
+ understand its processes and the relation of these processes
+ to society at large, which can easily be done by lectures,
+ etc. Such work as this is a work that demands the
+ leadership, the organizing power, which the employer can
+ best furnish. At the last session of the Social Science
+ Association an interesting paper sketched some of these
+ efforts. In what wiser way could our wealthy manufacturers
+ use a portion of the money won for them by the labor which
+ has exhausted its own interest in its task?
+
+ Such personal interest on the part of employers in their
+ employees leads up to a clue to that other branch of the
+ uninterestedness of labor--its lack of identification with
+ the welfare of capital--its lack of any feeling of loyalty
+ toward the capitalist. How can anything else be fairly
+ expected in our present state of things from the _average_
+ workingman under the _average_ employer? I emphasize the
+ "average" because there are employees of exceptional
+ intelligence and honor, as there are employers of
+ exceptional conscientiousness, anxious to do fairly by their
+ men. The received political economy has taught the average
+ workingman that the relations of capital and labor are those
+ of hostile interests; that profits and wages are in an
+ inverse ratio; that the symbol of the factory is a see-saw,
+ on which capital goes up as labor goes down. As things are,
+ there is unfortunately too much ground for this notion, as
+ the workman sees.
+
+ Mr. Carroll D. Wright, in the fourteenth annual report of
+ the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor (1883), shows that in 1875
+ the percentage of wages paid to the value of production, in
+ over 2,000 establishments, was 24.68; and that in 1880 it
+ was 20.23. This means that the workingmen's share of the
+ returns of their own labor, so far from increasing, has
+ decreased one sixth in five years.
+
+ The workingman is disposed to believe in the light of such
+ figures that the large wealth accumulated by his employer
+ represents over and above a fair profit the increased wages
+ out of which he naturally regards himself as being mulcted.
+ He may be thick-headed, but he can see that in such a
+ see-saw of profits _versus_ wages the superior power of
+ capital has the odds all in its favor. He learns to regard
+ the whole state of the industrial world as one in which
+ _might_ makes _right_, and feebleness is the synonym of
+ fault.
+
+ How, in the name of all that is reasonable, can the average
+ man take much interest in his employer or identity himself
+ with that employer under such a state of things as the
+ economy sanctioned by the employer has taught him? This is
+ aggravated by the whole character of our modern industrial
+ system.
+
+ The factory system is a new feudalism, in which a master
+ rarely deals directly with his hands. Superintendents,
+ managers, and "bosses" stand between him and them. He does
+ not know them; they do not know him. The old common feeling
+ is disappearing. And--this is a significant point that it
+ behooves workingmen to notice--the intermediaries are
+ generally workingmen who have risen out of the ranks of
+ manual labor and have lost all fellow-feeling with their old
+ comrades, without gaining the larger sympathy with humanity
+ which often comes from better culture. The hardest men upon
+ workingmen are ex-workingmen. It is stated, on what seems to
+ be good authority, that the general superintendent of the
+ great corporation which lately has shown so hard a feeling
+ towards its operatives when on a strike was himself only ten
+ years ago a telegraph-operator.
+
+ A further aggravating feature of this problem is the
+ increasing tendency of capital to associated action. What
+ little knowledge of his employees or sympathy with them the
+ individual manufacturer might have is wholly lost in the
+ case of the corporation. To the stockholders of a great
+ joint-stock company, many of whom are never on the spot, the
+ hundreds of laborers employed by the company are simply
+ "hands"--as to whose possession of hearts or minds or souls
+ the by-laws rarely take cognizance. Here there is plainly a
+ case where capital--the party of brains and wealth--the head
+ of the industrial association, should lead off in a
+ systematic effort and renew, as far as may be, the old human
+ tie, for which no substitute has ever been devised.
+
+ To conciliate the interests of the classes, and identify
+ labor with capital, individual employers must re-establish
+ personal relationships between themselves and their men.
+ What might be done in this way, and how, this being done,
+ the present alienation of feeling on the part of our
+ working-men would largely disappear, must be evident to any
+ one who has watched some of the beautiful exemplifications
+ of this relationship which have already grown into being on
+ our shores. I know of one large manufacturer, in a city not
+ a hundred miles from this, who started to enter the ministry
+ as a young man, but found to his intense disappointment that
+ he had no aptitude for the work of a preacher, and turned
+ his attention, on the insistent advice of those nearest to
+ him, to active business. He took up the business which his
+ father had left him at his death and had left largely
+ involved. His first task was to pay off, dollar for dollar,
+ all the debts which his father had bequeathed him, although
+ in most instances they had been compromised by his
+ creditors. He then threw the energy of his being into
+ development of the business, and, in the course of a few
+ years, put it at the forefront of that line in his native
+ city. Into his business he breathed the spirit of love to
+ God and man which had moved him originally to take up the
+ work of the ministry. He felt himself ordained to be what
+ Carlyle would have called a "captain of industry." From the
+ start he established personal, human, living relationships
+ with his men. He taught them by deed rather than by word to
+ consider him their friend. He was in the habit of calling in
+ upon their families in a social and respecting way. In all
+ their troubles and adversities he trained them to counsel
+ with him, and gave them the advantage of his riper judgment
+ and larger vision. In cases of exigency his means were at
+ their service in the way of loans to tide them over the hard
+ times. His friends have seen, more than once, coming from
+ his private office some of the hard-fisted men of toil in
+ his employ, with tears streaming down their faces. He had
+ called them into the office on hearing of certain bad habits
+ into which they had fallen, and so impressive had been his
+ talk with them, that they left his presence with the most
+ earnest resolves to do better in the future. The result of
+ all this relationship has been that during some fifteen
+ years of the management of this large business he has rarely
+ changed his men, and while strikes have abounded around him
+ he has never known a strike.
+
+ I hold in my possession a letter from one of our leading
+ iron-manufacturers in this country, who, in response to an
+ appeal for participation in a charity of this city, gave
+ answer that it had been a practice of the firm to invest a
+ certain portion of their profits in developing the comforts
+ of their workingmen, and that they were obliged to limit
+ their desire to give in charity in order that they might be
+ able to build homes, club-rooms, reading-rooms, and all the
+ _et ceteras_ of a really civilized community in their
+ work-village. These are examples, in our own country, of
+ what might be done.
+
+ One of the most beautiful models that I know of in modern
+ history is furnished by the town to which reference has
+ already been made--the town of Mulhouse, where, after some
+ thirty years, the spirit of brotherliness has so entered
+ into the relationships of capital and labor that a firm
+ would be disreputable which there attempted to carry on
+ business as business is ordinarily done here. All the
+ manufacturers plan out, organize, and carry on what to most
+ of us would seem impossible schemes for the amelioration and
+ uplifting of the condition of their working people. No one
+ wonders that, as he walks through the town which his large
+ hearted philanthropy imbued with this fine spirit, the
+ workingmen salute the originator of these schemes as "Father
+ Peter."
+
+ In addition to this personal, human relationship, capital
+ might and should, in all justice and humanity, identify the
+ pecuniary interests of labor with its own interests. What is
+ known as industrial partnership is simply a solution of this
+ branch of the problem. The principle is simply that of
+ giving labor a pecuniary interest in the profits of the
+ establishment _pro rata_ with his own wages. A _bonus_ is
+ set on frugality and industry and conscientiousness of work
+ by making the hands small partners in the concern. * * *
+
+
+
+
+
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