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*/ + empty-cells: show; /* usual default is hide */ + border-spacing: 2.0em 0.0em; + margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + thead td, tfoot td { + text-align: center; + font-weight: bold; + } + td, td > p { + margin-top: 0.25em; + line-height: 1.1em; + text-align: left; + } + td.right {text-align: right;} + td.center {text-align: center;} + td.i3 {text-indent: 2em;} + td.i4 {text-indent: 4em;} + /* Links ------------------------------------------------ */ + a:link {color: blue; text-decoration: none} + link {color: blue; text-decoration: none} + a:visited {color: blue; text-decoration: none} + a:hover {color: red} + --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> +</head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Black and White, by Timothy Thomas Fortune + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Black and White + Land, Labor, and Politics in the South + +Author: Timothy Thomas Fortune + +Release Date: October 7, 2005 [EBook #16810] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BLACK AND WHITE *** + + + + +Produced by Suzanne Shell, Richard J. Shiffer, and the PG +Online Distributed Proofreading Team. + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<h1>BLACK AND WHITE</h1> + +<h2><i>LAND, LABOR, and POLITICS in the SOUTH</i></h2> + +<h4><i>By</i></h4> + +<h3><span class="smcap">Timothy Thomas Fortune</span></h3> + + +<h4><br />1884</h4> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="AUTHORS_PREFACE" id="AUTHORS_PREFACE"></a>AUTHOR'S PREFACE</h2> + + +<p>In discussing the political and industrial problems of the South, I +base my conclusions upon a personal knowledge of the condition of +classes in the South, as well as upon the ample data furnished by +writers who have pursued, in their way, the question before me. That +the colored people of the country will yet achieve an honorable status +in the national industries of thought and activity, I believe, and try +to make plain.</p> + +<p>In discussion of the land and labor problem I but pursue the theories +advocated by more able and experienced men, in the attempt to show +that the laboring classes of any country pay all the taxes, in the +last analysis, and that they are systematically victimized by +legislators, corporations and syndicates.</p> + +<p>Wealth, unduly centralized, endangers the efficient workings of the +machinery of government. Land monopoly—in the hands of individuals, +corporations or syndicates—is at bottom the prime cause of the +inequalities which obtain; which desolate fertile acres turned over to +vast ranches and into bonanza farms of a thousand acres, where not one +family finds a habitation, where muscle and brain are supplanted by +machinery, and the small farmer is swallowed up and turned into a +tenant or slave. While in large cities thousands upon thousands of +human beings are crowded into narrow quarters where vice festers, +where crime flourishes undeterred, and where death is the most welcome +of all visitors.</p> + +<p>The primal purpose in publishing this work is to show that the social +problems in the South are, in the main, the same as those which +afflict every civilized country on the globe; and that the future +conflict in that section will not be racial or political in character, +but between capital on the one hand and labor on the other, with the +odds largely in favor of nonproductive wealth because of the undue +advantage given the latter by the pernicious monopoly in land which +limits production and forces population disastrously upon subsistence. +My purpose is to show that poverty and misfortune make no invidious +distinctions of "race, color, or previous condition," but that wealth +unduly centralized oppresses all alike; therefore, that the labor +elements of the whole United States should sympathize with the same +elements in the South, and in some favorable contingency effect some +unity of organization and action, which shall subserve the common +interest of the common class.</p> + +<p class="author smcap">T. Thomas Fortune.</p> + +<p class="letterClose5">New York City, July 20, 1884.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> + +<ul class="TOC"> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_I"><b>Black</b></a><span class="ralign">1</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_II"><b>White</b></a><span class="ralign">6</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_III"><b>The Negro and the Nation</b></a><span class="ralign">13</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><b>The Triumph of the Vanquished</b></a><span class="ralign">19</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_V"><b>Illiteracy—Its Causes</b></a><span class="ralign">28</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><b>Education—Professional or Industrial</b></a><span class="ralign">38</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><b>How Not to Do It</b></a><span class="ralign">55</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><b>The Nation Surrenders</b></a><span class="ralign">62</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><b>Political Independence of the Negro</b></a><span class="ralign">67</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_X"><b>Solution of the Political Problem</b></a><span class="ralign">79</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_XI"><b>Land and Labor</b></a><span class="ralign">89</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_XII"><b>Civilization Degrades the Masses</b></a><span class="ralign">96</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII"><b>Conditions of Labor in the South</b></a><span class="ralign">107</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV"><b>Classes in the South</b></a><span class="ralign">120</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_XV"><b>The Land Problem</b></a><span class="ralign">133</span></li> +<li><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI"><b>Conclusion</b></a><span class="ralign">145</span></li> +<li class="blank"><a href="#APPENDIX"><b>Appendix</b></a><span class="ralign">151</span></li> +</ul> + +<hr /> +<p>On a summer day, when the great heat induced a general thirst, a Lion +and a Boar came at the same moment to a small well to drink. They +fiercely disputed which of them should drink first, and were soon +engaged in the agonies of a mortal combat. On their suddenly stopping +to take breath for the fiercer renewal of the strife, they saw some +vultures in the distance, waiting to feast on the one which should +fall. They at once made up their quarrel, saying, "It is better for us +to be friends, than to become the food of crows or vultures."—<i>Æsop's +Fables</i>.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2> + +<h3><i>Black</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>There is no question to-day in American politics more unsettled than +the negro question; nor has there been a time since the adoption of +the Federal Constitution when this question has not, in one shape or +another, been a disturbing element, a deep-rooted cancer, upon the +body of our society, frequently occupying public attention to the +exclusion of all other questions. It appears to possess, as no other +question, the elements of perennial vitality.</p> + +<p>The introduction of African slaves into the colony of Virginia in +August, 1619, was the beginning of an agitation, a problem, the +solution of which no man, even at this late date, can predict, +although many wise men have prophesied.</p> + +<p>History—the record of human error, cruelty and misdirected +zeal—furnishes no more striking anomaly than the British Puritan +fleeing from princely rule and tyranny and dragging at his heels the +African savage, bound in servile chains; praying to a just God for +freedom, and at the same time riveting upon his fellow-man the gyves +of most unjust and cruel slavery. A parallel for such hypocrisy, such +sacrilegious invocation, is not matched in the various history of +peoples.</p> + +<p>It did not matter to the early settlers of the American colonies that, +in the memorable struggle for the right to be represented if taxed, a +black man—Crispus Attucks, a full-blooded Negro—died upon the soil +of Massachusetts, in the Boston massacre of 1770, in common with other +loyal, earnest men, as the first armed <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 2]<a name="Page_2" id="Page_2"></a></span>protest against an odious +tyranny; it did not matter that in the armies of the colonies, in +rebellion against Great Britain, there were (according to the report +of Adjutant General Scammell), on the 24th day of August, 1778, 755 +regularly enlisted negro troops; it did not matter that in the second +war with Great Britain, General Andrew Jackson, on the 21st day of +September, 1814, appealed to the "free colored people of Louisiana" as +"sons of freedom," who were "called upon to defend <i>our</i> most +inestimable blessing," the right to be free and sovereign, and to +"rally around the standard of the eagle, to defend all which is dear +in existence;" it did not matter that in each of these memorable +struggles the black man was called upon, and responded nobly, to the +call for volunteers to drive out the minions of the British tyrant. +When the smoke of battle had dissolved into thin air; when the +precious right to be free and sovereign had been stubbornly fought for +and reluctantly conceded; when the bloody memories of Yorktown and New +Orleans had passed into glorious history, the black man, who had +assisted by his courage to establish the free and independent States +of America, was doomed to sweat and groan that others might revel in +idleness and luxury. Allured, in each instance, into the conflict for +National independence by the hope held out of generous reward and an +honest consideration of his manhood rights, he received as his portion +chains and contempt. The spirit of injustice, inborn in the Caucasian +nature, asserted itself in each instance. Selfishness and greed rode +roughshod over the promptings of a generous, humane, Christian nature, +as they have always done in this country, not only in the case of the +African but of the Indian as well, each of whom has in turn felt the +pernicious influence of that heartless greed which overleaps honesty +and fair play, in the unmanly grasp after perishable gain.</p> + +<p>The books which have been written in this country—the books which +have molded and controlled intelligent public opinion—during the past +one hundred and fifty years have been written by white men, in +justification of the white man's domineering selfishness, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 3]<a name="Page_3" id="Page_3"></a></span>cruelty and +tyranny. Beginning with Thomas Jefferson's <i>Notes on Virginia</i>, down +to the present time, the same key has been struck, the same song as +been sung, with here and there a rare exception—as in the case of +Mrs. Stowe's <i>Uncle Tom's Cabin</i>, Judge Tourgée's <i>A Fool's Errand</i>, +Dr. Haygood's <i>Our Brother in Black</i>, and some others of less note. +The white man's story has been told over and over again, until the +reader actually tires of the monotonous repetition, so like the +ten-cent novels in which the white hunter always triumphs over the red +man. The honest reader has longed in vain for a glimpse at the other +side of the picture so studiously turned to the wall.</p> + +<p>Even in books written expressly to picture the black man's side of the +story, the author has been compelled to palliate, by interjecting +extenuating, often irrelevant circumstances, the ferocity and +insatiate lust of greed of his race. He has been unable to tell the +story as it was, because his nature, his love of race, his inborn, +prejudices and narrowness made him a lurking coward.</p> + +<p>And so it has been with the newspapers, which have ever been the +obsequious reflex of distempered public opinion, siding always with +the strong and powerful; so that in 1831, when the "Liberator" +(published in Boston by the intrepid and patriotic Garrison) made its +appearance, it was a lone David among a swarm of Goliaths, any one of +which was willing and anxious to serve the cause of the devil by +crushing the little angel in the service of the Lord. So it is to-day. +The great newspapers, which should plead the cause of the oppressed +and the down-trodden, which should be the palladiums of the people's +rights, are all on the side of the oppressor, or by silence preserve a +dignified but ignominious neutrality. Day after day they weave a false +picture of facts—facts which must measurably influence the future +historian of the times in the composition of impartial history. The +wrongs of the masses are referred to sneeringly or apologetically.</p> + +<p>The vast army of laborers—men, women, and even tender children—find +no favor in the eyes of these Knights of the Quill.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 4]<a name="Page_4" id="Page_4"></a></span> The Negro and the +Indian, the footballs of slippery politicians and the helpless victims +of sharpers and thieves, are wantonly misrepresented—held up to the +eyes of the world as beings incapable of imbibing the distorted +civilization in the midst of which they live and have their being. +They are placed in the attic, only to be aired when somebody wants an +"issue" or an "appropriation."</p> + +<p>There are no "Liberators" to-day, and the William Lloyd Garrisons have +nearly all of them gone the way of all the world.</p> + +<p>The part played by the ministry of Christ in the early conflict +against human slavery in this country would be enigmatical in the +extreme, utterly beyond apprehension, if it were not matter of history +that the representatives of the Christian Church, in conflicts with +every giant wrong, have always been the strongest supporters, the most +obsequious tools of money power and the political sharpers who have +imposed their vile tyrannies upon mankind. They have alternately +supplicated and domineered, crawled in the dust or mounted the +house-top, as occasion served, from Gregory to the Smiths and Joneses +of the present time. So that it has passed into a proverb, that the +ministers of the gospel may be always counted upon to take sides with +the strongest party—always seeking to conciliate "King Cotton," "King +Corporation," "King Monopoly," and all the other "Kings" of modern +growth—swaying, like the reed in the wind, to the powers that be, +whether of tyranny reared upon a thousand years of usurpation, +military despotism of a day's growth, or presumptuous wealth +accumulated by robbery, hypocrisy and insidious assassination. Instead +of leading in the reformation of leviathan wrongs, the ministry waits +for the rabble to applaud before it commends.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It was not in this +manner that the great Christ set the world in motion, sowed broadcast +the dynamite which uprooted long-established <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 5]<a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"></a></span>infamies, and prepared +the way for the ultimate redemption of the world from sin and error.</p> + +<p>If the Christian ministry of the United States did at last recognize +the demoralization and iniquity of slavery, it was because the heroic +band, headed by William Lloyd Garrison, first fired the heart of the +people and forced the ministry to take sides with the righteous cause. +I speak not of the few heroic exceptions, but of the mass of the +American clergy. If in the evangelization of the black man since the +rebellion, the ministry have largely furthered the work, they have +done so because there were hundreds and thousands of brave men and +women ready to give their time and money to the upbuilding of outraged +humanity and the cause of Christ. They have simply put in operation +movements conceived and nurtured by the genius and philanthropy of +others, and no one of them will claim that he has not reaped an +abundant pecuniary harvest for his labors. Yet, I would accord to the +ministry of the United States full meed of praise for all that they +have done as the agents of the humane, intelligent and philanthropic +opinions of the times; and, too, there have been good men who fought +the good fight simply because the cause was just.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +</p><p> +<i>Be thou the first true merit to befriend,<br /> +His praise is lost who waits till all commend.</i><br /> +</p> +<p class="letterClose3"><i>Pope's</i> Essay on Man.</p> +</div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 6]<a name="Page_6" id="Page_6"></a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2> + +<h3><i>White</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>It is my purpose in writing this work to show that the American +Government has always construed people of African parentage to be +aliens, not only when the Constitution was tortured by narrow-minded +men to shield the cruel, murderous slave-holder in the possession of +his human property, but even now, when the panoply of citizenship is, +presumably, all-sufficient to insure to the late slave the enjoyment +of full manhood rights as a sovereign citizen.</p> + +<p>The conflict of law and the moral sentiment of the country has been +long and bloody, and the end is not yet. Political parties in this +country do not lead, but follow, public opinion. They hang upon the +applause of the rabble, and succeed or fail in their efforts to +administer the affairs of Government in proportion as they interpret +the wishes of the rabble. Not alone do parties defer to the wishes of +the illiterate, the "great unwashed" majority, but individuals as +well, who prefer to ride upon the wave of success as the champions of +great wrongs rather than to go into retirement as the champions of +just principles. The voice of the Charmer is all too powerful to be +successfully resisted.</p> + +<p>Republics have always been fruitful of demagogues. Such vermin find +the soil of democratic government the most fertile and congenial for +their operations, because the audiences to which they speak, the +passions to which they appeal, are not always of the most reflective, +humane or enlightened. Demagogues are the <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 7]<a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"></a></span>parasites of republics; and +that our country is afflicted with an abnormal number of them is to be +expected from the tentative nature of our institutions, the extent of +our territory and the heterogeneity of our vast population.</p> + +<p>Under our government all the peoples of the world find shelter and +protection—save the African (who was formerly used as a beast of +burden and now as a football, to be kicked by one faction and kicked +back by the other) and the industrious Chinaman, who was barred out by +the over-obsequiousness of the Congress of the nation, in deference to +the Sand-Lot demagogues of the Pacific coast, headed by Denis Kearney, +because it was desirable to conciliate their votes, even at the +expense of consistency and the unity of the Constitution. That great +document, while constantly affirmed to be the most broad and liberal +compact ever devised for the governance of man, has always been found +to be narrow enough to serve the purposes of the slave oligarch and +the make-shifts of the party in power; and has always afforded ample +shelter and protection to the lazzaroni of Italy, the paupers of +Ireland, and the incendiary spirits of other countries, but yet cannot +shield a black man, a citizen and to the manor born, in any common, +civil or political right which usually attaches to citizenship.</p> + +<p>A putative citizen of the United States commits murder in the +jurisdiction of a friendly power, and the Chief Executive of fifty +millions of people deems it incumbent upon him as the head of the +faction to which he belongs to "call the attention of Congress" to the +fact, ostensibly in the interest of justice and fair-play, but +obviously to court the good will of the American sympathizers of the +assassin. While on the contrary, within a few hundred miles of the +National capital, an armed mob of citizens shoot down in cold blood a +dozen of their fellow-citizens, but the Chief of the Nation did not +deem it at all pertinent or necessary to "call the attention of +Congress" to the matter. And why? Because, forsooth, the newspapers, +voicing the wishes of the rabble and the cormorants of trade, cry down +the "Bloody Shirt," proclaiming, with brazen <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 8]<a name="Page_8" id="Page_8"></a></span>effrontery, that each +State is "<i>sovereign</i>," and that its citizens have a <i>perfect right</i> +to terrorize and murder one another, if they so desire. The Bible +declares that "Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach +to any people." God save the Union!</p> + +<p>But such argument is indicative, not only of American politics but of +Caucasian human nature as well—that human nature which seldom rises +above self-interest in business or politics. If you have abundance of +money, the merchant is all accommodation, the lawyer all smiles; if +you have votes that count, politicians cannot be too obsequious, too +affable, too anxious to serve you. But if you simply have common +humanity, clothed in the awful majesty of a just cause, you appeal in +vain to the cormorants of trade, the harpies of law, or the demagogues +of power. Unless you are of the salt salty, unless you are clothed in +broadcloth and fine linen, you cannot obtain even a respectful +hearing.</p> + +<p>It took the Abolitionists full thirty years to convince the American +people, the ministry of Christ included, that slavery was, pure and +simple, a "Covenant with death and an agreement with hell;" and then, +sad to say, they were convinced against their wills. Their sense of +justice had become so obtuse as to wholly blunt the sense of reason, +the brotherly sympathy of a common race-feeling, and the broad, +liberal and just inculcations of Jesus Christ. The nation was sunk to +the moral turpitude of Constantinople; and not even a John crying in +the wilderness could arouse it to a sense of the exceeding foulness in +the midst of which it grovelled, or of the storm gathering on the +distant horizon.</p> + +<p>Although the abolition of slavery had been agitated for more than +thirty years, the nation, which was ruled by politicians of the usual +mental caliber, was startled at the defiant shot upon Fort Sumter—the +shot that echoed the downfall of the foulest institution which has +sapped the vitality of any modern government, and that aroused the +people to a sorrowful realization that the power which defied them was +strong enough and desperate enough to <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 9]<a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"></a></span>stop at nothing short of the +disintegration of the American Union. So the nation, still +sympathizing with slavery, still playing with a coal of fire, grappled +with the monster, feeling itself powerful to crush it in a few short +months.</p> + +<p>It was not because the people of the nation hated slavery and +oppression that they rushed upon the field of battle; no such +righteousness moved them: it was because the slave-power, which had +for so long dictated legislation and the interpretation of the laws, +would tolerate no adverse criticism or legislation upon the foul +institution it championed, and appealed from the forum of reason to +the forum of treasonable rebellion to enforce the right so long and (I +blush to say it!) <i>constitutionally</i> conceded to it.</p> + +<p>I do not believe that, in 1860, a majority (or even a respectable +minority) of the American people desired the manumission of the slave; +it is evident, from the temper of the political discussions of that +time, that the combination of parties out of which, in 1856, the +Republican party was formed, desired to do no more than to confine the +institution of slavery within the territory then occupied. There was +certainly very little comfort for the black man in this position of +the "party of great moral ideas."</p> + +<p>The overtures<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> made by President Lincoln to the slave-power during +the first year of the war were all made in the interest of the +perpetuation of the Union, and not in the interest of the slave.</p> + +<p>His reply to Mr. Horace Greeley, who urged upon him the importance of +issuing an emancipation proclamation is conclusive that he was more +concerned about the Union than about the slave:</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 10]<a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"></a></span></p> + +<p class="letterDate"><span class="smcap">Executive Mansion, Washington,</span><br /> +<i>August 22, 1862</i></p> + +<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Hon. Horace Greeley</span>:—Dear Sir: I have just read +yours of the 19th, addressed to myself through the <i>New York +Tribune</i>. If there be in it any statements or assumptions of +facts which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, now and +here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences +which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not, now and +here, argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an +imperious and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to +an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be +right.</p> + +<p>As to the policy I seem to be pursuing, as you say, I have +not meant to leave any one in doubt.</p> + +<p>I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way +under the constitution. The sooner the national authority +can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union it +was.</p> + +<p>* * * If there be those who would not save the Union, unless +they could at the same time <i>destroy slavery, I do not agree +with them</i>. My paramount object in this struggle <i>is to save +the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery</i>. +If I could save the Union <i>without</i> freeing <i>any</i> slave <i>I +would do it</i>, and if I could save it by freeing <i>all</i> the +slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some +and leaving others alone I would also do that. <i>What I do +about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe +it helps to save the Union</i>; and what I forbear I forbear +because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I +shall do <i>less</i> whenever I shall believe what I am doing +hurts the cause, and I shall do <i>more</i> whenever I shall +believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to +correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall adopt +new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.</p> + +<p>I have here stated my purposes according to my view of +<i>official</i> duty; and I intend no modification of my +oft-expressed <i>personal</i> wish that all men, everywhere, +should be free.</p> + +<p class="letterClose3">Yours,</p> + +<p class="author"><span class="smcap">A. Lincoln</span></p></blockquote> + +<p>Everything—humanity, justice, posterity—was placed upon the +sacrificial altar of the Union, and the slave-power was repeatedly and +earnestly invited to lay down its traitorous arms, be forgiven, and +keep its slaves. With Mr. Lincoln, as President, it was the Union, +first, last, and all the time. And he but echoed the prevailing +opinions of his time. I do not question or criticise his <i>personal</i> +attitude; but what he himself called his "view of official <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 11]<a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"></a></span>duty" was +to execute the will of the people, and that was <i>not</i> to abolish +slavery, at that time.</p> + +<p>As the politicians only took hold of the great question when they +thought it would advance their selfish interests, they were prepared +to abandon it or immolate it upon the altar of "expediency," when the +great clouds of treason burst upon them in the form of gigantic +rebellion. The politicians of that time, like the politicians of all +times, were incapable of appreciating the magnitude of the questions +involved in the conflict.</p> + +<p>But the slave-power had been aroused. It was not to be appeased by +overtures; it wanted no compromise. It would brook no interference +inimical to its "peculiar institution." In the Congress of the nation, +in the high places of power, it had so long been permitted to dictate +the policy to be pursued towards slavery, it had so inoculated the +institutions of the government with the virus of its vicious opinions, +that, to be interfered with, to be dictated to, was out of the +question. It was Ephraim and his idol repeated.</p> + +<p>The South forced the issue upon the people of the country. The +Southerners marched off under the banner of "States Rights"—a +doctrine they have always championed. They cared nothing for the Union +<i>then</i>; they care less for the Union <i>now</i>. The State to them is +sovereign; the nation a magnificent combination of nothingness. The +State has in its keeping all option over life, individual rights, and +property. The spirit of Hayne and Calhoun is still the star that +lights the pathway of the Southern man in his duty to the government. +He recognizes no sovereignty more potential than that of his State.</p> + +<p>Long years of agitation and bloody war have failed to decide the +rights of States, or the measure of protection which the National +government owes to the individual members of States. We still grope in +the sinuous by-ways of uncertainty. The State still defies the +National authority; and the individual citizens of the<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 12]<a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"></a></span> Nation still +appeal in vain for protection from oppressive laws of States or the +violent methods of their citizens. The question, "Which is the +greater, the State or the Sisterhood of States?" is still undecided, +and may have to be adjudicated in some future stage of our history by +another appeal to arms.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of +America, and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do +hereby proclaim and declare * * * that, on the first day of January, +in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, +all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of the +State, the people whereof shall be in rebellion against the United +States, shall be then, and thenceforward, and forever free; * * * That +the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by +proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in +which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion +against the United States.—" President Lincoln's <i>"Conditional" +Emancipation Proclamation</i>.</p></div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 13]<a name="Page_13" id="Page_13"></a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2> + +<h3><i>The Negro and the Nation</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled +the question of chattel slavery<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in this country. It forever choked +the life out of the infamy of the Constitutional right of one man to +rob another, by purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the +produce of his own labor. But this was the only question permanently +and irrevocably settled. Nor was this <i>the</i> all-absorbing question +involved. The right of a State to secede from the so-called <i>Union</i> +remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort Sumter +aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the +measure of protection which the National government owes the +individual members of States, a right imposed upon it by the adoption +of the XIVth Amendment<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> to the Constitution, remains still to be +affirmed.</p> + +<p>It was not sufficient that the Federal government should expend its +blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs of four millions of people. +There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel +slavery. It has been declared to be an act of charity <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 14]<a name="Page_14" id="Page_14"></a></span>to enforce +ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his intelligence would +simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance +the miserable existence of Æsop, the great black moralist. But this is +just what the manumission of the black people of this country has +accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the +Southern whites; they are more systematically robbed of their labor; +they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than under the slave +régime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the +laws of the State or of the Federal government. When they appeal to +the Federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to go to the +State authorities—as if they would have appealed to the one had the +other given them that protection to which their sovereign citizenship +entitles them!</p> + +<p>Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its +protecting arm over the black man and his rights. He is, like the +Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central +or auxiliary authority to which he can appeal for protection. Wherever +he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted authority powerless to +protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute +immunity, and irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of +punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public opinion—which +connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence. +Legislatures of States have framed a code of laws which is more cruel +and unjust than any enforced by a former slave State.</p> + +<p>The right of franchise<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> has been practically annulled in every one +of the former slave States, in not one of which, to-day, can a man +vote, think or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the +views of the men who have usurped every function of government—who, +at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun, have <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 15]<a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"></a></span>made themselves +masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a +government. They have usurped government with the weapons of the +coward and assassin, and they maintain themselves in power by the most +approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed +as much innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. To-day, +red-handed murderers and assassins sit in the high places of power, +and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty.</p> + +<p>The newspapers of the country, voicing the sentiments of the people, +literally hiss into silence any man who has the courage to protest +against the prevailing tendency to lawlessness<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and bare-faced +usurpation; while parties have ceased to deal with the question for +other than purposes of political capital. Even this fruitful mine is +well-nigh exhausted. A few more years, and the usurper and the man of +violence will be left in undisputed possession of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 16]<a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"></a></span>his blood-stained +inheritance. No man will attempt to deter him from sowing broadcast +the seeds of revolution and death. Brave men are powerless to combat +this organized brigandage, complaint of which, in derision, has been +termed "waving the bloody shirt."</p> + +<p>Men organize themselves into society for mutual protection. Government +justly derives its just powers from the consent of the governed. But +what shall we say of that society which is incapable of extending the +protection which is inherent in it? What shall we say of that +government which has not power or inclination to insure the exercise +of those solemn rights and immunities which it guarantees? To declare +a man to be free, and equal with his fellow, and then to refrain from +enacting laws powerful to insure him in such freedom and equality, is +to trifle with the most sacred of all the functions of sovereignty. +Have not the United States done this very thing? Have they not +conferred freedom and the ballot, which are necessary the one to the +other? And have they not signally failed to make omnipotent the one +and practicable the other? The questions hardly require an answer. The +measure of freedom the black man enjoys can be gauged by the power he +has to vote. He has, practically, no voice in the government under +which he lives. His property is taxed and his life is jeopardized, by +states on the one hand and inefficient police regulations on the +other, and no question is asked or expected of him. When he protests, +when he cries out against this flagrant nullification of the very +first principles of a republican form of government, the insolent +question is asked: "What are you going to do about it?" And here lies +the danger.</p> + +<p>You may rob and maltreat a slave and ask him what he is going to do +about it, and he can make no reply. He is bound hand and foot; he is +effectually gagged. Despair is his only refuge. He knows it is useless +to appeal from tyranny unto the designers and apologists of tyranny. +Ignominious death alone can bring him relief. This was the case of +thousands of men doomed by the institution <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 17]<a name="Page_17" id="Page_17"></a></span>of slavery. <i>But such is +not the case with free men.</i> You cannot oppress and murder freemen as +you would slaves: you cannot so insult them with the question, "What +are you going to do about it?" When you ask free men that question you +appeal to men who, though sunk to the verge of despair, yet are +capable of uprising and ripping hip and thigh those who deemed them +incapable of so rising above their condition. The history of mankind +is fruitful of such uprisings of races and classes reduced to a +condition of absolute despair. The American negro is no better and no +worse than the Haytian revolutionists headed by Toussaint l'Overture, +Christophe and the bloody Dessalaines.</p> + +<p>I do not indulge in the luxury of prophecy when I declare that the +American people are fostering in their bosoms a spirit of rebellion +which will yet shake the pillars of popular government as they have +never before been shaken, unless a wiser policy is inaugurated and +honestly enforced. All the indications point to the fulfillment of +such declaration.</p> + +<p>The Czar of Russia squirms upon his throne, not because he is +necessarily a bad man, but because he is the head and center of a +condition of things which squeezes the life out of the people. His +subjects hurl infernal machines at the tyrant because he represents +the system which oppresses them. But the evil is far deeper than the +throne, and cannot be remedied by striking the occupant of it-<i>the +throne itself must be rooted out and demolished</i>. So the Irish +question has a more powerful motive to foment agitation and murder +than the landlord and landlordism. The landlord simply stands out as +the representative of the real grievance. To remove <i>him</i> would not +remove the evil; agitation would not cease; murder would still stalk +abroad at noonday. <i>The real grievance is the false system which makes +the landlord possible.</i> The appropriation of the fertile acres of the +soil of Ireland, which created and maintains a privileged class, a +class that while performing no labor, wrings from the toiler, in the +shape of rents, so much of the produce of his labor that he cannot on +the residue <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 18]<a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"></a></span>support himself and those dependent upon him aggravates +the situation. It is this system which constitutes the real grievance +and makes the landlord an odious loafer with abundant cash and the +laborer a constant toiler always upon the verge of starvation. +Evidently, therefore, to remove the landlord and leave the system of +land monopoly would not remove the evil. Destroy the latter and the +former would be compelled to go.</p> + +<p>Herein lies the great social wrong which has turned the beautiful +roses of freedom into thorns to prick the hands of the black men of +the South; which made slavery a blessing, paradoxical as it may +appear, and freedom a curse. It is this great wrong which has crowded +the cities of the South with an ignorant pauper population, making +desolate fields that once bloomed "as fair as a garden of the Lord," +where now the towering oak and pine-tree flourish, instead of the corn +and cotton which gladdened the heart and filled the purse. It was this +gigantic iniquity which created that arrogant class who have exhausted +the catalogue of violence to obtain power and the lexicon of sophistry +for arguments to extenuate the exceeding heinousness of crime. How +could it be otherwise? To tell a man he is free when he has neither +money nor the opportunity to make it, is simply to mock him. To tell +him he has no master when he cannot live except by permission of the +man who, under favorable conditions, monopolizes all the land, is to +deal in the most tantalizing contradiction of terms. But this is just +what the United States did for the black man. And yet because he has +not grown learned and wealthy in twenty years, because he does not own +broad acres and a large bank account, people are not wanting who +declare he has no capacity, that he is improvident by nature and +mendacious from inclination.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a +punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly +convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject +to their jurisdiction.—Art. XIII. Sec. 1 of the Constitution.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and +subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States +and of the State in which they reside. No State shall make or enforce +any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens +of the United States; <i>nor shall any State deprive any person of life, +liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any +person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the +laws</i>—XIVth Amendment, Section 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall +not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on +account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.—XVth +Amendment, Sec. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> While I write these lines, the daily newspapers furnish +the following paragraph. It is but one of the <i>waifs</i> that are to be +found in the newspapers day by day. There is always some +<i>circumstance</i> which justifies the murder and exculpates the murderer. +The black always deserves his fate. I give the paragraph: +</p><p> +"<span class="smcap">Spear, Mitchell Co., N.C.</span>, March 19, 1884.—Col. J.M. +English, a farmer and prominent citizen living at Plumtree, Mitchell +County, N.C., shot and killed a mulatto named Jack Mathis at that +place Saturday, March 1. There had been difficulty between them for +several months. +</p><p> +"Mathis last summer worked in one of Col. English's mica mines. +Evidence pointed to him being implicated in the systematic stealing of +mica from the mine. Still it was not direct enough to convict him, but +he was discharged by English. Mathis was also a tenant of one of +English's houses and lots. In resentment he damaged the property by +destroying fences, tearing off weather boards from the house, and +injuring the fruit trees. For this Col. English prosecuted the negro, +and on Feb. 9, before a local Justice, ex-Sheriff Wiseman, he got a +judgment for $100. On the date stated, during a casual meeting, hot +words grew into an altercation, and Col. English shot the negro. +Mathis was a powerful man. English is a cripple, being lame in a leg +from a wound received in the Mexican war. +</p><p> +"A trial was had before a preliminary court recently, Col. S.C. Vance +appearing for Col. English. After a hearing of all the testimony the +court reached a decision of justifiable homicide and English was +released. The locality of the shooting is in the mountains of western +North Carolina, and not far from the Flat Rock mica mine, the scene of +the brutal midnight murder, Feb. 17, of Burleson, Miller, and Horton +by Rae and Anderson, two revenue officers, who took this means to gain +possession of the mica mine." +</p><p> +My knowledge of such affairs in the South is, that the black and the +white have an altercation over some trivial thing, and the white to +end the argument shoots the black man down. The negro is always a +"<i>powerful fellow</i>" and the white man a "weak sickly man." The law and +public opinion always side with the white man.</p></div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 19]<a name="Page_19" id="Page_19"></a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2> + +<h3><i>The Triumph of the Vanquished</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>There are those throughout the length and breadth of our great country +who make a fair living by traducing better men than themselves; by +continually crying out that the black man is incapable of being +civilized; that he is born with the elements of barbarity, +improvidence and untruthfulness so woven into his very nature that no +amount of opportunity, labor, love, or sacrifice can ever lift him out +of the condition, the "sphere God designed him to occupy"—as if the +great Common Parent took any more pains in the making of one man than +another. But those who utter such blasphemy, who call in the +assistance of the Almighty to fight the battles of the devil, are the +very persons who do most by precept and example to make possible the +verification of their blasphemy. They carry their lamentations into +the pulpit, grave convocations, newspapers, and even into halls of +legislation, State and Federal. They are the false prophets who blind +the eye of reason and blunt the sympathies of honest, well-meaning +men. They are the Jonases on board the ship of progress. They belong +to that class of men who would pick flaws in the finest work of art. +They find fault with the great mass of ignorance around them, +contending that the poor victims have only themselves to blame for +their destitute and painful condition, and, therefore, are not +entitled to the sympathy or charity of their more fortunate +brethren—unmindful that the great Master, judging by the false laws +of men, declared that "the poor ye have always with you;" while <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 20]<a name="Page_20" id="Page_20"></a></span>the +very rich are held up as monsters of selfishness, rapacity and the +most loathsome of social vices. It is, therefore, hardly to be +expected that this class of persons would find anything good in the +nature of the lately enslaved black man, or any improvement in his +condition since a generous Government had made him an ignorant voter +and a confirmed pauper—the victim of his former master, to be robbed +outright by designing and unscrupulous harpies of trade, and to be +defrauded of his franchise by blatant demagogues or by outlaws, to +whom I will not apply the term "assassins" for fear of using bad +English.</p> + +<p>When the American Government conferred upon the black man the boon of +freedom and the burden of the franchise, it added four million men to +the already vast army of men who appear to be specially created to +labor for the enrichment of vast corporations, which have no souls, +and for individuals, whom our government have made a privileged class, +by permitting them to usurp or monopolize, through the accepted +channel of barter and trade, the soil, from which the masses, the +laboring masses, must obtain a subsistence, and without the privilege +of cultivating which they must faint and die.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It also added four +millions of souls to what have been termed, in the refinement of +sarcasm, "the dangerous classes"<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>—meaning by which the vast army of +men and women <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 21]<a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"></a></span>who, while willing and anxious to make an honest living +by the labor of their hands, and who—when speculators cry +"over-production," "glutted market," and other clap-trap—threaten to +take by force from society that which society prevents them from +making honestly.</p> + +<p>When a society fosters as much crime and destitution as ours, with +ample resources to meet the actual necessities of every one, there +must be something radically wrong, not in the society but in the +foundation upon which society is reared. Where is this ulcer located? +Is it to be found in the dead-weight of illiteracy which we carry? The +masses of few countries are more intelligent than ours. Is it to be +found in burdensome taxation or ill-adjusted tariff regulations? Few +countries are burdened with less debt, and many have far worse tariff +laws than curse our country. Is it to be found in an unjust pension +list? We hardly miss the small compensation which we grant to the men +(or their heirs) who, in the hour of National peril, gave their lives +freely to perpetuate the Union of our States. Where, then, is secreted +the parasite which is eating away the energies of the people, making +paupers and criminals in the midst of plenty and the grandest of +civilizations? Is it not to be found in the powerful monopolies we +have created? Monopoly in land, in railroads, telegraphs, fostered +manufactures, etc.,—the gigantic forces in our civilization which +are, in their very nature, agents of public convenience, comfort and +absolute necessity? Society, in the modern sense, could not exist +without these forces; they are part and parcel of our civilization. +Naturally, therefore, society should control them, or submit to the +humiliation of being ruled by them. And this latter is largely the +case at the present time. Having evolved those forces <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 22]<a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"></a></span>out of its +necessities, made them strong and permanent, society failed to impose +such conditions as wise policy should have dictated, and now suffers +the calamitous consequences. The tail wags the dog, instead of the dog +wagging the tail.</p> + +<p>No government can afford, with any degree of safety, to make four +million of citizens out of so many slaves. And when it is remembered +that our slaves were turned loose upon their former masters—lifted by +one stroke of the pen, as it were, from the most degraded condition to +the very pinnacle of sovereign manhood—the equals in unrestricted +manhood, with the privileges and immunities of citizens who had been +born to rule, apparently, instead of being ruled—it will be seen +readily how critical was the situation.</p> + +<p>But the condition having once been created by the strong arm of the +Federal Government, based upon a bloody and costly war in open +defiance of the Constitution as designed by the compromising Fathers +of the Republic; the slave once made a free man the same as his former +master, and given the ballot, the highest privilege of government a +man can exercise;—the Government having once gone so far, there was +absolutely nothing for it to do but to interpose its omnipotent +authority between the haughty and arrogant free man on the one hand +and the crouching and fearful freed man on the other—the lion and the +lamb. To do less would be more than cruel, it would be murderous;—the +agency which created the condition was bound by all law and precedent +to see that those conditions were maintained in their entirety. It +could not evade the issue except at the expense of dignity, +consistency and humanity. There was but one honorable course to +pursue. Any other would be a horrible abandonment of principle. If it +were powerful to create, to make free men and citizens, it must, +manifestly, be powerful to insure the enjoyment of the freedom +conferred, and protect the inviolability of the franchise granted. Any +other conclusion would make government a by-word and a scoffing to the +nations; any other conclusion would <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 23]<a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"></a></span>make its conferring of freedom +and citizenship absurd in the extreme, a mere trick of the demagogue +to ease the popular conscience. To do such a thing would sink a decent +government lower in the estimation of the world than the miserable +apology of government represented by the Khedive of Egypt.</p> + +<p>No patriotic American would admit to himself, or to a foreigner, that +the United States Government, through its accredited representatives +in Congress, possessed constitutional power to confer a benefit and +did not possess power to make that benefit available; to contract an +obligation, pecuniary or other, which it had not inherent power to +liquidate. The validity of a contract, as a matter of fact, depends +upon the ability of the parties to enter into it, for no court can +enforce a contract when it is shown that the principals to it had not +legal right to make it or to fulfill the conditions of it. It is +accepted as a surety of power to observe the conditions when a +sovereign government makes itself a party to a contract. The people +are bound by their agents, to whom they delegate authority. Nothing is +regarded in a more obnoxious light than the repudiation of their +honest debts by sovereign States. It is regarded in financial circles +as the crime of all crimes the blackest. The credit of the State is +reduced to a song, and moneyed men shun it as they would a +rattlesnake. The State and its people are held up as monsters of +depravity. It matters not how unjust the debt, how poor the people; +the mere fact that they repudiate an obligation which they entered +into in good faith is sufficient to destroy their credit in New York +or London and make them the target of every virtuous newspaper which +voices the sentiment of the class that deals in "futures" and +"corners." As an illustration, take the State of Virginia. The people +of that State contracted large debts to aid and abet the cause of the +so-called Confederate Government, a thing which crystallized around +the question: "Have the Sovereign States absolute, undivided authority +to regulate their own internal concerns, slave and other, or is this +authority vested in the Federal or National Government?" When <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 24]<a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"></a></span>the +people of Virginia contracted those large debts, drawing upon her +future resources, and placing burdens upon men yet unborn, to +propagate theories at variance with sound doctrines of government, and +to perpetuate an institution too vile to be mentioned with respect, in +1860, and immediately subsequent thereto, when the State of Virginia +contracted the debts in question for the perpetuation of slavery, she +had a population of 1,047,299; 65.6 per cent of which was white +(free), and 34.4 per cent was colored (slave). Virginia, therefore, in +contracting debts in 1860, did not calculate that twenty-two years +thereafter the obligations would be repudiated, and the credit of the +State depreciated, by the assistance of the very class of persons to +bind whom to a cruel and barbarous servitude those debts were +contracted. It is one of the most striking instances of retributive +justice that I ever knew. Nothing was more natural, when the question +came up for final settlement a few years ago, than that the black +voters of Virginia should take sides with those who opposed the full +settlement of the indebtedness. It is too much to expect of sensible +men that they will assent, in a state of sovereign citizenship, to +cancel debts contracted when they had no voice in the matter, and +when, as a matter of fact, the debts were contracted to rivet upon +them the chains of death. And yet for the part the black men of +Virginia took upon the settlement of her infamous debt, they have been +abused and maligned from one end of the country to the other. Because +they refused to vote to tax themselves to pay money borrowed without +their consent, and applied to purposes of death and slaughter, no man +has been found to commend them or to accept as sufficiently +extenuating, the peculiar circumstances surrounding the question. +Shylock must have his pound of flesh, though the unlucky victim bleed +his life away. But there are laws "higher" than any framed in the +interest of tyrannical capital. In my opinion, the man who +deliberately invests his money to perpetuate so vile an institution as +slavery deserves not only to lose the interest upon his investment but +the principal as well. I therefore have not a grain of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 25]<a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"></a></span>sympathy for +the greedy cormorants who invested their money in the so-called +Confederate Government. Neither have I any sympathy for the people of +the South who, having invested all their money in human flesh, found +themselves at the close of the Rebellion paupers in more senses than +one—being bankrupt in purse and unused to make an honest living by +honest labor—too proud to work and too poor to loaf.</p> + +<p>In a question of this kind, no one disputes the power of Virginia to +contract debts to propagate opinions, erroneous or other, but it is a +question whether the people of one generation have the right to +tax—that is, enslave—the people of generations yet unborn. The +creation of public debts is pernicious in practice, productive of more +harm than good. What right have I to create debts for my grandson or +granddaughter? I have no right even to presume that I will have a +grandson, certainly none that he will be able to meet his own debts in +addition to those I entail upon him. The character of the people +called upon to settle the debt of Virginia, contracted in 1860, before +or immediately after, differed radically from the character of the +people who were called upon to tax themselves to cancel that debt. Not +only had the character of the people undergone a radical change; the +whole social and industrial mechanism of the state had undergone a +wonderful, almost an unrecognizable, metamorphosis. The haughty +aristocrat, with his magnificent plantation, his army of slaves, and his "cattle +on a thousand hills," who eagerly contracted the debt, had been +transformed into a sour pauper when called upon to honor his note; +while the magnificent plantation had been in many instances cut into a +thousand bits to make homes for the former slaves, now freemen and +citizens, the equals of "my lord," while "his cattle on a thousand +hills" had dwindled down to a stubborn jackass and a worn out milch +cow. True, the white man possessed, largely, the soil; but he was, +immediately after the war, utterly incapable of wringing from it the +bounty of Nature; he had first to be re-educated.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 26]<a name="Page_26" id="Page_26"></a></span></p> + +<p>But, when the bloody rebellion was over, the country, in its sovereign +capacity, and by individual States, was called upon to deal with grave +questions growing out of the conflict. Mr. Lincoln, by a stroke of the +pen,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> transferred the battle from the field to the halls of +legislation. In view of the "Emancipation proclamation" as issued by +Mr. Lincoln, and the invaluable service rendered by black troops<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> +in the rebellion, legislation upon the status of the former slave +could not be avoided. The issue could not be evaded; like Banquo's +ghost, it would not down. There were not wanting men, even when the +war had ended and the question of chattel slavery had been forever +relegated to the limbo of "things that were," who were willing still +to toy with half-way measures, to cater to the caprices of that +treacherous yet brave power—the South. They had not yet learned that +Southern sentiment was fundamentally revolutionary, dynamic in the +extreme, and could not be toyed with as with a doll-baby. So the +statesmen proceeded to manufacture the "Reconstruction policy"—a +policy more fatuous, more replete with fatal concessions and far more +fatal omissions <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 27]<a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"></a></span>than any ever before adopted for the acceptance and +governance of a rebellious people on the one hand and a newly made, +supremely helpless people on the other. It is not easy to regard with +equanimity the blunders of the "Reconstruction policy" and the +manifold infamies which have followed fast upon its adoption.</p> + +<p>The South scornfully rejected and successfully nullified the +legislative will of the victors.</p> + +<p>Judge Albion W. Tourgee says of this policy in his book called <i>A +Fool's Errand</i>: "It was a magnificent sentiment that underlay it +all,—an unfaltering determination, an invincible defiance to all that +had the seeming of compulsion or tyranny. One cannot but regard with +pride and sympathy the indomitable men, who, being conquered in war, +yet resisted every effort of the conqueror to change their laws, their +customs, or even the <i>personnel</i> of their ruling class; and this, too, +not only with unyielding stubbornness, but with success. One cannot +but admire the arrogant boldness with which they charged the nation +which had overpowered them—even in the teeth of her legislators—with +perfidy, malice, and a spirit of unworthy and contemptible revenge. +How they laughed to scorn the Reconstruction Acts of which the wise +men boasted! How boldly they declared the conflict to be +irrepressible, and that white and black could not and should not live +together as co-ordinate ruling elements! How lightly they told the +tales of blood—of the Masked Night-Riders, of the Invisible Empire of +Rifle clubs and Saber clubs (all organized for peaceful purposes), of +warnings and whippings and slaughter! Ah, it is wonderful! * * * +Bloody as the reign of Mary, barbarous as the chronicles of the +Comanche!"</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> We of the United States take credit for having abolished +slavery. Passing the question of how much credit the majority of us +are entitled to for the abolition of Negro slavery, it remains true +that we have only abolished one form of slavery—and that a primitive +form which had been abolished in the greater portion of the country by +social development, and that, notwithstanding its race character gave +it peculiar tenacity, would in time have been abolished in the same +way in other parts of the country. We have not really abolished +slavery; we have retained it in its most insidious and widespread +form—in the form which applies to whites as to blacks. So far from +having abolished slavery, it is extending and intensifying, and we +made no scruple of setting into it our own children—the citizens of +the Republic yet to be. For what else are we doing in selling the land +on which future citizens must live, if they are to live at all.—Henry +George, <i>Social Problems</i>, p. 209.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Although for the present there is a lull in the conflict +of races at the South, it is a lull which comes only from the +breathing-spells of a great secular contention, and not from any +permanent pacification founded on a resolution of the race problem +presented by the Negro question in its present aspects. So long as the +existing mass of our crude and unassimilated colored population holds +its present place in the body politic, we must expect that +civilization and political rights will oscillate between alternate +perils—the peril that comes from the white man when he places +civilization, or sometimes his travesty of it, higher than the Negro's +political rights, and the peril that comes from the black man when his +political rights are placed by himself or others higher than +civilization—President James C. Willing, on "Race Education" in <i>The +North American Review</i>, April, 1883.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> By virtue of the power and for the purposes aforesaid, I +do ordain and declare that all persons held as slaves within said +designated States and parts of States, are and henceforth shall be +free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, +including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize +and maintain the freedom of said persons.—Abraham Lincoln's +<i>Emancipation Proclamation</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> From Williams's <i>History of the Negro Race in America</i> I +construct the following table showing the number of colored troops +employed by the Federal Government during the war of the Rebellion: +</p> + +<table summary="Colored Troops Furnished"> +<tr> +<td colspan="2" class="right">Colored Troops Furnished 1861-65</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Total of New England States</td> +<td class="right">7,916</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Total of Middle States</td> +<td class="right">13,922</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Total, Western States and Territories</td> +<td class="right">12,711</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Total, Border States</td> +<td class="right">45,184</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td>Total, Southern States</td> +<td class="right">63,571</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td class="right">————</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="i3">Grand Total States</td> +<td class="right">143,304</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="i3">At Large</td> +<td class="right">733</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="i3"> Not accounted for</td> +<td class="right">5,083</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="i3">Officers</td> +<td class="right">7,122</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td> </td> +<td class="right">————</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="i4">Grand total</td> +<td class="right">156,242</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p> +This gives colored troops enlisted in the States in Rebellion; besides +this, there were 92,576 colored troops (included with the white +soldiers) in the quotas of the several States.</p></div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 28]<a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"></a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2> + +<h3><i>Illiteracy—Its Causes</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>At the close of the rebellion there were in the Union (according to +the census of 1860) 4,441,830 people of African origin; in 1880 they +had increased to 6,580,793. Of this vast multitude in 1860, it is safe +to say, not so many as one in every ten thousand could read or write. +They had been doomed by the most stringent laws to a long night of +mental darkness. It was a crime to teach a black man how to read even +the Bible, the sacred repository of the laws that must light the +pathway of man from death unto life eternal. For to teach a slave was +to make a firebrand—to arouse that love of freedom which stops at +nothing short of absolute freedom. It is not, therefore, surprising +that every southern state should have passed the most odious +inhibitary laws, with severe fines and penalties for their infraction, +upon the question of informing the stunted intelligence of the slave +population. The following table [on page 29] will show the condition of education +in the South in 1880:</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 29]<a name="Page_29" id="Page_29"></a></span></p> +<blockquote> +<pre> + COMPARATIVE STATISTICS OF EDUCATION AT THE SOUTH +------------------------------------------------------------------------ + White Colored + -------------------------- ------------------------ +States School Enroll- [A] School Enroll- [A] [B] + population ment population ment +------------------------------------------------------------------------ +Alabama 217,590 107,483 49 170,413 72,007 42 $375,465 +Arkansas [b]181,799 [c]53,229 29 [b]54,332 [c]17,743 33 238,056 +Delaware 31,505 25,053 80 3,954 2,770 70 207,281 +Florida [b]46,410 [c]18,871 41 [b]42,099 [c]20,444 49 114,895 +Georgia [d]236,319 150,134 64 [d]197,125 86,399 45 471,029 +Kentucky [e]478,597 [c]241,679 50 [e]66,564 [c]23,902 36 803,490 +Louisiana [c]139,661 [d]44,052 32 [c]134,184 [d]34,476 26 480,320 +Maryland [f]213,669 134,210 63 [f]63,591 28,221 44 1,544,367 +Mississippi 175,251 112,994 64 251,438 123,710 49 850,704 +Missouri 681,995 454,218 67 41,489 22,158 53 3,152,178 +N.Carolina 291,770 136,481 47 167,554 89,125 53 352,882 +S.Carolina [g]83,813 61,219 73 [g]144,315 72,853 50 324,629 +Tennessee 403,353 229,290 57 141,509 60,851 43 724,862 +Texas [h]171,426 138,912 81 [h]62,015 47,874 77 753,346 +Virginia 314,827 152,136 48 240,980 68,600 28 946,109 +W.Virginia 202,364 138,799 68 7,749 4,071 53 716,864 +District of +Columbia 29,612 16,934 57 13,946 9,505 68 438,567 + --------- --------- -- --------- ------- ---------- +Total 3,899,961 2,215,674 1,803,257 784,709 12,475,044 +------------------------------------------------------------------------ +[Table Header A: Percentage of the school population enrolled] +[Table Header B: Total Expenditure for both races[a]] +</pre> + +<p>[a] In Delaware the colored public schools have been supported by +the school tax collected from colored citizens only; recently, +however, they have received an appropriation of $2,400 from the State; +in Kentucky the school-tax collected from colored citizens is the only +State appropriation for the support of colored schools; in Maryland +there is a biennial appropriation by the Legislature; in the District +of Columbia one-third of the school moneys is set apart for colored +public schools, and in the other States mentioned above the school +moneys are divided in proportion to the school population without +regard to race.</p> + +<p>[b] Several counties failed to make race distinctions.</p> + +<p>[c] Estimated.</p> + +<p>[d] In 1879.</p> + +<p>[e] For whites the school age is 6 to 20, for colored 6 to 16.</p> + +<p>[f] Census of 1870.</p> + +<p>[g] In 1877.</p> + +<p>[h] These numbers include some duplicates; the actual school +population is 230,527.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Speaking in the Senate of the United States June 13, 1882, the bill +for National "Aid to Common Schools" being under consideration, +Senator Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire, said:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Excluding the states of Maryland and Missouri and the +District of Columbia, and the total yearly expenditure for +both races is only $7,339,932, while in the whole country +the annual expenditure is, from taxation, $70,341,435, and +from school funds $6,580,632, or a total of $76,922,067, +(see tables 2 and 7,) or one-tenth of the whole, while they +contain one-fifth of the school-population. The causes which +have produced this state of things in the Southern States +are far less important than the facts themselves as they now +exist. To <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 30]<a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"></a></span>find a remedy and apply it is the only duty +which devolves upon us. Without universal education, not +only will the late war prove to be a failure, but the +abolition of slavery be proved to be a tremendous disaster, +if not a crime.</p> + +<p>The country was held together by the strong and bloody +embrace of war, but that which the nation might and did do +to retain the integrity of its territory and of its laws by +the expenditure of brute force will all be lost if, for the +subjection of seven millions of men, by the statutes of the +States is to be substituted the thraldom of ignorance and +the tyranny of an irresponsible suffrage. Secession, and a +confederacy founded upon slavery as its chief cornerstone, +would be better than the future of the Southern +States—better for both races, too—if the nation is to +permit one-third, and that the fairest portion of its +domain, to become the spawning ground of ignorance, vice, +anarchy, and of every crime. The nation as such abolished +slavery as a legal institution; but ignorance is slavery, +and no matter what is written in your constitutions and your +laws, slavery will continue until intelligence, handmaid of +liberty, shall have illuminated the whole land with the +light of her smile.</p> + +<p>Before the war the Southern States were aristocracies, +highly educated, and disciplined in the science of polities. +Hence they preserved order and flourished at home, while +they imposed their will upon the nation at large. Now all is +changed. The suffrage is universal, and that means universal +ruin unless the capacity to use it intelligently is created +by universal education. Until the republican constitutions, +framed in accordance with the Congressional reconstruction +which supplanted the governments initiated by President +Johnson, common-school systems, like universal suffrage, +were unknown. Hence in a special manner the nation is +responsible for the existence and support of those systems +as well as for the order of things which made them +necessary. That remarkable progress has been made under +their influence is true, and that the common school is fast +becoming as dear to the masses of the people at the South as +elsewhere is also evident.</p> + +<p>The Nation, through the Freedmen's Bureau, and perhaps to a +limited extent in other ways, has expended five millions of +dollars for the education of negroes and refugees in the +earlier days of reconstruction, while religious charities +have founded many special schools which have thus far cost +some ten millions more. The Peabody fund has distilled the +dews of heaven all over the South; but heavy rains are +needed; without them every green thing must wither away.</p> + +<p>This work belongs to the Nation. It is a part of the war. We +have the Southern people as patriotic allies now. We are +one; so shall we be forever. But both North and South have a +fiercer and more doubtful fight with the forces of ignorance +than they waged with each other during the bloody years +which chastened the opening life of this generation.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 31]<a name="Page_31" id="Page_31"></a></span></p> + +<p>The South lost in the destruction of property about two billion +dollars and in prosecuting the war two billion more. No people can +lose so much without seriously disarranging the entire mechanism of +their government. It is for this reason, therefore, that the measure +of "National Aid to Education" has so many and so persistent +advocates. I wish to place myself among them. If the safety of +republican government abides in the intelligence and virtue of the +people, it can very readily be seen how much safety there is in the +South at present. If it be true that an ulcer will vitiate the entire +body, and endanger the life of the patient, we can see very plainly to +what possible danger the spread of illiteracy may lead us.</p> + +<p>Illiteracy in the South is one of the worst legacies which the +rebellion bequeathed to the nation. It has been the prime cause of +more misgovernment in the South than any other one cause, not even the +insatiable rapacity of the carpet-bag adventurers taking precedence of +it. It has not only served as a provocation to peculation and +chicanery, but it has nerved the courage of the assassin and made +merry the midnight ride of armed mobs bent upon righting wrongs by +committing crimes before which the atrocities of savage warfare pale. +Wholesale murders have been committed and sovereign majorities awed +into silence and inaction by reason of the widespread illiteracy of +the masses. The very first principles of republican government have +been ruthlessly trampled under foot because the people were ignorant +of their sovereign rights, and had not, therefore, courage to maintain +them.</p> + +<p>That there should be in sixteen States and the District of Columbia a +population of 5,703,218 people to be educated out of $12,475,044 is +sufficient to arouse the apprehension of the most indifferent friend +of good government. The State of New York alone, with a school +population of only 1,641,173 spent, in 1880, $9,675,922.</p> + +<p>But I base my argument for the establishment and maintenance of a +comprehensive system of National education upon other <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 32]<a name="Page_32" id="Page_32"></a></span>grounds than +the "safety of the Union," which is the same argument used by Mr. +Lincoln when he emancipated the slaves. This argument is strong, and +will always greatly influence a certain class of people. And, +naturally, it should, for the perpetuation of the Union is simply the +perpetuation of a republican form of government. But there are +stronger grounds to be considered.</p> + +<p>1. The United States government is directly responsible for the +illiteracy and the widespread poverty which obtain in the South. Under +its sanction and by its connivance the institution of slavery +flourished and prospered, until it had taken such deep root as to be +almost impossible of extirpation. It was the <i>Union</i>, and not the +<i>States</i>, severally, which made slavery part and parcel of the +fundamental law of the land. If this be a correct statement of the +case, and I assume that it is, the <i>Union</i> (and not the <i>States</i>, +severally) is responsible for the ignorance of the black people of the +South. Slavery could not have existed and grown in the Union save by +permission of all the States of the Union. It is therefore obvious +that the agency which created and fostered a great crime is obligated, +not only by the laws of God but of man as well, to assume the +responsibility of its creation and to remedy, as far as possible, the +evil results of that crime. The issue cannot be evaded. The obligation +rests upon the Union, not upon the several States, to assume the +direction of methods by which the appalling illiteracy of the South is +to be diminished.</p> + +<p>2. There have not been wanting men and newspapers to urge that the +United States should reimburse the slave-holders of the South for the +wholesale confiscation, so to speak, of their property. True, these +men and newspapers belong to that class of unrepentants who believed +that slavery was a <i>Divine institution</i> and that the slave-holder was +a sort of vicegerent of heaven, a holy Moses, as it were. But when we +leave the absurdity of this claim, which lies upon the surface, there +is much apparent reason in their representations. It was the <i>Union</i> +which legalized the sale and purchase of slave property, thereby +inviting capitalists to <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 33]<a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"></a></span>invest in it; and it was the <i>Union</i> which +declared such contracts null and void by the abolition of slavery, or +confiscation of slave property. As I said before, I have no sympathy +with those who invested their money in slave property. They not only +received their just deserts in having their property confiscated, but +they should have been compelled to make restitution to the last penny +to the poor slaves whom they had systematically robbed. But perhaps +this would have been carrying justice too near the ideal. For the +great debt to the slave, who was robbed of his honest wage, we go +behind the slave-holder, who had been invited by the government to +invest his money in blood; we go to the head of the firm for the +payment of debts contracted by the firm, for each member of the +government is, measurably, an agent of the government, contracting and +paying debts by its delegated authority. Thus the law holds him guilty +who willfully breaks a contract entered into in good faith by all the +parties to it. Instead of holding the slave-holder responsible for the +robbery of the black man through a period of a hundred years, we hold +the <i>government</i> responsible.</p> + +<p>What man can compute the dollars stolen from the black slave in the +shape of wages, for a period of a hundred years! What claim has the +slave-holder against the government for confiscation of property by +the side of the claim of the slaves for a hundred years of wages and +enervated and dwarfed manhood! A billion dollars would have bought +every slave in the South in 1860, but fifty billions would not have +adequately recompensed the slave for enforced labor and debased +manhood. The debt grows in magnitude the closer it is inspected. And +yet there are those who will laugh this claim to scorn; who will be +unable to see any grounds upon which to base the justice of it; who +will say that the black man was fully compensated for all the ills he +had borne, the robbery to which he had been subjected, and the +debasement—not to say enervation—of his manhood, by the great act by +which he was made a free man and a citizen.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 34]<a name="Page_34" id="Page_34"></a></span></p> + +<p>But there is, or should be, such a claim; it rests upon the strongest +possible grounds of equity; while the conference of freedom and +citizenship was simply the rendering back in the first instance that +which no man has any right to appropriate, law or no law; and, in the +second, bestowing a boon which had been honestly earned in every +conflict waged by the Union from Yorktown to Appomatox Court House—a +boon, I am forced to exclaim, which has, in many respects, proved to +be more of a curse than a blessing, more a dead weight to carry than a +help to conserve his freedom; and to aid in the fixing of his proper +status as a co-equal citizen. I deny the <i>right</i> of any man to enslave +his fellow; I deny the <i>right</i> of any government, sovereign as the +Union or dependent as are the States in many respects, to pass any +regulation which robs <i>one man or class</i> to enrich <i>another</i>. +Individuals may invest their capital in human flesh, and governments +may legalize the infamous compact; yet it carries upon its face the +rankest injustice to the man and outrage upon the laws of God, the +common Parent of all mankind. There are those in this country—men too +of large influence, however small their wit, who, aping miserably the +masterly irony of <i>Junius</i>, speak of the black man as the "ward of the +nation"—a sort of pauper, dependent upon the charity of a generous +and humane people for sustenance, and even tolerance to dwell among +them, to enjoy the blessing of a civilization which I pronounce to be +reared upon quicksand, a civilization more fruitful of poverty, misery +and crime than of competence, happiness and virtue. Those who regard +the black man in the light of a "ward of the nation," are too +narrow-minded, ignorant or ungenerous to deserve my contempt. The +people of this country have been made fabulously affluent by legalized +robbery of the black man; the coffers of the National Government have +overflowed into the channels of subsidy and peculation, enriching +sharpers and thieves, with the earnings of slave labor; while nineteen +out of every twenty landowners in the South obtained their unjust hold +upon the soil by robbing the black man.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 35]<a name="Page_35" id="Page_35"></a></span> When the rebellion at last +closed, the white people of the South were poor in gold but rich +indeed in lands, while the black man was poor in everything, even in +manhood, not because of any neglect or improvidence on his part, but +because, though he labored from the rising to the setting of the sun, +he received absolutely nothing for his labor, often being denied +adequate food to sustain his physical man and clothing to protect him +from the rude inclemency of the weather. He was a bankrupt in purse +because the <i>government</i> had robbed him; he was a bankrupt in +character, in all the elements of a successful manhood, because the +<i>government</i> had placed a premium upon illiteracy and immorality. It +was not the individual slave-owner who held the black man in chains; +it was the <i>government</i>; for, the government having permitted slavery +to exist, the institution vanished the instant the government declared +that it should no longer exist!</p> + +<p>I therefore maintain that the people of this Nation who enslaved the +black man, who robbed him of more than a hundred years of toil, who +perverted his moral nature, and all but extinguished in him the Divine +spark of intelligence, are morally bound to do all that is in their +power to build up his shattered manhood, to put him on his feet, as it +were, to fit him to enjoy the freedom thrust upon him so +unceremoniously, and to exercise with loyalty and patriotism the +ballot placed in his hands—the ballot, in which is wrapped up the +destiny of republican government, the perpetuity of democratic +institutions. It is the proper function of government to see to it +that its citizens are properly prepared to exercise wisely the +liberties placed in their keeping. Self-preservation would dictate as +much; for, if it be considered the better part of valor to discretely +build and maintain arsenals and forts to bar out the invader, to +prepare against the assaults of the enemy from without, how much more +imperative it is to take timely precautions to counteract the mischief +of insidious foes from within? Are our liberties placed more in +jeopardy by the assaults of an enemy who plans our destruction three +thousand <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 36]<a name="Page_36" id="Page_36"></a></span>miles away than of the enemy within our very bosoms? Was it +the puissance of the barbarian arms or the corruption and enervation +of the character of her people which worked the downfall of Rome? Was +it influences from <i>without</i> or influences from <i>within</i> which +corrupted the integrity of the people of Sparta and led to their +subjugation by a more sturdy people? Let us learn by the striking +examples of history. A people's greatness should be measured, not by +its magnificent palaces, decked out in all the gaudy splendors of art +and needless luxuries, the price of piracy or direct thievery; not in +the number of colossal fortunes accumulated out of the stipend of the +orphan and widow and the son of toil; not in the extent and richness +of its public buildings and palaces of idle amusement; not in vast +aggregations of capital in the coffers of the common treasury—capital +unnecessarily diverted from the channels of trade, extorted from the +people by the ignorance of their "wise men," who seek in vain for a +remedy for the evil, <i>because they do not want to find one</i>.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> A +people's greatness should not be measured by these standards, for they +are the parasites which eat away the foundations of greatness and +stability. On the contrary, such greatness is to be found in the +general diffusion of wealth, the comparative contentment and +competency of the masses, and the general virtue and patriotism of the +<i>whole</i> people. It should, therefore, manifestly be the end and aim of +legislators to so shape the machinery placed in their hands as to +operate with the least possible restraint upon the energies of the +people. It should not be the studied purpose to enrich the few at the +expense of the many, to restrain this man and give that one the +largest possible immunity. No law should be made or enforced which +would abridge my right while enlarging the right of my neighbor. That +such is the case at this time—that legislatures are manipulated in +the interest of a few, and that the great mass of the people feel only +the burdens placed upon them by their servants, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 37]<a name="Page_37" id="Page_37"></a></span>who are more properly +speaking become their masters—that to such perversion of popular +sovereignty we have come, is admitted by candid men.</p> + +<p>Therefore, that the people may more clearly know their rights and how +best to preserve them and reap their fullest benefits, they should be +instructed in the language which is the medium through which to +interpret their grand <i>Magna Charta</i>.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Since all sensible men know that the evil lies in a +protective tariff and the bulky catalogue of monopoly.</p></div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 38]<a name="Page_38" id="Page_38"></a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI</h2> + +<h3><i>Education—Professional or Industrial</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>The "Religious Training of the Freedmen" and the "Education of the +Freedmen" have raised up an army of people more <i>peculiar</i> in many +respects than any other like class in all the history of mankind. They +stand off by themselves; they are not to be approached by any counter +method of "advocating a cause" or "building up the Kingdom of Christ" +in <i>their</i> field. Millions of dollars have been "raised" to root out +the illiteracy and immorality of the Freedmen, and to build up their +shattered manhood. Indeed, there have been times when I have seriously +debated the question, whether the black man had any manhood left, +after the missionaries and religious enthusiasts had done picturing, +or, rather, caricaturing his debased moral and mental condition. He +has been made the victim of the most exalted panegyric by one set of +fanatics, and of the most painful, malignant abuse and detraction by +another set. The one has painted him as a sort of angel, and the other +as a sort of devil; when, in fact, he is neither one nor the other; +when, simply, he is a <i>man</i>, a member of the common family, possessing +no more virtue nor vice than his brother, the brother who has managed +to so impose upon himself that he is pretty thoroughly convinced that +nature expended all its most choice materials in the construction of +his class. But this is simply the work of the devil, who delights in +throwing cayenne pepper into the eyes of good men.</p> + +<p>The aspects of the work which has been done in the South for <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 39]<a name="Page_39" id="Page_39"></a></span>the +colored people by "missionaries," so to term them, by the assistance +of large sums of money donated by philanthropic men and women, are +very many-sided indeed. I would in no wise underrate the magnitude of +the work performed, nor attribute to those who have been the agents in +disbursing these unparalleled benefactions motives other than of the +purest and loftiest, in a majority of cases; but I think the time has +arrived when we may disrobe the matter of the romance which writers +have industriously woven about it. In the early stages of the work a +few men and women of large fortunes, who had been "born with a silver +spoon in their mouths," may have gone South to labor for humanity and +the Master, may have left comfortable firesides and congenial +companionships to make their homes among strangers who shut them out +from their affections and sympathies because they had come to labor +for the poor and the despised. Examples of this lofty devotion to a +good cause there undoubtedly were in the days long ago; but the bulk +of the work was performed by persons, male and female, to whom +employment, an opportunity to make an honest living in an honest way, +was a godsend. That they possessed much bravery to undertake a work +which shut them out from the sympathy and social recognition of those +who may be called their equals, is not denied; but that they were the +pampered children of fortune, laboring simply for God and humanity, +which zealous persons have painted them to be in newspapers and +magazines, religious and other, is simply making a mountain out of a +mole-hill. They were neither millionaires nor paupers, but they were +educated men and women, like thousands throughout the North and West, +who went into the field to labor because it was rich unto the harvest +and the laborers were few. To say that salaries offered were not +accepted always with promptness would be to get on the wrong side of a +correct statement of fact. There are hundreds and thousands of +educated men and women in the North and West to-day "waiting for +something to turn up," and who would not hesitate a moment to embrace +an <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 40]<a name="Page_40" id="Page_40"></a></span>opportunity, honorable and lucrative, which should present itself. +There was little romance in the undertaking; there was far less in the +work to be performed. I simply desire to protest against the +correctness of the distorted pictures drawn ostensibly to magnify the +sacrifices, which were many, and to belittle the rewards, which were +great, in the performance of an ordinary piece of work, by a class of +persons now rapidly disappearing from the scenes that once knew them. +Their work is fast being transferred to the hands of colored men and +women—the pupil is taking the place of the master; the demand drawing +upon the colored—not the white—supply, because "birds of a feather +flock together," more especially when one class is composed of +chickens and the other of chicken-hawks. When lines are drawn, men +unconsciously, as it were, keep on their own side. So, in colored +churches and schools the whites are at a discount because it is easier +and more congenial to employ colored help. Colored people are like +white people. When they see nothing but white ministers in the white +churches they conclude that it is best to have nothing but colored +ministers in their own pulpits, and they are perfectly consistent and +logical in their conclusion; the rule which actuates mankind in such +matters being, not the biblical one, which enjoins that we do unto +others as we <i>would have them</i> do unto us, but, rather, do unto others +as <i>they do</i> unto us; and this latter rule would seem to be better +adapted for worldly success than the former, because it has more of +the practical than the theoretical about it, and is more earthly than +heavenly in its observance. The same is true of schools and school +teachers. The colored people everywhere are constantly clamoring for +colored teachers, since the rank injustice of <i>separate</i> schools is +forced upon them.</p> + +<p>I would interject just here a few words on the <i>separate-school +system</i>. Aside from the manifest injustice of setting up two +schoolhouses in the same ward or district—injustice to the children +in the spirit, false from every standpoint, that one child is better +than another—the <i>double expense</i> of maintaining two <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 41]<a name="Page_41" id="Page_41"></a></span>schools is +obvious, and is sufficiently absurd to repel the sympathy or practical +philanthropy of any man, Christian or Infidel. Why should the people +be called upon to support <i>two</i> schools within speaking distance of +each other to preserve an infamous distinction, a sneaking caste +prejudice? Why! Because the people are wise in their own +conceit—perfectly rational upon all other questions save the <i>color +question</i>. The South is weighted down with debt, almost as poor as the +proverbial "Job's turkey," and yet she supports a dual school system +simple to gratify a <i>prejudice</i>. I notice with surprise that among the +bills pending before Congress to give national aid to education it is +not proposed to interfere with the irregular and ruinous dual caste +schools; thereby, in effect, giving the national assent to a system +repugnant to the genius of the constitution. But it is nothing new +under the sun for the Congress of the Nation to aid and abet +institutions and theories anti-republican and pernicious in all their +ramifications.</p> + +<p>Perhaps no people ever had more advantages to dedicate and prepare +themselves for the ministry of Christ than the colored people of the +South. The religious "idea" has been so thoroughly worked that other +branches of study, other callings than the ministry, have paled into +insignificance. The Cross of Christ has been held up before the +colored youth as if the whole end and aim of life was to preach the +Gospel, as if the philosophy of heaven superseded in practical +importance the philosophy of life. The persistence with which this one +"idea" has been forced upon colored students has produced the reverse +of what was anticipated in a large number of cases, and very +naturally. It is a false theory to suppose all the people of any one +class to be specially fitted for only one branch of industry: for I +maintain that preaching has largely become a trade or profession, in +which the churches with large salaries have become prizes to be +contended for with almost as much zeal and partisanship as the prizes +in politics. This is true not only of colored ministers but <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 42]<a name="Page_42" id="Page_42"></a></span>white +ones as well. It is no disparagement of colored ministers to say that +day by day they grow more and more in favor of serving churches with +fair salaries than in carrying around the cross as itinerants, without +any special place to lay their heads when the storms blow and the +rains descend. In this they do but pattern after white clergymen, who +do not always set examples that angels would be justified in +imitating.</p> + +<p>Colored people are naturally sociable, and intensely religious in +their disposition. Their excellent social qualities make them the best +of companions. They are musical, humorous and generous to a fault. +Coupled with their strong religious bias, these attractive qualities +will in time lift them to the highest possible grade in our dwarfed +civilization, where the fittest does not always survive; the +drossiest, flimsiest, most selfish and superficial often occupying the +high places, social and political. But I have still higher aspirations +for my race. There is hope for any people who are social in +disposition, for this supposes the largest capacity for mutual +friendships, therefore of co-operation, out of which the highest +civilization is possible to be evolved; while a love of music and the +possession of musical and humorous talent is, undeniably, indicative +of genius and prospective culture and refinement of the most approved +standard.</p> + +<p>Indeed, the constant evolution of negro character is one of the most +marked and encouraging social phenomena of the times; it constantly +tends upwards, in moral, mental development and material betterment. +Those who contend that the negro is standing still, or "<i>relapsing +into barbarism</i>," are the falsest of false prophets. They resolutely +shut their eyes to facts all around them, and devote columns upon +columns of newspaper, magazine and book argument—imaginary +pictures—to the immorality, mental sterility and innate improvidence +of this people; and they do this for various reasons, none of them +honorable, many of them really disreputable. In dealing with this +negro problem they always start off upon a false premise; their +conclusions must, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 43]<a name="Page_43" id="Page_43"></a></span>necessarily, be false. In the first place, +disregarding the fact that the negroes of the South are nothing more +nor less than the laboring class of the people, the same in many +particulars as the English and Irish peasantry, they proceed to regard +them as intruders in the community—as a people who continually take +from but add nothing to the wealth of the community.</p> + +<p>It is nothing unusual to see newspaper articles stating in the most +positive terms that the schools maintained by the State for the +education of the blacks are supported out of the taxes paid by <i>white +men</i>; and, very recently, it was spoken of as a most laudable act of +justice and generosity that the State of Georgia paid out annually for +the maintenance of colored schools more money than <i>the aggregate +taxes paid into the treasury</i> of the State by the Negro property +owners of the State; while the grand commonwealth of Kentucky only +appropriates for the maintenance of colored schools such moneys as are +paid into the State treasury by the colored people. Can the philosophy +of taxation be reduced to a more hurtful, a more demoralizing +absurdity!</p> + +<p>Suppose the same standard of distribution of school funds should be +applied to the city or the State of New York; what would be the +logical result? Should we appropriate annually from nine to twelve +millions of dollars to improve the morals of the people by informing +their intelligence? Would the State be able, after ten years of such +an experiment, to pay the myriads of officials which would be required +to preserve the public peace, to protect life and insure proper +respect for the so-called rights of property? Such an experiment would +in time require the deportation to New York of the entire male adult +population of Ireland, to be turned into the "finest police in the +world," to stem the tide of crime and immorality which such premium +upon ignorance would entail. Since even under the present munificent +and well ordered school system, it is almost impossible to elect a +Board of Aldermen from any other than the <i>slum</i> elements of the +population—the liquor dealers, the gamblers, and men of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 44]<a name="Page_44" id="Page_44"></a></span>their kind, +the President of the New York Board of Aldermen at this very writing +being a liquor-dealer, who can estimate the calamity which the +inauguration of the Kentucky system would bring upon the people of New +York—appropriating to the support of the public schools only such +taxes as were paid by the parents of the children who attend them!</p> + +<p>And, yet, there is hardly an editor in the South who does not regard +it as so much robbery of the tax-payers to support schools for the +colored people—for the proletarian classes generally, white and +colored. They stoutly maintain that these people really add nothing to +the stock of wealth, really produce nothing, and that, therefore +charity can become no more magnanimous than when it gives, places in +reach of, the poor man the opportunity to educate his child, the +embryo man, the future citizen.</p> + +<p>They think it a sounder principle of government to equip and maintain +vast penal systems—with chain gangs, schools of crime, depravity and +death, than to support schools and churches. Millions of money are +squandered annually to curb crime, when a few thousand dollars, +properly applied, would prove to be a more humane, a more profitable +preventive. The poor school teacher is paid <i>twenty-five dollars per +month</i> for three months in the year, while the prison guards is paid +<i>fifty dollars per month</i> for twelve months—ninety days being the +average length given to teach the child in the school and three +hundred and sixty-five being necessary to teach him in the prison, +whence he is frequently graduated a far worse, more hopeless enemy of +society than when he matriculated.</p> + +<p>And the brutality of the convict systems of Southern States is equaled +by no similar institutions in the world, if we except the penal system +enforced by Russia in Siberia. The terms of imprisonment for minor +offenses are cruelly excessive, while the food and shelter furnished +and the punishments inflicted would bring the blush of shame to the +cheeks of a savage. The convict systems of Alabama, Georgia, South +Carolina and Arkansas are <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 45]<a name="Page_45" id="Page_45"></a></span>a burning disgrace to the Christian +civilization which we boast. Nothing short of a semi-barbarous public +opinion would permit them to exist. Governors have "called attention" +to them; legislatures have "investigated" and "resolved" that they +should be purified, and a <i>few</i> newspapers here and there have held +them up to the scorn and contempt of the world; yet they not only grow +worse year by year, but the number of them steadily multiplies. And so +they will. How is it to be otherwise? To prevent such ulcerations upon +the body you must purify the blood. You cannot root them out by +probing; that simply aggravates them.</p> + +<p>A system of misrepresentation and vilification of the character and +condition of the Southern Negro has grown up, for the avowed purpose +of enlisting the sympathies of the charitable and philanthropic people +of the country to supply funds for his regeneration and education, +which the government, State and Federal, studiously denies; so that it +is almost impossible to form a correct opinion either of his moral, +mental or material condition. Societies have organized and maintain a +work among that people which requires an annual outlay of millions of +dollars and thousands of employees; and to maintain the work, to keep +up the interest of the charitable, it is necessary to picture, as +black as imagination can conceive it, the present and prospective +condition of the people who are, primarily, the beneficiaries. The +work and its maintenance has really become a heavy strain upon the +patience and generosity of the liberal givers of the land—whose +profuse behests have no parallel in the history of any people. They +have kept it up wellnigh a quarter of a century; and it is no +disparagement to their zeal to say the tax upon them is becoming more +of a burden than a pleasure. They have done in the name of humanity +and of God for the unfortunate needy what the government should have +done for its own purification and perpetuity for the co-equal citizen. +And it is high time that the government should relieve the individual +from the unjust and onerous tax.</p> + +<p>I do not hesitate to affirm, that while the work done by the +charitable <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 46]<a name="Page_46" id="Page_46"></a></span>for the black citizen of this Republic has been of the +most incalculable benefit to him, it has also done him injury which it +will take years upon years to eradicate. The misrepresentations +resorted to, to obtain money to "lift him up," have spread broadcast +over the land a feeling of contempt for him as a man and pity for his +lowly and unfortunate condition; so that throughout the North a +business man would much rather <i>give a thousand dollars</i> to aid in the +education of the black heathen than to give a black scholar and +gentleman an opportunity to honestly <i>earn a hundred dollars</i>. He has +no confidence in the capacity of the black man. He has seen him +pictured a savage, sunk in ignorance and vice—an object worthy to +receive alms, but incapable of making an honest living. So that when a +black man demonstrates any capacity, shows any signs of originality or +genius, rises just a few inches above the common, he at once becomes +an object rare and wonderful—a "Moses," a "<i>leader</i> of his +people."—It is almost as hard for an educated black man to obtain a +position of trust and profit as it is for a camel to go through the +eye of a needle. The missionaries, the preachers, and the educators, +assisted by the newspapers and the magazines, have educated the people +into the false opinion that it is safer to "donate" a thousand dollars +to a colored college than it is to give one black man a chance to make +an honest living.</p> + +<p>Let us now look at the system of education as it has been operated +among the colored people of the South.</p> + +<p>It cannot be denied that much of the fabulous sums of money lavishly +given for the education of the Freedmen of the South, has been +squandered upon experiments, which common sense should have dictated +were altogether impracticable. Perhaps this was sequential in the +early stages of the work, when the instructor was ignorant of the +topography of the country, the temper of the people among whom he was +to labor, and, more important still, when he was totally ignorant of +the particular class upon whom he was to operate—ignorant of their +temperament, receptive <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 47]<a name="Page_47" id="Page_47"></a></span>capacity and peculiar, aye, unique, +idiosyncrasies. Thus thousands upon thousands of dollars were expended +upon the erection and endowment of "colleges" in many localities where +ordinary common schools were unknown. Each college was, therefore, +necessarily provided with a primary department, where the child of ten +years and the adult of forty struggled in the same classes with the +first elements of rudimentary education. The child and the adult each +felt keenly his position in the college, and a course of cramming was +pursued, injurious to all concerned, to lessen the number in the +primary and to increase the number in the college departments. No man +can estimate the injury thus inflicted upon not only the student but +the cause of education. Even unto to-day there are colleges in +localities in the South which run all year while the common school +only runs from three to eight months.</p> + +<p>Indeed, the multiplication of colleges and academies for the "higher +education of colored youth" is one of the most striking phenomena of +the times: as if theology and the classics were the things best suited +to and most urgently needed by a class of persons unprepared in +rudimentary education, and whose immediate aim must be that of the +mechanic and the farmer—to whom the classics, theology and the +sciences, in their extremely impecunious state, are unequivocable +abstractions. There will be those who will denounce me for taking this +view of collegiate and professional preparation; but I maintain that +any education is false which is unsuited to the condition and the +prospects of the student. To educate him for a lawyer when there are +no clients, for medicine when the patients, although numerous, are too +poor to give him a living income, to fill his head with Latin and +Greek as a teacher when the people he is to teach are to be instructed +in the <i>a b c's</i>—such education is a waste of time and a senseless +expenditure of money.</p> + +<p>I do not inveigh against higher education; I simply maintain that the +sort of education the colored people of the South stand <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 48]<a name="Page_48" id="Page_48"></a></span>most in need +of is <i>elementary and industrial</i>. They should be instructed for the +work to be done. Many a colored farmer boy or mechanic has been +spoiled to make a foppish gambler or loafer, a swaggering pedagogue or +a cranky homiletician. Men may be spoiled by education, even as they +are spoiled by illiteracy. Education is the preparation for a future +work; hence men should be educated with special reference to that +work.</p> + +<p>If left to themselves men usually select intuitively the course of +preparation best suited to their tastes and capacities. But the +colored youth of the South have been allured and seduced from their +natural inclination by the premiums placed upon theological, classical +and professional training for the purpose of sustaining the reputation +and continuance of "colleges" and their professorships.</p> + +<p>I do not hesitate to say that if the vast sums of money already +expended and now being spent in the equipment and maintenance of +colleges and universities for the so called "higher education" of +colored youth had been expended in the establishment and maintenance +of primary schools and schools of applied science, the race would have +profited vastly more than it has, both mentally and materially, while +the results would have operated far more advantageously to the State, +and satisfactorily to the munificent benefactors.</p> + +<p>Since writing the above, I find in a very recent number of +Judge Tourgèe's magazine, <i>The Continent</i>, the following reflections +upon the subject, contributed to that excellent periodical by Prof. +George F. Magoun of Iowa College. Mr. Magoun says:</p> + +<blockquote><p>May I offer one suggestion which observation a few years +since among the freedmen and much reflection, with +comparisons made in foreign countries, have impressed upon +me? It is this, that the key of the future for the black men +of the South is <i>industrial</i> education. The laboring men of +other lands cannot hold their own in skilled labor save as +they receive such education, and this of a constantly +advancing type. The English House of Commons moved two years +since for a Royal Commission to study the technical schools +of the continent, and the report respecting France made by +this commission <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 49]<a name="Page_49" id="Page_49"></a></span>has been republished at Washington by the +United States Commissioner of Education. In our two leading +northwestern cities, St. Louis and Chicago, splendid manual +training-schools have been formed, and east and west the +question of elementary manual training in public schools is +up for discussion and decision. All this for <i>white</i> +laboring men. As long ago as December, 1879, the Legislature +of Tennessee authorized a brief manual of the Elementary +Principles of Agriculture to be "taught in the public +schools of the State," for the benefit of <i>white</i> farmers +again. The Professor of Chemistry in the Vanderbilt +University, Nashville, prepared the book—107 pages. Where +in all this is there anything for the educational +improvement of the black laborer just where he needs +education most? The labor of the South is subject in these +years to a marvelous revolution. The only opportunity the +freedman has to rise is by furnishing such skilled labor as +the great changes going on in that splendid section of the +land require. How can he furnish it, unless the education +given him is chiefly industrial and technical? Some very +pertinent statements of the situation are made in the +<i>Princeton Review</i> for May. They confirm all that you have +said.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> As to the various bills before Congress, the +writer says: "Immediate assistance should be rendered to the +ex-slave States in the development of an education suited to +their political and <i>industrial</i> needs." Can this be an +education in Latin and Greek?"(The writer contends earnestly +for retaining these studies in classical college and academy +courses for students of all colors.) Can it be anything else +than training in elementary industry, such as is now +demanded for our Northern common-schools? If the +denominational freedmen's schools find this a necessity, is +it anything less for the Southern public schools act which +is contemplated in the bills before Congress?</p></blockquote> + +<p>Mr. Magoun reasons wisely. If the colored men of the South are to +continue their grip as the wage-workers and wealth-producers of that +section they must bring to their employments common intelligence and +skill; and these are to be obtained in the South as in the North, by +apprenticeship and in schools specially provided for the purpose. +Instead of spending three to seven years in mastering higher +education, which presupposes favorable conditions, colored youth +should spend those years in acquiring a "common school education," and +in mastering some trade by which to make an honest livelihood when +they step forth into the world of fierce competition.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 50]<a name="Page_50" id="Page_50"></a></span></p> + +<p>Some may ask: Shall we, then, not have some scholars, men learned in +all that higher education gives? Of course; and we should have them. +Men fitted by nature for special pursuits in life will make +preparation for that work. Water will find its level. Genius cannot be +repressed. It will find an audience, even though the singer be Robert +Burns at his plow in the remoteness of Ayr, or the philosophic Æsop in +the humble garb of a Greek pedant's slave. Genius will take care of +itself; it is the mass of mankind that must be led by the hand as we +lead a small boy. It is therefore that I plead, that the masses of the +colored race should receive such preparation for the fierce +competition of every day life that the odds shall not be against them. +I do not plead for the few, who will take care of themselves, but for +the many who must be guided and protected lest they fall a prey to the +more hardy or unscrupulous.</p> + +<p>Mr. Magoun follows out his train of thought in the following logical +deductions:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Plainly, if this opportunity for furnishing the skilled +labor of the South hereafter (as he has furnished the +unskilled heretofore) slips away from the black man, he can +never rise. In the race for property, influence, and all +success in life, the industrially educated white +man—whatever may be said of Southern white men "hating to +work"—will outstrip him. Before an ecclesiastical body of +representative colored men at Memphis, in the autumn of +1880, I urged this consideration, when asked to advise them +about education, as the one most germane to their interests; +and preachers and laymen, and their white teachers, approved +every word, and gave me most hearty thanks. I counseled +aspiring young men to abstain from unsuitable attempts at +merely literary training; from overlooking the intermediate +links of culture in striving after something "beyond their +measure;" from expecting any more to be shot up into the +United States Senatorships, etc., by a revolution which had +already wellnigh spent its first exceptional force (as a few +extraordinary persons are thrown up into extraordinary +distinction in the beginning of revolutions); from ambitious +rejection of the steady, thorough, toilsome methods of +fitting themselves for immediate practical duties and nearer +spheres, by which alone any class is really and healthfully +elevated. To shirk elementary preparation and aspire after +the results of scholarship without its painstaking processes +is <span class="smcap">the</span> <i>temptation of colored students</i>, as I know +by having taught them daily in college classes. I rejoice in +every such student who really <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 51]<a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"></a></span>climbs the heights of +learning with exceeding joy. But a far greater proportion +than has thus far submitted to thorough-going preparation +for skilled labor must do so, or there is no great future +for them in this land as a race.</p></blockquote> + +<p>But already the absurdity of beginning at the apex of the educational +fabric instead of at the base is being perceived by those who have in +hand the education of colored youth. A large number of colleges are +adding industrial to their other features, and with much success, and +a larger number of educators are agitating the wisdom of such feature.</p> + +<p>Perhaps no educational institution in the Union has done more for the +industrial education of the colored people of the South than the +Hampton (Virginia) Normal and Agricultural Institute under the +management of General S.C. Armstrong. The success of this one +institution in industrial education, and the favor with which it is +regarded by the public, augurs well for the future of such +institutions. That they many multiply is the fervent wish of every man +who apprehends the necessities of the colored people.</p> + +<p>In a recent issue of the <i>New York Globe</i>, Prof. T. McCants Stewart of +the Liberia (West Africa) College, who is studying the industrial +features of the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute for use in +his capacity as a professor among the people of the Lone Star +Republic, photographs in the following manner the great work being +done at Hampton. Prof. Stewart says:</p> + +<blockquote><p>The day after my arrival, I was put into the hands of an +excellent New England gentleman, who was to show me through +the Institute. He took me first to the barn, a large and +substantial building in which are stored the products of the +farm, and in which the stock have their shelter. We ascended +a winding staircase, reached the top, and looked down upon +the Institute grounds with their wide shell-paved walls, +grassplots, flower-beds, orchards, groves and many +buildings—the whole full of life, and giving evidence of +abundant prosperity, and surrounded by a beautiful and +charming country. We came down and began our rounds through +"the little world" in which almost every phase of human life +has its existence.</p> + +<p>We went into the shoe-making department. It is in the upper +part of a two-story brick building. On the first floor the +harness-making department is located. We were told that +Frederick Douglass has his harness made here. One <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 52]<a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"></a></span>certainly +gets good material and honest work; and reasonable prices +are charged. In the shoe department several Indian boys and +youths were at work. There were also three or four colored +boys. They make annually for the United States government +two thousand pairs of shoes for the Indians. They also look +after outside orders, and do all the repairing, etc., of +boots and shoes for the faculty, officers, and +students—making fully five thousand pairs of shoes a year, +if we include the repairing in this estimate. At the head of +this department is a practical shoemaker from Boston. Each +department has a practical man at its head. We visited, not +all the first day, the blacksmith, wheelwright and tin +shops, and looked through the printing office, and the +knitting-room, in which young men are engaged manufacturing +thousands of mittens annually for a firm in Boston. These +two departments are in a commodious brick edifice, called +the "Stone Building." It is the gift of Mrs. Valeria Stone.</p> + +<p>One of the most interesting departments is located also in +the "Stone Building"—the sewing-room. In it are nearly a +score, perhaps more, of cheerful, busy girls. The rapid +ticking of the machine is heard, and the merry laugh +followed by gentle whispers gives life to the room. These +young girls are the future wives and mothers; and the large +majority of them will be married to poor men. In the +kitchen, the laundry, and the sewing-room, they are +acquiring a knowledge and habits of industry that will save +their husbands' pennies, and thus keep them from living from +hand to mouth, making an everlasting struggle to save their +nose from the grindstone. In the schoolroom, they are +gathering up those intellectual treasures, which will make +them in a double sense helpmeets unto their husbands.</p> + +<p>Standing in the carpenter and paint shops, and in the saw +mill, and seeing Negro youths engaged in the most delicate +kind of work, learning valuable and useful trades, I could +not help from feeling that this is an excellent institution, +and that I would like to have my boys spend three years +here, from fourteen to seventeen, grow strong in the love +for work, and educated to feel the dignity of labor, and get +a trade: then if they have the capacity and desire to +qualify for a "top round in the ladder," for leadership in +the "world's broad field of battle," it will be time enough +to think of Harvard and Yale and Edinburgh, or perhaps +similar African institutions.</p> + +<p>Mr. George H. Corliss, of Rhode Island, presented to the +school in 1879 a sixty-horse power Corliss engine. Soon +after Mr. C.P. Huntington, of the Missouri & Pacific R.R., +gave a saw mill, and as a result of these gifts large +industrial operations were begun. The saw mill is certainly +an extensive enterprise. Logs are brought up from the +Carolinas, and boards are sawn out, and in the turning +department fancy fixtures are made for houses, piazzas, etc.</p> + +<p>There are two farms. The Normal School farm, and the +Hemenway farm, which is four miles from the Institute. On +the former seventy tons of hay and about one hundred and +twenty tons of ensilaged fodder-corn were raised last <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 53]<a name="Page_53" id="Page_53"></a></span>year, +besides potatoes, corn, rye, oats, asparagus, and early +vegetables. Five hundred thousand bricks were also made. The +Hemenway farm, of five hundred acres, is in charge of a +graduate and his wife. Its receipts reach nearly three +thousand dollars a year, and the farm promises to do +invaluable service in time towards sustaining this gigantic +work. All of the industries do not pay. For example, the +deficit in the printing office last year was about seven +hundred dollars. This is due to the employment and training +of student labor. The primary aim is not the making of money +but the advancement of the student. After they learn, they +are good, profitable workmen; but they then leave the +Institute to engage in the outside world in the battle of +life. On the farm is a large number of stock, milch cows and +calves, beef cattle, horses and colts, mules, oxen, sheep +and hogs—in all nearly five hundred heads.</p> + +<p>In these various industries, the farm, saw mill, machine +shop, knitting, carpentering, harness making, tinsmithing, +blacksmithing, shoe-making, wheel-wrighting, tailoring, +sewing, printing, etc., over five hundred students were +engaged in 1883. They earned over thirty thousand +dollars—an average of seventy dollars each. There is no +question about the fact that this is a "beehive" into which +a bee can enter, if accepted, with nothing but his soul and +his muscle, and get a good education!</p></blockquote> + +<p>Professor Stewart's article carries upon its face the proper reply to +Mr. Magoun's apprehensions and my own deductions, and is the very +strongest argument for a complete and immediate recasting of the +underlying principles upon which nearly all colored colleges are +sustained and operated.</p> + +<p>Money contributed for eleemosynary purposes is a sacred trust, and +should so be applied as to net the greatest good not only to the +beneficiary but the donor. The primary object of educational effort +among the colored people thus far has been to purify their perverted +moral nature and to indoctrinate in them correcter ideas of religion +and its obligations; and the effort has not been in vain. Yet I am +constrained to say, the inculcation of these principals has been +altogether a too predominant idea. Material possibilities are rightly +predicated upon correct moral and spiritual bases; but a morally and +spiritually sound training must be sustained by such preparation for +the actual work of life, as we find it in the machine shop, the grain +field, and the commercial pursuits. The moralist and missionary are no +equals for the man <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 54]<a name="Page_54" id="Page_54"></a></span>whose ideas of honest toil are supplemented by a +common school training and an educated hand. This is exemplified every +day in the ready demand for foreign-born skilled labor over our own +people, usually educated as gentlemen without means, as if they were +to be kid-gloved fellows, not men who must contend for subsistence +with the horny-handed men who have graduated from the machine shops +and factories and the schools of applied sciences of Europe. Indeed, +the absence of the old-time apprentices among the white youth of the +North, as a force in our industrial organization to draw upon, can be +accounted for upon no other ground than that the supply of +foreign-born skilled help so readily fills the demand that employers +find it a useless expenditure of means to graduate the American boy. +Thus may we account for the "grand rush" young men make for the +lighter employments and the professions, creating year after year an +idle floating population of miseducated men, and reducing the +compensation for clerical work below that received by hod-carriers. +This is not a fancy picture; it is an arraignment of the American +system of education, which proceeds upon the assumption that boys are +all "born with a silver spoon in their mouths" and are destined to +reach—not the poor-house, but the Senate House or the White House.</p> + +<p>The American system of education proceeds upon a false and pernicious +assumption; and, while I protest against its application generally, I +protest, in this connection, against its application in the case of +the colored youth in particular. What the colored boy, what all boys +of the country need, is <i>industrial not ornamental</i> education; shall +they have it? Let the State and the philanthropists answer.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Judge Tourgee has for years been urgently and admirably +writing in advocacy of National Aid in Southern Education.</p></div> +</div> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 55]<a name="Page_55" id="Page_55"></a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII</h2> + +<h3><i>How Not to Do It</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>Revolutions are always the outgrowth of deepest wrongs, clearly +defined by long and heated agitation, which inflame the mind of the +people, and divide them into hostile factions. The field of battle is +simply the theater upon which the hostile factions decide by superior +prowess, or numbers, or sagacity, the questions at issue. In these +conflicts, right usually, but not invariably, triumphs, as it should +always do. Revolutions quicken the conscience and intelligence of the +people, and wars purify the morals of the people by weeding out the +surplus and desperate members of the population; just as a +thunderstorm clarifies the atmosphere.</p> + +<p>But the problems involved in the agitation which culminated in the War +of the Rebellion are to-day as far from solution as if no shot had +been fired upon Fort Sumter or as if no Lee had laid down traitorous +arms four years thereafter.</p> + +<p>The giant form of the slave-master, the tyrant, still rises superior +to law, to awe and oppress the unorganized proletariat—the common +people, the laboring class. Even when slavery was first introduced +into this country, Fate had written upon the walls of the nation that +it "must go," and go it must, as the result of wise statesmanship or +amid the smoke of battle and the awful "diapason of cannonade." No man +can tell whether wisdom will dictate further argument of peaceful, or +there must be found a violent, solution; but all men of passable +intelligence know and <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 56]<a name="Page_56" id="Page_56"></a></span>feel that justice will prevail. Progress goes +forward ever, backward never.</p> + +<p>That human intelligence has reached higher ground within the present +century than it ever before attained, goes without saying. That we +have marvelously improved upon all the mechanism of government is +equally true. But whether we have improved upon the time-honored rules +of dealing with rebels by extending to them general amnesty for all +their sins of commission is seriously to be debated. If we may judge +of the proper treatment of treason by the example which, according to +Milton, High Heaven made of Lucifer, amnesty is a failure; if we may +judge by the almost absolute failure of the results of the war of the +Rebellion, we may emphatically pronounce amnesty to be a noxious weed +which should not be permitted to take too firm a rooting in our +dealing with traitors. Human, it may be, to err, and to forgive +Divine; but for man to extend forgiveness too far is positively fatal. +Examples are not wanting to show the truthfulness of the reasoning.</p> + +<p>There is no error which has been productive of more disaster and death +than the stupid plan adopted by the Federal government in what is +known as the "Reconstruction policy." This <i>policy</i>, born out of +expediency and nurtured in selfishness, was, in its inception, +instinct with the elements of failure and of death. Perhaps no piece +of legislation, no policy, was ever more fatuous in every detail. How +could it be otherwise? How could the men who devised it expect for it +anything more than a speedy, ignominous collapse? All the past history +of the Southern states unmistakably pointed to the utter failure of +any policy in which the whites were not made the masters; unless, +indeed, they were subjected to that severe governmental control which +their treason merited, until such time as the people were prepared for +self-government by education, the oblivion of issues out of which the +war grew, the passing away by death of the old spirits, and the +complete metamorphosis of the peculiar conditions predicated upon and +fostered by the unnatural state of slavery.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 57]<a name="Page_57" id="Page_57"></a></span></p> + +<p>At the close of the Rebellion, in 1865, the United States government +completely transformed the social fabric of the Southern state +governments; and, without resorting to the slow process of educating +the people; without even preparing them by proper warnings; without +taking into consideration the peculiar relations of the subject and +dominant classes—the slave class and the master class—instantly, as +it were, the lamb and the lion were commanded to lie down together. +The master class, fresh from the fields of a bloody war, with his +musket strapped to his shoulder and the sharp thorn of ignominious +defeat penetrating his breast; the master class, educated for two +hundred years to dominate in his home, in the councils of municipal, +state and Federal government; the master class, who had been taught +that slavery was a divine institution and that the black man, the +unfortunate progeny of Ham, was his lawful slave and property; and the +slave class, born to a state of slavery and obedience, educated in the +school of improvidence, mendacity and the lowest vices—these two +classes of people, born to such widely dissimilar stations in life and +educated in the most extreme schools, were declared to be <i>free, and +equal before the law</i>, with the right to vote; to testify in courts of +law; to sit upon jury and in the halls of legislation, municipal and +other; to sue and be sued; to buy and to sell; to marry and give in +marriage. In short, these two classes of people were made co-equal +citizens, entitled alike to the protection of the laws and the +benefits of government.</p> + +<p>I know of no instance in the various history of mankind which equals +in absurdity the presumption of the originators of our "Reconstruction +policy" that the master class would accept cordially the conditions +forced upon them, or that the enfranchised class would prove equal to +the burden so unceremoniously forced upon them. On the one hand, a +proud and haughty people, who had stubbornly contested the right of +the government to interfere with the extension of slavery, not to say +confiscation of slave property—a people rich in lands, in mental +resources, in courage; on the <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 58]<a name="Page_58" id="Page_58"></a></span>other, a poor, despised people, without +lands, without money, without mental resources, without moral +character—these peoples <i>equal</i>, indeed! These peoples go peaceably +to the ballot-box together to decide upon the destiny of government! +These peoples melt into an harmonious citizenry! These peoples have +and exercise mutual confidence, esteem and appreciation of their +common rights! These peoples <i>dissolve into one people!</i> The bare +statement of the case condemns it as impracticable, illusory, in the +extreme. And, yet, these two peoples, so different in character, in +education and material condition, were turned loose to enjoy the same +benefits in common—to be one! And the <i>wise men</i> of the nation—as, +Tourgee's <i>Fool</i> ironically names them—thought they were legislating +for the best; thought they were doing their duty. And, so, having made +the people free, and equal before the law, and given them the ballot +with which to settle their disputes, the "<i>wise men</i>" left the people +to live in peace if they could, and to cut each other's throats if +they could not. That they should have proceeded to cut each other's +throats was as natural as it is for day to follow night.</p> + +<p>I do not desire to be understood as inveighing against the manumission +of the slave or the enfranchisement of the new-made free man. To do +so, would be most paradoxical on my part, who was born a slave and +spent the first nine years of my life in that most unnatural +condition. What I do inveigh against, is the unequal manner in which +the colored people were pitted against the white people; the placing +of these helpless people absolutely in the power of this hereditary +foeman—more absolutely in their power, at their mercy, than under the +merciless system of slavery, when sordid interest dictated a modicum +of humanity and care in treatment. And I arraign the "Reconstruction +policy" as one of the hollowest pieces of perfidy ever perpetrated +upon an innocent, helpless people; and in the treatment of the issues +growing out of that policy, I arraign the dominant party of the time +for base ingratitude, subterfuge and hypocrisy to its black partisan +allies.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 59]<a name="Page_59" id="Page_59"></a></span> With the whole power of the government at its back, and with +a Constitution so amended as to extend the amplest protection to the +new-made citizen, it left him to the inhuman mercy of men whose +uncurbed passions, whose deeds of lawlessness and defiance, pale into +virtues the ferocity of Cossack warfare. And, for this treachery, for +leaving this people alone and single-handed, to fight an enemy born in +the lap of self-confidence, and rocked in the cradle of arrogance and +cruelty, the "party of great moral ideas" must go down to history amid +the hisses and the execrations of honest men in spite of its good +deeds. There is not one extenuating circumstance to temper the +indignation of him who believes in justice and humanity.</p> + +<p>As I stand before the thirteen bulky volumes, comprising the "Ku Klux +Conspiracy," being the report of the "Joint Select Committee, to +inquire into the condition of affairs in the late Insurrectionary +States," on the part of the Senate and House of Representatives of the +United States, reported February 19, 1872, my blood runs cold at the +merciless chronicle of murder and outrage, of defiance, inhumanity and +barbarity on the one hand, and usurpation and tyranny on the other.</p> + +<p>If the shot upon Fort Sumter was treason, what shall we call the +bloody conflict which the white men of the South have waged against +the Constitutional amendments from 1866 to the murder of innocent +citizens at Danville, Virginia, in 1883—even unto the present time? +If the shot upon Fort Sumter drew down upon the South the indignation +and the vengeance of the Federal government, putting father against +son, and brother against brother, what shall we say the Federal +Government should have done to put a period to the usurpation and the +murders of these leagues of horror?</p> + +<p>The entire adult male population of the South, though no longer in +armed "Rebellion," appeared to be in league against the government of +the United States. The arm of State authority was paralyzed, the +operation of courts of justice was suspended, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 60]<a name="Page_60" id="Page_60"></a></span>lawlessness and +individual license walked abroad, and anarchy, pure and simple, +prevailed. Under the name of the "Ku Klux Klan," the South was bound +by the following oath, ironclad, paradoxical and enigmatical as it is:</p> + +<blockquote><p>I, [name] before the great immaculate Judge of heaven and +earth, and upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, do, of +my own free will and accord, subscribe to the following +sacred, binding obligation:</p> + +<p>I. I am on the side of justice and humanity and +constitutional liberty, as bequeathed to us by our +forefathers in its original purity.</p> + +<p>II. I reject and oppose the principles of the radical party.</p> + +<p>III. I pledge aid to a brother of the Ku-Klux Klan in +sickness, distress, or pecuniary embarrassments. Females, +friends, widows, and their households shall be the special +object of my care and protection.</p> + +<p>IV. Should I ever divulge, or cause to be divulged, any of +the secrets of this order, or any of the foregoing +obligations, I must meet with the fearful punishment of +death and traitor's doom, which is death, death, death, at +the hands of the brethren.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Murderers, incendiaries, midnight raiders on the "side of justice, +humanity and Constitutional liberty"! Let us see what kind of +"justice, humanity and Constitutional liberty" is meant. In Volume I, +page 21, I find the following:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Taking these statements from official sources, showing the +prevalence of this organization in every one of the late +insurrectionary States and in Kentucky, it is difficult now, +with the light that has recently been thrown upon its +history, to realize that even its existence has been for so +long a mooted question in the public mind. Especially is +this remarkable in view of the effects that are disclosed by +some of this documentary evidence to have been produced by +it. That it was used as a means of intimidating and +murdering negro voters during the presidential election of +1868, the testimony in the Louisiana and other +contested-election cases already referred to clearly +establishes.</p> + +<p>Taking the results in Louisiana alone as an instance, the +purpose of the organization at that time, whatever it may +have been at its origin, could hardly be doubted.</p> + +<p>A member of the committee which took that testimony thus +sums it up:</p> + +<p>The testimony shows that over 2,000 persons were killed, +wounded, and otherwise injured in that State within a few +weeks prior to the presidential election; that half the +State was overrun by violence; midnight raids, secret +murders, and open riot kept the people in constant terror +until the Republicans surrendered all claims, and then the +election was carried by the Democracy. The parish of Orleans +contained 29,910 voters, 15,020 black. In the <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 61]<a name="Page_61" id="Page_61"></a></span>spring of +1868 that parish gave 13,973 republican votes. In the fall +of 1868 it gave Grant 1,178, a falling off of 12,795 votes. +Riots prevailed for weeks, sweeping the city of New Orleans, +and filling it with scenes of blood, and Ku-Klux notices +were scattered through the city warning the colored men not +to vote. In Caddo there were 2,987 Republicans. In the +spring of 1868 they carried the parish. In the fall they +gave Grant one vote. Here also there were bloody riots.</p> + +<p>But the most remarkable case is that of St. Landry, a +planting parish on the River Teche. Here the Republicans had +a registered majority of 1,071 votes. In the spring of 1868 +they carried the parish by 678. In the fall they gave Grant +no vote, not one; while the democrats cast 4,787, the full +vote of the parish, for Seymour and Blair.</p> + +<p>Here occurred one of the bloodiest riots on record, in which +the Ku-Klux killed and wounded over two hundred Republicans, +hunting and chasing them for two days and nights through +fields and swamps. Thirteen captives were taken from the +jail and shot. A pile of twenty-five dead bodies was found +half buried in the woods. Having conquered the Republicans, +killed and driven off the white leaders, the Ku-Klux +captured the masses, marked them with badges of red flannel, +enrolled them in clubs, led them to the polls, made them +vote the Democratic ticket, and then gave them certificates +of the fact.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is not my purpose to weary the reader with tedious citations from +the cumbersome reports of the "Ku Klux conspiracy." Those reports are +accessible to the reading public. They tell the bloody story of the +terrible miscarriage of the "Reconstruction policy;" they show how +cruel men can be under conditions favorable to unbridled license, +undeterred by the strong arm of constituted authority; they show how +helpless the freed people were; how ignorant, how easily led by +unscrupulous adventurers <i>pretending to be friends</i> and how easily +murdered and overawed by veterans inured to the dangers and the toils +of war; and, lastly, they show how powerless was the national +government to protect its citizens' rights, specifically defined by +the Federal constitution. <i>Was</i>, do I say? It is as powerless to day!</p> + +<p>In this brief review, then, of the history and present political +condition of the American Negro I cannot omit, though I shall not +detail, the horrors of the Ku Klux period. They are a link in the +chain: and though today's links are different in form and guise, <i>the +chain is the same</i>. Let the reader, then, be a little patient at being +reminded of things which he has perhaps forgotten.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 62]<a name="Page_62" id="Page_62"></a></span></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII</h2> + +<h3><i>The Nation Surrenders</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>The mind sickens in contemplating the mistakes of the "Reconstruction +policy;" and the revolting peculation and crime—which went hand in +hand from 1867-8 to 1876, bankrupting and terrorizing those +unfortunate States—plunging them into all but anarchy, pure and +simple.</p> + +<p>A parallel to the terror which walked abroad in the South from 1866, +down to 1876, and which is largely dominant in that section even unto +the present hour, must be sought for in other lands than our own, +where the iron hand of the tyrant, seated upon a throne, cemented with +a thousand years of usurpation and the blood of millions of innocent +victims, presses hard upon the necks of the high and the backs of the +low; we must turn to the dynastic villanies of the house of Orleans or +of Stuart, or that prototype of all that is tyrannical, sordid and +inhuman, the Czar of all the Russias. The "Invisible Empire," with its +"Knights of the White Camelia," was as terrible as the "Empire" which +Marat, Danton and Robespierre made for themselves, with this +difference: the "Knights of the White Camelia" were assassins and +marauders who murdered and terrorized in defiance of all laws, human +or divine, though claiming allegiance to both; while the Frenchmen +regarded themselves as the lawful authority of the land and rejected +utterly the Divine or "higher law." The one murdered men as highwaymen +do, while the other murdered them under the cover of law and in the +name of <i>Liberty</i>, in whose name, as<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 63]<a name="Page_63" id="Page_63"></a></span> Madame Roland exclaimed on the +scaffold of revolutionary vengeance, so many crimes are perpetrated! +The one murdered kings and aristocrats to unshackle the limbs of the +proletariat of France; the other murdered the proletariat of the South +to re-rivet their chains upon the wretched survivors. And each class +of murders proclaimed that it was actuated by the motive of <i>justice +and humanity</i>. Liberty was the grand inspiration that steeled the arm +and hardened the heart of each of the avengers!</p> + +<p>And thus it has been in all the history of murder and plunder. +Liberty! the People! these are the sacred objects with which tyrants +cloak their usurpations, and which assassins plead in extenuation of +their brazen disregard of life, of virtue, of all that is dear and +sacred to the race. The dagger of Brutus and the sword of Cromwell, +were they not drawn in the name of Liberty—the People? The guillotine +of the French Commune and the derringer of J. Wilkes Booth, were they +not inspired by Liberty—the People?</p> + +<p>The innocent blood which has been spilt in the name of liberty and the +people, which has served the purposes of tyranny and riveted upon the +people most galling chains, "would float a navy."</p> + +<p>By the side of the robbery, the embezzlement, the depletion of the +treasury of South Carolina, and the imposition of ruinous and +unnecessary taxation upon the people of that state by the Carpet-Bag +harpies, aided and abetted by the ignorant negroes whom our government +had not given time to shake the dust of the cornfield from their feet +before it invited them to seats in the chambers of legislature, we +must place the heartless butcheries of Hamburgh and Ellenton.</p> + +<p>By the side of the misgovernment, the honeycomb of corruption in which +the Carpet-Bag government of Louisiana reveled, we must place the +universal lawlessness which that state witnessed from 1867 to 1876.</p> + +<p>The whole gamut of states could be run with the same deplorable, the +same sickening conclusion.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 64]<a name="Page_64" id="Page_64"></a></span></p> + +<p>The Federal authority had created the wildest confusion and retired to +watch the fire-brand. The "wise men" of the nation had made possible a +system of government in which robbery and murder were to contend for +the mastery, in which organized ignorance and organized brigandage +were to contend for the right to rule <i>and</i> to ruin.</p> + +<p>It is not complimentary to the white men of the South that their +organized brigandage proved to be more stubborn, more far-sighted than +was unorganized ignorance. In a warfare of this disreputable nature +very little honor can be accorded to the victorious party, be he +brigand or ignoramus. The warfare is absolutely devoid of principle, +and, therefore, victory, any way it is twisted, is supremely +dishonorable.</p> + +<p>The South, therefore, although she rooted out the incubus of +<i>carpet-baggism</i> (one of the most noxious plants that ever blossomed +in the garden of any nascent society), and stifled the liberties and +immunities of a whole people, turning their new-found joy into sadness +and mourning—although the South succeeded in accomplishing these +results, she lies prostrate to-day, feared by her fellow-citizens, who +will not trust her with power, and shunned by the industrious aliens +who seek our shores, because they will not become members of a society +in which individualism and absolutism are the supreme law—for was it +not to escape these parasites that they expatriated themselves from +the shores of the Volga, the Danube and the Rhine? Men will not make +their homes among people who, spurning the accepted canons of justice +and the courts of law, make themselves a community of <i>banditti</i>. +Thus, the South lies prostrate, staggering beneath a load of +illiteracy sufficient to paralyze the energies of any people; dwelling +in the midst of usurpation, where law is suspended and individual +license is the standard authority; where criminals and suspected +criminals are turned over to the rude mercy of mobs, masked and +irresponsible; where caste corrupts every rivulet that issues from the +fountain of aspiration or of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 65]<a name="Page_65" id="Page_65"></a></span>chastity;<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> where no man is allowed to +think or act for himself who does not conform his thoughts and shape +his actions to suit the censorious and haughty <i>dictum</i> of the +dominant class.</p> + +<p>"You must think as we think and act as we act, or you must go!" This +is the law of the South.</p> + +<p>In each of the late rebellious states the ballotbox has been closed +against the black man. To reach it he is compelled to brave the +muzzles of a thousand rifles in the hands of silent sentinels who +esteem a human life as no more sacred than the serpent that drags his +tortuous length among the grasses of the field, and whose head mankind +is enjoined to crush.</p> + +<p>The thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Federal +constitution which grew out of the public sentiment created by thirty +long years of agitation of the abolitionists and of the "emancipation +proclamation"—issued as a war measure by President Lincoln—are no +longer regarded as fundamental by the South. The beneficiaries of +those amendments have failed in every instance to enjoy the benefits +that were, presumably, intended to be conferred.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 66]<a name="Page_66" id="Page_66"></a></span></p> + +<p>These laws—having passed both branches of the Federal legislature, +having received the approval and signature of the Chief Executive of +the nation, and having been ratified by a majority of the states +composing the sisterhood of states—these laws are no longer binding +upon the people of the South, who fought long and desperately to +prevent the possibility of their enactment; and they no longer +benefit, if they ever did, the people in whose interest they were +incorporated in the <i>Magna Charta</i> of American liberty; <i>while the +Central authority which originated them, has, through the Supreme +Court, declared nugatory, null and void all supplementary legislation +based upon those laws, as far as the government of the United States +is concerned!</i> The whole question has been remanded to the +legislatures of the several states! The Federal Union has left to the +usurped governments of the South the adjudication of rights which the +South fought four years in honorable warfare to make impossible, and +which it has since the war exhausted the catalogue of infamy and +lawlessness to make of no force or effect. The fate of the lamb has +been left to the mercy of the lion and the tiger.</p> + +<p>The "party of great moral ideas," having emancipated the slave, and +enfranchised disorganized ignorance and poverty, finally finished its +mission, relinquished its right to the respect and confidence of +mankind when, in 1876, it abandoned all effort to enforce the +provisions of the war amendments. That party stands today for +organized corruption, while its opponent stands for organized +brigandage. The black man, who was betrayed by his party and murdered +by the opponents of his party, is absolved from all allegiance which +<i>gratitude</i> may have dictated, and is to-day free to make conditions +the best possible with any faction which will insure him in his right +to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."</p> + +<p>The black men of the United States are, today, free to form whatever +alliances wisdom dictates, to make sure their position in the social +and civil system of which, in the wise providence of a just God, they +are a factor, for better or for worse.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> "Southerners fire up terribly, as has been noted in +these columns again and again, when the subject of intermarriage +between whites and negroes is discussed. But the terrible state of +immorality which exists there, involving white men and colored women, +is something upon which the papers of that region are silent as a +rule. Not so the grand jury that met recently at Madison, Ga., which +thus spoke out in its presentment with all plainness of the Old +Testament: +</p><p> +"After several days of laborious investigation we have found the moral +state of our country in a fair condition, and the freedom of our +community from any great criminal offenses is a subject for +congratulation to our people. But the open and shameless cohabitation +of white men with negro women in our community cries to heaven for +abatement. This crime in its nature has been such as to elude our +grasp owing to the limited time of our session. It is poisoning the +fountains of our social life; it is ruining and degrading our young +men, men who would scorn to have imputation put on them of +equalization with negroes, but who have, nevertheless, found the +lowest depths of moral depravity in this unnatural shame of their +lives." +</p><p> +"The despatch chronicling the presentment adds: 'The reading of this +presentment in court aroused a great feeling of indignation among men +who declare that the private affairs of the people should not be +intruded upon.' It strikes the Northern mind that until these 'private +affairs' do not need to be 'intruded upon,' Southern newspapers and +Southern clergymen would with better grace bottle up their indignation +upon the terrible evils likely to result from the legitimate +intermarriage of the two races."—<i>Newspaper waif.</i></p></div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 67]<a name="Page_67" id="Page_67"></a></span></p> + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX</h2> + +<h3><i>Political Independence of the Negro</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>The following chapter is, in the main, a reproduction of an address +delivered by me before the Colored Press Association, in the city of +Washington, June 27, 1882:—</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>In addressing myself to a consideration of the subject: "The colored +man as an Independent Force in our Politics," I come at once to one of +the vital principles underlying American citizenship of the colored +man in a peculiar manner. Upon this question hang all the conditions +of man as a free moral agent, as an intelligent reasoning being; as a +man thoughtful for the best interests of his country, of his +individual interests, and of the interests of those who must take up +the work of republican government when the present generation has +passed away. When I say that this question is of a most complex and +perplexing nature, I only assert what is known of all men.</p> + +<p>I would not forget that the arguments for and against independent +action on our part are based upon two parties or sets of principles. +Principles are inherent in government by the people, and parties are +engines created by the people through which to voice the principles +they espouse. Parties have divided on one line in this country from +the beginning of our national existence to the present time. All other +issues merge into two distinct ones—the question of a strong Federal +Government, as enunciated by Alexander Hamilton, and maintained by the +present Republican party, and the question of the rights and powers of +the States, as <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 68]<a name="Page_68" id="Page_68"></a></span>enunciated by Thomas Jefferson, and as maintained by +the present Democratic party,—called the "party of the people," but +in fact the party of oligarchy, bloodshed, violence and oppression. +The Republican party won its first great victory on the inherent +weakness of the Democratic party on the question of Human Rights and +the right of the Federal Government to protect itself from the +assumption, the aggression, the attempted usurpation, of the States, +and it has maintained its supremacy for so long a time as to lead to +the supposition that it will rule until such time as it shall fall to +pieces of itself because of internal decay and exterior cancers. There +does not appear to exist sufficient vitality outside of the Republican +party to keep its members loyal to the people or honest to the +government. The loyal legislation which would be occasioned by dread +of loss of power, and the administration of the government in the most +economical form, are wanting, because of the absence of an honest, +healthy opposing party.</p> + +<p>But it is not my purpose to dwell upon the mechanism of parties, but +rather to show why colored Americans should be independent voters, +independent citizens, independent men. To this end I am led to lay it +down: (1.) That an independent voter must be intelligent, must +comprehend the science of government, and be versed in the history of +governments and of men; (2.) That an independent voter must be not +only a citizen versed in government, but one loyal to his country, and +generous and forbearing with his fellow-citizens, not looking always +to the word and the act, but looking sometimes to the undercurrent +which actuates these—to the presence of immediate interest, which is +always strong in human nature, to the love of race, and to the love of +section, which comes next to the love of country.</p> + +<p>Our country is great not only in mineral and cereal resources, in +numbers, and in accumulated wealth, but great in extent of territory, +and in multiplicity of interests, out-growing from peculiarities of +locality, race, and the education of the people. Thus the people of +the North and East and West are given to farming, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 69]<a name="Page_69" id="Page_69"></a></span>manufacturing, and +speculation, making politics a subordinate, not a leading interest; +they are consequently wealthy, thrifty and contented: while the people +of the South, still in the shadow of defeat in the bloodiest and most +tremendous conflict since the Napoleonic wars, are divided sharply +into two classes, and given almost exclusively to the pursuits of +agriculture and hatred of one another. The existence of this state of +things is most disastrous in its nature, and deplorable in its +results. It is a barrier against the progress of that section and +alien to the spirit and subversive of the principles of our free +institutions.</p> + +<p>It is in the South that the largest number of our people live; it is +there that they encounter the greatest hardships; it is there the +problem of their future usefulness as American citizens must have full +and satisfactory, or disastrous and disheartening demonstration. +Consequently, the colored statesman and the colored editor must turn +their attention to the South and make that field the center of +speculation, deduction and practical application. We all understand +the conditions of society in that section and the causes which have +produced them, and, while not forgetting the causes, it is a common +purpose to alter the existing conditions, so that they may conform to +the logic of the great Rebellion and the spirit and letter of the +Federal Constitution. It is not surprising, therefore, that, as an +humble worker in the interest of my race and the common good, I have +decided views as to the course best to be pursued by our people in +that section, and the fruits likely to spring from a consistent +advocacy of such views.</p> + +<p>I may stand alone in the opinion that the best interests of the race +and the best interests of the country will be conserved by building up +a bond of union between the white people and the negroes of the +South—advocating the doctrine that the interests of the white and the +interests of the colored people are one and the same; that the +legislation which affects the one will affect the other; that the good +which comes to the one should come to the other, and that, as one +people, the evils which blight the hopes <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 70]<a name="Page_70" id="Page_70"></a></span>of the one blight the hopes +of the other; I say, I may stand alone among colored men in the belief +that harmony of sentiment between the blacks and whites of the +country, in so far forth as it tends to honest division and healthy +opposition, is natural and necessary, but I speak that which is a +conviction as strong as the Stalwart idea of diversity between Black +and White, which has so crystallized the opinion of the race.</p> + +<p>It is not safe in a republican form of government that clannishness +should exist, either by compulsory or voluntary reason; it is not good +for the government, it is not good for the individual. A government +like ours is like unto a household. Difference of opinion on +non-essentials is wholesome and natural, but upon the fundamental idea +incorporated in the Declaration of Independence and re-affirmed in the +Federal Constitution the utmost unanimity should prevail. That all men +are born equal, so far as the benefits of government extend; that each +and every man is justly entitled to the enjoyment of life, liberty and +the pursuit of happiness, so long as these benign benefits be not +forfeited by infraction upon the rights of others; that freedom of +thought and unmolested expression of honest conviction and the right +to make these effective through the sacred medium of a fair vote and +an honest count, are God-given and not to be curtailed—these are the +foundations of republican government; these are the foundations of our +institutions; these are the birthright of every American citizen; +these are the guarantees which make men free and independent and +great.</p> + +<p>The colored man must rise to a full conception of his citizenship +before he can make his citizenship effective. It is a fatality to +create or foster clannishness in a government like ours. Assimilation +of sentiment must be the property of the German, the Irish, the +English, the Anglo-African, and all other racial elements that +contribute to the formation of the American type of citizen. The +moment you create a caste standard, the moment you recognize the +existence of such, that moment republican government stands <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 71]<a name="Page_71" id="Page_71"></a></span>beneath +the sword of Damocles, the vitality of its being becomes vitiated and +endangered. If this be true, the American people have grave cause for +apprehension. The Anglo-African element of our population is classed +off by popular sentiment, and kept so. It is for the thoughtful, the +honest, the calm but resolute men of the race to mould the sentiment +of the masses, lift them up into the broad sunlight of freedom. +Ignorance, superstition, prejudice, and intolerance are elements in +our nature born of the malign institution of servitude. No fiat of +government can eradicate these. As they were the slow growth, the +gradual development of long years of inhuman conditions, so they must +be eliminated by the slow growth of years of favorable conditions. Let +us recognize these facts as facts, and labor honestly to supplant them +with more wholesome, more cheering realities. The Independent colored +man, like the Independent white man, is an American citizen who does +his own thinking. When some one else thinks for him he ceases to be an +intelligent citizen and becomes a dangerous dupe—dangerous to +himself, dangerous to the State.</p> + +<p>It is not to be expected now that the colored voters will continue to +maintain that unanimity of idea and action characteristic of them when +the legislative halls of States resounded with the clamor of +law-makers of their creation, and when their breath flooded or +depleted State treasuries. The conditions are different now. They find +themselves citizens without a voice in the shapement of legislation; +tax-payers without representation; men without leadership masterful +enough to force respect from inferior numbers in some States, or to +hold the balance of power in others. They find themselves at the mercy +of a relentless public opinion which tolerates but does not respect +their existence as a voting force; but which, on the contrary, while +recognizing their right to the free exercise of the suffrage, forbids +such exercise at the point of the shotgun of the assassin, whom it not +only nerves but shields in the perpetration of his lawless and +infamous crimes. And why is this? Why is it that the one hundred and +twenty thousand <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 72]<a name="Page_72" id="Page_72"></a></span>black voters of South Carolina allow the eighty +thousand white voters of that State to grind the life out of them by +laws more odious, more infamous, more tyrannical and subversive of +manhood than any which depopulate the governments of the old world? Is +it because the white man is the created viceregent of government? The +Scriptures affirm that all are sprung from one parental stem. Is it +because he is the constitutionally invested oligarch of government? +The magna charta of our liberties affirms that "all men are created +equal." Is it because the law of the land reserves unto him the +dominance of power? The preamble of the Federal Constitution declares +that "We" and not "I," constitute "the people of the United States." +If the law of God and the law of man agree in the equality of right of +man, explain to me the cause which keeps a superior force in +subjection to a minority. Look to the misgovernment of the +Reconstruction period for the answer—misgovernment by white men and +black men who were lifted into a "little brief authority" by a mighty +but unwieldy voting force. That black man who connived at and shared +in the corruption in the South which resulted in the subversion of the +majority rule, is a traitor to his race and his country, wherever he +may now be eking out a precarious and inglorious existence, and I have +nothing to heap upon his head but the curses, the execrations of an +injured people. Like Benedict Arnold he should seek a garret in the +desert of population, living unnoticed and without respect, where he +might die without arousing the contempt of his people.</p> + +<p>The love of Liberty carries with it the courage to preserve it from +encroachments from without and from contempt from within. A people in +whom the love of liberty is in-born cannot be enslaved, though they +may be exterminated by superior force and intelligence, as in the case +of the poor Indian of our own land—a people who, two hundred years +ago, spread their untamed hordes from the icebergs of Maine to the +balmy sunland of Florida. But to-day where are they? Their love of +freedom and valorous <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 73]<a name="Page_73" id="Page_73"></a></span>defense of priority of ownership of our domain +have caused them to be swept from the face of the earth. Had they +possessed intelligence with their more than Spartan courage, the wave +of extermination could never have rolled over them forever. As a man I +admire the unconquerable heroism and fortitude of the Indian. So brave +a race of people were worthy a nobler and a happier destiny. As an +American citizen, I feel it born in my nature to share in fullest +measure all that is American. I sympathize in all the hopes, +aspirations and fruitions of my country. There is no pulsation in the +animated frame of my native land which does not thrill my nature. +There is no height of glory we may reach as a government in which I +should not feel myself individually lifted; and there is no depth of +degradation to which we may fall to which I should not feel myself +individually dragged. In a word, I am an American citizen. I have a +heritage in each and every provision incorporated in the Constitution +of my country, and should this heritage be attempted to be filched +from me by any man or body of men, I should deem the provocation +sufficiently grievous to stake even life in defense of it. I would +plant every colored man in this country on a platform of this +nature—to think for himself, to speak for himself, to act for +himself. This is the ideal citizen of an ideal government such as ours +is modelled to become. This is my conception of the colored man as an +independent force in our politics. To aid in lifting our people to +this standard, is one of the missions which I have mapped out for my +life-work. I may be sowing the seed that will ripen into disastrous +results, but I don't think so. My conception of republican government +does not lead me to a conclusion so inconsistent with my hopes, my +love of my country and of my race.</p> + +<p>I look upon my race in the South and I see that they are helplessly at +the mercy of a popular prejudice outgrowing from a previous condition +of servitude; I find them clothed in the garments of citizenship by +the Federal Government and opposed in <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 74]<a name="Page_74" id="Page_74"></a></span>the enjoyment of it by their +equals, not their superiors, in the benefits of government; I find +that the government which conferred the right of citizenship is +powerless, or indisposed, to force respect for its own enactments; I +find that these people, left to the mercy of their enemies, alone and +defenseless, and without judicious leadership, are urged to preserve +themselves loyal to the men and to the party which have shown +themselves unable to extend to them substantial protection; I find +that these people, alone in their struggles of doubt and of prejudice, +are surrounded by a public opinion powerful to create and powerful to +destroy; I find them poor in culture and poor in worldly substance, +and dependent for the bread they eat upon those they antagonize +politically. As a consequence, though having magnificent majorities, +they have no voice in shaping the legislation which is too often made +an engine to oppress them; though performing the greatest amount of +labor, they suffer from overwork and insufficient remuneration; though +having the greater number of children, the facilities of education are +not as ample or as good as those provided for the whites out of the +common fund, nor have they means to supply from private avenues the +benefits of education denied them by the State. Now, what is the +solution of this manifold and grievous state of things? Will it come +by standing solidly opposed to the sentiment, the culture, the +statesmanship, and the possession of the soil and wealth of the South? +Let the history of the past be spread before the eyes of a candid and +thoughtful people; let the bulky roll of misgovernment, incompetence, +and blind folly be enrolled on the one hand, and then turn to the +terrors of the midnight assassin and the lawless deeds which desecrate +the sunlight of noontide, walking abroad as a phantom armed with the +desperation of the damned!</p> + +<p>I maintain the idea that the preservation of our liberties, the +consummation of our citizenship, must be conserved and matured, not by +standing alone and apart, sullen as the melancholy Dane, but by +imbibing all that is American, entering into the life <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 75]<a name="Page_75" id="Page_75"></a></span>and spirit of +our institutions, spreading abroad in sentiment, feeling the full +force of the fact that while we are classed as Africans, just as the +Germans are classed as Germans we are in all things American citizens, +American freemen. Since we have tried the idea of political unanimity +let us now try other ideas, ideas more in consonance with the spirit +of our institution. There is no strength in a union that enfeebles. +Assimilation, a melting into the corporate body, having no distinction +from others, equally the recipients of government—this is to be the +independent man, be his skin tanned by the torrid heat of Africa, or +bleached by the eternal snows of the Caucasus. To preach the +independence of the colored man is to preach his Americanization. The +shackles of slavery have been torn from his limbs by the stern +arbitrament of arms; the shackles of political enslavement, of +ignorance, and of popular prejudice must be broken on the wheels of +ceaseless study and the facility with which he becomes absorbed into +the body of the people. To aid himself is his first duty if he +believes that he is here to stay, and not a probationer for the land +of his forefathers—a land upon which he has no other claim than one +of sentiment.</p> + +<p>What vital principle affecting our citizenship is championed by the +National Republican party of to-day? Is it a fair vote and an honest +count? Measure our strength in the South and gaze upon the solitary +expression of our citizenship in the halls of the National +Legislature. The fair vote which we cast for Rutherford B. Hayes +seemed to have incurred the enmity of that chief Executive, and he and +his advisers turned the colored voters of the South over to the +bloodthirsty minority of that section.</p> + +<p>The Republican party has degenerated into an ignoble scramble for +place and power. It has forgotten the principles for which Sumner +contended, and for which Lincoln died. It betrayed the cause for which +Douglass, Garrison and others labored, in the blind policy it pursued +in reconstructing the rebellious States. It made slaves freemen and +freemen slaves in the same breath by <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 76]<a name="Page_76" id="Page_76"></a></span>conferring the franchise and +withholding the guarantees to insure its exercise; it betrayed its +trust in permitting thousands of innocent men to be slaughtered +without declaring the South in rebellion, and in pardoning murders, +whom tardy justice had consigned to a felon's dungeon. It is even now +powerless to insure an honest expression of the vote of the colored +citizen. For these things, I do not deem it binding upon colored men +further to support the Republican party when other more advantageous +affiliations can be formed. And what of the Bourbon Democratic party? +There has not been, there is not now, nor will there ever be, any good +thing in it for the colored man. Bourbon Democracy is a curse to our +land. Any party is a curse which arrays itself in opposition to human +freedom, to the universal brotherhood of man. No colored man can ever +claim truthfully to be a Bourbon Democrat. It is a fundamental +impossibility. But he can be an independent, a progressive Democrat.</p> + +<p>The hour has arrived when thoughtful colored men should cease to put +their faith upon broken straws; when they should cease to be the +willing tools of a treacherous and corrupt party; when they should +cease to support men and measures which do not benefit them or the +race; when they should cease to be duped by one faction and shot by +the other. The time has fully arrived when they should have their +position in parties more fully defined, and when, by the ballot which +they hold, they should force more respect for the rights of life and +property.</p> + +<p>To do this, they must adjust themselves to the altered condition which +surrounds them. They must make for themselves a place to stand. In the +politics of the country the colored vote must be made as uncertain a +quantity as the German and Irish vote. The color of their skin must +cease to be an index to their political creed. They must think less of +"the party" and more of themselves; give less heed to a name and more +heed to principles.</p> + +<p>The black men and white men of the South have a common destiny. +Circumstances have brought them together and so interwoven <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 77]<a name="Page_77" id="Page_77"></a></span>their +interests that nothing but a miracle can dissolve the link that binds +them. It is, therefore, to their mutual disadvantage that anything but +sympathy and good will should prevail. A reign of terror means a +stagnation of all the energies of the people and a corruption of the +fountains of law and justice.</p> + +<p>The colored men of the South must cultivate more cordial relations +with the white men of the South. They must, by a wise policy, hasten +the day when politics shall cease to be the shibboleth that creates +perpetual warfare. The citizen of a State is far more sovereign than +the citizen of the United States. The State is a real, tangible +reality; a thing of life and power; while the United States is, +purely, an abstraction—a thing that no man has successfully defined, +although many, wise in their way and in their own conceit, have +philosophized upon it to their own satisfaction. The metaphysical +polemics of men learned in the science of republican government, +covering volume upon volume of "debates," the legislation of +ignoramuses, styled statesmen, and the "strict" and "liberal" +construction placed upon their work by the judicial <i>magi</i>, together +with a long and disastrous rebellion, to the cruel arbitrament of +which the question had been, as was finally hoped, in the last resort, +submitted, have failed, all and each, to define that visionary thing +the so-called Federal government, and its just rights and powers. As +Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson left it, so it is to-day, a +bone of contention, a red flag in the hands of the political matadors +of one party to infuriate those of the other parties.</p> + +<p>No: it is time that the colored voter learned to leave his powerless +"protectors" and take care of himself. Let every one read, listen, +think, reform his own ideas of affairs in his own locality; let him be +less interested in the continual wars of national politics than in the +interests of his own town and county and state; let him make friends +of the mammon of unrighteousness of his own neighborhood, so far as to +take an intelligent part among his neighbors, white and black, and +vote for the men and for the party that will <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 78]<a name="Page_78" id="Page_78"></a></span>do the best for him and +his race, and best conserve the interest of his vicinity. Let there be +no aim of <i>solidifying</i> the colored vote; the massing of black means +the massing of white by contrast. Individual colored men—and many of +them—have done wonders in self-elevation; but there can be no general +elevation of the colored men of the South until they use their voting +power in independent local affairs with some discrimination more +reasonable than an obstinate clinging to a party name. When the +colored voters differ among themselves and are to be found on <i>both +sides</i> of local political contests, they will begin to find themselves +of some political importance; their votes will be sought, cast, <i>and +counted</i>.</p> + +<p>And this is the key to the whole situation; let them make themselves a +part of the people. It will take time, patience, intelligence, +courage; but it can be done: and until it is done their path will lie +in darkness and perhaps in blood.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 79]<a name="Page_79" id="Page_79"></a></span></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X</h2> + +<h3><i>Solution of the Political Problem</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>I have no faith in parties. In monarchical and imperial governments +they are always manipulated by royal boobies, who are in turn +manipulated by their empty-pated favorites and their women of +soporific virtue; while in republics they are always manipulated by +demagogues, tricksters, and corruptionists, who figure in the +newspapers as "bosses," "heelers" and "sluggers," and in history as +statesmen, senators and representatives. These gentlemen, who <i>rule</i> +our government and <i>ruin</i> our people, comprise what Mr. Matthew Arnold +recently termed the "remnant" which should be permitted to run things +to suit themselves, the people, the great mass, being incapable of +taking care of themselves and the complex machinery of government. Of +course, Mr. Arnold, who is necessarily very British in his ideas of +government, intended that the "remnant" he had in his "mind's eye," +should comprise men of the most exalted character and intelligence, +the very things which keep them out of the gutters of politics. Men of +exalted character are expected in our country to attend to their own +concerns, not the concerns of the people, and to give the "boys" a +chance; while the men of exalted intelligence are, by reason of the +great industry and seclusiveness necessary to their work, too much +wedded to their books and their quiet modes of life to rush into ward +meetings and contend for political preferment with the "Mikes" and +"Jakes" who make their bread and butter out of the spoils and +peculations of office. A Clay or Webster, a Seward <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 80]<a name="Page_80" id="Page_80"></a></span>or Sumner, +sometimes gets into politics, but it is by accident. There is not +enough money in our politics to cause honest men to make it an object, +while the corruption frequently necessary to maintain a political +position, is so disgusting as to deter honest men from making it a +business.</p> + +<p>A love of power easily degenerates from patriotism into treason or +tyranny, or both. As it is easier to fall from virtue to vice than it +is to rise from vice to virtue, so it is easier to fall from +patriotism than to rise to it.</p> + +<p>Before the war the men of the South engaged, at first, in politics as +an elegant pastime. They had plenty of leisure and plenty of money. +They did not take to literature and science, because these pursuits +require severe work and more or less of a strong bias, for a thorough +exposition of their profound penetralia. It may be, too, that their +assumed patrician sensitiveness shrank from entering into competition +with the plebeian fellows who had to study hard and write voluminously +for a few pennies to keep soul and body together. And your Southern +grandees, before the war, were not compelled to drudge for a +subsistence; they had to take little thought for the morrow. Their +vast landed estates and black slaves were things that did not +fluctuate; under the effective supervision of the viperous +slave-driver the black Samson rose before the coming of the sun, and +the land, nature's own flower garden and man's inalienable heritage, +brought forth golden corn and snowy cotton in their season. Southern +intelligence expended its odors in the avenues where brilliance, not +profundity, was the passport to popularity. Hence, Southern +hospitality (giving to others that which had been deliberately stolen) +became almost as proverbial in the <i>polite</i> circles of America and +Europe as the long established suavity and condescension of the +French. And even unto the present time the hospitality of the South, +shorn of its profuseness and grandiloquence, is frequently the theme +of newspaper hacks and magazine penny-a-liners. But <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 81]<a name="Page_81" id="Page_81"></a></span>the shadow alone +remains; the substance has departed—"There are no birds in last +year's nest."</p> + +<p>If the literary reputation of the United States had been rated, up to +the close of the Rebellion, on the contributions of Southern +men—fiction, prose and poetry, science, art, and invention—the +polite nations of the world would have regarded us as a nation of +semi-barbarians. But, happily, the rugged genius of New England made +up then and makes up now for the poverty of literary effort on the +part of the South. True, a few men since the war have placed the South +in a better light; but even their work, as an index of Southern +genius, is regarded as highly precocious and tentative.</p> + +<p>The South has yet to demonstrate that she has capacity for high +literary effort. In the process of that demonstration, I am fully +persuaded that the Anglo-African—with his brilliant wit and humor, +his highly imaginative disposition and his innate fondness for +literary pursuits—will contribute largely to give the South an +enviable and honorable position.</p> + +<p>What the South lacked in literary effort before the war she made up in +a magnificent galaxy of meteoric statesmen, who rushed into politics +with the instinct of ducks taking to water, and who were forgotten, in +the majority of cases, before they had run out their ephemeral career. +A few names have survived the earthquake, and are remembered for their +cleverness rather than their depth. A few more decades, and they will +be remembered only by the curious student who plods his weary way +through the labyrinth of Congressional records and the musty archives +of States, seeking for data of times which long ago passed into the +hazy vista of history and romance. Before the war the Southern man of +leisure took to politics more as a pastime than as a serious business. +But as the pastime was agreeable, and as it gave additional weight and +distinction, all those who could, strived to make it appear that they +were men of importance in the Nation. They were <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 82]<a name="Page_82" id="Page_82"></a></span>largely a nation of +politicians, always brilliant, shallow, bellicose and dogmatic, as +ready to decide an argument with the shotgun or saber as with reason +and logic.</p> + +<p>This was the temper of the people who rushed into the war with the +confidence of a schoolboy and who limped out like a man overtaken in +his gymnastic exercise by a paralytic stroke. The war taught the South +a very useful lesson, but did not sufficiently convince it that it was +preëminently a supercilious, arrogant people, who did not and do not +possess all the virtue, intelligence, and courage of the country; that +its stock of these prime elements is woefully small considering the +long years it had posed as America's own patrician class.</p> + +<p>But when the war was over, and the Southern nobility turned its +thoughts once more to social arrogance and political dominion, it +found that Othello's occupation was entirely gone. A revolution had +swept over the country more iconoclastic and merciless than that which +followed in the wake of the French revolution nearly a hundred years +before. The bottom rail had been violently placed upon the top; +industrial adjustments had been so completely metamorphosed as to defy +detection; while the basis and the method of political representation +and administration had been so altered as to confound both the old and +the new forces.</p> + +<p>Aside from the ignorance of the black citizens and the insatiate greed +and unscrupulousness of their carpet-bag leaders—a band of vultures +more voracious and depraved than any which ever before imposed upon +and abused the confidence of a credulous people—the white men of the +South had been educated to regard themselves as, naturally, the +factors of power and the colored people as, naturally, the subject +class, no factor at all. It was these two things which produced that +exhibition of barbarity on the part of the South and impotence on the +part of the government which make us go to Roumania and the Byzantine +court for fit parallel.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 83]<a name="Page_83" id="Page_83"></a></span></p> + +<p>But, as I have said, a love of power easily degenerates into treason. +If we may not call the violence, the assassinations, which have +disgraced the South, <i>treason</i> by what fitter name, pray, shall we +call it? If the nullification of the letter and spirit of the +amendments of the Federal Constitution by the conquered South was not +renewed <i>treason</i>, what was it? What is it?</p> + +<p>The white men of the South, to the "manor born," having shown their +superiority in the superlative excellencies of murder, usurpation and +robbery (and I maintain they have gone further in the execution of +these infamies than was true of the Negro-Carpet-bag <i>bacchanalia</i>); +having made majorities dwindle into iotas and vaulted themselves into +power at the point of the shot gun and dagger (regular bandit style); +having made laws which discriminate odiously against one class while +giving the utmost immunity to the other; having, after doing these +things, modeled the government they rule upon the pro-slavery doctrine +that it is a "white man's government"—having had time to become +sobered, the white men of the South should be open to reason, if not +to conviction.</p> + +<p>The black men of the South know full well that they were disfranchised +by illegal and violent methods; they know that laws are purposely +framed to defraud and to oppress them. This is dangerous knowledge, +dangerous to the black and the white man. It will be decided by one of +two courses—wise and judicious statesmanship or bloody and disastrous +insurrection. When men are wronged they appeal either to the +arbitrament of reason or of violence. No man who loves his country +would sanction violence in the adjudication of rights save as a last +resort. Reason is the safest tribunal before which to arraign +injustice and wrong; but it is not always possible to reach this +tribunal.</p> + +<p>The black and white citizens of the South must alter the lines which +have divided them since the close of the war. They are, essentially, +one people, and should be mutual aids instead of mutual hindrances to +each other. By "one people" I don't wish <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 84]<a name="Page_84" id="Page_84"></a></span>to be understood as implying +that the white and black man are one in an ethnological, but a generic +sense, having a common origin. Living in the same communities, +pursuing identical avocations, and subject to the same fundamental +laws, however these may differ in construction and application in the +several States, it is as much, if not even more, the interest of the +white man that the black should be given every possible opportunity to +better his mental, material and civil condition. Society is not +corrupted from the apex but from the base. It is not the pure rain +that falls from the heavens, but the stagnant waters of the pool, that +breed disease and death. The corruption of the ballot by white men of +the South is more pernicious than the misuse of it by black men; the +perversion of the law in the apprehension and punishment of criminals, +by being wielded almost exclusively against colored men, not only +brings law into contempt of colored men but encourages crime among +white men. Thus the entire society is corrupted. Mob law is the most +forcible expression of an abnormal public opinion; it shows that +society is rotten to the core. When men find that laws are purposely +framed to oppress and defraud them they become desperate and reckless; +and mob law, by usurping the rightful functions of the judiciary, +makes criminals of honest men. As Alexander Pope expressed it:</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"><i>Vice is a monster of such frightful mien,</i><br /></span> +<span class="i0"><i>That to be hated needs but to be seen;</i><br /></span> +<span class="i0"><i>Yet, seen too oft, familiar with his face,</i><br /></span> +<span class="i0"><i>We first endure, then pity, then embrace.</i><br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The South has nothing to gain and everything to lose in attempting to +repress the energies and ambition of the colored man. It is to the +safety as well as to the highest efficiency of society that all its +members should be allowed the same opportunities for moral, +intellectual and material development. "Do unto others as you would +have them do unto you." "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." +There is no escape from the law of God. You either deal justly or +suffer the evil effects of wrong-doing. The disorders <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 85]<a name="Page_85" id="Page_85"></a></span>which have made +the South a seething cauldron for fifteen years have produced the most +widespread contempt of lawful authority not only on the part of the +lawless whites but the law-abiding blacks, who have suffered patiently +the infliction of all manner of wrong <i>because they were a generation +of slaves, suddenly made freemen</i>. They permitted themselves to be +shot because they had been educated to bare their backs at the command +of the white oligarch. But that sort of pusillanimous cowardice cannot +be expected to last always. Men in a state of freedom instinctively +question the right of others to impose unequal burdens upon them, or +to deny to them equal and exact protection of the laws. When oppressed +people begin to murmur, grow restless and discontented, the opposer +had better change his tactics, or lock himself up, as does the +cowardly tyrant of Russia.</p> + +<p>A new generation of men has come upon the stage of action in the +South. They know little or nothing of the regulations or the horrors +of the slave régime. They know they are freemen; they know they are +cruelly and unjustly defrauded; and they <i>question the right</i> of their +equals to oppose and defraud them. A large number of these people have +enjoyed the advantage of common school education, and not a few of +academic and collegiate education, and a large number have "put money +in their purse." The entire race has so changed that they are almost a +different people from what they were when the exigencies of war made +their manumission imperative. Yet there has been but little change in +the attitude of the white men towards this people. They still +strenuously deny their right to participate in the administration of +justice or to share equally in the blessings of that justice.</p> + +<p>There must be a change of policy. The progress of the black man +demands it; the interest of the white man compels it. The South cannot +hope to share in the industrious emigration constantly flowing into +our ports as long as it is scattered over the world that mob law and +race distractions constantly interrupt the industry of the people, and +put life and property in jeopardy of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 86]<a name="Page_86" id="Page_86"></a></span>eminent disturbance; and she +cannot hope to encourage the investment of large capital in the +development of her industries or the extension of her national system. +Capital is timid. It will only seek investment where it is sure of +being let alone. Again, while the present state continues, no Southern +statesman, however capable he may be, can hope to enjoy the confidence +of the country or attain to high official position. Thoughtful, sober +people will not entrust power to men who sanction mob law, and who +rise to high honor by conniving at or participating in assassination +and murder. They have too much self-respect to do it.</p> + +<p>Only a few weeks since, a narrow-minded senator from the State of +Alabama, speaking upon the question of "National Aid to Education," +said he would rather vote for an appropriation to place the Southern +States in direct communication with the Congo than to vote money to +educate the blacks. There is no ingrate more execrable than the one +who lifts up his hand or his voice to wrong the man he has betrayed. +This senator from Alabama does not represent the majority of the +people of his state. Take away the shot gun and mob law and he would +be compelled to crawl back into the obscurity out of which he was +dragged by his accomplices in roguery.</p> + +<p>The colored man is in the South to stay there. He will not leave it +voluntarily and he cannot be driven out. He had no voice in being +carried into the South, but he will have a very loud voice in any +attempt to put him out. The expatriation of 5,000,000 to 6,000,000 +people to an alien country needs only to be suggested to create mirth +and ridicule. The white men of the South had better make up their +minds that the black men will remain in the South just as long as corn +will tassel and cotton will bloom into whiteness. The talk about the +black people being brought to this country to prepare themselves to +evangelize Africa is so much religious nonsense boiled down to a +sycophantic platitude. The Lord, who is eminently just, had no hand in +their forcible coming here; it was preëminently the work of the devil. +Africa will have <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 87]<a name="Page_87" id="Page_87"></a></span>to be evangelized <i>from within</i>, not <i>from without</i>. +The Colonization society has spent mints of money and tons of human +blood in the selfish attempt to plant an Anglo-African colony on the +West Coast of Africa. The money has been thrown away and the human +lives have been sacrificed in vain. The black people of this country +are Americans, not Africans; and any wholesale expatriation of them is +altogether out of the question.</p> + +<p>The white men of the South should not deceive themselves: the blacks +are with them to remain. Whether they like it or not, it is a fact +that will not be rubbed out.</p> + +<p>If this be true, what should be the policy of the whites towards the +blacks? The question should need no answer at my hands. If it were not +for the unexampled obtuseness of the editors, preachers and +politicians of that section, I should close this chapter here.</p> + +<p>The white men and women of the South should get down from the +delectable mountain of delusive superiority which they have climbed; +and, recognizing that "of one blood God made all the children of men," +take hold of the missionary work God has placed under their nose.</p> + +<p>Instead of railing at the black man, let them take hold of him in a +Christian spirit and assist him in correcting those moral abscesses +and that mental enervation which they did so awfully much to infuse +into him; they should first take the elephant out of their own eyes +before digging at the gnat in their neighbor's eyes. They should +encourage him in his efforts at moral and religious improvement, not +by standing off and clapping their hands, but by going into his +churches and into his pulpits, showing him the "light and the way" not +only by precept but example as well. Can't do it, do you say? Then +take your religion and cast it to the dogs, for it is a living lie; it +comes not from God but from Beelzebub the Prince of Darkness. A +religion that divides Christians is unadulterated paganism; a minister +that will not preach the Gospel to sinners, be they black or white, is +a hypocrite, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 88]<a name="Page_88" id="Page_88"></a></span>who "steals the livery of Heaven to serve the Devil in." +They should make liberal provision for the schools set apart for the +colored people, and they should visit these schools, not only to mark +the progress made, and to encourage teacher and pupil, but to show to +the young minds blossoming into maturity and usefulness that they are +friends and deeply interested in the progress made. In public, they +should seek first to inspire the confidence of colored men by just +laws and friendly overtures and by encouraging the capable, honest and +ambitious few by placing them in position of honor and trust. They +should show to colored men that they accept the Constitution as +amended, and are earnestly solicitous that they should prosper in the +world, and become useful and respected citizens. You can't make a +friend and partisan of a man by shooting him; you can't make a sober, +industrious, honest man by robbing and outraging him. These tactics +will not work to the uplifting of a people. "A soft answer turns away +wrath." Even a dog caresses the hand that pats him on the head.</p> + +<p>The South must spend less money on penitentiaries and more money on +schools; she must use less powder and buckshot and more law and +equity; she must pay less attention to politics and more attention to +the development of her magnificent resources; she must get off the +"race line" hobby and pay more attention to the common man; she must +wake up to the fact that—</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"><i>Worth makes the man, and want of it the fellow,</i><br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>and that it is to her best interest to place all men upon the same +footing before the law; mete out the same punishment to the white +scamp that is inexorably meted out to the black scamp, for a scamp is +a scamp any way you twist it; a social pest that should be put where +he will be unable to harm any one. In an honest acceptance of the new +conditions and responsibilities God has placed upon them, and in +mutual forebearance, toleration and assistance, the South will find +that panacea for which she has sought in vain down to this time.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 89]<a name="Page_89" id="Page_89"></a></span></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI</h2> + +<h3>Land and Labor</h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>There is more prose than poetry in the desperate conflict now waging +in every part of the civilized world between labor and +capital,—between the dog and his tail, again, for, when the question +is reduced to a comprehensive statement of fact, it will be readily +seen that capital is the offspring of labor, not labor the offspring +of capital. Capital can produce nothing. Left to itself, it is as +valueless as the countless millions of gold, silver, copper, lead and +iron that lie buried in the unexplored womb of Nature. This storied +wealth counts for nothing in its crude, undeveloped state. As it is +to-day, so it was a thousand years ago. Years may add to the bulk, +and, therefore, the richness of its value; but until man, by his labor +of muscle and brain, has brought it forth, it has no value whatever. +To have value, it must become an object of barter, of circulation, in +short, of exchange. As its value depends upon its utility, so when it +can no longer be used it again becomes a useless mass of perishable +wealth. It is the product of labor, pure and simple. Speaking on +"Management of the Banks" (footnote p. 223), in his work on <i>Labor and +Capital</i>, Edward Kellogg says:—</p> + +<blockquote><p>All who become rich by speculations in bank, state and other +stocks, gain their wealth at the expense of the producing +classes; for no increased production is made by the changing +market value of these stocks. It is clear, that when the +rate of interest is increased, the gains of money-lenders +are augmented, and the money gained will buy a greater +quantity of property and <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 90]<a name="Page_90" id="Page_90"></a></span>labor. The increased gains of the +lender must be paid by the borrowers, by the productions of +their own or of others' labor.</p></blockquote> + +<p>So Adam Smith, speaking of "the Origin and Use of Money" (<i>Wealth of +Nations</i>, p. 33), says:</p> + +<blockquote><p>In order to avoid the inconveniency of such situations, +every prudent man in every period of society, after the +first establishment of the divisions of labor, must +naturally have endeavored to manage his affairs in such a +manner as to have at all times by him, besides the peculiar +produce of his own industry, a certain quantity of some one +commodity or other, such as he imagined few people would be +likely to refuse in exchange for the produce of their +industry.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Labor is the one paramount force which develops the resources of the +world. It produces all the wealth; it pays, in the last analysis, all +the taxes—National, State and municipal; it produces the wealth which +sustains all the institutions of learning, as well as ministers to the +profligate luxuries of the idlers and sharpers who add nothing to the +wealth of society, but on the contrary constantly take from it, and +who have not inaptly been termed by Dr. Howard Crosby the "dangerous +classes;" it makes the wealth which gives a few men millions of +dollars as their share, either as rental or usurious interest upon +capital invested in the production of wealth; and it creates the vast +surplus which lies in the coffers of the Federal and State treasuries +of our land.</p> + +<p>The producing agency, without which there could be no wealth; without +which the landlord could exact no rent and capital could draw no +interest, the producing agency alone receives an inadequate proportion +of the wealth it produces. The man who conducts any business requiring +labor and capital not only exacts an unjust proportion of the +laborer's hire, but takes more than he justly should as interest upon +his capital and as reward for his own time and labor, often amounting +to no trouble or labor, he delegating to other hands, such as foremen +or overseers, the absolute control of his investment. Yet, the man who +invests capital not only derives, in a majority of cases, a sufficient +income to enable <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 91]<a name="Page_91" id="Page_91"></a></span>him to live in more than comfort but to have a +healthy bank account; while the laborer, who alone makes capital draw +interest by giving it employment in developing the resources of +nature, derives only a bare subsistence, frequently not sufficient to +meet the absolute necessaries of his daily life. His wife and children +must be content with life simply—bare, cold life—often without any +of the conveniences or the commonest luxuries which make existence +anything more than the curse it is to a large majority of humankind. +This is peculiarly true of the condition of the masses of the Old +World, and is fast becoming true in our own young and vigorous +country.</p> + +<p>In every quarter of the globe the cry of depressed and defrauded labor +is heard. The enormous drain upon the producing agents necessary to +maintain in idleness and luxury the great capitalists of the world who +accumulated their ill-gotten wealth by fraud, perjury and "conquest," +so called, grinds the producing agent down to the lowest possible +point at which he can live and still produce. The millionaires of the +world, so called "aristocracies," and the taxes imposed by sovereign +states to liquidate obligations more frequently contracted to enslave +than to ameliorate the conditions of mankind, are a constant drain +which comes ultimately out of the laboring classes in every case.</p> + +<p>What are millionaires, any way, but the most dangerous enemies of +society, always eating away its entrails, like the cultures that +preyed upon the chained Prometheus? Take our own breed of these +parasites; note how they grind down the stipend they are compelled to +bestow upon the human tools they must use to still further swell their +ungodly gains! Note how they take advantage of the public; how they +extort, with Shylock avarice, every penny they possibly can from those +who are compelled to use the appliances which wealth enables them to +contrive for the public convenience and comfort; how they corrupt +legislatures and dictate to the unscrupulous minions of the law. The +Athenians were wise who enacted into law the principle that when a +citizen became too <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 92]<a name="Page_92" id="Page_92"></a></span>powerful or rich to be controlled within proper +bounds, the safety of society demanded that he should be exiled—sent +where his power or riches could not be used to the detriment of his +fellow-citizens. Should such a rule be applied to-day, society in +every land could disgorge with much advantage the men who ride the +people as the Old Man of the Sea rode Sindbad the luckless sailor. But +our civilization is built upon a higher conception of individual right +and immunity; there is now no limit to the right of one man to rob +another of the produce of his labor or his natural and conferred +rights. Not only may individuals rob and plunder their fellows with +absolute impunity, but our laws have put breath into that soulless +thing which has become notoriously infamous as a "corporation." Around +this thing, this engine of extortion and oppression, our laws have +placed bulwarks which the defrauded laborer, the widow and orphan, and +even the sovereign public, cannot overleap. Here is where Monopoly +first shows its cormorant head.</p> + +<p>If millionaires are enemies of society, and I assume that they +are—not because they have property, but because, as a rule, they have +acquired it by unjust processes and use it tyrannically—what excuse +have we for aristocracies, an idle class, a privileged class, who toil +not, nor spin? What is a recognized aristocracy, such as England +maintains? From what perennial fountain did it draw its nobility and +wealth? Came they not through Norman conquest and robbery? Who pay the +heavy taxes levied upon the people to support the privileged classes +of England? The royal revenues and princely preserves, are they not +supported out of the sweat of the poorer classes, upon whom all the +burdens of society fall at last? And why should there be royal +revenues and princely preserves? Do they add anything to the wealth of +a nation or the happiness of a people? Let us see.</p> + +<p>Brassey (Sir Thomas), in his book on <i>Work and Wages</i>, p. 71, says:</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 93]<a name="Page_93" id="Page_93"></a></span></p> + +<blockquote><p>The Irish Poor Law Commissioners stated that the average +produce of the soil in Ireland was not much above one half +the average produce in England, whilst the number of +laborers employed in agriculture was, in proportion to the +quantity of land under cultivation more than double, viz.: +as five to two. Thus ten laborers in Ireland raised only the +same quantity of produce that four laborers raised in +England, and this produce was generally of an inferior +quality.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Why is it that ten men in Ireland produce no more than four men +produce in England?</p> + +<p>Henry George says (<i>Social Problems</i>, p. 150):</p> + +<blockquote><p>A year ago I traveled through that part of Ireland from +which these government-aided emigrants come. What surprises +an American at first, even in Connaught, is the apparent +sparseness of population, and he wonders if this can indeed +be that over-populated Ireland of which he has heard so +much. <i>There is plenty of good land</i>, but on it are only fat +beasts, and sheep so clean and white that you at first think +that they must be washed and combed every morning. Once, +this soil was tilled and was populous, but now you will find +only traces of ruined hamlets, and here and there the +miserable hut of a herd, who lives in a way that no Terra +del Fuegan could envy. For the 'owners' of this land, who +live in London and Paris, many of them having never seen +their estates, find cattle more profitable than men, and so +the men have been driven off. <i>It is only when you reach the +bog and the rocks</i> in the mountains and by the sea shore, +that you find a dense population. Here they are crowded +together on land on which nature never intended men to live. +It is too poor for grazing, so the people who have been +driven from the better lands are allowed to live upon it—as +long as they pay their rent. If it were not too pathetic, +the patches they called fields would make you laugh. +Originally the surface of the ground must have been about as +susceptible of cultivation as the surface of Broadway. But +at the cost of enormous labor the small stones have been +picked off and piled up, though the great boulders remain, +so that it is impossible to use a plow; and the surface of +the bog has been cut away and manured by seaweed, brought in +from the shore on the backs of men and women, till it can be +made to grow something.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Sir Thomas Brassey writes from a capitalist's standpoint, while Mr. +George writes from the standpoint of a philosopher who not only sees +gross social wrongs but boldly applies the remedy. But let us see if +the same fester which irritates the body of Irish society has not also +a parasitical existence in our own land, where <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 94]<a name="Page_94" id="Page_94"></a></span>society is yet in its +infancy, where the people are supposed to enjoy all the advantages of +the competitive system, and where all are, measurably, free to take +and to use the opportunities offered the pioneers, or him who gets +first his grip upon the three natural elements absolutely essential to +man's existence, viz.: air, water, and land.</p> + +<p>Wm. Goodwin Moody says (<i>Land and Labor in the United States</i>, p. 77):</p> + +<blockquote><p>Instead of being able to boast, as could our fathers, that +every man who tilled the soil was lord of the manor he +occupied, owning no master, the last census report made a +return of 1,024,701 tenant farms in our country in 1880.</p> + +<p>A comparison of this showing with the land-holdings of Great +Britain and Ireland will help to a better understanding of +what these things import. The very latest statistics give +the total number of holdings in England and Wales at +414,804; in Ireland, at 574,222; in Scotland, at 80,101; +total, 1,069,127. Showing that in the whole of Great Britain +and Ireland, counting all the holdings as tenant +occupations, which they are not, there are 200,000 less +tenant farms than in the United States.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Again:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Among the owners of the tenant farms in our country are +English, French, and German capitalists, non-residents, who +have bought immense tracts of the railroad lands, and seized +upon the alternate government sections lying within their +railroad purchases, and on those tracts have commenced their +bonanza operations, or planted their tenants on the American +system.</p></blockquote> + +<p>When it is remembered that the entire network of railroads in the +United States is practically under the absolute control of five or six +men who, having derived their valuable franchises and more than +princely land grants from the people, show the utmost disregard of the +comfort, convenience or rights of the donors; when it is remembered +that one family in the city of New York controls enough land with +enough tenants to constitute an overgrown village; and that what they +do not claim as their own is held by one-fourth of the rest of the +population; when it is remembered that nearly every article which has +become a household necessity has been seized upon and can be obtained +only <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 95]<a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"></a></span>through some corporation, in the manufacture of which the +government has virtually granted a monopoly, as Charles granted to the +Duke of Buckingham a monopoly in the sale of gold lace; when it is +remembered that, even in this new country, three-fourths of the +population rent their homes and cannot buy them<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>; when these things +are remembered, as they should be, it will be readily seen that the +condition of our work-people is fast becoming no better than that of +the people of Europe, where a thousand years of false social +adjustments, of usurpation and of tyranny, have reduced the +proletariat class to the verge of starvation and desperation.</p> + +<p>True, the immigrant laborers from Europe in the North, and the colored +people at the South tend to crowd into the cities, where their labor +is least needed and the conditions of life for them must be at the +hardest; true, in America if a man <i>has it in him</i> the way is open for +him to mount to the topmost round of the social ladder; true, too, the +operatives in manufactures and the agricultural laborers here live on +a far higher plane than in Europe; but the elements of degradation as +well as of elevation are present in our land, and "easy in the +descent" to the infernal regions. Let us be warned in time.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 96]<a name="Page_96" id="Page_96"></a></span></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII</h2> + +<h3><i>Civilization Degrades the Masses</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>There are men in all parts of the world, whose names have become +synonyms of learning and genius, who proclaim it from the housetops +that civilization is in a constant state of evolution to a higher, +purer, nobler, happier condition of the people, the great mass of +mankind, who properly make up society, and who have been styled, in +derision, the "<i>mudsills</i> of society." So they are, society rests upon +them; society must build upon them; without them society cannot be, +because they are, in the broadest sense, society itself,—not only the +"mudsills" but the <i>superstructure</i> as well. They not only constitute +the great producing class but the great consuming class as well. They +are the bone and sinew of society.</p> + +<p>It is therefore of the utmost importance to know the condition of the +people; it is not only important to know exactly what that condition +is, but it is of the very first importance to the well-being of +society that there should be absolutely nothing in that condition to +arouse the apprehension of the sharks who live upon the carcass of the +people, or of the people who permit the sharks to so live. There is +nothing more absolutely certain than that the people—who submit to be +robbed through the intricate and multifarious processes devised by the +cupidity of individuals and of governments—when aroused to a full +sense of the wrongs inflicted upon them, will strike down their +oppressors in a rage of desperation born of despair.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 97]<a name="Page_97" id="Page_97"></a></span></p> + +<p>Modern tyrannies are far more insidious than the military despotisms +of the past. These modern engines which crush society destroy the +energy and vitality of the people by the slow process of starvation, +sanctioned by the law, and in a majority of instances, are patiently +borne by the victims. It is only when human nature can endure no more +that protests are first heard; then armed resistance; then anarchy. +Thus it was with the French of the eighteenth century. Thus it is with +the Russian, the German, the English, the Irish peoples of to-day. The +heel of the tyrant is studded with too many steel nails to be borne +without excruciating pain and without earnest protest.</p> + +<p>If in their desperate conflict with the serpent that has coiled its +slimy length about the body of the people the latter resort to +dynamite, and seek by savage warfare to right their wrongs, they are +to be condemned and controlled, for they confound the innocent with +the guilty and work ruin rather than reform. Yet there is another side +to be considered, for when injustice wraps itself in the robes of +virtue and of law, and calls in the assistance of armies and all the +destructive machinery of modern warfare to enforce its right to +enslave and starve mankind, what counter warfare can be too savage, +too destructive in its operations, to compel attention to the wrong? +The difficulty is that vengeance should discriminate, but that is a +refinement which blind rage can hardly compass.</p> + +<p>I believe in law and order; but I believe, as a condition precedent, +that law and order should be predicated upon right and justice, pure +and simple. Law is, intrinsically, a written expression of justice; +if, on the contrary, it becomes instead written <i>injustice</i>, men are +not, strictly speaking, bound to yield it obedience. There is no law, +on the statute books of any nation of the world, which bears unjustly +upon the people, which should be permitted to stand one hour. It is +through the operations of law that mankind is ground to powder; it is +by the prostitution of the rights of the masses, by men who pretend to +be their representatives and are <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 98]<a name="Page_98" id="Page_98"></a></span>not, that misery, starvation and +death fill the largest space in the news channels of every land.</p> + +<p>In New York City—where the intelligence, the enterprise, the wealth +and the christianized humanity of the New World are supposed to have +their highest exemplification—men, women and children die by the +thousands, starved and frozen out of the world! Thousands die yearly +in the city of New York from the effects of exposure and insufficient +nutriment. The world, into which they had come unbidden, and the +fruits of which a just God had declared they should enjoy as reward of +the sweat of their brows, had refused them even a bare subsistance; +and, this, when millions of food rot in the storehouses without +purchasers! The harpies of trade prefer that their substance should +resolve itself into the dirt and weed from which it sprung, rather +than the poor and needy should eat of it and live.</p> + +<p>I have walked through the tenement wards of New York, and I have seen +enough want and crime and blasted virtue to condemn the civilization +which produced them and which fosters them in its bosom.</p> + +<p>I have looked upon the vast army of police which New York City +maintains to protect life and so-called "vested rights," and I have +concluded that there is something wrong in the social system which can +only be kept intact by the expenditure of so much productive force, +for this vast army, which stands on the street corners and lurks in +the alley ways, "spotting," suspicious persons, "keeping an eye" on +strangers who look "smart," this vast army contributes nothing to the +production of wealth. It is, essentially, a parasite. And yet, without +this army of idlers, life would be in constant danger and property +would fall prey not only to the vicious and the desperate, but to the +hungry men and women who have neither a place to shelter them from the +storms of heaven, nor food to sustain nature's cravings from finding +an eternal resting place in the Potter's Field. And, even after every +<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 99]<a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"></a></span>precaution which selfishness can devise, courts of law and police +officers are powerless to stay the hand of the pariahs whom society +has outlawed—the men and women who are doomed to starve to death and +be buried at the expense of society. The streets of every city in the +Union are full of people who have been made desperate by social +adjustments which prophets laud to the skies and which philosophers +commend as "ideal," as far as they go.</p> + +<p>One-half the producing power of the United States is to-day absolutely +dependent upon the cold charity of the world; one fourth does not make +sufficient to live beyond the day, while the other one-fourth only +manages to live comfortably at the expense of the most parsimonious +economy.</p> + +<p>It is becoming a mooted question whether labor-saving machinery has +not supplanted muscle-power in the production of every article to such +a marvelous extent as to make thoughtful men tremble for the future of +those who can only hope to live upon the produce of their labors. The +machine has taken the place, largely, of man in the production of +articles of consumption, of wear and of ornamentation; but no machine +has, as yet, been invented to take the place of human wants. The +markets of the world are actually glutted with articles produced by +machine labor, but there are no purchasers with the means to buy, to +consume the additional production caused by machinery and the +consequent cheapening of processes of producing the articles of +consumption, ornamentation, etc. When men have work they have money; +and when men have money they spend it. Hence, when the toilers of a +land have steady employment trade is brisk; when business stagnation +forces them into idleness vice and crime afflict the country.</p> + +<p>What avail the tireless labor of the machine and the mountains of +material it places upon the market, if there are no purchasers? One +man at a machine will do as much work in a factory to-day as required +the work of fifty men fifty years ago; but the enhanced volume of +production can have only one purchaser now where <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 100]<a name="Page_100" id="Page_100"></a></span>there was once +fifty, hence the fitful existence of the one and the desperate +struggle for existence of the forty-nine.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> As iron and steel cannot +compete with muscle and brain in the volume of production, so iron and +steel cannot compete with muscle and brain in consumption. And, +without consumption, what does production amount to? What does it +avail us that our stores and granaries are overstocked, if the people +are unable to buy? The thing is reduced to a cruel mockery when stores +and granaries are over-gorged, while people clamor in vain for +clothing and food, and drop dead within reach of these prime elements +of warmth and sustentation.</p> + +<p>What does it avail us if the balance of trade be in our favor by one, +or two, or three hundred millions of dollars, if this result be +obtained by the degradation and death of our own people? More; not +only at the expense of the well being of our own people, but of the +people of those countries in whose markets we are enabled to undersell +them, by reason of the more systematic pauperization of our own +producing classes.</p> + +<p>Competition, it is declared, is the life of trade; if this be true, it +is truer that it is the death of labor, of the poorer classes. For +Great Britain has established herself in the markets of the world at +the expense of her laboring classes. While the capitalists of that +country hold up their heads among the proudest people of the world, +her laboring classes are absolutely ground to powder. Because of the +inhuman competition which her manufacturers have been led to adopt, +and the introduction of improved labor-saving machinery, her balance +of trade runs far into the millions of pounds, and political +economists place their hands upon their hearts and declare that Great +Britain is the most happy and prosperous country on the face of the +globe. But the declaration is illusory in the extreme. No country can +be happy and prosperous whose "mudsills" live in squalor, want, +misery, vice and death.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 101]<a name="Page_101" id="Page_101"></a></span> If Great Britain is happy and prosperous, how +shall we account for the constant strikes of labor organizations for +higher pay or as a protest against further reduction of wages below +which man cannot live and produce? The balance of trade desire is the +curse of the people of the world. It can be obtained only by +underbidding other people in their own markets; and this can be done +only by the maximum of production at the minimum of cost—by forcing +as much labor out of the man or the machine as possible at the least +possible expense.</p> + +<p>There is death in the theory; death to our own people and death to the +people with whom we compete. When a people no longer produce those +articles which are absolutely necessary to sustain life the days of +such people may be easily calculated.</p> + +<p>Men talk daily of "over production," of "glutted markets," and the +like; but such is not a true statement of the case. There can be no +over production of anything as long as there are hungry mouths to be +fed. It does not matter if the possessors of these hungry mouths are +too poor to buy the bread; if they are hungry, there is no +overproduction. With a balance of $150,000,000 of trade; with +plethoric granaries and elevators all over the land; with millions of +swine, sheep and cattle on a thousand hills; with millions of surplus +revenue in the vaults of the National treasury, diverted from the +regular channels of trade by an ignorant set of legislators who have +not gumption enough to reduce unnecessary and burdensome taxation +without upsetting the industries of the country—with all its +grandiloquent exhibition of happiness and prosperity, the laboring +classes of the country starve to death, or eke out an existence still +more horrible.</p> + +<p>The factories of the land run on half time, and the men, women and +children who operate them grow pinch-faced, lean and haggard, from +insufficient nutriment, and are old and decrepit while yet in the bud +of youth; the tenements are crowded to suffocation, breeding +pestilence and death; while the wages paid to labor hardly serve to +satisfy the exactions of the landlord—a monstrosity <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 102]<a name="Page_102" id="Page_102"></a></span>in the midst of +civilization, whose very existence is a crying protest against our +pretensions to civilization.</p> + +<p>Yet, "competition" is the cry of the hour. Millionaires compete with +each other in the management of vast railroads and water routes, +reducing labor to the verge of subsistence while exacting mints of +money as tolls for transportation from the toilers of the soil and the +consumers who live by their labor in other industrial enterprises; the +manufacturers join in the competition, selling goods at the least +possible profit to themselves and the least possible profit to those +who labor for them; and, when no market can be found at home, boldly +enter foreign markets and successfully compete with manufacturers who +employ what our writers are pleased to style "pauper" labor. Every +branch of industry is in the field <i>competing</i>, and the competition is +ruining every branch of industry. The constant effort to obtain the +maximum of production at the minimum of cost operates injuriously upon +employer and employee alike; while the shrinkage in money circulation, +caused by the competition, reduces, in every branch of industry, the +wages of those who are the great consumers as well as producers; it +produces those "hard times" which bear so hardly upon the poor in +every walk of life. Even the laboring man has entered the race, and +now competes in the labor market with his fellow for an opportunity to +make a crust of bread to feed his wife and child. When things reach +this stage, when the man who is working for one dollar and a half per +day is underbid by a man who will work for a dollar and a quarter, +then the condition of the great wealth producing and consuming class +is desperate indeed. And so it is.</p> + +<p>Frederick Douglass, the great Negro commoner, speaking at Washington, +April 16, 1883, on the "Twenty-first Anniversary of Emancipation in +the District of Columbia," said:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Events are transpiring all around us that enforce respect of +the oppressed classes. In one form or another, by one means +or another, the ideas of a common humanity against +privileged classes, of common rights against special +<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 103]<a name="Page_103" id="Page_103"></a></span>privileges, are now rocking the world. Explosives are heard +that rival the earthquake. They are causing despots to +tremble, class rule to quail, thrones to shake and +oppressive associated wealth to turn pale. It is for America +to be wise in time.</p></blockquote> + +<p>And the black philosopher, who had by manly courage and matchless +eloquence braved the mob law of the North and the organized brigandage +and robbery of the South in the dark days of the past, days that tried +men's souls, standing in the sunlight of rejuvenated manhood, still +was the oracle of the oppressed in the sentiments above quoted.</p> + +<p>All over the land the voice of the masses is heard. Organizations in +their interests are multiplying like sands on the seashore. The +fierce, hoarse mutter of the starved and starving gives unmistakable +warning that America has entered upon that fierce conflict of +money-power and muscle-power which now shake to their very centers the +hoary-headed commonwealths of the old world. In <i>John Swintons Paper</i> +of a recent date I find the following editorial arraignment of the +present state of "Labor and Capital:"</p> + +<blockquote><p>The cries of the people against the oppressions of capital +and monopoly are heard all over the land; but the capitalist +and monopolist give them no heed, and go on their way more +relentlessly than ever. Congress is fully aware of the +condition of things; but you cannot get any bill through +there for the relief of the people. The coal lords of +Pennsylvania know how abject are the tens of thousands of +blackamoors of their mines; but they grind them without +mercy, and cut their days' wages again whenever they squeal. +Jay Gould knows of the wide-spread ruin he has wrought in +piling up his hundred millions; but he drives along faster +than ever in his routine of plunder. The factory Christians +of Fall River see their thousands of poor spinners +struggling for the bread of life amid the whirl of +machinery: but they order reduction after reduction in the +rate of wages, though the veins of the corporations are +swollen to congestion. The "Big Four" of Chicago, who corner +grain and provisions, and the capitalists here and elsewhere +who do the same thing, know well how the farmers suffer and +the tables of the poor are ravaged by their operations; but +they prosecute their work more extensively and recklessly +than ever. The railroad and telegraph corporations know +that, in putting on "all that the traffic will bear," they +are taking from this country more than the people can stand; +yet their only answer is that of the horseleech....</p> + +<p>Our lawmakers know how the people are wronged through +legislation in <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 104]<a name="Page_104" id="Page_104"></a></span>the interest of privilege and plunder; but +they add statute to statute in that same interest. They know +how advantageous to the producers would be the few measures +asked in their name; yet they persistently refuse to adopt +them. The great employers of labor, the cormorants of +competition, know through what hideous injustice they enrich +themselves; but speak to them of fair play, and they flout +you from their presence. The wealthy corporations owning +these street car lines in New York see that their drivers +and conductors are kept on the rack from sixteen to eighteen +hours every day of the week, including Sundays; but when a +bill is brought into the State Legislature to limit the +daily working hours to twelve, they order their hired agents +of the lobby to defeat it. These gamblers of Wall street +know that their gains are mainly through fraud; yet forever, +fast and furious, do they play with loaded dice.</p> + +<p>The landlords of these tenement quarters know by the +mortality statistics how broad is the swathe that death cuts +among their victims; but they add dollar to dollar as coffin +after coffin is carried into the street. * * *</p> + +<p>These owners of the machinery of industry know how it bears +upon the men who keep it flying; but they are regardless of +all that, if only it fills their coffers. These owners of +palaces look upon the men by whom they are built; but think +all the time how to raise the rent of their hovels. These +great money-lenders who hold the mortgages on countless +farms know of the straits of the mortgage-bound farmers; yet +they never cease to plot for higher interest and harder +terms. The gilded priests of Mammon and hypocrisy cannot get +away from the cries of humankind; but when do you ever hear +them denouncing the guilty and responsible criminals in +their velvet-cushioned pews? Harder and harder grow the +exactions of capital. Harder and harder grows the lot of the +millions. Louder and louder grow the cries of the sufferers. +Deafer and deafer grow the ears of the millionaires. <i>Yet</i>, +if those who cry would but use their power in action, +peaceful action, they could right their wrongs, or at least +the most grievous of them, before the world completes the +solar circuit of this year.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Wm. Goodwin Moody (<i>Land and Labor in the United States</i>, p. 338), +reverting to the difficulties which beset the pathway of labor +organizations, which have so far been productive of nothing but +disaster to the laboring classes, says:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Is it not time that new weapons should be adopted, and new +methods introduced? * * * Will not the working men of the +country learn anything from the bitter experiences they have +passed through, and abandon methods that have been so +uniformly followed by the ultimate failure of all their +efforts. But the great evils by which we are surrounded, and +that are destroying the foundations of society, can be +removed by the working-men only. They form the large +majority of its members, and in our country they are +all-powerful. Still it is only by absolutely united action +that the working-men <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 105]<a name="Page_105" id="Page_105"></a></span>can accomplish any good. By disunion +they may achieve any amount of evil. The enemy they have to +contend against, though few in number, are strong in +position and possession of great capital. Nevertheless, +before the united working-men of the country, seeking really +national objects and noble ends, by methods that are just +and in harmony with the institutions under which we live, +the tyranny of capital will end. The working-men will also +draw to their support a very large part of the best thought +and intelligence of the country, that will be sure to keep +even step with the labor of society in its attack upon the +enemies of humanity and progress.</p></blockquote> + +<p>There is no fact truer than this, that the accumulated wealth of the +land, and the sources of power, are fast becoming concentrated in the +hands of a few men, who use that wealth and power to the debasement +and enthrallment of the wage workers. Already it is almost impossible +to obtain any legislation, in State or Federal legislatures, to +ameliorate the condition of the laboring classes. Capital has placed +its tyrant grip upon the throat of the Goddess of Liberty. The power +of railroad and telegraph corporations, and associated capital +invested in monopolies which oppress the many, while ministering to +the wealth, the comfort and the luxury of the few, has become +omnipotent in halls of legislation, courts of justice, and even in the +Executive Chambers of great States, so that the poor, the oppressed +and the defrauded appeal in vain for justice.</p> + +<p>Such is the deplorable condition of the laboring classes in the west, +the north and the east. They are bound to the car of capital, and are +being ground to powder as fast as day follows day. They organize in +vain; they protest in vain; they appeal in vain. Civilization is doing +its work. "To him that hath, more shall be given; to him that hath +nothing, even that shall be taken from him."</p> + +<p>Let us turn to the South and see if a black skin has anything to do +with the tyranny of capital; let us see if the cause of the laboring +man is not the same in all sections, in all States, in all +governments, in the Union, as it is in all the world. If this can be +shown; if I can incontestably demonstrate that <i>the condition of the +black and the white laborer is the same, and that consequently</i><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 106]<a name="Page_106" id="Page_106"></a></span> +<i>their cause is common</i>; that they should unite under the one banner +and work upon the same platform of principles for the uplifting of +labor, the more equal distribution of the products of labor and +capital, I shall not have written this book in vain, and the patient +reader will not have read after me without profit to himself and the +common cause of a common humanity.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> W.G. Moody: <i>Land and Labor in the United States.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Wm. Goodwin Moody shows this conclusively in his work on +<i>Land and Labor in the United States</i>.</p></div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 107]<a name="Page_107" id="Page_107"></a></span></p> +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII</h2> + +<h3><i>Conditions of Labor in the South</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>I am not seriously concerned about the frightful political disorders +which have disgraced the Southern States since the close of the War of +the Rebellion; nor am I seriously concerned about the race-wars in +that section about which so much has been justly said, and about which +so very little is really known, in spite of the vast mass of testimony +that did not more than begin to tell the tale. I know that time and +education will give proper adjustment to the politics of the South, +and that the best men of all classes, the intelligent and the +property-holders will eventually grasp the reins of political or civil +power and give, as far as they can, equilibrium to the unbalanced +conditions.</p> + +<p>The men of natural parts, of superior culture and ambitious spirit +usually, in all societies, manage to rise to the top as the natural +rulers of the people. You cannot keep them down; you cannot repress +them. They rise to the top as naturally as sparks fly upward to the +heavens. Demagogues and quacks manage only to impose upon the ignorant +and confiding, upon men, conscious of their own inability to rule, who +gladly transfer the responsibility to the first loud-mouthed fellow +who comes along claiming, as his own, superior capacity and virtue. +Intelligent men do not permit ignoramuses and adventurers to rule +them; they prefer to rule themselves; and they submit to be ruled by +such interlopers only so long as it takes them to thoroughly +understand the condition of affairs. It is not, therefore, to be +marvelled at that the white men <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 108]<a name="Page_108" id="Page_108"></a></span>of the South spread death and terror +in their pathway to the throne of power in subverting the governments +of the Reconstruction policy, based as those governments were, upon +<i>disorganized</i> ignorance on the part of the blacks and organized +robbery on the part of the white adventurers, who have become infamous +under the expressive term "carpet-baggers;" although the genuine +Northern immigrants, the "Fools" who came in good faith to cast in +their lot with the Southern people supposing themselves to be welcome, +should not share in the obloquy of that epithet. But, should the white +men of the South continue indefinitely as the rulers of the South, to +the absolute exclusion of participation of the black citizens of those +states, then would my surprise be turned into profound amazement and +horror at what such tyranny would produce as a logical result. Yet I +know the temper of the people of the South too well to base any +deduction upon a proposition so full of horror and despair. And, then, +too, such a proposition would be at variance with all accepted +precedents of two peoples living in the same community, governed by +the same laws and subject to the same social and material conditions. +I submit that I have no fears about the future political status of the +whites and blacks of the South. The intelligent, the ambitious and the +wealthy men of both races will eventually rule over their less +fortunate fellow-citizens without invidious regard to race or previous +condition. And the great-grandson of Senator Wade Hampton may yet vote +for the great-grandson of Congressman Robert Smalls to be Governor of +the chivalric commonwealth of South Carolina. Senator Wade Hampton may +grit his teeth at this aspect of the case; but it is strictly in the +domain of probability. The grandson of John C. Calhoun, the great +orator and statesman of South Carolina, has not as yet voted for a +colored Governor, but he has for a colored sheriff and probate judge, +as the following testimony he gave before the Blair committee on +"Education and Labor," (Vol II, p. 173), in the city of New York, +September 13, 1883, will show:</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 109]<a name="Page_109" id="Page_109"></a></span></p> + +<blockquote><p>"Q. (the Chairman) What do you think of his [the black +man's] intellectual and moral qualities and his capacity for +development? A. (Mr. Calhoun, John C.) ... The probate judge +of my county is a Negro and one of my tenants, and I am here +now in New York attending to important business for my +county as an appointee of that man. He has upon him the +responsibilities of all estates in the county; he is probate +judge.</p> + +<p>"Q. Is he a capable man? A. A very capable man, and an +excellent, good man, and a very just one."</p></blockquote> + +<p>Again (<i>Ibid</i> p. 137), Mr. Calhoun testified:</p> + +<blockquote><p>The sheriff of my county is from Ohio, <i>and a Negro</i>, and he +is a man whom <i>we all support in his office</i>, because he is +capable of administering his office.</p></blockquote> + +<p>When the grandson of John C. Calhoun can make such admissions, +creditable alike to his head and his heart, may not the great-grandson +of Wade Hampton rise up to chase the Bourbonism of his +great-grandfather into the tomb of disgruntlement? I have not the +least doubt of such probability. Again, I say, I am not seriously +concerned about the future political status of the black man of the +South. He has talent; he has ambition; he possesses a rare fund of +eloquence, of wit and of humor, and these will carry him into the +executive chambers of States, the halls of legislation and on to the +bench of the judiciary. You can't bar him out; you can't repress him: +he will make his way. God has planted in his very nature those +elements which constitute the stock-in-trade of the American +politician—ready eloquence, rich humor, quick perception—and you may +rest assured he will use all of them to the very best advantage.</p> + +<p>I know of municipalities in the South to-day, where capable colored +men are regularly voted into responsible positions by the best white +men of their cities. And why not? Do not colored men vote white men +into office? And, pray, is the white man less magnanimous than the +black man? Perish the thought! No; the politics of the South will +readily adjust themselves to the best interest of the people; be very +sure of this. And the future rulers of the South will not all be +white, nor will they be all black: they will be a happy commingling of +the two peoples.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 110]<a name="Page_110" id="Page_110"></a></span></p> + +<p>And thus with the so-called "war of races:" it will pass away and +leave not a trace behind. It is based upon condition and +color-prejudice—two things which cannot perpetuate themselves. When +the lowly condition of the black man has passed away; when he becomes +a capable president of banks, of railroads and of steamboats; when he +becomes a large land-holder, operating bonanza farms which enrich him +and pauperize black and white labor; when he is not only a prisoner at +the bar but a judge on the bench; when he sits in the halls of +legislation the advocate of the people, or (more profit if less honor) +the advocate of vast corporations and monopolies; when he has +successfully metamorphosed the condition which attaches to him as a +badge of slavery and degradation, and made a reputation for himself as +a financier, statesman, advocate, land-holder, and money-shark +generally, his color will be swallowed up in his reputation, his +bank-account and his important money interests.</p> + +<p>Is this a fancy picture? Is there no substantial truth seen in this +picture of what will, must and shall be, as the logical outgrowth of +the Divine affirmation that of one blood he created all men to dwell +upon the earth, and of the Declaration of Independence that "we hold +these truths to be self-evident:—That all men are created equal; that +they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; +that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness"?</p> + +<p>Let us see.</p> + +<p>A few months ago I sat in the banking office of Mr. William E. Mathews +and ex-Congressman Joseph H. Rainey (of South Carolina), in +Washington. As I sat there, a stream of patrons came and went. The +whites were largely in the majority. They all wanted to negotiate a +loan, or to meet a note just matured. Among the men were contractors, +merchants, department clerks, etc. They all spoke with the utmost +deference to the colored gentleman who had money to loan upon good +security and good interest.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 111]<a name="Page_111" id="Page_111"></a></span></p> + +<p>A few months ago I dined with ex-Senator B.K. Bruce (of Mississippi), +now Register of the United States Treasury. The ex-Senator has a +handsome house, and a delightful family. In running my eyes over his +card tray, I saw the names of some of the foremost men and women of +the nation who had called upon Register and Mrs. Bruce. In passing +through the Register's department with the Senator, sight-seeing, I +was not surprised at the marks of respect shown to Mr. Bruce by the +white ladies and gentlemen in his department. Why? Because Mr. Bruce +is a gentleman by instinct, a diplomat by nature, and a scholar who +has "burned the midnight oil." Such a person does not have to ask men +and women to respect him; they do so instinctively.</p> + +<p>I walked down F street and called at the office of Prof. Richard T. +Greener, a ripe scholar and a gentleman. The professor not only has a +paying law practice, but is president of a new insurance company. He +has all that he can do, and his patrons are both black and white.</p> + +<p>All this and more came under my observation in the course of an hour's +leisure at the capital of the nation. And the black man has not yet +aroused himself to a full sense of his responsibilities or of his +opportunities.</p> + +<p>In Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston we have colored men +of large wealth, who conduct extensive business operations and enjoy +the confidence and esteem of their fellow citizens without regard to +caste.</p> + +<p>Speaking upon the progress of the colored race, in the course of an +address on the "Civil Rights Law," at Washington, October 20, 1883, +the Hon. John Mercer Langston, United States Minister and Consul +General to Hayti, and one of the most remarkable, scholarly, and +diplomatic men the colored race in America has produced, drew the +following pen-picture:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Do you desire to witness moral wonders? Start at Chicago; +travel to St. Louis; travel to Louisville; travel to +Nashville; travel to Chattanooga; travel on to New Orleans, +and in every State and city you will meet vast audiences, +<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 112]<a name="Page_112" id="Page_112"></a></span>immense concourses of men and women with their children, +boys and girls, who, degraded and in ignorance because of +their slavery formerly, are to-day far advanced in general +social improvement.</p> + +<p>It would be remarkable now for you to go into the home of +one of our families, and find even our daughters incompetent +to discourse with you upon any subject of general interest +with perfect ease and understanding. Excuse me, if I refer +to the fact that some two weeks ago I visited St. Louis for +two reasons; first to see my son and daughter, and secondly +and mainly to attend the seventy-second anniversary of the +birth of perhaps the richest colored man in the State of +Missouri. I went to his house, and I was surprised as I +entered his doors and looked about his sitting-room and +parlors, furnished in the most approved modern style, in the +richest manner; but I was more surprised when I saw one +hundred guests come into the home of this venerable man, to +celebrate the seventy-second anniversary of his birth, all +beautifully attired; and when he told me, indirectly, how +much money he had made, since the war, and what he was worth +on the night of this celebration, I was more surprised than +ever. I am surprised at the matchless progress the colored +people of this country have made since their emancipation. I +have traveled in the West Indies; I have seen the +emancipated English, Spanish and French Negro; but I have +seen no emancipated Negro anywhere who has made the progress +at all comparable with the colored people of the United +States of America.</p></blockquote> + +<p>I desire it to be distinctly understood, that I am not at all anxious +about the mental and material development of the colored people of the +United States. They are naturally shrewd, calculating and agreeable, +possessing in a peculiar degree the art of pleasing; and these +qualities will give them creditable positions in the business +interests of the country in a few years. But they must have time to +collect their wits, to sharpen their intelligence, to train their +moral sense and the feeling of social responsibility, to fully +comprehend all that the change from chattel slavery to absolute +freedom implies. Men cannot awaken from a Rip Van Winkle slumber of a +hundred years and grasp at once the altered conditions which flash +upon them. The awakening is terrific, appalling, staggering.</p> + +<p>When a man has been confined for long years in a dark dungeon he has +not trouble in discerning objects about him which, when he first +entered his dungeon, were indistinct or invisible to <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 113]<a name="Page_113" id="Page_113"></a></span>him. So when he +is brought suddenly to the strong light of the sun the effulgence +overmasters him, and he is blind as a bat. But slowly and painfully he +becomes accustomed to the transition from absolute darkness to +absolute light, and then nature wears to his vision her naturally gay +and winsome appearance. So with the slave. His grasp of the conditions +of freedom is slow and uncertain. But give him time, lend him a +helping hand, and he will completely master the situation.</p> + +<p>In one of the most remarkable pamphlets of the time, written by C.K. +Marshall, D.D., of Vicksburg, Miss., entitled <i>The Colored Race +Weighed in the Balance</i>, being a reply to a most malicious speech by +J.L. Tucker, D.D., of Jackson, Miss., I find many truths that the +American people should know. Both Dr. Marshall and Dr. Tucker are +white ministers of the South, and both should be intimately acquainted +with the characteristics, capacity and progress of the colored people. +But Dr. Tucker appears to be as ignorant of the colored race as if he +had spent his days in the Sandwich Islands instead of the sunny land +of the South.</p> + +<p>Dr. Marshall says (p. 55):</p> + +<blockquote><p>I think I know nearly all that can be said against a Negro. +In one form or another, the complaints have been a thousand +times reiterated; but has he not been, and is he not now +what the white man and society have made him? He is +naturally peace-loving, docile, and imitative. If kindly and +justly treated, with due allowance for the <i>peculiar +elements</i> that make up his life, he will render back, in +kind at least, equally with the brother in white in <i>like +surroundings</i>. Everybody knows some reliable, trustworthy +Negro man and woman; and John Randolph said that of two of +the politest men he ever saw one was a Negro. <i>Gentleness</i> +is a wonderful agency in managing a Negro: I know it tells +powerfully upon white folks. The psalmist, addressing his +Maker, says, "Thy gentleness hath made me great." It is a +mighty lever; it moves the world; it moved it before +Archimedes; it moves it still; but peevishness, +fault-finding, scolding, cursing, premature censure, haughty +and assuming ways, sullenness, ill-temper, whether in the +field, the kitchen, the nursery, or parlor, will +legitimately result in thriftlessness, revolt, departure, +and contempt for white people! Many of the young generation +have not yet found their places in the new order of things; +and their silly parents work themselves nearly to <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 114]<a name="Page_114" id="Page_114"></a></span>death to +keep their sons from the plow and to make ladies of their +daughters, just like white folks; but time, gentleness, +bread, and neat homes will, with religion and culture, bring +great changes. And I say it to the credit of their former +owners, and their own instincts and capabilities, that <i>they +constitute to-day the best peasantry, holding similar +relations to the ruling classes on the face of the earth</i>. +Their vices are no greater; their respect for law about the +same; and their care for their children little inferior. +Besides, they speak the language of their country better, +are less cringing and craven, freer from begging; more +manly, more polite, less priest-ridden, less obsequious; +have a higher estimate of human rights and obligations; +understand farming, cooking, house-work, and manual labor, +in which they have been trained, better, I insist, than any +similarly conditioned race or people. They are less +profane—very much less—than white people; less bitter, +vindictive, and bloodthirsty; less intemperate, and far, far +less revengeful; and less selfish than what they +contemptuously snub as "poor white trash." But he is a +sinner! I believe the old stale rhyme tells some truth in a +modified sense, "In Adam's fall we sinned all;" but I do not +believe the serpent's tooth struck a more deadly and +depraving virus into the Negro's share of the apple of Eden, +dooming him as a sinner to a lower plane of wickedness than +others. He commits not all, but many, of the sins, crimes, +and misdemeanors, and indulges many of the vices of polished +humanity—cultured Caucasian humanity. They have had but +moderate experience in the sole management of their own +affairs.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Again (p. 66):</p> + +<blockquote><p>The Negro is neither a beggar, nor a pauper, nor a tramp; +and if honestly dealt with, he can make his own way. Where +they are idle and profligate, execute the law vigorously +against them, and they will approve and aid in the work. We +can lift them up, or cast them down. For one, I think we owe +them a debt of gratitude and impartial justice for their +faithful conduct during the war; and when disposed to +criticise and reproach them for not coming in all things up +to your sentimental notions, just put yourself in their +place. Then you will, if your scales are true and your +weights just, settle the question with little difficulty. I +cannot serve my readers better, perhaps, than by quoting the +words of the Rev. Dr. Callaway, lately Professor in Emory +College, Oxford, Ga., and new President of Paine Institute, +Augusta, Ga., a native of that State, and to the manor born. +In a late address, he says: "We have spoken of the Negro as +related to the conduct of the war, but it remains to be said +that, in his relation to us as a friend during that period, +and to our wives and children as guardian, the testimony of +his fidelity is on the lips of every surviving soldier. It +is easy to conjecture how, with a race less loyal to home +and patron, the testimony in the case might have been a +narrative of lawlessness and license. What he refrained +from, therefore, is to his credit. But in the four <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 115]<a name="Page_115" id="Page_115"></a></span>years of +darkness and demoralization, when, besides those of military +age, every boy whose muscles were equal to the support of a +musket, and every old man with vigor enough to mark time, +was called to the front, the Negro, commanding as a +patriarch and reverent as a priest, kept sacred vigil at our +homes. Besides this, with a foresight not developed for +himself or his family, but evoked by virtue of his office, +and the piteous destitution of our loved ones, he provided +for their wants. 'They were a-hungered, and he fed them.' +What he did is to his honor. What we refrain from in our +place of power as the superior race, shall be to our credit; +what we do in return shall be in proof of our appreciation. +The conduct of the Negro during the war proves him kindly, +temperate, trustworthy; his conduct since the war reveals in +him considerateness, purpose, capacity, an order of growing +good qualities. During the war his inferior courage, it may +be assumed, inured to his superior serviceableness, his +fears giving counsel to his courtesy and care. So set it +down, if you will, though the logic is as lame as the charge +is ungrateful."</p></blockquote> + +<p>This testimony upon the character, temper and adaptability of colored +people is all the more valuable because Dr. Marshall not only treats +the question from a Christian standpoint, but because his intimate +acquaintance with the subject adds weight and authority to his +opinion.</p> + +<p>In the same strain, Dr. Atticus G. Haygood, President of Emory +College, in Georgia, a man of the largest culture, Christian +intelligence and progressive ideas, says, in his masterful work, <i>Our +Brother in Black, His Freedom and His Future</i> (p. 194):</p> + +<blockquote><p>If white people and black people wish to know how to treat +each other in all the relations of life, let them study the +Bible. Take for example the business relations of life, the +old question of capital and labor, of service and wages. For +the settlement of all questions that grow out of these +relations the laws laid down and the principles taught in +the Bible, are worth all the "political economies" in the +world. They apply to all races and conditions of men, in all +countries and in all times. They are as needful and useful +in New England factories as on Southern plantations. Free +Negroes are not the only underlings in the world, Negro +servants are not the only hirelings. There are thousands of +factory operatives, day laborers, domestic servants, +mechanics, sewing women, clerks, apprentices, and such like, +whose cry for justice against oppression goes up to heaven +by day and by night. "For which things' sake," in all lands, +"the wrath of God is come upon the children of +disobedience." Let us here recall some of these +half-forgotten laws; they must do us all good. I know they +are needed in the South; I am persuaded that they are needed +wherever there are masters and servants.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 116]<a name="Page_116" id="Page_116"></a></span></p> + +<p>Having heard a great deal about the condition of the colored people in +Louisiana, I decided that it would not be uninteresting to have an +authentic statement of that condition by some person fully capable of +furnishing the desired information. I therefore addressed a letter to +the Hon. Theophile T. Allain, a colored member of the Louisiana +Legislature for Sweet Iberville parish, and a large sugar planter. +From Mr. Allain's letter I condense the following statement, which +will be found to be interesting for many reasons:</p> + +<p>"First," says Mr. Allain, "I speak as a man of the South, who pays +taxes on thirty-five thousand dollars worth of property, and without +owing to any man one dollar. I claim to be well informed as to the +condition of the colored people of the South, the people who bear the +heat and burden of the day.</p> + +<p>"In the cotton section of the South the Negroes are kept in +subjugation, and are not permitted to exercise the right of suffrage +guaranteed to them by the provisions of the Federal constitution. In +the sugar-growing districts of Louisiana the colored and white people +live upon terms of friendship and cordiality. In these districts there +are thousands of colored men, who before the war were slaves, who now +pay taxes upon property, assessed in their own names, ranging in value +from five hundred to fifty thousand dollars. They produce principally +rice and sugar. It is a self-evident fact that the labor of the +colored men produces two-thirds of all the cotton raised in the South, +four-fifths of the sugar, and nine-tenths of all the rice.</p> + +<p>"In the cotton sections of Louisiana the colored men work mostly on +shares, and here and there some of them have accumulated a little +money; but, as a rule, they make fortunes for the landlords and die in +poverty because of no fault of their own. Rent here, as everywhere +else, pulls the laborer down, and keeps him down. What remains to him +after the landlord has taken his <i>share</i>, goes to the Jew shopkeepers +and other middle men at crossroads, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 117]<a name="Page_117" id="Page_117"></a></span>who will not be satisfied with +any profit less than one hundred to one hundred and fifty per cent.</p> + +<p>"But the sugar districts of Louisiana are like oases in the desert. +Vacuum pans, steam cars, fine machinery and smiling faces are to be +met on every hand. Colored laborers find employment very readily in +the sugar districts from October to February; and during +cultivation-time, in many places, the colored laborers receive <i>as +high as one dollar and twenty cents per day</i>, and during the grinding +season, which is the harvest time, laborers receive from one dollar +and twenty-five cents to one dollar and fifty cents per day in the +field and seventy-five cents for one half of the night. At this season +we run the sugar machinery night and day. I should not omit to state +that colored men are, in the majority of cases, employed as engineers +at our sugar mills, and receive from two to two and a half dollars per +day:</p> + +<p>"You will be surprised when I tell you that the most of the +bricklaying and plastering work, and the blacksmithing and +carpentering work is done in the sugar districts by colored men, who +average three dollars per day for their work.</p> + +<p>"There are fifty-eight parishes in Louisiana, twenty-four of them +being sugar districts. To illustrate the degree of toleration which +obtains in the cotton and sugar growing districts, take the following +statement: In the Louisiana House of Representatives there are +thirteen colored members—all from the sugar districts; in the Senate +there are four colored members—all from the sugar districts. This +condition of things is readily accounted for by the fact that the +colored people in the sugar districts are more generally tax payers +than they are in the cotton districts, and, having mutual interests, +both white and black are more tolerant and better informed. The +Bulldozer and White Liner can find but little room to ply their +nefarious work where everybody finds plenty of work that pays well, +and where material prosperity is the first and political bickering the +secondary consideration. Because of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 118]<a name="Page_118" id="Page_118"></a></span>the mutual interests at stake, +colored men in the sugar districts are often protected by their +bitterest political opponents.</p> + +<p>"The State of Louisiana is assessed at $200,000,000, of which her +colored population pay taxes upon more than $30,000,000.—Two thirds +of this is owned by colored men in the sugar districts."</p> + +<p>I could multiply quotations, but they would serve only to confirm my +view, that the colored man merely requires time to fully comprehend +his freedom and his opportunities, to enjoy the ample immunities of +the first and to improve to the utmost the advantages of the second. +All over the country the colored man is coming to understand that if +he is ever to have and enjoy a status in this country at all +commensurate with that of his white fellow-citizens, he must get his +grip upon the elements of success which they employ with such effect, +and boldly enter the lists, a competitor who must make a way for +himself. Dr. Marshall says truly: "The Negro is neither a beggar, nor +a pauper, nor a tramp." He is, essentially, a man of the largest +wealth, God having given him, under tropical conditions, a powerful +physique, with ample muscle and constitution to extract out of the +repositories of nature her buried wealth. He only needs intelligence +to use the wealth he creates. When he has intelligence, he will no +longer labor to enrich men more designing and unscrupulous than he is; +he will labor to enrich himself and his children. Indeed, in his +powerful muscle and enduring physical constitution, directed by +intelligence, the black man of the South, who alone has demonstrated +his capacity to labor with success in the rice swamps, the cotton, and +the cornfields of the South, will ultimately turn the tables upon the +unscrupulous harpies who have robbed him for more than two hundred +years; and from having been the slave of these men, he, in turn, will +enslave them. From having been the slave, he will become the master; +from having labored to enrich others, he will force others to labor to +enrich him. The laws of nature are inexorable, and this is one of +them.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 119]<a name="Page_119" id="Page_119"></a></span> The white men of the South may turn pale with rage at this +aspect of the case, but it is written on the wall. Already I have seen +in the South the black and white farm laborer, working side by side +for a black landlord; already I have seen in the South a black and a +white brick-mason (and carpenters as well) working upon a building +side by side, under a colored contractor. And we are not yet two +decades from the surrender of Robert E. Lee and the manumission of the +black slave.</p> + +<p>I have no disposition to infuriate any white man of the South, by +placing a red flag before him; we simply desire to accustom him to +look upon a picture which his grand-children will not, because of the +frequency of the occurrence, regard with anything more heart-rending +than complacent indifference. The world moves forward; and the white +man of the South could not stand still, if he so desired. Like the +black man, he must work, or perish; like the black man, he must submit +to the sharpest competition, and rise or fall, as the case may be. And +so it should be.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 120]<a name="Page_120" id="Page_120"></a></span></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV</h2> + +<h3><i>Classes in the South</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>Since the war the people of the South are, from a Northern standpoint, +very poor. There are very few millionaires among them. A man who has a +bank account of fifty thousand dollars is regarded as very rich. I am +reminded of an incident which shows that the Southern people fall down +and worship a golden calf the same as their deluded brothers of the +North and West.</p> + +<p>A few years ago I was a resident of Jacksonville, the metropolis of +Florida. Florida is a great Winter resort. The wealthy people of the +country go there for a few months or weeks in the Winter. It is +fashionable to do so. A great many wealthy northern men have acquired +valuable landed interests in Jacksonville, among them the Astors of +New York, who have a knack for pinning their interests in the soil. +The people of Jacksonville were very proud to have as a resident and +property holder, Mr. Wm. B. Astor. And Mr. Astor appeared to enjoy +immensely the worship bestowed upon his money. He built one or two +very fine buildings there, which must net him a handsome return for +his investment by this time. Mr. Astor had with him a very shrewd "Man +Friday," and this Man Friday got it into his head that he would like +to be Mayor of Jacksonville, and he sought and obtained the support of +his very powerful patron. It leaked out that Mr. Astor favored his Man +Friday for Mayor. The "business interests" of the city took the matter +"under advisement." After much "consultation" and preliminary +skirmishing, it was decided that it would be unwise <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 121]<a name="Page_121" id="Page_121"></a></span>to antagonize Mr. +Astor's Man Friday; and so he was placed in nomination as the +"Citizens' Candidate." He was elected by a handsome majority. I +believe it is a disputed question to-day, whether Mr. Astor's Man +Friday was, or was not, a citizen of the place at the time he was +elected Mayor. Be that as it may, it showed beyond question that the +people knew how to go down upon their knees to the golden calf.</p> + +<p>A condition of slavery or of serfdom produces two grievous evils, +around which cluster many others of less importance, viz: the creation +of vast landed estates, and the pauperization and debasement of labor. +Pliny declared that to the creation of vast <i>latifundia</i> (aggregated +estates) Italy owed its downfall. The same is true of the downfall of +the South and its pet institution, since they produced a powerful and +arrogant class which was not content to lord it on their vast demesnes +and over their pauper labor, but must needs carry their high-flown +notions into the councils of the nation, flaunting their gentle birth +and undulating acres in the faces of horny-handed statesmen like +Abraham Lincoln, Henry Wilson, and others.</p> + +<p>The operations of the vast landed estates of the South produced all +the industrial disjointments which have afflicted the South since the +war. The white man was taught to look upon labor as the natural +portion of the black slave; and nothing could induce a white man to +put his hand to the plow, but the gaunt visage of starvation at his +door. He even preferred ignominious starvation to honest work; and, in +his desperate struggle to avoid the horror of the one and the disgrace +of the other, he would sink himself lower in the scale of moral infamy +than the black slave he despised. He would make of himself a monster +of cruelty or of abject servility to avoid starvation or honest work. +It was from this class of vermin that the planters secured their +"Nigger drivers" or overseers, and a more pliable, servile, cruel, +heartless set of men never existed. They were commonly known as "<i>poor +white trash</i>," or "crackers." They were most heartily and righteously +<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 122]<a name="Page_122" id="Page_122"></a></span>detested by the slave population. As the poor whites of the South +were fifty years ago, so they are to-day—a careless, ignorant, lazy, +but withal, arrogant set, who add nothing to the productive wealth of +the community because they are too lazy to work, and who take nothing +from that wealth because they are too poor to purchase. They have +graded human wants to a point below which man could not go without +starving. They live upon the poorest land in the South, the "piney +woods," and raise a few potatoes and corn, and a few pigs, which never +grow to be hogs, so sterile is the land upon which they are turned to +"root, or die." These characteristic pigs are derisively called +"shotes" by those who have seen their lean, lank and hungry +development. They are awful counterparts of their pauper owners. It +may be taken as an index of the quality of the soil and the condition +of the people, to observe the condition of their live stock. Strange +as it may appear, the faithful dog is the only animal which appears to +thrive on "piney woods" land. The "piney woods" gopher, which may be +not inappropriately termed a "highland turtle," is a great desideratum +in the food supply of the pauper denizens of these portions of the +South. There is nothing enticing about the appearance of the gopher. +But his flesh, properly cooked, is passably palatable.</p> + +<p>The poor white population of the South who live in the piney woods are +sunk in the lowest ignorance, and practice vices too heinous to be +breathed. They have no schools, and their mental condition hardly +warrants the charitable inference that they would profit much if they +were supplied with them. Still, I would like to see the experiment +tried. Their horrible poverty, their appalling illiteracy, their +deplorable moral enervation, deserve the pity of mankind and the +assistance of philanthropic men and a thoughtful government. Though +sunk to the lowest moral scale, <i>they are men</i>, and nothing should be +omitted to improve their condition and make them more useful members +of the communities in which they are now more than an incubus.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 123]<a name="Page_123" id="Page_123"></a></span></p> + +<p>It may not be out of place here to state that the Kuklux Klan, the +White Liners League, the Knights of the White Camelia, and other +lawless gangs which have in the past fifteen years made Southern +chivalry a by-word and reproach among the nations of the earth, were +largely recruited from this idle, vicious, ignorant class of +Southerners. They needed no preparation for the bloody work +perpetrated by those lawless organizations, those more cruel than +Italian brigands. They instinctively hate the black man; because the +condition of the black, his superior capacity for labor and +receptivity of useful knowledge, place him a few pegs higher than +themselves in the social scale. So these degraded white men, the very +substratum of Southern population, were ready tools in the hands of +the organized chivalrous brigands (as they had been of the slave +oligarch), whose superior intelligence made them blush at the +lawlessness they inspired, and who, therefore, gladly transferred to +other hands the execution of those deeds of blood and death which make +men shudder even now to think of them. It was long a common saying +among the black population of the South that "I'd rudder be a niggah +den a po' w'ite man!" and they were wise in their preference.</p> + +<p>It is safe to say, that the peasantry of no country claiming to be +civilized stands more in need of the labors of the schoolmaster and +the preacher, than do the so-called "poor white trash" of the South. +On their account, if no other, I am an advocate of a compulsory system +of education, a National Board of Education, and a very large National +appropriation for common school and industrial education.</p> + +<p>I name this class first because it is the very lowest.</p> + +<p>Next to this class is the great labor force of the South, the class +upon whose ample shoulders have fallen the weight of Southern labor +and inhumanity for lo! two hundred years—<i>the black man</i>. Time was, +yesterday, it appears to me, when this great class were all of <i>one</i> +condition, driven from the rising to the setting of the sun to enrich +men who were created out of the same sod, and in the <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 124]<a name="Page_124" id="Page_124"></a></span>construction of +whose mysterious mechanism, mental and physical, the great God +expended no more time or ingenuity. Up to the close of the Rebellion, +of that gigantic conflict which shook the pillars of republican +government to their center, the great black population were truly the +"mudsills" of Southern society, upon which rested all the industrial +burdens of that section; truly, "the hewers of wood and the drawers of +water;" a people who, in the mysterious providence of God, were torn +root and branch from their savage homes in that land which has now +become to them a dream "more insubstantial than a pageant faded," to +"dwell in a strange land, among strangers," to endure, like the +children of Israel, a season of cruel probation, and then to begin +life in earnest; to put their shoulders to the wheel and assist in +making this vast continent, this asylum of the oppressed of the world, +the grandest abode of mingled happiness and woe, and wealth and +pauperization ever reared by the genius and governed by the +selfishness and cupidity of man. And to-day, as in the dark days of +the past, this people are the bone and sinew of the South, the great +producers and partial consumers of her wealth; the despised, yet +indispensable, "mudsills" of her industrial interests.</p> + +<p>A Senator of the United States from the South, whose hands have been +dyed in the blood of his fellow citizens, and who holds his high +office by fraud and usurpation, not long since declared that his State +could very well dispense with her black population. That population +outnumbers the white three to one; and by the toil by which that State +has been enriched, by the blood and the sweat of two hundred years +which the soil of that State has absorbed, by the present production +and consumption of wealth by that black population, we are amazed at +the ignorance of the great man who has been placed in a "little brief +authority." The black population cannot and will not be dispensed +with; because it is so deeply rooted in the soil that it is a part of +it—the most valuable part. And the time will come when it will hold +its title to the land, by right of purchase, for a laborer is worthy +of his hire, and is <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 125]<a name="Page_125" id="Page_125"></a></span>now free to invest that hire as it pleases him +best. Already some of the very best soil of that State is held by the +people this great magnus in the Nation's councils would supersede in +their divine rights.</p> + +<p>When the war closed, as I said, the great black population of the +South was distinctively a laboring class. It owned no lands, houses, +banks, stores, or live stock, or other wealth. Not only was it the +distinctively laboring class but the distinctively pauper class. It +had neither money, intelligence nor morals with which to begin the +hard struggle of life. It was absolutely at the bottom of the social +ladder. It possessed nothing but health and muscle.</p> + +<p>I have frequently contemplated with profound amazement the momentous +mass of subjected human force, a force which had been educated by the +lash and the bloodhound to despise labor, which was thrown upon itself +by the wording of the Emancipation Proclamation and the surrender of +Robert E. Lee. Nothing in the history of mankind is at all comparable, +an exact counterpart, in all particulars, to that great event. A +slavery of two hundred years had dwarfed the intelligence and morality +of this people, and made them to look upon labor as the most baneful +of all the curses a just God can inflict upon humankind; and they were +turned loose upon the land, without a dollar in their hands, and, like +the great Christ and the fowls of the air, without a place to lay +their head.</p> + +<p>And yet to-day, this people, who, only a few years ago, were bankrupts +in morality, in intelligence, and in wealth, have leaped forward in +the battle of progress like <i>veterans</i>; have built magnificent +churches, with a membership of over two million souls; have preachers, +learned and eloquent; have professors in colleges by the hundreds and +schoolmasters by the thousands; have accumulated large landed +interests in country, town and city; have established banking houses +and railroads; manage large coal, grocery and merchant tailoring +businesses; conduct with ability and success large and influential +newspaper enterprises; in short, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 126]<a name="Page_126" id="Page_126"></a></span>have come, and that very rapidly, +into sharp competition with white men (who have the prestige of a +thousand years of civilization and opportunity) in all the industrial +interests which make a people great, respected and feared. The +metamorphosis has been rapid, marvelous, astounding. Their home life +has been largely transformed into the quality of purity and refinement +which should characterize the home; they have now successful farmers, +merchants, ministers, lawyers, editors, educators, physicians, +legislators—in short, they have entered every avenue of industry and +thought. Their efforts yet crude and their grasp uncertain, but they +are in the field of competition, and will remain there and acquit +themselves manfully.</p> + +<p>Of course I speak in general terms of the progress the colored people +have made. Individual effort and success are the indicators of the +vitality and genius of a people. When individuals rise out of the +indistinguishable mass and make their mark, we may rest assured that +the mass is rich and capable of unlimited production. The great mass +of every government, of every people, while adding to and creating +greatness, go down in history unmentioned. But their glory, their +genius, success and happiness, are expended and survive in the few +great spirits their fortunate condition produced. The governments of +antiquity were great and glorious, because their proletarians were +intelligent, thrifty and brave, but the proletarians fade into +vagueness, and are great only in the few great names which have been +handed down to us. It has been said that a nation expends a hundred +years of its vitality in the production of a great man of genius like +Socrates, or Bacon, or Toussaint l'Overture, or Fulton. And this may +be true. There can now be no question that the African race in the +United States possess every element of vitality and genius possessed +by their fellow citizens of other races, and any calculation of race +possibilities in this country which assumes that they will remain +indefinitely the "mudsills" only of society will prove more brittle +than ropes of sand.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 127]<a name="Page_127" id="Page_127"></a></span></p> + +<p>At this time the colored people of the South are largely the +industrial class; that is, they are the producing class. They are +principally the agriculturists of the South; consequently, being +wedded to the soil by life-long association and interest, and being +principally the laboring class, they will naturally invest their +surplus earnings in the purchase of the soil. Herein lies the great +hope of the future. For the man who owns the soil largely owns and +dictates to the men who are compelled to live upon it and derive their +subsistence from it. The colored people of the South recognize this +fact. And if there is any one idiosyncrasy more marked than another +among them, it is their mania for buying land. They all live and labor +in the cheerful anticipation of some day owning a home, a farm of +their own. As the race grows in intelligence this mania for land +owning becomes more and more pronounced. At first their impecuniosity +will compel them to purchase poor hill-lands, but they will eventually +get their grip upon the rich alluvial lands.</p> + +<p>The class next to the great black class is the <i>small white farmers</i>. +This class is composed of some of the "best families" of the South who +were thrown upon their resources of brain and muscle by the results of +the war, and of some of the worst families drawn from the more thrifty +poor white class. Southern political economists labor hard to make it +appear that the vastly increased production of wealth in the South +since the war is to be traced largely to the phenomenally increased +percentum of small white farmers, but the assumption is too +transparent to impose upon any save those most ignorant of the +industrial conditions of the South, and the marvelous adaptability to +the new conditions shown by colored men. I grant that these small +white farmers, who were almost too inconsiderable in numbers to be +taken into account before the war, have added largely to the +development of the country and the production of wealth; but that the +tremendous gains of free labor as against slave labor are to be placed +principally to their intelligence and industry is too absurd to be +seriously debated.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 128]<a name="Page_128" id="Page_128"></a></span> The Charleston (S.C.) <i>News and Courier</i>, a +pronounced anti-negro newspaper, recently made such a charge in all +seriousness. The struggle for supremacy will largely come between the +small white and black farmer; because each recurring year will augment +the number of each class of small holders. A condition of freedom and +open competition makes the fight equal, in many respects. Which will +prove the more successful small holder, the black or the white?</p> + +<p>The fourth class is composed of the <i>hereditary land-lords</i> of the +South; the gentlemen with flowing locks, gentle blood and irascible +tempers, who appeal to the code of honor (in times past) to settle +small differences with their equals and shoot down their inferiors +without premeditation or compunction, and who drown their sorrows, as +well as their joviality in rye or Bourbon whiskey; the gentlemen who +claim consanguinity with Europe's titled sharks, and vaunt their +chivalry in contrast to the peasant or yeoman blood of all other +Americans; the gentlemen who got their broad acres (however they came +by their peculiar blood) by robbing black men, women and children of +the produce of their toil under the system of slavery, and who +maintain themselves in their reduced condition by driving hard +bargains with white and black labor either as planters or +shop-keepers, often as both, the dual occupations more effectually +enabling them to make unreasonable contracts and exactions of those +they live to victimize. They are the gentlemen who constantly declare +that "this is a white man's government," and that "the Negro must be +made to keep his place." They are the gentlemen who have their grip +upon the throat of Southern labor; who hold vast areas of land, the +product of robbery, for a rise in values; who run the stores and +torture the small farmer to death by usurious charges for necessaries; +these are the gentlemen who are opposed to the new conditions +resultant from the war which their Hotspur impetuosity and Shylock +greed made possible. In short, these gentlemen comprise the moneyed +class. They are the gentlemen who are hastening the conflict <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 129]<a name="Page_129" id="Page_129"></a></span>of labor +and capital in the South. And, when the black laborer and the white +laborer come to their senses, join issues with the common enemy and +pitch the tent of battle, then will come the tug of war.</p> + +<p>But the large land-owners and tradesmen of the South will not in the +future belong exclusively to the class of persons I have described. On +the contrary this class of hereditary land-owners will be sensibly +diminished and their places be taken by successful recruits from the +ranks of small white and black farmers. Indeed, I confess, I strongly +incline to the belief that the black man of the South will eventually +become the large land-holding class, and, therefore, the future +tyrants of labor in that section. All the indications strongly point +to such a possibility. It is estimated that, already, the colored +people own, in the cotton growing states, 2,680,800 acres, the result +of seventeen years of thrift, economy, and judicious management; while +in the State of Georgia alone they own, it is reliably estimated, +680,000 acres of land, and pay taxes on $9,000,000 worth of property. +Dr. Alexander Crummell, a most learned African, in a very interesting +pamphlet drawn out by the malicious misstatements of Dr. Tucker, +before referred to by me, makes the following deductions and +statements, to wit:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Let me suggest here another estimate of this landed property +of the Negro, acquired <i>since</i> emancipation. Taking the old +slave States in the general, there has been a large +acquisition of land in each and all of them. In the State of +Georgia, as we have just seen, it was 680,000 acres. Let us +put the figure as low as 400,000 for each State—for the +purchase of farm lands has been everywhere a passion with +the freedman—this 400,000 acres multiplied into 14, <i>i.e.</i> +the number of the chief Southern States, shows an aggregate +of 5,600,000 acres of land, the acquisition of the black +race in less than twenty years.</p> + +<p>But Dr. Tucker will observe a further fact of magnitude in +this connection: It is the increased <span class="smcap">production</span> +which has been developed on the part of the freedman since +emancipation. I present but <i>one</i> staple, and for the reason +that it is almost exclusively the result of <span class="smcap">free negro +labor</span>.</p> + +<p>I will take the five years immediately preceding the late +civil war and compare them with the five years preceeding +the last year's census-taking; <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 130]<a name="Page_130" id="Page_130"></a></span>and the contrast in the +number of cotton-bales produced will show the industry and +thrift of the black race as a consequent on the gift of +freedom:</p></blockquote> + +<table summary="Cotton Production"> +<tr><td><i>Years</i></td><td class="center"><i>Bales</i></td></tr> +<tr><td>1857</td><td class="right">2,939,519</td></tr> +<tr><td>1858</td><td class="right">3,113,962</td></tr> +<tr><td>1859</td><td class="right">3,851,481</td></tr> +<tr><td>1860</td><td class="right">4,669,770</td></tr> +<tr><td>1861</td><td class="right">3,656,006</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="right">—————</td></tr> +<tr><td class="i3">Total</td><td class="right">18,230,738</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td><i>Years</i></td><td class="center"><i>Bales</i></td></tr> +<tr><td>1878</td><td class="right">4,811,265</td></tr> +<tr><td>1879</td><td class="right">5,073,531</td></tr> +<tr><td>1880</td><td class="right">5,757,397</td></tr> +<tr><td>1881</td><td class="right">6,589,329</td></tr> +<tr><td>1882</td><td class="right">5,435,845</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="right">—————</td></tr> +<tr><td>The five years' work of <i>freedom</i></td><td class="right">27,667,367</td></tr> +<tr><td>The five years' work of <i>slavery</i></td><td class="right">18,230,738</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="right">—————</td></tr> +<tr><td>Balance in favor of freedom</td><td class="right">9,436,629</td></tr> +</table> + +<blockquote><p>Now this item of production is a positive disproof of Dr. +Tucker's statement, "that the average level in material +prosperity is but little higher than it was before the war." +Here is the fact that the Freedman has produced one-third +more in five years than he did in the same time when a +slave!</p> + +<p>Another view of this matter is still more striking. The +excess of yield in cotton in seven years [<i>i.e.</i>, from 1875 +to 1882] over the seven years [<i>i.e.</i>, from 1854 to 1861] is +17,091,000 bales, being <span class="smcap">an average annual increase of +1,000,000 bales</span>. If Dr. Tucker will glance at the great +increase of the cotton, tobacco, and sugar crops South, as +shown in Agricultural Reports from 1865 to 1882, and reflect +that <span class="smcap">negroes</span> have been the producers of these +crops, he will understand their indignation at his +outrageous charges of "laziness and vagabondage:" and +perhaps he will listen to their demand that he shall take +back the unjust and injurious imputations which, without +knowledge and discrimination, he makes against a whole race +of people.</p> + +<p>This impulse to thrift on the part of the Freedmen was no +tardy and reluctant disposition. It was the <i>immediate</i> +offspring of freedom.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is not possible even to approximate the landed acquisitions of the +colored people, but that they have been large purchasers of small +holdings will readily be admitted by all candid persons who are +acquainted with the intense pastoral nature of the people, their +constant thrift, and their deepseated determination to own <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 131]<a name="Page_131" id="Page_131"></a></span>their own +homes. If we assume, with Dr. Crummell, that in the past seventeen +years, the hardest, most disadvantageous years they will ever again be +compelled to go through, they have come into possession of 5,600,000 +acres, the gain in the next seventeen years must be vastly greater. At +any rate, we are free to place the holdings in the next fifty years at +not less than 35,000,000 acres, and the probability is that it will be +vastly more.</p> + +<p>In the <i>Popular Science Monthly</i> for October 1881, Mr. J. Stahl +Patterson, in an article on the "Movement of the Colored Population," +says: "It would seem that in the industrial aspects of the case the +white and colored men may be, under certain circumstances, the +complement of each other." Again: "There are two distinct classes of +colored economists. One is satisfied with dependence on others for +employment, the other affects independent homes, and struggles to +secure them, however humble. Some even acquire wealth."</p> + +<p>In the same monthly for February, 1883, Prof. E.W. Gilliam has a long +article on the "African in the United States," in which he does all he +can to make wider the breach between the blacks and the whites. He has +very little good to say of the black man. But he was forced to make +the following admissions, viz:</p> + +<p>"The blacks are an improving race, and the throb of aspiration is +quickening. * * * Advancement in mental training and in economic +science must needs be slow but there <i>is</i> advancement."</p> + +<p>The learned professor makes the interesting calculation that the +blacks in the Southern States will increase from 6,000,000 in 1880, to +192,000,000, in 1980; while the whites in the South, in 1880, +12,000,000, will number only 96,000,000, in 1980. The learned +professor infers that this vast army will be "doomed to remain where +they have been, and be hewers of wood and drawers of water," because +they form a "distinct alien race." I think, if the professor will wait +until 1980, he will find that this "alien race," which profligate +white men have done and are doing so much to amalgamate with their own +race, will not only increase <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 132]<a name="Page_132" id="Page_132"></a></span>approximately as he has figured it out, +in numbers, but in wealth as well.</p> + +<p>The future landlord and capitalist of the South are no longer confined +to the white race: the black man has become a factor, and he must be +counted.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 133]<a name="Page_133" id="Page_133"></a></span></p> + + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV</h2> + +<h3><i>The Land Problem</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>The ownership of land in the South is the same pernicious thing it has +come to be in every civilized country in the world. Instead of being, +as it was intended to be, a blessing to the people, it is the crying +curse which takes precedence of all other evils that afflict mankind. +And the cause is not far to seek. Land is, in its very nature, the +common property of the people. Like air and water, it is one of the +natural elements which inhere in man as a common right, and without +which life could in no wise be sustained. A man must have air, or he +will suffocate; he must have water, or he will perish of thirst; he +must have access to the soil, for upon it grow those things which +nature intended for the sustentation of the physical man, and without +which he cannot live. Deprive me of pure fresh air, and I die; deprive +me of pure fresh water, and I die; deprive me of free opportunity to +earn my bread by the sweat of my brow, by sowing in the sowing time +and reaping in the reaping time, and I die. There is no escape from +this aspect of the case: there is no logic that can reduce these +truisms to sophistries. They are founded in the omnipotent laws of +God, and are as universal as the earth. They apply with as much truth +to life in the United States as in Dahomey; they operate in like +nature upon the savage as upon man in the civilized state. Individual +ownership in the land is a transgression of the common right of man, +and a usurpation which produces nearly, if not all, the evils which +result upon our civilization; the inequalities which <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 134]<a name="Page_134" id="Page_134"></a></span>produce +pauperism, vice, crime, and wide-spread demoralization among all the +so-called "lower classes;" which produce, side by side, the +millionaire and the tramp, the brownstone front and the hut of the +squatter, the wide extending acres of the bonanza farm and the small +holding, the lord of the manor and the cringing serf, peasant and +slave.</p> + +<p>I maintain, with other writers upon this land question, that land is +common property, the property of the whole people, and that it cannot +be alienated from the people without producing the most fearful +consequences. No man is free who is debarred in his right, to so much +of the soil of his country as is necessary to support him in his right +to life, for without the inherent right to unrestrained access to the +soil he cannot support life, except in primitive society where land is +plentiful, population sparse, and industry undiversified. As +population becomes denser and land becomes scarcer from having been +monopolized by the more far seeing, or more fortunate, and industry +becomes more diversified, mankind begins to feel the pressure of +population described by Malthus, and the scarcity of subsistence; +caused, not by this pressure of population, as Malthus maintains, but +by the restricted production of subsistence caused by the monopoly and +concentration of the soil, which inhibits the producing agency from +the production of the increased subsistence necessary to the increased +number of mouths to be fed. There can be no such thing as +overproduction when there are hundreds and thousands who perish for +food; there can be no pressure upon population when there are hundreds +and thousands of acres of arable land locked up in a deed purchase, or +entail, or primogeniture, upon which alone beasts are allowed to +trespass. The idea is preposterous. And yet men who are regarded as +standard authority upon economic questions impose this sophistry of +overproduction and pressure of population upon mankind, and are +applauded for their ignorance, or the cupidity which makes them to +pervert the truth.</p> + +<p>Monopoly of land is the curse of the race in every modern <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 135]<a name="Page_135" id="Page_135"></a></span>government. +Being the one great source from which all wealth must and does spring, +its concentration in the hands of a few men not only impoverishes the +people, but seriously cripples the operations of government (the one +and the other being substantially identical) by curtailing the +productive energies of the people and diverting into the coffers of +individuals rental which should flow into the common treasury as +taxes, thus lifting from the shoulders of the people the enormous +burden of the maintenance of government which falls upon them.</p> + +<p>Monopoly of land was the prime element which hastened the decay of +Roman greatness and strength, because when the people no longer had +homes to fight for they ceased to be patriots, ceased to be virtuous, +and became mercenaries, or slaves or tyrants; left to those who had +monopolized the soil, the defense of their property: and these, being +few in numbers, parsimonious after the nature of their class, and +effeminate from luxurious living and habits of indolence, fell easy +victims to the rapacity and iron nerve of Goth and Vandal. The great +French Revolution would have never occurred but for the monopoly of +land, which, after long ages, became centered in a few hands, who by +reason of this were a privileged class and in the refinement of +language had been designated as the "nobility." The nobility, as was +natural, having been created by the State, not only ground the +proletariat to powder but dictated to the State. When it was no longer +possible to purchase land, because those whose nobility rested upon it +would not alienate it, and when the proletariat had been reduced to a +state of vassalage, more vile and grinding than slavery itself, the +proletariat rose up in its might and crushed at one tremendous blow +the hydra-headed monstrosity. Marat, Danton and Robespiere +concentrated in their intense natures the venom, the hate, and the +desperation of the people—a more terrible triumvirate than the +celebrated one which colored the Tiber with the patrician blood of +Rome. The Nihilism of Russia is the outgrowth of monopoly in land and +the consequent enslavement of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 136]<a name="Page_136" id="Page_136"></a></span>the people by the aristocracy, +beginning with the autocrat upon his throne. England has reached a +transition period. The pressure of her population has become so +intense, that the great producing classes can no longer stand the +tension and live. The land has been filched from the people to enrich +the brainless favorites and the courtesans of kings, and entailed upon +their progeny generation after generation. The land of Great Britain +is held by the nobility and the princely cormorants of trade, who +exact rental which cannot be paid from the produce of the soil, so +usurious is it, or who turn the rich acres into pleasure grounds and +pasturages. As Nero fiddled while Rome was one vast blaze of +conflagration and horror, so the nobility of Great Britain dance and +make merry while the people starve or seek in other lands that +opportunity to live which their country denies to them. For the past +five years the government of Great Britain has been engaged in a most +desperate struggle with the people of one of her constituent islands, +the agitation assuming, like the chameleon, different colors or names +as the exigencies of the contending forces determined. But the one +great question at the root of the agitation is the monopoly of the +land by the "nobility" and the successful cormorants of trade, and the +consequent pressure of population upon the enforced circumscription of +production. The best lands have been alienated from the people, while +the inferior lands upon which they are allowed to live will not yield +the exorbitant rental demanded and the necessary subsistence for those +who work them. Hence, Ireland is in a state so explosive that it can +only be appropriately described by the term "dynamitic." In the +interest of a few landlords the whole Irish nation has been +demoralized and impoverished, so that the government of Great Britain +finds it necessary to "<i>assist</i>" able-bodied men to reach America, or +any other portion of the world they desire to go to, in order to make +a living.</p> + +<p>If monopoly in land produces such results as these is it not to be +condemned as subversive of correct social adjustments and the +perpetuity of government? The question admits of but one answer.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 137]<a name="Page_137" id="Page_137"></a></span> If +monopoly in land compels a government to "assist" its able-bodied men, +its laborers, its producers of wealth, its soldiery, to go to other +lands, is it not to be condemned as parasitical, destroying the very +bone and sinew of government? The answer is self-evident. If monopoly +in land produces such results as these, would it not be wise +statesmanship and sound governmental policy to confiscate to the +people the millions of acres which avarice, cunning, favoritism and +robbery have turned into parks, pasturages and game preserves—making +the few thousands who constitute the land monopolists, the idlers and +the harpies, go honestly to work to make a living, and giving at the +same time the same opportunity to the great laboring classes, who +earnestly desire to make a living but to whom the opportunity is +cruelly and maliciously denied?</p> + +<p>I am opposed to aristocracies and so-called privileged classes, +because they are opposed to the masses. They make inequalities, out of +which grow all the miseries of society, because there is no limit to +their avarice, parsimony and cruelty. So <i>they</i> thrive, <i>all the rest</i> +of humanity may go to the dogs; so they revel in luxury and +debauchery, all the rest of humanity may revel in poverty, vice and +crime; so they enjoy all the blessings of organized society, all the +rest of humanity may bear its curses. Man is essentially a selfish +animal. Self-preservation is the very first law which he learns to +observe and to practice. That he may get on top of the social ladder +and remain there, he will sacrifice family, common humanity and +patriotism. Naturally, Moloch-self is the god he serves. To enjoy a +little brief authority, he would enslave universal mankind, and +declare, as Solomon did, after exhausting the catalogue of tyranny and +libertinism, "all is vanity"—emptiness! Thus, it is dangerous to +confide in the humanity of man. To place in his hands a weapon so +all-powerful as land, is to place him upon a pinnacle from whose vast +altitude he can, will, and does crush his unfortunate fellowman.</p> + +<p>Like the small stream which gathers volume and momentum <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 138]<a name="Page_138" id="Page_138"></a></span>in its +wanderings from the small lake to the gulf, into which it debouches as +a mighty river like the "Father of Waters," so the first encroachments +of the land shark are small, and hardly felt; but give him time, let +him grow from the Norman soldier of fortune into the English nobility +of to-day, and you have a monster whose proportions and rapacity +stagger the imagination to fully apprehend. What the common soldier of +fortune received as reward for his valor eight hundred years ago, and +which he held subject to confiscation to his prince if he failed to +render him service in person and with retainers, has developed into a +huge monopoly which appropriates in rental more than the tenant can +pay, with the added necessary subsistence required to sustain him. +There are also the imposition of direct taxes by the government and +indirect taxes upon all implements and other articles of manufacture, +occasioned by the division of labor, which he must use; all of which +taxes the land monopolists have managed to shift upon the tenant and +wage-laborer. Time augments the evil. So that, to-day, in Great +Britain, a man cannot purchase land, except in rare cases, and then +the purchaser must pay a fortune for the privilege. The poor farmer, +the wage-laborer, the common man, has not and cannot have any grip +upon the soil, but must come into the world a slave, and go down to +his grave after a life of toil and self-denial, a slave, with the +tormenting consciousness that as he was, so must the unfortunate +offspring of his loins be!</p> + +<p>If this be the tendency of organized society—if the tendency be to +enslave mankind, place a premium upon human woe and crime—then +organized society is organized robbery, and the savage state is +preferable. There is no appeal from this deduction. What avail the +triumphs of art, science and commerce, if the majority of mankind are +ground to powder to make those triumphs possible!</p> + +<p>It is not the law of God, but the law of man, that produces these +herculean evils which constantly threaten the peace and safety of +society.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 139]<a name="Page_139" id="Page_139"></a></span></p> + +<p>But the British land-owner, having enslaved the people of his own +island, has shackled the people of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, doomed +them and their posterity to be perpetual aliens in their native lands; +he has, upon the plea of conquest, the argument of the base assassin +and robber, reduced the people of India to a state worse than death; +and his iron grip has been placed upon the uncounted millions of +African soil; the Islands of the sea squirm in his grasp; the West +India Islands are his prostrate prey; while a portion of the vast +continent of America owns his sway and groans under his exactions.</p> + +<p>But this is not all. In our own country the British land shark has +made his appearance. His vile clutch, which our forefathers unwrenched +in the strength of their Colonial greatness, has again been fastened +upon our throat. The following table will show the extent to which the +parasite has insinuated himself into our vital parts. Let the good +people of this country—who should know that monopoly in land is the +death note of free institutions; that large estates are the parasites +of republics and the death of small freeholders—let the people read +the following table with the closeness which its gravity should +inspire. The San Francisco <i>Daily Examiner</i>, a leading paper on the +Pacific coast says:</p> + +<blockquote><p>Besides the millions of acres belonging to railroad and +other corporations, the amount of land that is being +acquired by foreign capitalists and landlords is fairly +amazing. Ireland is to-day groaning beneath the yoke of +oppression, and not many years will roll around before the +American tenant, upon his knees, will also look up into the +scowling face of his master and acknowledge his obedience. +Following are a few of America's foreign landlords, and the +amount of their holdings expressed in acres:—</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 140]<a name="Page_140" id="Page_140"></a></span></p> +<table summary="Foreign Landlords"> +<tr><td>An English Syndicate, No. 3, in Texas</td><td class="right">3,000,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>The Holland Land Company, New Mexico</td><td class="right">4,500,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Sir Edward Reid, and a syndicate in Florida</td><td class="right">2,000,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>English Syndicate, in Mississippi</td><td class="right">1,800,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Marquis of Tweedale</td><td class="right">1,750,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Philips, Marshal & Co., London</td><td class="right">1,300,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>German Syndicate</td><td class="right">1,100,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Anglo-American Syndicate, Mr. Rogers President, London</td><td class="right">750,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Byron H. Evans, of London, in Mississippi</td><td class="right">700,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Duke of Sutherland</td><td class="right">425,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>British Land Company, in Kansas</td><td class="right">320,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>William Whallay, M.P., Peterboro, England</td><td class="right">310,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Missouri Land Company, Edinburgh, Scotland</td><td class="right">300,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Robert Tennant, of London</td><td class="right">230,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Dundee Land Company, Scotland</td><td class="right">247,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Lord Dunmore</td><td class="right">120,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Benjamin Newgas, Liverpool</td><td class="right">100,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Lord Houghton, in Florida</td><td class="right">60,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Lord Dunraven, in Colorado</td><td class="right">60,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>English Land Company, in Florida</td><td class="right">50,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>English Land Company, in Arkansas</td><td class="right">50,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Albert Peel, M.P., Leicestershire, England</td><td class="right">10,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Sir J.L. Kay, Yorkshire, England</td><td class="right">5,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Alexander Grant, of London, in Kansas</td><td class="right">35,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>English Syndicate (represented by Closs Bros.) Wisconsin</td><td class="right">110,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>M. Ellerhauser, of Halifax, Nova Scotia, in West Virginia</td><td class="right">600,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>A Scotch Syndicate, in Florida</td><td class="right">500,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>A. Boysen, Danish Consul, in Milwaukee</td><td class="right">50,000</td></tr> +<tr><td>Missouri Land Company, of Edinburgh, Scotland</td><td class="right">165,000</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Total</td><td class="right">20,747,000</td></tr> +</table> + + +</blockquote> + +<p>Commenting upon these startling figures, the <i>New York (Daily) World</i>, +one of the best informed papers of the time says:</p> + +<blockquote><p>The land grabber is not a fungus of nineteenth century +growth. He first came among English-speaking peoples over +eight centuries ago. Wherever his foot has found a +standing-place pauperism and its sequence, crime, have +followed. In the British Isles he is known as an Acreocrat. +Since he has extended his operations from his native country +to our own free soil the land-grabber should be examined +under the microscope of history analytically, impartially, +and truthfully.</p> + +<p>The unnaturalized foreigner threatens us with other dangers +than those which would be created by our indigenous American +land-grabber. The British acreocrat who owns real estate in +this country believes in the cancer of English monarchy with +its hideous annals of nearly a thousand years. He accepts +the tradition of an hereditary House of Lords, a body +composed of the effete and played out descendants of the +most tyrannical and profligate rascals which Europe ever +produced, and he will remain an English blueblood in every +thought and action, which cannot fail to bring about in free +America and on his own acres here the same poverty-stricken +class of peasants as now curse Great Britain and Ireland.</p> + +<p>English "upper-tendom" is represented in recent purchases of +American <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 141]<a name="Page_141" id="Page_141"></a></span>soil by one duke, one marquis, two earls, a baron, +two baronets and two members of Parliament. The British duke +owns 425,000 acres; the marquis, 1,750,000 acres; the two +earls, 160,000 acres; the baron, 60,000 acres; the brace of +baronets, 2,000,500 acres; and the pair of Parliamentary +politicians, 860,000 acres. In the rest of the land +purchased by our brand-new imported lords of the soil, +England's governing acreocrats, are largely represented in +their 20,941,666 acres.</p> + +<p>Much ignorance is affected in American society respecting +the manner in which the British landocrats came by their +property. It is enough that "my lud" has a handle to his +name, and Murray Hill shoddyocracy will wine and dine and +toady him, and perhaps for his title marry him to some +sweet, pure and good American girl, whose life hereafter +will be a purgatory to herself and a mutual misery to both.</p></blockquote> + +<p>But the land held by the foreigner in the United States is a mere +bagatelle. He is odious not because he is a foreigner, but only +because he is the representative, on the one hand, of the odious land +system of the Old World, and on the other of those monarchical ideas +which have made the great body of the European people unwilling +slaves, reducing them to the very verge of desperation and starvation. +Archimedes explained, as illustrating the vast power of the fulcrum, +that if he had a place to stand he could move the world. The British +land-shark, having got his hold upon the soil, possesses the place to +stand for which the Greek sighed in vain, and no man will say he does +not move the world; and he will continue to move <i>it</i> until such time +as the world shall move <i>him.</i></p> + +<p>The foreign land-shark is still in his infancy. We have an indigenous +land-shark whose maw is so capacious that the rapacity of his appetite +in no wise keeps pace with its lightning-like digestion. Congressman +William Steel Holman, of Indiana, one of the purest statesmen of these +corrupt times, and one of the most thoroughly informed men of the +country upon the question of eminent domain, and the bestowal of that +domain upon corporations and syndicates, recently said, on the floor +of the House of Representatives, in the course of a discussion on the +Post-office Appropriation bill:</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 142]<a name="Page_142" id="Page_142"></a></span></p> + +<blockquote><p>Is it just and proper to require the landgrant railroads to +transport your mails at 50 per cent of the rates you pay to +corporations whose railroads were built by private capital? +I think it is. I think it liberal and more than liberal when +the cost in public wealth is considered in the building of +these land-grant railroads. I submit tables of the railroads +built under the land-grant system, compiled from official +reports, and they show an aggregate of 218,386,199 acres, +192,081,155 acres of which were granted between June 30, +1862, and March 4, 1875, the aggregate length of railroads +for which the grants were made being 20,803 miles, 13,071 +miles independent of the 7,732 mileage of the Pacific roads; +and the reports of the Post-office Department show that last +year the Government paid, on 11,588,56 miles of land-grant +railroad, independent of the Union Pacific system and the +great body of lapsed grants, $1,144,323.91 for postal +service. The startling fact appears that in the gradual +development of these grants, great as they are, they still +swell in their proportions. I pointed out on a former +occasion the startling discrepancies that appear in the +official statements of these grants, and can only say now, +as I did then, that in such enormous grants a few million +acres either way is considered of no moment.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Again:</p> + +<blockquote><p>There are other grants which I have not included in either +of the foregoing tables where not a spadeful of earth has +been dug in the construction of a railroad, yet the lands +are withdrawn from settlement and claimed by the +corporation, although the grants were long since forfeited. +The forfeiture of these grants will, of course, be declared. +Of all of these grants over 109,000,000 acres, including +over 16,000,000 this House has already declared forfeited, +are beyond any reasonable question forfeited, and the +declaration of that forfeiture by Congress is demanded by +the highest consideration of public policy, common honesty, +and justice to the people. Even to the extent these +land-grant railroads enumerated in the first table were +completed, you paid them, as I have shown, last year +$1,144,323.91 for transporting your mails. This bill would, +as to these roads, to the extent they are entitled to the +lands granted and including the Pacific systems, save to the +Treasury annually, I think, near a million dollars, perhaps +more.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Deducing from the foregoing statement of land-grants to corporations, +Mr. Holman draws the following picture of what the people may do when +they are fully informed and aroused to the enormous extent to which +they have been despoiled by their unfaithful servants in congress:</p> + +<blockquote><p>The wealth that builds palaces, undermines the foundations +of free Government, and wrings from the heart of labor the +cry of despair! With the <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 143]<a name="Page_143" id="Page_143"></a></span>public lands exhausted, with +remnants of the Indian-tribes despoiled of their +reservations, and the lands seized upon by capitalists and +merciless speculators (except so far as you have pledged +them in advance to the railroad corporations), and lands +everywhere advanced in price beyond the reach of laboring +men, with the hope of better fortune and of independent +homes dying out of the heart of labor, with men fully +conscious of the wrong you have done them by your +legislation, can the peaceful order of society be hoped for +as of old? I am not astonished that gentlemen deem this +early hour an opportune moment to urge the policy of a great +navy; it will come, if it does come, in the natural order +before a great army. Capital is timid and full of +suggestions; the Navy is the most remote, but I am not +surprised that here and there comes also the intimation that +your Army is too small. These, too, may be some of the +bitter fruits of your imperial grants. I fear that it will +be seen soon enough that when you have destroyed the very +foundations of security and hope upon which labor has rested +so long, the old-time repose and peaceful order will be no +more. Gentlemen should not forget that the wrong that has +been done to laboring men and their children by giving over +their natural inheritance to an accursed monopoly will in +due time be considered by the most intelligent body of +laboring men who ever debated a public wrong—men fully +aware of their rights and capable of asserting them.</p></blockquote> + +<p>But the foreign land-shark, and the corporate land-shark, dwindle into +insignificance by the side of the individual land-shark. Every hamlet, +town, city, and state in the Union is in the grasp of the individual +land holder. Starting with his fellows as a pioneer two hundred and +fifty years ago, with his pickaxe on his shoulder, he has steadily +grown in size and importance, so that today he holds in his hands the +destinies of the Republic and the life of his fellow citizens. His +bulk has become mastodonian in proportions and his influence has +shrivelled up the energies of the people. More absolute than the Iron +Prince of Germany, he pays no taxes; he limits production, not to the +requirements of the population but to the demand of the market, at +such figures as he can extort from the crying necessities of the +people through the operations of "corners;" he regulates the wheels of +government, State and Federal, and dictates to the people by making +them hungry and naked.</p> + +<p>We stand only upon the threshold of governmental existence; the +nation, in comparison to the hoary-handed commonwealths of<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 144]<a name="Page_144" id="Page_144"></a></span> Europe, +was born but yesterday; but, having adopted at the beginning the +system which hastened the downfall of Rome after she had spread her +authority over the known world, we are already weak and exhausted. +Monopoly has stunted the people, and they stagger to the grave, +starved to death by a system of robbery almost too transparent to +require minute elucidation at the hand of the conscientious writer +upon economic questions. The suppressed groans of the toiling masses +are echoed and reëchoed from every corner of the land, and burst forth +in mobocratic fury that the entire police authority finds it almost +impossible to stay. The newspapers are a daily chronicle of the +desperate condition to which the country has been brought by the +rapacity and ignorance of legislators and the parasitical +manipulations of the gang which has rooted itself in the soil of the +country.</p> + +<p>The fires of revolution are incorporated into the <i>Magna Charta</i> of +our liberties, and no human power can avert the awful eruption which +will eventually burst upon us as Mount Vesuvius burst forth upon +Herculaneum and Pompeii. It is too late for America to be wise in +time. "<i>The die is cast.</i>"</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 145]<a name="Page_145" id="Page_145"></a></span></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI</h2> + +<h3><i>Conclusion</i></h3> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>I know it is not fashionable for writers on economic questions to tell +the truth, but the truth should be told, though it kill. When the wail +of distress encircles the world, the man who is linked by "the touch +of nature" which "makes the whole world kin" to the common destiny of +the race universal; who hates injustice wherever it lifts up its head; +who sympathizes with the distressed, the weak, and the friendless in +every corner of the globe, such a man is morally bound to tell the +truth as he conceives it to be the truth.</p> + +<p>In these times, when the law-making and enforcing authority is leagued +against the people; when great periodicals—monthly, weekly and +daily—echo the mandates or anticipate the wishes of the powerful men +who produce our social demoralization, it becomes necessary for the +few men who do not agree to the arguments advanced or the interests +sought to be bolstered up, to "cry aloud and spare not." The man who +with the truth in his possession flatters with lies, that "thrift may +follow fawning" is too vile to merit the contempt of honest men.</p> + +<p>The government of the United States confiscated as "contraband of war" +the slave population of the South, but it left to the portion of the +unrepentant rebel a far more valuable species of property. The slave, +the perishable wealth, was confiscated to the government and then +manumitted; but property in land, the wealth which perishes not nor +can fly away, and which had made the institution of slavery possible, +was left as the heritage of the <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 146]<a name="Page_146" id="Page_146"></a></span>robber who had not hesitated to lift +his iconoclastic hand against the liberties of his country. The baron +of feudal Europe would have been paralyzed with astonishment at the +leniency of the conquering invader who should take from him his slave, +subject to mutation, and leave him his landed possessions which are as +fixed as the Universe of Nature. He would ask no more advantageous +concession. But the United States took the slave and left the thing +which gave birth to <i>chattel slavery</i> and which is now fast giving +birth to <i>industrial slavery</i>; a slavery more excruciating in its +exactions, more irresponsible in its machinations than that other +slavery, which I once endured. The chattel slave-holder must, to +preserve the value of his property, feed, clothe and house his +property, and give it proper medical attention when disease or +accident threatened its life. But industrial slavery requires no such +care. The new slave-holder is only solicitous of obtaining the maximum +of labor for the minimum of cost. He does not regard the man as of any +consequence when he can no longer produce. Having worked him to death, +or ruined his constitution and robbed him of his labor, he turns him +out upon the world to live upon the charity of mankind or to die of +inattention and starvation. He knows that it profits him nothing to +waste time and money upon a disabled industrial slave. The multitude +of laborers from which he can recruit his necessary laboring force is +so enormous that solicitude on his part for one that falls by the +wayside would be a gratuitous expenditure of humanity and charity +which the world is too intensely selfish and materialistic to expect +him. Here he forges wealth and death at one and the same time. He +could not do this if our social system did not confer upon him a +monopoly of the soil from which subsistence must be derived, because +the industrial slave, given an equal opportunity to produce for +himself, would not produce for another. On the other hand the large +industrial operations, with the multitude of laborers from which Adam +Smith declares employers grow rich, as far as this applies to the +soil, would not be <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 147]<a name="Page_147" id="Page_147"></a></span>possible, since the vast volume of increased +production brought about by the industry of the multitude of co-equal +small farmers would so reduce the cost price of food products as to +destroy the incentive to speculation in them, and at the same time +utterly destroy the necessity or the possibility of famines, such as +those which have from time to time come upon the Irish people. There +could be no famine, in the natural course of things, where all had an +opportunity to cultivate as much land as they could wherever they +found any not already under cultivation by some one else. It needs no +stretch of the imagination to see what a startling tendency the +announcement that all vacant land was free to settlement upon +condition of cultivation would have to the depopulation of +over-crowded cities like New York, Baltimore and Savannah, where the +so-called pressure of population upon subsistence has produced a +hand-to-hand fight for existence by the wage-workers in every avenue +of industry.</p> + +<p>This is no fancy picture. It is a plain, logical deduction of what +would result from the restoration to the people of that equal chance +in the race of life which every man has a right to expect, to demand, +and to exact as a condition of his membership of organized society.</p> + +<p>The wag who started the "forty acres and a mule" idea among the black +people of the South was a wise fool; wise in that he enunciated a +principle which every argument of sound policy should have dictated, +<i>upon the condition that the forty acres could in no wise be +alienated</i>, and that it could be regarded <i>only</i> as <i>property</i> as +<i>long as it was cultivated</i>; and a fool because he designed simply to +impose upon the credulity and ignorance of his victims. But the +justness of the "forty acre" donation cannot be controverted. In the +first place, the slave had earned this miserable stipend from the +government by two hundred years of unrequited toil; and, secondly, as +a free man, he was inherently entitled to so much of the soil of his +country as would suffice to maintain him in the freedom thrust upon +him. To tell him he was a free <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 148]<a name="Page_148" id="Page_148"></a></span>man, and at the same time shut him off +from free access to the soil upon which he had been reared, without a +penny in his pocket, and with an army of children at his +coat-tail—some of his reputed wife's children being the illegitimate +offspring of a former inhuman master—was to add insult to injury, to +mix syrup and hyssop, to aggravate into curses the pretended +conferrence of blessings.</p> + +<p>When I think of the absolutely destitute condition of the colored +people of the South at the close of the Rebellion; when I remember the +moral and intellectual enervation which slavery had produced in them; +when I remember that not only were they thus bankrupt, but that they +were absolutely and unconditionally cut off from the soil, with +absolutely no right or title in it, I am surprised,—not that they +have already got a respectable slice of landed interests; not that +they have taken hold eagerly of the advantages of moral and +intellectual opportunities of development placed in their reach by the +charitable philanthropy of good men and women; not that they have +bought homes and supplied them with articles of convenience and +comfort, often of luxury—but I am surprised that the race did not +turn robbers and highwaymen, and, in turn, terrorize and rob society +as society had for so long terrorized and robbed them. The thing is +strange, marvelous, phenomenal in the extreme. Instead of becoming +outlaws, as the critical condition would seem to have indicated, the +black men of the South <i>went manfully to work</i> to better their own +condition and the crippled condition of the country which had been +produced by the ravages of internecine rebellion; <i>while the white men +of the South, the capitalists, the land-sharks, the poor white trash, +and the nondescripts, with a thousand years of Christian civilization +and culture behind them, with "the boast of chivalry, the pomp of +power," these white scamps, who had imposed upon the world the idea +that they were paragons of virtue and the heaven-sent vicegerents of +civil power, organized themselves into a band of outlaws, whose +concatenative chain of auxiliaries ran <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 149]<a name="Page_149" id="Page_149"></a></span>through the entire South, and +deliberately proceeded to murder innocent men and women for +<span class="smcap">political reasons</span> and to systematically rob them of their +honest labor because they were too accursedly lazy to labor +themselves.</i></p> + +<p>But this highly abnormal, unnatural condition of things is fast +passing away. The white man having asserted his superiority in the +matters of assassination and robbery, has settled down upon a barrel +of dynamite, as he did in the days of slavery, and will await the +explosion with the same fatuity and self-satisfaction true of him in +other days. But as convulsions from within are more violent and +destructive than convulsions from without, being more deepseated and +therefore more difficult to reach, the next explosion will be more +disastrous, more far-reaching in its havoc than the one which +metamorphosed social conditions in the South, and from the dreadful +reactions of which we are just now recovering.</p> + +<p>As I have said elsewhere, the future struggle in the South will be, +not between white men and black men, but between capital and labor, +landlord and tenant. Already the cohorts are marshalling to the fray; +already the forces are mustering to the field at the sound of the +slogan.</p> + +<p>The same battle will be fought upon Southern soil that is in +preparation in other states where the conditions are older in +development but no more deep-seated, no more pernicious, no more +blighting upon the industries of the country and the growth of the +people.</p> + +<p>It is not my purpose here to enter into an extended analysis of the +foundations upon which our land system rests, nor to give my views as +to how matters might be remedied. I may take up the question at some +future time. It is sufficient for my purpose to have indicated that +the social problems in the South, as they exfoliate more and more as +resultant upon the war, will be found to be the same as those found in +every other section of our country; and to have pointed out that the +questions of "race," "condition"<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 150]<a name="Page_150" id="Page_150"></a></span> "politics," etc., will all properly +adjust themselves with the advancement of the people in wealth, +education, and forgetfulness of the unhappy past.</p> + +<p>The hour is approaching when the laboring classes of our country, +North, East, West and South, will recognize that they have a <i>common +cause</i>, a <i>common humanity</i> and a <i>common enemy</i>; and that, therefore, +if they would triumph over wrong and place the laurel wreath upon +triumphant justice, without distinction of race or of previous +condition <i>they must unite</i>! And unite they will, for "a fellow +feeling makes us wond'rous kind." When the issue is properly joined, +the rich, be they black or be they white, will be found upon the same +side; and the poor, be they black or be they white, will be found on +the same side.</p> + +<p><i>Necessity knows no law and discriminates in favor of no man or +race.</i></p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 151]<a name="Page_151" id="Page_151"></a></span></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX</h2> + +<p class="returnTOC"><a href="#CONTENTS">Return to Table of + Contents</a></p> + +<p>I append to this volume a portion of the testimony of Mr. John +Caldwell Calhoun because of the uniform fairness with which he treated +the race and labor problem in the section of country where he is an +extensive landowner and employer of labor.</p> + +<p>Mr. Calhoun's testimony was given before the Blair Senate Committee on +Education and Labor and will be found in the Committee's Report as to +<i>The Relations between Labor and Capital</i>. (Vol. II, pp. 157).</p> + +<blockquote><p class="right"><span class="smcap">New York</span>, <i>Thursday, September 13, 1883</i></p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">labor in the southwest</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">John Caldwell Calhoun</span> sworn and examined</p> + +<p>By the <span class="smcap">Chairman:</span></p> + +<p>Question. Where do you reside?</p><p class="A">—Answer. In Chicot County, +Arkansas.</p> + +<p>Q. State to the committee, if you please, where you were +born, of what family connection you are, and what have been +your opportunities for becoming acquainted with the past and +the present condition of agricultural labor in the Southern +States. </p> +<p class="A">—A. I was born in Marengo County, Alabama. My +father was a planter there before the war.</p> + +<p>Q. He was a son of John C. Calhoun, the statesman? </p> +<p class="A">—A. He +was a son of Mr. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina.</p> + +<p>Q. You are his grandson, then? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir; I am his +grandson. My father was Col. Andrew P. Calhoun. I was reared +in South Carolina. In 1854 my father removed his residence +from his plantations in Alabama to<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 152]<a name="Page_152" id="Page_152"></a></span> Fort Hill, South +Carolina, near Pendleton, where I was raised. I have been +identified with the agricultural interest of the South from +my earliest recollections, and have been a practical cotton +planter myself since the war, giving my own personal +attention to my interests since 1869.</p> + +<p>Q. When did you remove from South Carolina? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I removed +from South Carolina to Chicot County, Arkansas, in 1869.</p> + +<p>Q. Until 1869 you had been a resident of South Carolina? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. And of course very familiar with the condition of things +on the Atlantic coast. Since that time you have been in the +Mississippi Valley? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir; my experience as a cotton +planter and with the laborers of the South is confirmed, I +may say, almost entirely to the Mississippi Valley, for I +left South Carolina so soon after the war that things had +hardly shaped themselves there so that I could form an +accurate estimate of the labor or the condition of affairs +in South Carolina or on the Atlantic coast.</p> + +<p>The <span class="smcap">Chairman.</span> Not having had a personal +acquaintance with Mr. Calhoun, and learning of his rare +opportunities to give valuable information to the committee, +and of his presence in the city, I addressed him a letter, +calling attention to the subject-matter upon which we should +like information, and which I had reason to think he could +give us better than almost any one else, indicating certain +questions which I would like to have him prepared to answer, +and receiving a courteous reply, expressing a willingness to +oblige the committee, I have called him before the +committee, and will now read the questions:—</p> + +<p>1st. What is the condition of the laborers in your section?</p> + +<p>2d. Under what system are the laborers in your section +employed?</p> + +<p>3d. When hired for wages what is paid?</p> + +<p>4th. What division is made between labor and capital of +their joint production when you work on shares?</p> + +<p>5th. When you rent what division is made?</p> + +<p>6th. How many hours do the laborers work?</p> + +<p>7th. Under what system do you work?</p> + +<p>8th. What is the relation existing between the planters and +their employees?</p> + +<p>9th. What danger is there of strikes?</p> + +<p>10th. How can the interest of the laborers of your section +be best subserved?</p> + +<p>If you have prepared answers to these questions, and can +give your answers consecutively, I would like you to do so.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 153]<a name="Page_153" id="Page_153"></a></span> +The <span class="smcap">Witness</span>. I have prepared replies in order that +I might save the committee time as well as condense my +ideas.</p> + +<p>Q. 1. What is the condition of the laborers in your section? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. The laborers in the Mississippi Valley are +agricultural. But few whites are employed; they soon become +landowners or tenants. Your question, therefore, reduces +itself to, What is the condition of the negroes? I should +say good, as compared with a few years ago, and improving. +You must recollect that it has only been 18 years since the +negroes emerged from slavery without a dollar and with no +education, and that for generations they had been taught to +rely entirely upon others for guidance and support. They +became, therefore, at once the easy prey of unscrupulous +men, who used them for their personal aggrandizement, were +subjected to every evil influence, and did not discover for +years the impositions practiced upon them. They were +indolent and extravagant, and eager to buy on a credit +everything the planter or merchant would sell them. The +planter had nothing except the land, which, with the crop to +be grown, was mortgaged generally for advances. If he +refused to indulge his laborers in extravagant habits during +the year, by crediting them for articles not absolutely +necessary, his action was regarded as good grounds for them +to quit work, and there were those present who were always +ready to use this as an argument to array the negroes +against the proprietors. This, of course, demoralized the +country to a very great extent, and it has only been in the +past few years the negro laborers have realized their true +condition and gone to work with a view of making a support +for themselves and families. There is yet much room for +improvement, but they will improve just as they gain +experience and become self-reliant.</p> + +<p>Considering their condition after emancipation and the evil +influences to which they have been subjected, even the small +advancement they have made seems surprising.</p> + +<p>Q. 2. Under what systems are the laborers in your section +employed? </p> +<p class="A">—A. There are three methods: we hire for wages, +for a part of the crop, or we rent.</p> + +<p>Q. 3. When hired for wages what is paid? </p> +<p class="A">—A. When hired by +the month we pay unskilled field hands from $10 to $20 per +month and board. When hired by the day, for unskilled +laborers, from 75 cents to $1. Teamsters, $1 a day and +board. Artisans, from $2 to $5. In addition to their wages +and board, the laborers are furnished, free of cost, a +house, fuel, and a garden spot varying from half to one +acre; also the use of wagon and team with which to haul +their fuel and supplies, and pasturage, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 154]<a name="Page_154" id="Page_154"></a></span>where they have +cattle and hogs, which they are encouraged to raise.</p> + +<p>Q. 4. What division is made between labor and capital of +their joint production when you work on shares? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I doubt +if there is greater liberality shown to laborers in any +portion of the world than is done under this system. The +proprietor furnishes the land and houses, including +dwelling, stables, and outhouses, pays the taxes, makes all +necessary improvements, keeps up repairs and insurance, +gives free of cost a garden spot, fuel, pasturage for the +stock owned by the laborer, and allows the use of his teams +for hauling fuel and family supplies, provides mules or +horses, wagons, gears, implements, feed for teams, the +necessary machinery for ginning, or, in short, every expense +of making the crop and preparing it for market, and then +divides equally the whole gross proceeds with the laborers. +In addition to all this, the proprietor frequently mortgages +his real estate to obtain means to advance to the laborers +supplies on their portion of the crop yet to be grown, thus +mortgaging what he actually possesses, and taking a security +not yet in existence, and which depends not only upon the +vicissitudes of the seasons, but the faithfulness of the +laborers themselves. Under this system thrifty, industrious +laborers ought soon to become landowners. But, owing to +indolence, the negroes, except where they are very +judiciously managed and encouraged, fail to take advantage +of the opportunities offered them to raise the necessaries +of life. They idle away all the time not actually necessary +to make and gather their corn and cotton, and improvidently +spend what balance may remain after paying for the advances +made to them.</p> + +<p>Q. 5. When you rent, what division is made? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Where the +laborer owns his own teams, gears, and implements necessary +for making a crop, he gets two-thirds or three-fourths of +the crop, according to the quality and location of the land.</p> + +<p>Under the rental system proper, where a laborer is +responsible and owns his team, &c., first-class land is +rented to him for $8 or $10 per acre. With the land go +certain privileges, such as those heretofore enumerated.</p> + +<p>Q. 6. How many hours do the laborers work? </p> +<p class="A">—A. This is an +extremely difficult question to answer. Under the wages +system, from sunrise to sunset, with a rest for dinner of +from one and one-half to three hours, according to the +season of the year.</p> + +<p>Under the share or rental system there is much time lost; +for instance, they seldom work on Saturday at all, and as +the land is fertile, and a living can be made on a much +smaller acreage than a hand can cultivate, they generally +choose one-third less than they should, and it is safe to +say that <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 155]<a name="Page_155" id="Page_155"></a></span>one third of the time which could and would be +utilized by an industrious laborer is wasted in fishing, and +hunting, and idleness.</p> + +<p>Q. 7. Under what system do you work? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We are forced to +adopt all systems heretofore stated. We prefer, however, the +tenant system. We wish to make small farmers our laborers, +and bring them up as nearly as possible to the standard of +the small white farmers. But this can only be done +gradually, because the larger portion of the negroes are +without any personal property. We could not afford to sell +the mules, implements, &c., where a laborer has nothing. +Therefore the first year we contract to work with him on the +half-share system, and require him to plant a portion of the +land he cultivates in corn, hay, potatoes, &c. For this +portion we charge him a reasonable rent, to be paid out of +his part of the cotton raised on the remainder. In this way +all of the supplies raised belong to him, and at the end of +the first year he will, if industrious, find himself +possessed of enough supplies to support and feed a mule. We +then sell him a mule and implements, preserving, of course, +liens until paid. At the end of the second year, if he +should be unfortunate, and not quite pay out, we carry the +balance over to the next year, and in this way we gradually +make a tenant of him. We encourage him in every way in our +power to be economical, industrious, and prudent, to +surround his home with comforts, to plant an orchard and +garden, and to raise his own meat, and to keep his own cows, +for which he has free pasturage. Our object is to attach him +as much as possible to his home. Under whatever system we +work, we require the laborer to plant a part of his land in +food crops and the balance in cotton with which to pay his +rent and give him ready money. We consider this system as +best calculated to advance him. Recognizing him as a +citizen, we think we should do all in our power to fit him +for the duties of citizenship. We think there is no better +method of doing this than by interesting him in the +production of the soil, surrounding him with home comforts, +and imposing upon him the responsibilities of his business. +Who will make the best citizen or laborer, he who goes to a +home with a week's rations, wages spent, wife and children +hired out, or he who returns to a home surrounded with the +ordinary comforts, and wife and children helping him to +enjoy the products of their joint labor? We recognize that +no country can be prosperous unless the farmers are +prosperous. Under our system, we seek to have our property +cultivated by a reliable set of tenants, who will be able to +always pay their rent and have a surplus left.</p> + +<p>Again, a large portion of the cotton crop of the country is +made by small white farmers. These to a great extent are +raising their own supplies, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 156]<a name="Page_156" id="Page_156"></a></span>and making cotton a surplus +crop. The number who do this will increase year by year. It +must be apparent that the large planters cannot afford to +hire labor and compete with those whose cotton costs nothing +except the expenditure of their own muscle and energy. The +natural consequence resulting from this condition of things +is that the negro, if he is to prosper, must gradually +become a small farmer, either as a tenant or the owner of +the soil, and look himself upon cotton as a surplus crop.</p> + +<p>Q. 8. What is the relation existing between the planters and +their employers? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Friendly and harmonious. The planter +feel an interest in the welfare of his laborers, and the +latter in turn look to him for advice and assistance.</p> + +<p>Q. 9. What danger is there of strikes?</p> +<p class="A">—A. Very little. As a +rule the laborers are interested in the production of the +soil, and a strike would be as disastrous to them as it +would be to the proprietors. There is really very little +conflict between labor and capital. The conflict in my +section, if any should come in future, will not assume the +form of labor against capital, but of race against race.</p> + +<p>Q. 10. How can the interest of the laborers of your section +be best subserved? </p> +<p class="A">—A. By the establishment by the States +of industrial schools, by the total elimination from Federal +politics of the so-called negro question, and by leaving the +solution to time, and a reduction of taxation, both indirect +and incidental. It is a noteworthy fact that the improvement +of my section has kept pace, <i>pari passu</i>, with the +cessation of the agitation of race issues. The laborers +share equally with the landowners the advantages of the +improvement, and there is every reason to expect increasing +and permanent prosperity if all questions between the +landowners and their laborers in our section are left to the +natural adjustment of the demand for labor. For many years +the negroes regarded themselves as the wards of the Federal +Government, and it were well for them to understand that +they have nothing more to expect from the Federal +Government, than the white man, and that, like him, their +future depends upon their own energy, industry, and economy. +This can work no hardship. The constant demand for labor +affords them the amplest protection. Nothing, probably, +would contribute so immediately to their prosperity as the +reduction of the tariff. They are the producers of no +protected articles. The onerous burdens of the tariff +naturally fall heaviest upon those who are large consumers +of protected articles and produce only the great staples, +grain and cotton, which form the basis of our export trade, +and which can, from their very nature in this country, +receive no protection from a tariff.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 157]<a name="Page_157" id="Page_157"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. In your own State, Arkansas, what portion of the land +cultivated and what proportion of the acreage of the land +cultivated is in the form of large plantations? </p> +<p class="A">—A. That +lying along the Mississippi and Arkansas Rivers. It would be +hard for me to estimate the proportions. I do not know that +I have ever considered it, but the portions which are +cultivated in large plantations lie directly on the +Mississippi River in front of the State of Arkansas and on +the Arkansas River. The rest of the State is cultivated very +much by small white farmers.</p> + +<p>Q. And are the productions of the small holdings and large +holdings similar; I inquire as to cotton particularly? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +No, sir. In the interior of the State cotton is made a +surplus crop entirely.</p> + +<p>Q. What are the principal crops there? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Our people are +raising their own supplies, fruits and vegetables. For +instance, it was stated by the land agent of the Iron +Mountain Railroad at a public meeting in Little Rock some +weeks ago that that road had carried out from the State of +Arkansas in one week 800,000 pounds of green peas and +strawberries.</p> + +<p>Q. To what market? </p> +<p class="A">—A. To Saint Louis, going to different +markets. The section of the State lying between Little Rock +and Fort Smith is peculiarly adapted for growing fruit, and +there is a very large fruit trade.</p> + +<p>Q. What kinds of fruit? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I might say almost all kinds, +but particularly apples; that section of country is noted +for its apples.</p> + +<p>Q. Are peaches raised there also? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Very fine, indeed.</p> + +<p>Q. Plums? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. Are oranges raised there? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; we do not raise +any of the tropical fruits, such as oranges, bananas, and +lemons.</p> + +<p>Q. How in regard to oats, rye, corn, wheat, potatoes, and +crops of that description? </p> +<p class="A">—A. If our exhibit, which is now +being made at the Louisville Exposition, can be seen it will +compare favorably with that of any other portion of the +United States.</p> + +<p>Q. Even with the Northwest? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Even with the Northwest.</p> + +<p>Q. Would you judge that one-half the cultivated surface of +Arkansas is made up of the larger plantations? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; +I should not say more than a third, as a rough estimate.</p> + +<p>Q. Upon these plantations is there any crop raised for +consumption anywhere but upon the plantations, save the +cotton? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Only in a very limited way. We raise Irish +potatoes for the northern markets, and it is an extremely +profitable and productive crop with us.</p> + +<p>Q. What is the home market price? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We do not sell these +potatoes at home at all. We get them to Saint Louis, +Chicago, and Cincinnati before <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 158]<a name="Page_158" id="Page_158"></a></span>the ground is really thawed +out up there. We get from $5 to $10 a barrel for them.</p> + +<p>Q. A barrel of about 3 bushels? </p> +<p class="A">—A. A barrel of about 3 +bushels. That of course is a fancy price, and only lasts +until the product comes in from other sources.</p> + +<p>Q. That is an advantage no farmer has elsewhere in the +United States than in Arkansas? </p> +<p class="A">—A. In Arkansas and +Louisiana, on the Mississippi River.</p> + +<p>Q. Are potatoes raised largely in Louisiana? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir; +in parts. The cultivation of the alluvial lands in Louisiana +is very similar to what I am speaking of in Arkansas.</p> + +<p>Q. Is the potato of good quality raised on those rich lands? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Of very fine quality.</p> + +<p>Q. Can you give the average crop of potatoes per acre? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +I cannot, as I have never raised any myself for market. We +leave it almost entirely to our small farmers to do that +sort of thing.</p> + +<p>Q. About 300 bushels per acre, Senator Pugh says. This is +the Irish potato you speak of, not the sweet? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The Irish +potato. We raise also the sweet potato there. I have raised +sweet potatoes that weighed five pounds.</p> + +<p>Q. And of good quality? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Of fine quality.</p> + +<p>Q. The size does not depreciate the quality, then? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Not +at all.</p> + +<p>Q. They, I suppose are raised for exportation from the +State? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; they are raised almost entirely for +home consumption by our farmers.</p> + +<p>Q. Do your people at home prefer the sweet to the Irish +potato for their own use? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I cannot say they do. I think +they raise both in equal proportions.</p> + +<p>Q. Which, on the whole, is the most profitable crop to raise +of potatoes? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The Irish potatoes because we export and +sell them. The sweet potato does not mature until the fall +of the year.</p> + +<p>Q. Upon your plantations you encourage the raising of the +variety of crops you have spoken of for consumption, by the +laborers, and for the use of the planter, I suppose, but not +for exportation and sale? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Not for sale. We merely raise +them for home consumption in case of a disaster to our +cotton crops. The cotton crop is subjected to very many +vicissitudes, and we want to have all our supplies at home, +so that in case of a failure of the cotton crop we have our +living made at least.</p> + +<p>Q. Are the planters and those who labor upon the plantations +substantially independent of the small farmers surrounding +them, or do they constitute consumers for the smaller +farmers in the interior? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We have <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 159]<a name="Page_159" id="Page_159"></a></span>our own gardens, and +generally raise our own supplies, but every planter +interests himself to find a market for all the products of +his laborers. For instance, we encourage them to raise +poultry to a great extent. If they have a surplus of +potatoes, or eggs, or chickens, we will buy it and create a +market for it, and ship the articles off in order that if +they have any surplus they may realize on it. On the +Mississippi River we have nearly all the markets. Boats are +passing there every day going directly by the banks of the +river. We have the markets of New Orleans, Vicksburg, +Memphis, Saint Louis, Chicago, and we have, you may say, the +whole country open before us where we can create a market. +We make the best market we can for the products of our small +farmers.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you know something of the prices in the North for the +various crops you have mentioned, and if so, how do they +compare with the price realized by your laborers at home? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Our laborers realize the prices of the Northwest. We +ship the articles for them. For instance, a negro has +several barrels of potatoes; I consign them to my merchants +in Saint Louis, and have them sold for his account.</p> + +<p>Q. There are no middlemen, really; you transact this +business for them? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I transact this business for them +direct.</p> + +<p>Q. Charging them simply the cost of transportation? </p> +<p class="A">—A. You +are asking me the relationship between the proprietor and +the negro. There are a great many stores on the Mississippi +River, and negroes sometimes go and trade directly. There +are a great many properties in the Mississippi Valley owned +by non-residents. There are some plantations rented out to +negroes that there is not a white man on at all. The +proprietor comes and collects his rent at the end of the +year when the crop is made; or it may be his negro tenant +consigns the cotton to a factor in New Orleans.</p> + +<p>Q. Where is the proprietor himself usually resident? </p> +<p class="A">—A. In +different States. We have people who are proprietors of real +estate who live out in Orange, New Jersey; some live in +South Carolina; some live in Georgia, in the various States, +but they own property with us, and this property is rented +directly to the negroes. Generally, though, there is a +responsible manager in charge of this property, but there +are instances where there is not even a white man on the +place at all.</p> + +<p>Q. In those instances, how do matters work? Do the negroes +conduct affairs with reasonable prudence, and consult the +interest of the owners? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; in these instances the +property generally goes to decay gradually; the negro will +not make an improvement on real estate at all.</p> + +<p>Q. In these cases do the negroes work together and carry on +the plantation <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 160]<a name="Page_160" id="Page_160"></a></span>as a whole, or is the plantation cut up into +small holdings and rented out to negroes? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It is cut +into small portions and rented according to the size of the +family. Some men work two mules; some four. It is regulated +better by the number of animals he works. For instance, a +mule can cultivate in that country with ease about fifteen +acres. A man with two mules would work thirty acres; a man +with four, sixty, and so on. I know some negroes who work +eight and ten mules that they have paid for; but I will say +this right here, and it shows the necessity of the education +of the negro and of fitting him for the condition of being +able to take care of himself and make his own contracts and +sign his own name to a contract: I have known of numerous +instances where negroes, working under the management of a +proprietor of a plantation, have made enough money to buy a +home; such a one will go back out in the hills, that section +of country lying back of the alluvial lands, and buy a home. +In three or four years he will move back to the river again, +having lost all his property, mortgaged it to some +storekeeper, become extravagant, and that storekeeper in a +short time—three or four years probably—will have absorbed +all he had earned under the management of a planter.</p> + +<p>Q. About that store system; how extensive is it, and how +great an evil does it constitute? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It constitutes a very +considerable evil, but you cannot blame the storekeeper for +it, for this reason, or he can only be blamed partially: +Capital in that country is very limited. When you consider +the fact that New Orleans, which handles the cotton crop of +that country, has a smaller banking capital than any one of +your little towns in Massachusetts or New Hampshire, it +shows at once that there is not enough capital to be +advanced to the country people at reasonable enough rates of +interest for those people to conduct a strictly legitimate +business. I have known capital to cost in New Orleans, +counting the commissions, 15 or 20 per cent, for money +loaned. The storekeeper who borrows money to conduct his +business with has to buy his goods from some merchant at +some point who must make his profit. He cannot go directly +to the producer, because he has got to have somebody to help +him out if his capital falls short. Therefore, before the +goods get down to him, they cost him perhaps 30, 40, or 50 +percent more than the first price. Therefore he has to tack +on an enormous profit to bring himself out whole and pay his +expenses in order to meet his obligations with the factor in +New Orleans. There is, however, among a certain class, as +there would be in all sections of the country, as exists +right here in New York, or anywhere else, a set of people +who will always prey upon ignorance. The best protection +that <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 161]<a name="Page_161" id="Page_161"></a></span>can be afforded to the laborer of that country is +education; fit him for his condition of life, that he may +protect himself.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you mean to be understood that these traders do +business upon borrowed capital? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Almost entirely.</p> + +<p>Q. Their capital is hired in New Orleans? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Or any points +they may go for it; I merely mention New Orleans as one +point. A number of our people borrow money in Memphis, and +some borrow money in Vicksburg.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you know whether those people to any extent borrow +capital of Northern capitalists in New York and other +portions of the North </p> +<p class="A">—A. That class of people do not. In +the last few years—I might say almost within the last two +years—Northern capital has begun to seek investment in our +section of the country, but only upon mortgages on real +estate. The class of storekeepers I allude to generally have +no real estate at all; they only have their stores.</p> + +<p>Q. Your system by which the planter makes a market for the +surplus productions of the laborers upon his plantation +dispenses with a middleman, and enables the laborer to make +a saving, whereas, if he goes to the hills he makes a loss? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir. I will put it more definitely: As long as he +is under the guidance and care of the proprietor of the +plantation he prospers, the planter, as we express it in +that country, "loaning him our aid"; we make it very +expressive to the negro, we loan him our aid, that is, he +must follow our advice, and he has learned to do that, and +by doing that he accumulates; but when thrown upon his own +resources—there are individual exceptions, of course, where +a good many negroes prosper themselves when thrown upon +their own resources in Arkansas—but as a general fact, +where he leaves the guidance and care of the proprietor of a +plantation and subjects himself just as any one else does to +the common trading with storekeepers, in a very few years he +loses what he has accumulated.</p> + +<p>Q. Under these favorable circumstances which surround the +laborer on the plantation one would think he ought to +accumulate; but I understand you that as a rule he is rather +improvident and fails to accumulate. To what do you +attribute that improvidence on the part of the negro +laborer? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It is simply from the want of a proper +appreciation of the opportunities of advancement from his +condition. The negroes are just beginning, as I expressed +it, to realize the responsibilities of life, and just as +they begin to realize the responsibilities of life here, +they begin to prosper. The prosperity of the South has only +begun in the last few years, and it has begun to increase +just as the race issue has ceased. I will demonstrate <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 162]<a name="Page_162" id="Page_162"></a></span>that +to you by a little paragraph I cut out of the <i>New York +Herald</i> last night, taken from the New Orleans +<i>Times-Democrat</i>. If you take the assessed valuation of real +estate in Alabama, in 1879 it was at $117,486,581; in 1883 +it is assessed at $152,920,115. There has been that increase +in four years from $117,000,000 to $152,000,000. Now let us +take the State of Arkansas: in 1879 our real estate was +valued at $86,892,541; in 1883 it is valued at $136,000,000. +It goes on just in that same proportion. For instance, this +shows that in eight of the Southern and Southwestern States +there has been an increase of nearly half a billion +dollars—that is, $494,836,686—in value of taxable property +during the short period of four years.</p> + +<p>I happened to pick up this book last night. If I had an +opportunity I could have gotten some statistics to show you +the increased production in these different States, and how +completely it has taken place, as the laborer has begun to +rely on himself and been thrown on his resources.</p> + +<p>Q. Have you observed the origin of these statistics? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +They come from the New Orleans <i>Times-Democrat</i>. I will read +this in order that they may be known. This is from the +<i>Herald</i> of yesterday:</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p class="heading">SOUTHERN PROGRESS</p> + +<p>The New Orleans <span class="smcap">Times-Democrat</span> has gathered from +trustworthy sources and given to the public valuable +statistics showing the industrial progress made in the +Southern States during the past four years. This covers the +period since 1879, the year to which the figures of the +latest national census apply. The census returns show a +marvelous material growth in the South during the preceding +ten years. But, according to the reports published by our +New Orleans contemporary, the progress of the past four +years is greater and more wonderful than that achieved +during the decade between the census years.</p> + +<p>Taking the important item of assessed value of property, a +comparison between the years 1879 and 1883 gives the +following remarkable results:</p> + + +<table summary="Assessed Value of Property"> +<tr><td>States</td><td>Assessment 1883</td><td>Tax rate</td><td>Assessment 1879</td><td>Tax rate</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Alabama</td><td class="right">$152,920,115</td><td class="center">6½</td><td class="right">$117,486,581</td><td class="center">7</td></tr> +<tr><td>Arkansas</td><td class="right">136,000,000</td><td class="center">7</td><td class="right">86,892,541</td><td class="center">6½</td></tr> +<tr><td>Florida</td><td class="right">56,000,000</td><td class="center">5</td><td class="right">29,471,648</td><td class="center">7</td></tr> +<tr><td>Georgia</td><td class="right">300,000,000</td><td class="center">2½</td><td class="right">135,659,530</td><td class="center">5</td></tr> +<tr><td>Louisiana</td><td class="right">200,000,000</td><td class="center">6</td><td class="right">209,361,402</td><td class="center">6</td></tr> +<tr><td>Mississippi</td><td class="right">116,288,810</td><td class="center">2½</td><td class="right">129,308,345</td><td class="center">3½</td></tr> +<tr><td>Tennessee</td><td class="right">252,289,873</td><td class="center">2</td><td class="right">223,211,345</td><td class="center">1</td></tr> +<tr><td>Texas</td><td class="right">500,000,000</td><td class="center">3</td><td class="right">304,470,736</td><td class="center">5</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td>Total</td><td class="right">1,710,498,798</td><td class="center">4½</td><td class="right">1,215,662,128</td><td class="center">5</td></tr> +</table> + + +<p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 163]<a name="Page_163" id="Page_163"></a></span></p> + +<p>This shows that in eight Southern and Southwestern States +there has been an increase of nearly half a billion +dollars—$494,836,668—in the value of taxable property +during the short period of four years, while the rate of +taxation has been actually reduced. At the same time liberal +appropriations have been made for schools, public +improvements, and other useful purposes. "Nor is this +marvelous advance in valuation," says the <i>Times-Democrat</i>, +"the result of any inflation in value, but the natural +sequence of grand crops, new industries developed, new +manufactories, mines, and lumber mills established."</p> + +<p>The extension of railroads has been hardly less +astonishing. In the eight States above enumerated there were +in 1879 11,604 miles of railroad. There are now 17,891 +miles, showing an increase in four years of 6,287 miles. The +agricultural progress made is shown by the fact that the +value of raw products raised in these States, including all +crops, lumber, cattle, and wool, has advanced from +$398,000,000 in 1879 to $567,000,000 in 1883, or an increase +of $169,000,000. During this period the mineral output of +Alabama alone has increased from $4,000,000 to $19,000,000, +and the lumber product of Arkansas from $1,790,000 to +$8,000,000.</p> + +<p>The trade of New Orleans is a barometer of Southern industry +and commerce. The value of domestic produce in that city in +1881-82 was $159,000,000; in 1882-83 it was $200,000,000. +The value of exports of domestic produce to foreign +countries in the former year amounted to $68,000,000; in the +latter it reached $95,000,000.</p> + +<p>These figures tell a remarkable story of recent progress in +the Southern States. Always rich in natural resources, the +South has long been poor through lack of development. It has +at last entered upon a new era of industrial activity, and +is now making rapid strides toward a stage of material +prosperity commensurate with its great natural wealth.—<i>New +York Herald</i>, September 12,1883.</p> + +<p>Now, here is quite a remarkable fact to which I wish to call +your attention, to show you the opportunities for labor +existing in the South and what is the condition of certain +counties in the South. I hold in my hand a book that is +compiled for the benefit of the Georgia Pacific Railroad, +but I happened to find it in my room and thought these +matters would be interesting.</p> + +<p>Q. The data you consider reliable? </p> +<p class="A">—A. What I read I think +comes from the census report; I think this is reliable:</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p>In this connection let us glance at Montgomery +County, Alabama, which, although not in the belt +we are studying, is on the same prairie formation +crossed by the Georgia Pacific Railway, on the +edge of Mississippi. Compare it with Butler +County, Ohio, which "shows the best record of any +county in the West." In live stock Montgomery has +$1,748,273; Butler, $1,333,592.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 164]<a name="Page_164" id="Page_164"></a></span></p> + +<blockquote><p>That is the largest producing county in Ohio as compared +with Montgomery County, Alabama, before the war.</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p>Montgomery had 63,134 hogs; Butler, 51,640. +Animals slaughtered: Montgomery, $336,915; +Butler, $318,274. In grain Butler was +considerably ahead, but in roots Montgomery led. +Montgomery doubled Butler in the production of +wool, and had its cotton crop to show besides. +The total value of the crops of Montgomery County +was $3,264,170; those of Butler only $1,671,132.</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p>There is Montgomery County, Alabama, compared with the +leading producing county in Ohio.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you know as to the relative size of the two counties? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I think it was given here:</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p>A handsome triumph for the Alabama county! And +yet Montgomery is not up to the average of the +prairie counties of Alabama.</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p>I do not know the relative size. Here is a fact to which I +wish to call particular attention:</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p>We have examined the mortality tables of the +United States census for 1880, and find that as +regards health, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi +make a better showing than some of the oldest and +most densely populated Northern States.</p></blockquote> + +<blockquote><p>There is generally an idea prevailing that the Southern +States are very unhealthy. It is a point that bears directly +on our labor question, and for that reason I wish to call +special attention to this table, which is taken directly +from the census:</p> + +<p class="center"> +ANNUAL DEATH RATE FOR EACH THOUSAND OF POPULATION</p> + +<table summary="ANNUAL DEATH RATE FOR EACH THOUSAND OF POPULATION"> +<tr><td>New York</td><td class="right">17.38</td></tr> +<tr><td>Pennsylvania</td><td class="right">14.92</td></tr> +<tr><td>Virginia</td><td class="right">16.32</td></tr> +<tr><td>Massachusetts</td><td class="right">18.59</td></tr> +<tr><td>Kentucky</td><td class="right">14.39</td></tr> +<tr><td>Georgia</td><td class="right">13.97</td></tr> +<tr><td>Alabama</td><td class="right">14.20</td></tr> +<tr><td>Mississippi</td><td class="right">12.89</td></tr> +</table> + +<p>Mississippi has the smallest average death rate of any of +that number of States which I have enumerated.</p> + +<p>Q. I suppose the circumstance that the average death rate is +larger in cities ought to be taken into account, the +Southern population being mostly rural, is it not? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The +Southern population is to a very great <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 165]<a name="Page_165" id="Page_165"></a></span>extent rural—Still +there are cities in Georgia which I suppose in proportion to +our rural population would not make the latter in excess of +what it is here. If you take your rural population here and +in New Jersey, where you are densely populated, we are no +more densely populated in the proportion of our city +population to the country than you are here, I think.</p> + +<p>Q. Of the population, which is, as a rule, the more healthy +in the South, the colored or the white population?</p> + +<p>By Mr. <span class="smcap">Pugh</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. There must be some qualification of that difference +between the death rate between such States as Massachusetts, +for instance, and Georgia, on account of the fact—which I +suppose must be conceded—that in these new States +population is younger and more vigorous than in the older +States. The emigration to these States has been of the +younger and more vigorous population, not so liable to die +as those who remain behind and are older? </p> +<p class="A">—A. There has +been but very little emigration into these States up to this +census.</p> + +<p>MR. <span class="smcap">Pugh</span>. That is the fact to some extent, I +suppose, anyway.</p> + +<p>The <span class="smcap">Chairman</span>. In that same connection, I suppose, +should be borne in mind the fact that the population of +these Eastern States is largely re-enforced by immigration +from Europe, and that is of the younger and more vigorous +European population, and I do not know but what the people +in Massachusetts will insist upon it that they are as young +and as vigorous as anybody.</p> + +<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Pugh</span>. I have no doubt. I saw a great many very +old people there.</p> + +<p>The <span class="smcap">Witness</span>. I merely mentioned this because I +wanted to do away with the impression which generally exists +that the Southern States are very unhealthy.</p> + +<p>Mr. <span class="smcap">Pugh</span>. I have no doubt that what you state is +true as a general fact.</p> + +<p>The <span class="smcap">Witness</span>. Now, to bear out the assertion which I +made that the prosperity of the negroes began to increase +with the cessation of race issues in the South, which has +been so apparent to me that I can almost mark the time that +it began, look at the cotton crop that is being made to a +great extent by small farmers; look at the increase of the +cotton crop in the different States in the last few years. +For instance, take Georgia: in 1870 she made 473,934 bales +of cotton; in 1880 she made 814,441, an increase of 75 per +cent. Alabama in 1870 produced 429,482 bales; and in 1880 +699,654, an increase of 62 per cent. Mississippi in 1870 +produced 564,938 bales; in 1880 she produced 955,808 bales, +an increase of 69 per cent.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 166]<a name="Page_166" id="Page_166"></a></span></p> + +<p>Here is a very significant fact also with regard to the +condition of our laborers in the South, and it shows one of +the disadvantages we have had to labor under. During the +war, and from the results of the war, nearly all of our live +stock was destroyed, a great portion of it was destroyed, +which left us after the war without the means of raising our +own meat and such supplies at home, and took away from the +South a great portion of our wealth, for we know that +cattle, hogs &c., increase in arithmetical progress. If you +have a hog, this year she bears so many pigs, and in a +couple of years those pigs bear so many, and so on. But we +were left without live stock. I have here a table which +shows, even under those difficulties, the increase in that +respect in the Southern States of live stock. These are very +significant figures. It is entirely an accident that I +happened to get hold of them last night. The live stock of +New York in 1870 was 5,286,421; in 1880, 5,422,238, an +increase of 2 per cent. In Pennsylvania it was 4,484,748 in +1870; in 1880, 5,255,204, an increase of 17 per cent. In +Georgia, in 1870, it was 2,275,137; in 1880, 3,139,101, an +increase of 38 per cent. In Alabama it was 1,606,299 in +1870, and in 1880, 2,586,221, an increase of 61 per cent, +and in Mississippi, in 1870, it was 1,724,295, and in 1880, +2,398,334, an increase of 38 per cent. This shows that with +all the disadvantages the South had to contend with of their +stock cattle being destroyed, the natural advantages of +climate and pasturage, to which I attribute it, existing in +the South have enabled them to increase more rapidly their +live stock than any other of the States of the Union. That +shows clearly the advantages which that country offers for +immigration and labor. This is an advantage to labor. As I +stated in my written reply to your submitted questions, we +work but few white laborers in my section of the country. +Why? Because they soon become land-owners with the +opportunities which present themselves to them. The white +men will not be there more than two or three years before he +has bought and paid for his land in almost every instance.</p> + +<p>By the <span class="smcap">Chairman</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. And he becomes an employer himself? </p> +<p class="A">—A. He becomes an +employer himself.</p> + +<p>Q. Does he usually locate upon the plantation lands along +the rivers? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; he cannot buy this land, because +the planter would not divide a large plantation into tracts; +he would not sell off a portion of his land without selling +the whole.</p> + +<p>Q. In how large tracts are the plantations held? Just +mention the <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 167]<a name="Page_167" id="Page_167"></a></span>acreage of some of them that you are acquainted +with. </p> +<p class="A">—A. I would say variously from 500 to 2,500 acres in +cultivation.</p> + +<p>Q. How valuable are these plantations per acre? </p> +<p class="A">—A. That is +a question which cannot be answered definitely except in +this way: where a planter owns the land, and he is out of +debt, the land is not for sale, because he cannot invest his +money in anything that is so profitable; but where a +planter's property is mortgaged, and the mortgagee wants to +foreclose and will foreclose, and there is not in that +country the money which the planter can borrow to relieve +himself of his indebtedness, he will probably sell his land +at a small excess of his debt in order to save something. +You see there is a want of capital in that country, and if a +planter is involved, as many planters are and have been ever +since the war, he must do the best he can. There are many +planters in that country who are nothing but agents of the +factors, from the fact that the interest and commissions +they pay upon the debt amount to more than the rent for the +property, and they hold on to it as a home. Therefore, a +planter in that condition will sell at a nominal price, +whereas a plantation owned and paid for is not for sale.</p> + +<p>By Mr. <span class="smcap">Pugh</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. There is really no established market price? </p> +<p class="A">—A. None at +all, owing to the necessity of the one to sell and the +desire of another to buy.</p> + +<p>By the <span class="smcap">Chairman</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. At what rates per acre have you known the title to change +in some instances? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I have known lands to be bought +there, including woodlands and cleared lands, at from $20 to +$25 an acre, which would be, say, $40 or $50 an acre for the +cleared land, and I have known other planters to refuse $80 +an acre, cash.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you think that $80 or $100 per acre would be a +reasonable price for these plantation lands? </p> +<p class="A">—A. They sold +before the war for $120 an acre.</p> + +<p>By Mr. <span class="smcap">Call</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. You are speaking now of the alluvial lands? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I am +speaking of the alluvial lands on the Mississippi River, +cleared, ready for cultivation, with the improvements +existing upon them.</p> + +<p>By the <span class="smcap">Chairman</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. Improved plantations? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 168]<a name="Page_168" id="Page_168"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. Upon what price per acre do you think those lands would +pay, one year with another, an interest of 6 per cent? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +I will best answer that question by the figures of rents +which I have given. The rent, without any responsibility +attached to the proprietor at all, is from $8 to $10 an +acre.</p> + +<p>Q. In money? </p> +<p class="A">—A. In money. I will say further that I have +been living in that country since 1869, and I have never yet +known a year when there has not been a sufficient crop made +to pay the rent, without a single exception.</p> + +<p>By Mr. <span class="smcap">Call</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. What is left to the tenant after he pays this $10 an +acre? </p> +<p class="A">—A. That land produces on an average 400 pounds of +lint cotton to the acre, which at 10 cents a pound is $40.</p> + +<p>By the <span class="smcap">Chairman</span>:</p> + +<p>Q. To what extent is Northern capital availing itself of +opportunity to invest in these plantations? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I might say +it is limited.</p> + +<p>Q. From what fact does that arise? </p> +<p class="A">—A. From the fact that +the safety of investments there is just becoming apparent to +capitalists. Capitalists up to this time have been afraid to +go to the South, owing to the disturbed condition of affairs +politically and this very race-issue question. A man does +not want to carry his money down there and put it into a +country that might be involved in riots and disturbances. +Those questions are now just beginning to settle themselves, +and capital is beginning to find its way.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you anticipate in the near or remote future any +further difficulty from the race question? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Not at all, +and if we are left to ourselves things will very soon +equalize themselves.</p> + +<p>Q. You are left to yourselves now, are you not? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We are +now.</p> + +<p>Q. All you ask is to continue to be let alone? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Just to +be let alone. The South, with her natural resources and +advantages of climate and soil, feels that she is perfectly +able to take care of herself and her affairs, and all she +wants is that the legislation of the country, both Federal +and State, should be that which will mete out justice to all +her citizens, colored as well as white.</p> + +<p>Q. Does the South feel as though all she had got to do was +to take care of herself, or does she feel a little +responsibility for the other section of the country? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +She feels, more immediately now, responsibility for that +section, for this reason, that the negro population of the +South, compared with the white population of the South, +might be a dangerous element, but <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 169]<a name="Page_169" id="Page_169"></a></span>the negro population, +compared with the whole white population of the United +States as an integral body, sinks into insignificance. +Therefore, the forces which are at work in the South today +make us strongly Union. They are directly contrary to what +were existing before the war, and there are no people in +this Government today who have the same interest in the +Federal Union that the people of the Southern States have, +and they appreciate it.</p> + +<p>Q. You feel that it is to your advantage that the negro +population should be dealt with by the forty or fifty +millions of whites, that the races should be balanced in +that proportion rather than in the proportion that exists +between them and the white population of the South alone? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. The central idea of the South is a national idea, then? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. The central idea of the South is more a national idea +now than it has been in this respect.</p> + +<p>Q. I would use the word "leading" rather than "central" +there—the leading idea? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We, of course, claim that we +want to manage the internal affairs of our States just as +much as New York, or New Hampshire, or Massachusetts would +want to manage theirs, but that it is necessary for us to +have the guidance and protection of the Government: we want +it just as much as either of those States.</p> + +<p>Q. Have you traveled considerably through the North? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +have.</p> + +<p>Q. What portions of the North have you visited within the +last few years? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I have visited Philadelphia, New York, +Boston, Hartford, and I might say a number of other points +in the States of which they are the chief cities.</p> + +<p>Q. While we are speaking of this matter of reciprocal +feeling between the sections of country, as you have +mentioned the attitude of the South, I should like to know +from you, from your personal observation and knowledge, what +you find to be that of the North toward the South? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +think it is of the kindliest character. I have never in my +life been treated with more consideration than I have been +by gentlemen in the East who were most opposed to the South +during the war.</p> + +<p>Q. I do not refer simply to personal courtesy, but I mean +the expression of feeling as between the sections, the +general tendency and drift of Northern feeling towards the +Southern portions of the country, to the people of the +South? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I think, so far as I have been able to observe, +that the feeling in the East towards the South is a general +anxiety for her prosperity. I would go so far as to speak of +it as anxiety for her prosperity.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 170]<a name="Page_170" id="Page_170"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. You think the war of sections is pretty much over? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +think it is obliterated, and for that reason I go back to +this point, that our prosperity in the South has begun.</p> + +<p>Q. You have described with some minuteness the condition of +things among the planters and those who work upon the +plantations. I should like to ask this question further, +whether any of the negroes along the alluvial bottoms are +obtaining ownership of lands in fee-simple? </p> +<p class="A">—A. In very few +instances in the alluvial lands. When they make enough money +to buy a home they generally go to the hill country, where +land can be bought at a much more reasonable price.</p> + +<p>Q. With what amount of accumulation will a negro get up and +go to the hills? </p> +<p class="A">—A. There are negroes right in my section +of the country who have an accumulation clear of all +expenses of from a thousand to $3,500 a year.</p> + +<p>Q. Do they remain or do they go and buy homesteads for +themselves? </p> +<p class="A">—A. They probably remain until they accumulate +a few thousand dollars, and then go and buy a home. We +encourage it, from the fact that we want the others behind +to be stimulated to do the same thing. I will say in that +connection that the future of the negro of the South is the +alluvial lands.</p> + +<p>Q. These plantations? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Not only these plantations +particularly. What I mean by alluvial lands are the alluvial +lands on the coast and the alluvial lands of the Mississippi +Valley, the rich lands where the negro relies on his own +energy and exertion rather than on his brains. There is an +immigration coming into the older States now.</p> + +<p>Q. The older Southern States? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The older Southern +States. As they come in the negroes gradually give way and +go to the richer lands. For instance, one railroad last year +brought into the Mississippi Valley over 10,000 negro +immigrants.</p> + +<p>Q. From what States? </p> +<p class="A">—A. From the Atlantic and Gulf States.</p> + +<p>Q. What became of them? </p> +<p class="A">—A. They were scattered along the +alluvial lands of the Mississippi Valley. As the negroes of +the Mississippi Valley either immigrate from that valley and +go in different directions and buy land, the planters of the +Mississippi Valley send out to the older States and replace +them with labor from those States. A negro in the older +States, probably, to make his support would have to +cultivate 15 or 20 acres of land, whereas a negro in the +Mississippi Valley can make his support on 8 or 10 acres of +land.</p> + +<p>Q. Will this result in the ownership of the alluvial lands +being transferred to the negro? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; because as he +makes money he goes off.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 171]<a name="Page_171" id="Page_171"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. He is a Chinese immigrant? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I mean by "goes off" he +does not go out of the State, but he goes to the hills.</p> + +<p>Q. And to smaller ownerships? </p> +<p class="A">—A. To smaller ownerships.</p> + +<p>Q. And the aim of the Southern planter is to accommodate +this tendency of things to smaller rentings? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you think a plantation is more productive where, under +a general supervision by the planter or the owner, it is let +out in small sections to the negroes to cultivate, or is it +better to cultivate the plantation as a whole? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It is +better to let it out, as I stated in my written answers. The +cotton crop of this country is being raised to such an +extent by the small white farmers that the large planter can +no longer afford to hire and compete with that class of +labor who only expend their own energy; consequently the +tendency is to make farmers of the negroes.</p> + +<p>Q. What chance is there of the planter securing white labor +to carry on these plantations? </p> +<p class="A">—A. There is such a small +proportion of white labor in the South that it would be +difficult for him to find them, and the tide of foreign +immigration is just beginning to be turned in that +direction. There has been a prejudice against white +emigrants going to the South, on account of going among the +negroes.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you think that is diminishing? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Diminishing +yearly.</p> + +<p>Q. You mean that immigration from Europe is being employed +on the plantations? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Not exactly upon the large cotton +plantations, but the smaller plantations are now being +converted into farms. For instance, there has been a large +immigration of European emigrants into that section of the +country between Little Rock and Fort Smith.</p> + +<p>Q. Do they, upon these farm or small plantations being +converted into farms, work in companionship with the negro +laborer? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No; they generally buy the land and work it +themselves; they may hire a negro and work with him; they +are laborers themselves.</p> + +<p>Q. Is there any tendency among the white and colored +laborers of any class to work in companionship, or to +fraternize at all in labor? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I cannot say that there is. +A white man would not take a negro in as a partner to work +with him in the field.</p> + +<p>Q. And will a white man find any difficulty in hiring +another white man and negro to work together side by side in +the field? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; I have them myself working side by +side.</p> + +<p>Q. There is no prejudice of that kind? </p> +<p class="A">—A. None at all.</p> + +<p>Q. No white man inquires whether he can work by himself or +is to work in company with a negro? Do they exhibit any +reluctance to work in company with the negro? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The class +of white people that work in <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 172]<a name="Page_172" id="Page_172"></a></span>our country for wages comes +from Ohio, and Missouri, and Indiana, and that section of +country, and I find there is some prejudice among that class +of people sometimes, but still there are instances—as I +say, I have men from Indiana now myself hired working right +in a gang with negroes.</p> + +<p>Q. There is no strong tendency in that way, I suppose? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +No strong tendency in that way. There are no white laborers +from the South proper; at least the number we can hire for +wages is so small that it is not sufficient to call it a +class.</p> + +<p>Q. In the Southern States proper about two thirds of the +population is white, is it not? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I do not recollect. +According to the census returns I think there are about +seven millions of negroes. The census would give the exact +statement.</p> + +<p>Q. Not far from two thirds of the population, I think, is +white. In the Gulf States proper at least one half the +population must be white. In what way is the white laboring +population of the South employed? </p> +<p class="A">—A. They are employed as +small farmers nearly almost entirely.</p> + +<p>Q. Not to as great extent as mechanics and artisans? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +suppose there is a liberal proportion of them to the +population; we have to have our artisans and mechanics; but +as a rule the white population of the South are small +farmers, either owners of the land themselves or tenants.</p> + +<p>Q. How as to their material prosperity and thrift and +saving? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It varies very much. For instance, take the +State of Georgia—and I believe it is admitted that Georgia +is one of the most thrifty and prosperous of all the +Southern States—I think the small farmers are generally +self-sustaining; they raise their own supplies.</p> + +<p>Q. Do these small white farmers employ negro help to any +extent? </p> +<p class="A">—A. To a certain extent. If a man has more land +than his family can work he will hire a negro laborer. There +is no prejudice against his doing so either on the part of +the farmer hiring him or the negro hired.</p> + +<p>Q. He may hire some white and other colored laborers, I +suppose? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. Do they work together? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. How in regard to the value of the hill lands you have +spoken of in the State of Arkansas; as compared with the +alluvial, what is the difference in value? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It is very +great. There are farms in Arkansas that can be bought, +partially cleared up, and with some improvements upon them, +for from $5 to $20 an acre, less than the rent of fair lands +on the river. There is no finer section of country in the +world—I say that unhesitatingly—for a foreign immigrant, +or the immigrant from the East, or from anywhere, than is +afforded to-day in Arkansas and Texas.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 173]<a name="Page_173" id="Page_173"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. And political disturbances are at an end? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We +apprehend nothing at all; there is no reason why we should.</p> + +<p>Q. You were speaking of the necessity of the education of +the laborer of the South, the negro especially. Will you not +describe to us the actual condition of the masses of the +colored people in the matter of education, to what extent it +has progressed, and what facilities and opportunities exist, +and what additional are required? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It varies in +different sections. For instance, Georgia, and Tennessee are +probably ahead of any of the Southern States in point of +educating the colored people; they have more facilities; +they have negro primary schools and colleges where a man is +educated. The education that I was speaking of, more +particularly for the negro, is a plain English education, +sufficient to enable him to read and write.</p> + +<p>Q. What we call up North a common school education? </p> +<p class="A">—A. A +common school education. I will illustrate that. Suppose a +negro comes to me to make a contract that I have written for +him, and he cannot read or write. I offer that contract to +him, and I read it to him. He touches a pen and signs his +mark to it; there is no obligation attached at all. He says +at once, "That man is an educated man; he has the advantage +of me; he shows me that contract; I do not know what is in +it; I cannot even read it." Therefore a contract made with a +negro in that way is almost a nullity; but if he could read +that contract himself and sign his own name to it, it would +be a very different thing. I never allow a negro to sign a +written contract with me before he has taken it home with +him and had some friend to read it over and consult with him +about it, because I want some obligation attached to my +contracts.</p> + +<p>Q. It is necessary for you as well as the negro? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +Necessary for my protection as well as his.</p> + +<p>Q. How many of the negroes on the plantations can comprehend +a written contract by reading it, because a man may be +somewhat educated and not be able to decipher a contract? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I cannot give you an exact proportion, for it varies to +a great extent. I can only say that that number is +increasing rapidly.</p> + +<p>Q. From what circumstances comes this increase? </p> +<p class="A">—A. From +their desire to gain knowledge.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you find that desire strong among the colored people? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Very strong indeed; and there are two ideas which a +negro possesses that give me great hopes for his future. If +I did not believe the negro was capable of sufficient +development to make him a responsible small farmer, I should +not want to remain in the business that I am any longer, +because<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 174]<a name="Page_174" id="Page_174"></a></span> I believe that the development of my business is +necessarily based upon the development of the negro and the +cultivation of my lands. The negro possesses two remarkable +qualifications: one is that he is imitative, and the other +is that he has got pride; he wants to dress well; he wants +to do as well as anybody else does when you get him aroused, +and with these two qualifications I have very great hopes +for him in the future.</p> + +<p>Q. What do you think of his intellectual and moral qualities +and his capacity for development? </p> +<p class="A">—A. There are individual +instances I know of where negroes have received and taken a +good education. As a class, it would probably be several +generations, at any rate, before they would be able to +compete with the Caucasian. I believe that the negro is +capable of receiving an ordinary English education, and +there are instances where they enter professions and become +good lawyers. For instance, I know in the town of +Greenville, Miss., right across the river from me, a negro +attorney, who is a very intelligent man, and I heard one of +the leading attorneys in Greenville say he would almost have +anybody on the opposite side of a case rather than he would +that negro. The sheriff of my county is from Ohio, and a +negro, he is a man whom we all support in his office. We are +anxious that the negroes should have a fair representation. +For instance, you ask for the feeling existing between the +proprietor and the negroes. The probate judge of my county +is a negro and one of my tenants, and I am here now in New +York attending to important business for my county as an +appointee of that man. He has upon him the responsibilities +of all estates in the county; he is probate judge.</p> + +<p>Q. Is he a capable man? </p> +<p class="A">—A. A very capable man, and an +excellent, good man, and a very just one.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you see any reason why, with fair opportunities +assured to himself and to his children, he may not become a +useful and competent, American citizen? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We already +consider him so.</p> + +<p>Q. The question is settled? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I thought you were speaking +personally of the man I referred to.</p> + +<p>Q. No; I was speaking of the negro generally—the negro +race. </p> +<p class="A">—A. Let me understand your question exactly.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you see any reason why the negroes, as a component +part of the American population, may not, with a fair +chance, come to be useful, industrious, and competent to the +discharge of the duties of citizenship? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I think they +may as a class, but it will take probably generations for +them to arrive at that standard.</p> + +<p>Q. It has taken us generations to arrive at the standard, +has it not? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 175]<a name="Page_175" id="Page_175"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. There is some talk about our ancestors having been +pirates, I believe. Now, will you state to us what the +existing facilities for education are among the negroes? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I can only speak as regards Arkansas. Of course I do +not know much of the other States. In Arkansas we have in +each county a school board. These boards examine and employ +teachers. We are taxed for a school fund, from which these +teachers are paid.</p> + +<p>Q. What proportion of the colored children attend school, do +you think? </p> +<p class="A">—A. On my own property there are five schools, +and I think the larger portion, I might say nearly all that +are capable of going to school, do go to school.</p> + +<p>Q. How many children are there on your own property? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +could scarcely form an idea.</p> + +<p>Q. There are five schools? </p> +<p class="A">—A. There are five schools, and +I should suppose from 300 to 500 children.</p> + +<p>Q. Those are educated in public schools? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. I understand you to say that nearly all of them attend? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. For how long a time each year is school kept open? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +The schools extend all the year except vacation, I think, +which is about three months; but a number of the negroes +will withdraw their children from school during +cotton-picking season, to help them pick the crop.</p> + +<p>Q. Between what ages do they actually attend school? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +From 6 to 19. I know a great many of them who are going to +school who are 17, 18, and 19, who can just begin to read +and write a little.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you find any inclination among the older negroes who +are past school age to endeavor to read and write? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Not +very much, but they are anxious their children should, and +appeal to them. In almost every instance where a man has a +child who can read and write, he will bring him along with +him when he makes a contract. They are very proud of their +children being able to read and write.</p> + +<p>Q. Are they satisfied, as a rule, with their simply becoming +able to read and write, or do they like to have them make a +little further progress in mathematics, geography, &c.? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +As a class they look to them simply to read and write. They +think when they have got that far they know everything; but +then there are certain ones who have ambition, just as it is +with our own race. There are some men who have tastes for +literature, and receive a better education than others do, +but it is not the same proportion of the negro race of +course that it is with our own. There are instances where +negroes are also anxious to obtain a collegiate education, +and become school teachers.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 176]<a name="Page_176" id="Page_176"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. I do not know that you are able to state to what extent +they actually attend school in the hill districts? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I am +not.</p> + +<p>Q. You speak both of your own plantation and of other +plantations as well as your own in that regard? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I am +speaking of the alluvial lands along the Mississippi River.</p> + +<p>Q. In Arkansas? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Not only in Arkansas, but in Louisiana +and Mississippi; I will say the alluvial lands on the +Mississippi River between Memphis and Vicksburg.</p> + +<p>Q. Are the negroes on those lands generally having the same +opportunities for education that they do on your plantation? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Oh, yes, sir; there is a common school system.</p> + +<p>Q. And it is as prevalent in Louisiana and Mississippi as in +Arkansas? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I think it is.</p> + +<p>Q. What is the nativity of those teachers, as a rule? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +They are generally colored people from either the East or +the Northwest. There are some white teachers, but very few.</p> + +<p>Q. Are any of the white teachers Southern in birth? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +There is not a white teacher on my own property; they are +all colored teachers on my own property. The proportion of +white teachers is very small.</p> + +<p>Q. How much do these colored teachers themselves know? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +Some of them are remarkably well educated.</p> + +<p>Q. And generally earnestly devoted to their work? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +Perfectly so.</p> + +<p>Q. Or is it simply to get their money? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No; I think some +of them really have a desire to see their scholars advance.</p> + +<p>Q. Some pride in their race, to have them get on, I suppose? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I think there is a certain pride in that respect; and, +again, they want to gain a reputation as teachers.</p> + +<p>Q. What compensation does a teacher get? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I think about +from $50 to $100 a month.</p> + +<p>Q. Do they pay their own expenses, board and shelter? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +Yes, sir; but board is cheap, merely nominal.</p> + +<p>Q. About what amount? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I should say these teachers can +get board for $10 a month.</p> + +<p>Q. Is the cost of clothing in your part of the country about +the same as here? </p> +<p class="A">—A. This is our market.</p> + +<p>Q. You buy the ready-made clothing largely for the +population in general, I suppose? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We buy both +ready-made clothing and cloth to make up.</p> + +<p>Q. I suppose the colored population hardly buy custom goods? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. A great many of them buy the cloth, and some of their +women are as good <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 177]<a name="Page_177" id="Page_177"></a></span>tailoresses as you would find anywhere. +They buy the cloth and make it up themselves.</p> + +<p>Q. That must bring a suit of clothes pretty cheap in a +colored family; they really expend nothing but buy the cloth +themselves? </p> +<p class="A">—A. They sell very good jeans cloth there at 35 +or 40 cents a yard; they generally wear jeans.</p> + +<p>Q. All seasons of the year? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Generally in all seasons of +the year. In the summer time a laboring man hardly ever +wears a coat at all.</p> + +<p>Q. What do you think an average colored Southern laborer +expends per annum for his clothing, say the head of the +family, the man—what does it cost him for clothing a year? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I cannot give you a definite answer. I will only say +that we who are the producers of cotton are very glad to see +them get in a prosperous condition in order that there may +be more consumption, and when a man is prosperous he will +buy two suits of clothes, where if he is not prosperous he +will make one do.</p> + +<p>Q. We have had a good deal of testimony as to what it +actually costs a Northern laborer a year for clothing. I +have no desire to show that any laborers dress cheaply or +poorly; I merely want to get an idea of the relative cost of +the laboring man living North or South, in the item of +clothing? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I can sell and do sell a man a pair of jeans +pants and a coat from $7 to $12 per suit.</p> + +<p>Q. How many suits will he want in a year? </p> +<p class="A">—A. That will +depend on his condition and his ability to pay me. If he is +a prosperous man and beginning to accumulate he will make +one do. Whenever a negro begins to accumulate he goes to +extremes; he does not want to buy anything; he wants to +accumulate rapidly. Where a man is not doing so well, and +there is little doubt of his ability to pay, he would +probably want several suits; but I would confine him to one +or two.</p> + +<p>Q. The same is true, I suppose, of his wife and children? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. But you look on the matter of clothing as a much less +expensive item in the laborer's account in your country than +here in the North where the climate is colder, I suppose? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir. What absorbs the profit of the laborers with +us is their want of providence; that is, if they get surplus +money they throw it away for useless articles.</p> + +<p>Q. It has been suggested that a postal savings bank might be +a good thing as a place of deposit of the savings of the +colored population of the South; they might feel some +confidence in an institution of that kind, and that it would +be a beneficial thing to them. What is your own judgment? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I advocate it and approve it, and indeed propose to +start a savings bank in our own neighborhood. In this +connection I will mention another <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 178]<a name="Page_178" id="Page_178"></a></span>important feature. In the +Mississippi Valley—and when I speak of the Mississippi +Valley I mean both sides of the river, Arkansas and +Louisiana on one side and Mississippi on the other—there +are numbers of negroes who have considerable accumulations +and use their surplus to advance to other negroes. For +instance, there are negroes right on our property who have +accumulated enough to help out certain others, as they +express it, and they use their money as an investment in +that way. For instance one negro who has got something will +advance it to another negro and take a mortgage on his crop. +Consequently there are numbers of them who are getting +advances from their co-laborers, and I always give them that +opportunity when they want it. My idea of the adjustment in +the Mississippi Valley, seeing what I can make from the +mercantile portion of my business, is that it is simply my +revenue that I get from the rent of my land as an investment +on my capital; and whenever a negro can get his own merchant +in New Orleans—a number of them have very good factors in +New Orleans and ship their cotton direct—I encourage it. +When one negro wants to help out another, I give him the +privilege of doing it and encourage it. There are several +negroes, a great many, not a few in Chicot County to-day who +have their own factors in New Orleans, ship their own goods, +and receive their own accounts of sales.</p> + +<p>Q. They are not owners of alluvial lands? </p> +<p class="A">—A. They are not +owners at all; they are tenants.</p> + +<p>Q. I suppose some time they will be liable to make some +accumulations, and they will now and then own a plantation? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I do know of one instance on the river below Vicksburg +where the old property of Mr. Davis was bought by a former +slave of his.</p> + +<p>Q. Is that the only instance? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The only instance I know +of.</p> + +<p>Q. One question we have been accustomed to put is as to the +actual personal feeling that exists between the laborers and +capitalists of different parts of the country. What is the +feeling between the laborers, colored and white, and the +owners of the land and of capital at the South? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +confine my replies to my own section, because I am not +familiar with the others. I have answered that question in +the written answers. The feeling is harmonious and good, as +I have expressed it there. The negro naturally looks to the +planter for advice and for assistance, and the planter looks +to his laborers for the development of his property. +Consequently their interests are identical and their +feelings good.</p> + +<p>Q. You have alluded once or twice to the pressure of +outside, and I suppose Northern, opinion; I assume that you +mean political opinion in the past and the desirability that +it should cease. What is the fact as to a <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 179]<a name="Page_179" id="Page_179"></a></span>progressive +disintegration of the solid Republican or solid negro vote +of the South? What are the chances of its dividing, and of +the white vote dividing? We hear now of a "solid South," +colored on the one side and white on the other. What +prospect is there of a division in that regard; to what +extent does it exist, or is it going on? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The negroes of +the South are already divided in their votes. There are a +great many who vote with the proprietors of the properties. +There are instances where they vote with what they call +their Republican friends. A few years ago in the South any +man who was an escaped convict from one of your +penitentiaries here who would come down to that country and +tell the negroes that he was one of General Grant's +soldiers, and fought to free him, would vote the last one +out; but any of those negroes would come to me at that very +time with his money and get me to save it for him, and take +care of it for him. He would put all his confidence in me so +far as his money was concerned, but when it would come to +politics he would vote with this man, who probably did not +own the coat he had on his back. Those kind of inferences +were what did do us in the South very material damage. Let +me illustrate that by a riot in my own county. In Chicot +County, in 1872, there was a proposition to impose upon the +county a railroad tax of $250,000 for the purpose of +building a railroad.</p> + +<p>Q. What proportion of the taxable property of the county +would that have been? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Our whole assessed valuation was +about $1,500,000 at that time. This was brought out by a +promise that if the appropriation was made, the levees on +our river should be built and this road would run on the +levees. At that time the whole of the local government in +Chicot County was in the hands of men who did not own any +property in the county, and had just come down there and +been elected by the negroes, who have a very large majority +in that county. This tax was a very great imposition upon +us. At that time there was a negro attorney at Lake Village, +who was one of the prime movers in this thing. The planters +knew that this was only intended as a speculation upon the +county, for the vote was afterwards taken, the appropriation +was made, and not one foot of levee was put up, and not one +foot of that railroad was built in Chicot County. Still we +are mandamused now for the interest on that debt that was +put on us by that kind of influence. One of our planters was +remonstrating with this negro attorney about this debt and +told him it was an imposition on the property owners, and +that the thing ought not to be done, when the man became +violent and insolent, and it resulted in a difficulty +between this planter and the negro. The planter had a little +pen-knife in his pocket, the blade not longer than my little +finger; he <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 180]<a name="Page_180" id="Page_180"></a></span>struck the negro with it and it happened +accidentally to hit him on a vital point and killed him. The +sheriff of the county was a negro. The planter, with two +innocent parties in whose house this occurrence took place +at the county-seat, in Lake Village, was arrested and lodged +in jail. A few days afterwards—probably not more than two +or three—nearly every negro in the county was summoned to +Lake Village, and they rose like so many locusts, coming in +from every direction, took those three men out of jail shot +them to pieces, murdered them. It was such an outrage that +the people from Memphis and Vicksburg and from the hill +countries, commenced to come in there with companies, +started down with companies. On investigation we found out +that the sheriff of the county had exercised his authority +to send out to the ignorant negroes of the county and summon +them to the village, and these fellows went because they +were afraid not to obey the mandate of the sheriff. At that +time feeling was running very high, and these people were +anxious to come in and quell this riot, but a few of us who +were more prudent, a few of the leading planters of the +county, got together, sent these different companies word +not to come there, that we did not want them in the county; +some of the companies were already on their way to Chicot +County, thinking the people there were going to be +massacred. A great many of our people had to run away from +their homes for several days; but we took the ground that we +would let the thing take its natural course. As soon as +things quieted down, which they did so partially in three or +four days, some of our gentlemen who had gone off with their +families returned, and it resulted in our arresting a few of +the ringleaders in the county. The courts and the +administration were all at that time in the hands of persons +not identified with the interests of the county, and it was +impossible for us to get justice meted out. We saved a +massacre of the negroes of the county, but we never could +bring those men to any kind of punishment before the courts, +and finally we came to a compromise with them, that if they +would leave the county we would withdraw the suit against +them, and that was the way the thing was ended. Now, I do +not believe you could get up a riot in Chicot County because +I think there are many intelligent negroes there who would +not permit it. Those are the kind of race issues that I +referred to. Relieve us of that sort of thing, and leave our +government to ourselves and our people, and give to the +negro the same protection the white man has, but do not give +him any more. Do not let him feel that he has the United +States Government standing behind him, and that he is the +child of the United States Government to be taken care of, +but that he must rely on his own <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 181]<a name="Page_181" id="Page_181"></a></span>resources and energy for +his living, and time will solve the question, and the demand +for his labor will protect him.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you find that the feeling among the negroes which +resulted in the exodus of a few years ago has been allayed +and perhaps has disappeared? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I will tell you something +that is rather amusing about that. The first that I heard of +a negro exodus in my section of the country—it was to +Kansas—was my manager coming into my room one morning and +saying that the negroes were going out to the river to go to +Kansas. I said, "It is several miles to the river; how are +they going?" Said he, "They are toting their things out on +their heads." Said I, "Go right at once there and offer them +the wagons on the plantation to haul the things. What is the +matter?" Said he, "I don't know; I went out this morning and +summoned the hands to the field, but they say they are all +going to Kansas." I got on my horse and rode out and met a +negro who had been my engineer. I said to him, "What is the +matter, where are you all going?" He stopped right on the +road and said, "Mr. Calhoun, you never have deceived me, and +I am going to tell you what is the matter. There were two +men came through here last week, one night, and said 'You +see this picture?' There is a picture of a farm in Kansas +for me that General Grant has bought out there for me. That +is so because my name is on the back of it, and here is my +ticket; that carries me to Kansas." Said I, "Let me see it." +He showed me a piece of pasteboard that had printed on it +"Good for one trip to Kansas." Said I, "What did you pay him +for this?" He said, "We paid him $2 a piece." "How many of +you are in this thing?" "Over eighty of us are in this +thing." Said I, "That man then swindled you out of $160; he +is an imposter; there is no farm bought for you in Kansas." +I saw that the time for me to remonstrate with them was not +then; they were on their way to the Mississippi River, and I +let them all go. After they got out there I went and +expostulated with them; told them of the difference in +climate, soil, and everything else that they were accustomed +to, and that if they went there many of them would lose +their families and children. They would not listen to me. +They went on to the river bank, and those negroes who went +out there owed me over $109,000.</p> + +<p>Q. How many of them were there? Eighty I think you said? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. There were 80, I think. Once, I suppose, there were 150 +negroes, perhaps more, on the bank of the river. They were +not at a regular landing. They went out to the intermediate +points where a boat would not be compelled to land. We +notified all the boats coming up the river not to land at +this point. I did not want these negroes to go off, being +satisfied that they were <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 182]<a name="Page_182" id="Page_182"></a></span>going to their ruin if they did; +that they were leaving comfortable homes; many of them had +sold their mules or given them away at a mere sacrifice. One +negro sold a mule worth $150 for $15 to get off. They opened +their potato-houses, they opened their corn-cribs and +scattered the corn, giving it away to everybody that would +offer them five cents a bushel. I had given two of these +people a piece of land, the productions of all of which they +were to have for bringing it into cultivation and improving +it. Knowing the negro nature as I do, and knowing that he +would not want anybody to derive the benefit of something +that he thought he was entitled to, I got two white men in +the county to come and offer me to take this piece of land +and cultivate it on shares with me, giving me one half its +product, whereas with them I was entitled to nothing. As +soon as those two fellows found out that I had made a good +bargain for their land they went back home from the river +bank, and as soon as they went back all the rest followed. +Then I called the whole plantation up and told them to +appoint two representatives and that I would send them to +Kansas at my own expense to examine into this matter and +report to them. These two men went to Kansas, came back, and +reported the true condition of affairs; and now if what they +call in that country "a poor white man"—the negro's +expression—goes through the country and says "Kansas," they +almost want to mob him. That was the result of the Kansas +movement.</p> + +<p>Q. What has become of those who went to Kansas? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Many of +them have returned and many have died; numbers of them have +died. Quite a large number went to Washington County +Mississippi, just opposite me.</p> + +<p>Q. From time to time, at Washington, efforts are being made +to secure public lands in the Territories, the Indian +Territory and elsewhere, for the purpose of colonizing such +tracts with negroes. Do you think there is any sort of +occasion for that? </p> +<p class="A">—A. None in the world. If the alluvial +lands on the Mississippi River were protected from overflow +and brought into a condition where they could be cultivated +they would afford all the homes, and of the best character, +that the negroes could possibly want in the South, and the +natural tendency is to come to just such lands.</p> + +<p>Q. And the negroes prefer to be there to anywhere else? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +Those that come, I notice, never go back.</p> + +<p>Q. You suggested the improvement of the levees. What is the +necessity, and in what degree is it difficult for those +residing along the river banks to protect themselves? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +am the president of the levee board of Chicot County. The +plan which has been suggested by the Mississippi River +Commission and Mr. Eads, as their chief engineer, is +unquestionably the correct one for the improvement of the +Mississippi River. We <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 183]<a name="Page_183" id="Page_183"></a></span>know this not only from theory, but +from long experience with the river, those of us who have +lived there. The Mississippi River being, as it is generally +termed, the "Father of Waters," and passing through several +States, it is almost a national system, and it would be +impossible for any system to be adopted by the States which +would be local. Consequently it is imperatively the duty of +the Government of the United States to take care of the +improvement of the Mississippi River. There are certain +sections of the Mississippi River that are naturally above +overflow, made so by cut-offs. The fall of the Mississippi +River is about four inches to the mile. Consequently, when +there is one of those large bends, where the river runs +around where the cut-off is, no increase of water is needed. +The fall being four inches to the mile, the lands just above +the cut-off are made higher and above overflow, whereas just +below, the lands are overflowed or become liable to +overflow. The improvement of the Mississippi River itself +for commercial purposes, as well as the protection of the +lands, is dependent upon the building of the levees, for the +levees of course confine the water within its banks, and +give not only a greater volumn of water, but greater +velocity for scouring purposes, which scours out the sand +bars that are formed continually on the river. Captain +Eads's plan of forming jetties where the banks cave, saves +this deposit, as it were, in the water, which makes the sand +bars. A mattress is put against the caving banks which +prevents the alluvial land caving into the river which forms +the sand bars below. Then the increased volumn and increased +velocity of the water wash out the channel, and improve it +for commercial purposes, answering the object of protecting +the land, and at the same time opening that immense channel +for commerce.</p> + +<p>Again, there are very important lines of railroad that are +being built up and down either bank of the Mississippi +River, and it is necessary they should be protected for +commercial purposes, as well as that the Mississippi River +should be improved for commercial purposes, and they can +only be protected by the building of levees. We who have +been on the river, and who feel that we are familiar with +it, have closely watched the course of the Commission, and I +can only say, as an expression of the opinion of the people, +that we indorse what the Commission are doing.</p> + +<p>Q. And desire still more of it? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir; it is +absolutely necessary. What has already been expended by the +Government would be absolutely useless unless additional +appropriations are made to complete the work. I would like +to call your attention to this point. The Atchafalaya, in +Louisiana, is a stream which runs from just about the mouth +of Red River into the Gulf of Mexico. The fall from the +mouth of the Atchafalaya and<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 184]<a name="Page_184" id="Page_184"></a></span> Red River to the Gulf of +Mexico is very much greater than the fall from the mouth of +Red River to the Gulf by way of New Orleans down the +Mississippi River. A few years ago the Atchafalaya was a +stream which could be waded across, but owing to the current +gradually going through it, it commenced to wash out until +now it has got to be a stream 100 feet deep.</p> + +<p>Q. Is there or not any perceptible increase or diminution of +the column of the Mississippi itself as compared with 25, or +50, or 100 years ago? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We think that our waters are +higher now than they have ever been before.</p> + +<p>Q. Greater extremes, or is there a uniform flow? </p> +<p class="A">—A. A +larger uniform flow, and it is attributed to the destruction +of the forests, though that is mere theory. One of the +arguments, at any rate, is that it is owing to the +destruction of the forests in the Northwest, which causes +more rain storms and gives a larger rainfall.</p> + +<p>Q. I have heard the idea advanced that the destruction of +the woods and timber about the headwaters would, in case of +rain, lead to a more rapid deposit in the stream, it would +not be held back by the swampy nature of the soil, and so +you might have more sudden rises and falls in the river than +formerly without the volume of water or the uniform flow +being increased or lessened? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I think—at least I have +heard it so expressed by men experienced on the river—that +the flow of the Mississippi River is greater now than it was +formerly.</p> + +<p>Q. That one year with another, more water runs down the +channel? </p> +<p class="A">—A. We can see a slight increase of the water of +the Mississippi River. I do not know how it may increase in +the future, or if it will at all, but that is the opinion of +people there now. The point I want to call your attention to +specifically is the necessity for the prevention of the +water of the Red River going down through the Atchafalaya, +for if the Atchafalaya washes out it leaves New Orleans, a +large commercial city, upon, as it were, an inland sea. The +waters which overflow from the banks of the Mississippi +River on the front of Arkansas go over into the Red River +and never come back into the Mississippi River any more +until they come out at the mouth of the Red River. Just at +the mouth of Red River, and before Red River reaches the +Mississippi, is the Atchafalaya. So that all of this +overflow water that could be kept in the Mississippi River +by building the levees on the front of Arkansas, now goes +into Red River and helps to wash out the Atchafalaya, which +will ruin the city of New Orleans if that is not prevented. +It is a very strong commercial point, for the commerce of +New Orleans is a matter to be considered in our affairs.</p><p><span class='pagenum'>[Pg 185]<a name="Page_185" id="Page_185"></a></span></p> + +<p>Q. I suppose there is no doubt that the Atchafalaya +furnishes an outlet, which relieves your plantations very +much? </p> +<p class="A">—A. No, sir; it does not affect where I live at all.</p> + +<p>Q. Below the Red River, in Louisiana, is it not a relief in +case of an overflow? </p> +<p class="A">—A. A partial relief; but in +Louisiana, when you get down that far, they pretty much have +their system of levees built, which protect the sugar +district; there are only probably a few gaps; and the +Mississippi River, when it gets that far down, does not rise +in the same proportion that it does where I live, 500 miles +above. The mouth of the Atchafalaya is 500 miles below where +I am.</p> + +<p>Q. Has this increased drainage from the Atchafalaya resulted +in any injury to the navigation of the river as far north? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. Not as yet; but if it is not stopped—the commission +realize the fact I am now telling you—if it is not checked, +the whole Mississippi River will naturally turn through the +Atchafalaya, because the fall is so much greater.</p> + +<p>Q. How do they propose to check it? </p> +<p class="A">—A. That is a matter +the commission and scientific engineers would have to +decide.</p> + +<p>Q. Can they block it at the outlet of the Red River? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +They propose to check it principally by stopping the water +from the Mississippi River that goes into the Red River. +There would in that way be an enormous quantity of water +kept out of Red River. That would be one method. What the +engineers would consider sufficient or necessary to be done, +of course I would not venture to express an opinion upon.</p> + +<p>Q. What danger is there to the large mass of capital +invested in these alluvial lands, unless something is done +to prevent the overflows of which you speak? </p> +<p class="A">—A. The lands +that are now liable to overflow are almost entirely +abandoned.</p> + +<p>Q. To how large an extent are they now abandoned? </p> +<p class="A">—A. +Taking in the whole of Mississippi Valley proper, from +Memphis down.</p> + +<p>Q. Has there been any computation or reasonable estimate +that you know of the value of those lands affected by the +overflow? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I have never heard of it; but I will say that +those lands which are liable to overflow now, if brought +into cultivation, are just as valuable as any we are +cultivating; probably more so, because they have the +alluvial deposits upon them. There is a deposit there from 3 +to 4 inches.</p> + +<p>Q. You have no idea of the extent of those lands? </p> +<p class="A">—A. I +cannot give you the proportion. I will simply say it is a +very large proportion.</p> + +<p>Q. A third, or a half, or a quarter? </p> +<p class="A">—A. More than a half. +I saw it estimated some time ago, at least I will give it as +a statement published in the <i>Planters' Journal</i>, published +in Vicksburgh, that there are thirteen <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 186]<a name="Page_186" id="Page_186"></a></span>counties on the +Mississippi River which, if all cleared up and put into +cultivation, are capable of producing the entire cotton crop +of the United States, and I have heard the question +discussed.</p> + +<p>Q. What prevents their being cleared up and put into +cultivation? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Simply the overflow.</p> + +<p>Q. Have they ever been cleared as yet? </p> +<p class="A">—A. A great portion +of them; and now destroyed because the levee system is not +complete. On these lands all the negro labor which is not +found profitable on the poorer lands in the older States, +could be made extremely profitable, not only to the +proprietors of the lands, but to the laborers themselves.</p> + +<p>Q. Do you think it would be within limit to say that one +half of the alluvial plantation lands, such as you have +described in Arkansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana, is now +practically destroyed by reason of this overflow occasioned +by the destruction of the levee system? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir.</p> + +<p>Q. At least one half? </p> +<p class="A">—A. At least one half of that which +has been in cultivation, and which can be brought into +cultivation.</p> + +<p>Q. Of that which is thus useless now, what portion has been +formerly under cultivation? </p> +<p class="A">—A. It would be impossible for +any one to form an estimate, because it is so varied.</p> + +<p>Q. The amount of land that has been improved and which is +now destroyed by reason of the overflow, you cannot state? +</p> +<p class="A">—A. I cannot state it accurately; I will state it +approximately; I should say at least one third.</p> + +<p>Q. One third of the entire amount that has been improved is +now destroyed by reason of the overflow, resulting from +imperfections in the levee system? </p> +<p class="A">—A. Yes, sir; that is +what I mean to say.</p> + +<p>Q. And of that which has not been improved but might be +improved, how much? </p> +<p class="A">—A. At least half.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p>As I have devoted some space to the general condition of labor in the +whole country, and as some of my statements and conclusions may be +looked upon as extravagant, I deem it very pertinent to add to the +appendix a portion of the testimony of Dr. R. Heber Newton, given +before Senator Blair's Committee on the "<i>Relations between Capital +and Labor</i>," in New York City, September 18, 1883 (Vol. II., p. 535). +Dr. Newton is recognized as a clear thinker and a ready writer not +only on theological but on economic <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 187]<a name="Page_187" id="Page_187"></a></span>questions as well. His testimony +on the points to which I have asked attention was as follows:</p> + +<blockquote><p class="heading smcap">A Labor Question Coming</p> + +<p>The broad fact that the United States census of 1870 +estimated the average annual income of our wage-workers at a +little over $400 per capita, and that the census of 1880 +estimates it at a little over $300 per capita, is the quite +sufficient evidence that there is a labor question coming +upon us in this country. The average wages of 1870 +indicated, after due allowance for the inclusion of women +and children, a mass of miserably paid labor—that is, of +impoverished and degraded labor. The average wages of 1880 +indicated that this mass of semi-pauperized labor is rapidly +increasing, and that its condition has become 25 per cent +worse in ten years. The shadow of the old-world +<i>proletariat</i> is thus seen to be stealing upon our shores. +It is for specialists in political economy to study this +problem in the light of the large social forces that are +working such an alarming change in our American society. In +the consensus of their ripened judgment we must look for the +authoritative solution of this problem. I am not here to +assume that role. I have no pet hobby to propose, warranted +to solve the whole problem without failure. I do not believe +there is any such specific yet out. * * *</p> + + +<p class="heading">I</p> + +<p class="heading smcap">the faults of labor</p> + +<p>Plainly, labor's fault must be found with itself.</p> + +<p>1. Leaving upon one side the class of skilled labor, a large +proportion of our wage-workers are notoriously inefficient. +In the most common tasks one has to watch the average +workingman in order to prevent his bungling a job. Hands are +worth little without some brains; as in the work done, so in +the pay won. Our labor is quite as largely +uninterested—having no more heart than brains back of the +hands. Work is done mechanically by most workingmen, with +little pride in doing it well, and little ambition to be +continually doing it better.</p> + +<p>2. There is too commonly as little sense of identity with +the employer's interests, or of concern that any equivalent +in work should be rendered for the pay received. In forms +irritating beyond expression employers are made to feel that +their employees do not in the least mind wasting their +material, injuring their property, and blocking their +business in the most critical moments. Under what possible +system, save in a grievous dearth of <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 188]<a name="Page_188" id="Page_188"></a></span>laborers, can such +labor be well off, and incompetence and indifference draw +high wages?</p> + +<p>3. Our labor is for the most part very thriftless. In the +purchase and in the preparation of food—the chief item of +expense in the workingman's family and that wherein economic +habits count for most—men and women are alike improvident. +The art of making money go the farthest in food is +comparatively unknown. Workingmen will turn up their noses +at the fare on which a Carlyle did some of the finest +literary work of our century. I remember some time ago +speaking to one of our butchers, who told me that workingmen +largely ordered some of his best cuts. Now an ample supply +of nutritious food is certainly essential for good work, +whether of the brain or of the brawn. The advance of labor +is rightly gauged, among other ways, by its increasing +consumption of wheat and meat, but the nutritiousness of +meat is not necessarily dependent upon its being from the +finest cut. I should like to see all men eating "French" +chops and porter-house steaks if they could afford it; but +when I know the average wages of our workingmen and the cost +of living on the simplest possible scale, it is discouraging +to learn such a fact as that which I have mentioned, since +all the elements of necessary sustenance can be had in so +much cheaper forms. * * *</p> + +<p>4. Labor must fault itself further, on the ground of its +lack of power of combination and of its defective methods in +combination. It has been by combination that the middle +class has arisen, and by it that capital has so wonderfully +increased. The story of the Middle Ages, familiar to us all, +is the story of the rise of the industrial class by +combination in guilds. Labor's numbers, now a hindrance, +might thus become a help. In a mob men trample upon each +other; in an army they brace each other to the charge of +victory.</p> + +<p>Trades-unions represent the one effective form of +combination won by American labor. Trades-unions need no +timid apologists. Their vindication is in the historic tale +of the successful advances which they have won for +workingmen. Called into being to defend labor against +legislation in the interests of capital, in the days when to +ask for an advance in wages led to workingmen's being thrown +into prison, they have in England led on to the brilliant +series of reforms which mark our century, as told so well in +the articles by Mr. Howell (<i>The Nineteenth Century</i> for +October, 1882) and by Mr. Harrison (<i>The Contemporary +Review</i> for October, 1883). Doubtless they have committed +plenty of follies, and are still capable of stupid tyrannies +that only succeed in handicapping labor, in alienating +capital, and in checking productivity—that is, in lessening +the sum <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 189]<a name="Page_189" id="Page_189"></a></span>total of divisible wealth. Such actions are +inevitable in the early stages of combination on the part of +uneducated men, feeling a new sense of power, and striking +blindly out in angry retaliation for real or fancied +injuries.</p> + +<p>Trades-unions are gradually, however, outgrowing their crude +methods. The attempts, such as we have seen lately, of great +corporations to break them up, is a piece of despotism which +ought to receive an indignant rebuke from the people at +large. Labor must combine, just as capital has combined, in +forming these very corporations. Labor's only way of +defending its interests as a class is through combination. +It is the abuse and not the use of trades-unions against +which resistance should be made.</p> + +<p>The chief abuse of our trades-unions has been their +concentration of attention upon the organization of strikes.</p> + +<p>Strikes seem to me in our present stage of the +"free-contract" system entirely justifiable when they are +really necessary. Workingmen have the right to combine in +affixing a price at which they wish to work. The supply of +labor and the demand for goods, in the absence of higher +considerations, will settle the question as to whether they +can get the increase. The trying features of this method of +reaching a result are incidental to our immature industrial +system. Strikes have had their part to play in the +development of that system. We note their failures and +forget their successes; but they have had their signal +success, and have won substantial advantages for labor. +Their chief service, however, has been in teaching +combination, and in showing labor the need of a better +weapon by which to act than the strike itself.</p> + +<p>The strike requires long practice and great skill to wield +it well. Practice in it is more costly than the experiments +at Woolwich. Mr. Dolles, in his new work on political +economy, gives some statistics which abundantly illustrate +the folly of strikes, although he only gives one side of the +case, namely, the losses which fall directly upon the +laborers themselves. If to these were added the losses of +capitalists, the aggregate would become colossal. In 1829 +the Manchester spinners struck, and lost $1,250,000 in wages +before the dispute was at an end. The next year their +brethren at Ashton and Stayleybridge followed their example +in striking and in losing $1,250,000. In 1833 the builders +of Manchester forfeited $360,000 by voluntary idleness. In +1836 the spinners of Preston threw away $286,000. Eighteen +years afterward their successor, seventeen thousand strong, +slowly starved through thirty-six weeks and paid $1,200,000 +for the privilege. In 1853 the English iron-workers lost +$12,000 by a strike. Such losses marked, too, the strikes of +the London builders in 1860, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 190]<a name="Page_190" id="Page_190"></a></span>and tailors in 1868, and the +northern iron-workers in 1865. The strike of the Belfast +linen-weavers, which was ended a few weeks since by the +mediation of the British Association for the Advancement of +Science, cost the operatives $1,000,000.</p> + +<p>The cost of strikes is expressible only in the aggregate of +the savings of labor consumed in idleness, of the loss to +the productivity of the country, of the disturbance of the +whole mechanism of exchange, and of the injury wrought upon +the delicate social organization by the strain thus placed +upon it. The famous Pittsburgh strike is estimated to have +cost the country ten millions of dollars. When so costly a +weapon is found to miss far more often than it hits, it is +altogether too dear. * * *</p> + +<p>Trades-unions in this country seem to me to be gravely at +fault in clinging to such an obsolete weapon. They should +have turned their attention to our modern improvement upon +this bludgeon.</p> + +<p>Arbitration is a far cheaper and more effective instrument +of adjusting differences between capital and labor—a far +more likely means of securing a fair increase of wages. It +places both sides to the controversy in an amicable mood, +and is an appeal to the reason and conscience—not wholly +dead in the most soulless corporation. It costs next to +nothing. It is already becoming a substitute for strikes in +England, where the trades-unions are adopting this new +weapon. * * *</p> + +<p>Trades-unions ought, among us, to emulate the wisdom of +European workingmen, and use their mechanism to organize +forms of association which should look not alone to winning +higher wages but to making the most of existing wages, and +ultimately to leading the wage-system into a higher +development. The provident features of the English +trades-unions are commonly overlooked, and yet it is +precisely in these provident features that their main +development has been reached. Mr. George Howell shows that a +number of societies, which he had specially studied, had +spent in thirty years upward of $19,000,000 through their +various relief-funds, and $1,369,455 only on strikes. Mr. +Harrison speaks of seven societies spending in one year +(1879) upward of $4,000,000 upon their members out of work. +He shows that seven of the great societies spent in 1882 +less than 2 per cent of their income on strikes; and states +that 99 per cent of union funds in England "have been +expended in the beneficent work of supporting workmen in bad +times, in laying by a store for bad times, and saving the +country from a crisis of destitution and strife."</p> + +<p>Trades-unions ought to be doing for our workingmen what +trades-unions have already done in England. * * * It has +been by the power of combination among the workingmen, +developed through the trades-unions, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 191]<a name="Page_191" id="Page_191"></a></span>that this long list of +beneficent legislation—factory acts, mines-regulation acts, +education acts, tenant-right acts, employers' liability +acts, acts against "truck," acts against cruelty to animals, +etc.—has been secured. It has been wrested from reluctant +parliaments by the manifestations of strength on the part of +the laboring classes. * * *</p> + +<p>Our trades unions ought to be the means of securing one of +the great necessities of labor in this country—accurate and +generally diffused information concerning the state of the +labor-market. Were there any thorough combination in +existence on the part of these unions in hard times, there +could be diffused through the great centers of labor in the +East regular reports of the labor-market in the different +local centers of the country, such as would guide workingmen +in their search for opportunities of work. * * *</p> + +<p>Another action that our labor unions might take in the +interest of the workingmen is in the development of +co-operation. The story of European co-operation is one of +the most encouraging tales of our modern industrial world. +Germany, for example, had in 1877 some 2,830 credit +societies; of which 806 reported 431,216 members; advances +for the year, in loans to their members, $375,000,000, with +a loss of one mark to every 416 thalers, or 23-4/5 cents on +every $297—an indication of soundness in their financial +operations that many capitalistic corporations might well +envy. The rapid growth of these societies is bringing the +omnipotence of credit to the aid of the workingmen in +Germany.</p> + +<p>We have within the past decade had a most encouraging growth +of a somewhat similar form of co-operation in the building +and loan associations, which are now estimated to number +probably about 8,000 in the nation, with a membership of +450,000, and an aggregated capital of $75,000,000.</p> + +<p>The co-operative stores have reached a wonderful development +in England, with most beneficent results. There were 765 +stores reporting to the congress in 1881, which showed +aggregate sales of $65,703,990, with profits of $435,000; +while Scotland reported 226 stores in the same year, +representing sales of $17,423,170, and profits of $113,665.</p> + +<p>Against this showing our workingmen have comparatively +little to offer. We have, it is true, had a great deal more +of experimenting in co-operative distribution than is +ordinarily supposed. Co-operative stores began among us +between 1830 and 1840. The Workingmen's Protective Union +developed a great many stores at this time, which together +did a business in their best days ranging from $1,000,000 to +$2,000,000 per annum. In the decade 1860-70 there was an +extensive revival of co-operative <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 192]<a name="Page_192" id="Page_192"></a></span>stores; plans for +wholesale agencies being even discussed. A few of these +earlier stores still live. Two great national orders have +arisen, seeking to build up co-operative stores, among other +aims.</p> + +<p>The Grangers had in 1876 twenty State purchasing agencies, +three of which did a business annually of $200,000, and one +of which did an annual business of $1,000,000. They claimed +to have, about the same time, five steamboat or packet +lines, fifty societies for shipping goods, thirty-two grain +elevators, twenty-two warehouses for storing goods. In 1876 +one hundred and sixty Grange stores were recorded. In he +same year it was officially stated that "local stores are in +successful operation all over the country."</p> + +<p>The Sovereigns of Industry also developed co-operative +distribution largely. In 1877 President Earle reported that +"ninety-four councils, selected from the whole, report a +membership of 7,273, and with an average capital of only +$884 did a business last year of $1,089,372.55. It is safe +to assume that the unreported sales will swell the amount to +at least $3,000,000."</p> + +<p>There have been numerous stores started apart from these +orders. The finest success won is by the Philadelphia +Industrial Co-operative Society. Starting in 1875 with one +store, it has now six stores. Its sales for the quarter +ending February 18, 1882, were $51,413.63. A considerable +increase of interest in such stores marks the opening of our +decade. Stores are starting up in various parts of the +country. The Grangers claim to have now hundreds of +co-operative stores, upon the Rochdale plan, in successful +operation. Texas reports officially (1881) seventy-five +co-operative societies connected with this order. * * *</p> + +<p>We had an epoch of brilliant enthusiasm over co-operative +agriculture in 1840-50, but little has been left from it. +One form of agricultural co-operation, a lower form, has +been astonishingly successful—the cheese-factories and +creameries. It is estimated that there are now 5,000 of them +in the country. In co-operative manufactures we have had +many experiments, but few successes, from 1849 onward. +Massachusetts reported twenty-five co-operative +manufactories in 1875. All of them, however, were small +societies.</p> + +<p>Now, co-operation has its clearly marked limitations. It is +of itself no panacea for all the ills that labor is heir to. +But it can ameliorate some of the worst of those ills. It +can effect great savings for our workingmen, and can secure +them food and other necessaries of the best quality. If +nothing further arises, the spread of co-operation may +simply induce a new form of competition between these big +societies; but no one can study the history <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 193]<a name="Page_193" id="Page_193"></a></span>of the movement +without becoming persuaded that there is a moral development +carried on which will, in some way as yet not seen to us, +lead up the organization of those societies into some higher +generalization, securing harmony. It is constantly and +rightly said that business can never dispense with that +which makes the secret of capital's success in large +industry and trade, namely, generalship. Co-operation can, +it is admitted, capitalize labor for the small industries, +in which it is capable of making workingmen their own +employers, but it is said it can never, through committees +of management, carry on large industries or trade. I can, +however, see no reason why hereafter it may not enable large +associations to hire superior directing ability at high +salaries, just as paid generals give to republics the +leadership which kings used to supply in monarchies. There +are in the savings-banks of many manufacturing centers in +our country amounts which if capitalized would place the +workingmen of those towns in industrial independence; moneys +which, in some instances, are actually furnishing the +borrowed capital for their own employers. In such towns our +workingmen have saved enough to capitalize their labor, but +for lack of the power of combination, let the advantage of +their own thrift inure to the benefit of men already rich. +They save money and then loan it to rich men to use in +hiring them to work on wages, while the profits go to the +borrowers of labor's savings.</p> + +<p>But the chief value of co-operation, in my estimate, is its +educating power. It opens a training school for labor in the +science and art of association.</p> + +<p>Labor once effectively united could win its dues, whatever +they may be. The difficulties of such association have lain +in the undeveloped mental and moral condition of the rank +and file of the hosts of labor. * * *</p> + +<p>Now, of this effort at co-operation I find scarcely any +trace in the trade organizations of our workingmen. +Trades-unions have until very lately passed the whole +subject by in utter silence. What has been done by +workingmen in this country in the line of co-operation has +been done outside of the great trade associations, which +form the natural instrumentalities for organizing such +combination. They offer the mechanism, the mutual knowledge, +the preliminary training in habits of combination, which +together should form the proper conditions for the +development of co-operation. Is it not a singular thing, +considering the manifold benefits that would come to labor +from such a development, that the attention of these great +and powerful organizations has not heretofore been seriously +called to this matter. * * *</p> + +<p>The story of such attempts as have already been made in this +direction <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 194]<a name="Page_194" id="Page_194"></a></span>is one of a sad and discouraging nature to all +who feel the gravity of this problem. Again and again great +organizations have risen on our soil, seeking to combine our +trade associations and promising the millennium to labor, +only to find within a few years suspicion, distrust, and +jealousy eating the heart out of the order, and +disintegration following rapidly as a natural consequence. +The time must soon come let us hope, when the lesson of +these experiences will have been learned.</p> + +<p>These are some of the salient faults of labor—faults which +are patent to all dispassionate observers. The first step to +a better state of things lies through the correction of +these faults. Whatever other factors enter into the problem, +this is the factor which it concerns labor to look after if +it would reach the equation of the good time coming. No +reconstruction of society can avail for incompetent, +indifferent, thriftless men who cannot work together. +Self-help must precede all other help. Dreamers may picture +utopias, where all our present laws are suspended, and +demagogues may cover up the disagreeable facts of labor's +own responsibility for its pitiful condition, but sensible +workingmen will remember that, as Renan told his countrymen +after the Franco-Prussian war, "the first duty is to face +the facts of the situation." There are no royal roads to an +honest mastery of fortune, though there seem to be plenty of +by-ways to dishonest success. Nature is a hard +school-mistress. She allows no makeshifts for the discipline +of hard work and of self-denial, for the culture of all the +strengthful qualities. Her American school for workers is +not as yet overcrowded. The rightful order of society is not +as yet submerged on our shores. There are the rewards of +merit for all who will work and wait. No man of average +intelligence needs to suffer in our country if he has clear +grit in him. "The stone that is fit for the wall," as the +Spanish proverb runs, "will not be left in the road."</p> + + +<p class="heading">II</p> + +<p class="heading smcap">faults of capital</p> + +<p>But—for there is a very large "but" in the case—when all +this is said, only the thorough going <i>doctrinaire</i> will +fail to see that merely half the case has been presented. +There is a shallow optimism which, from the heights of +prosperity, throws all the blame of labor's sufferings on +labor's own broad shoulders; steels the heart of society +against it because of these patent faults, and closes the +hand against its help, while it sings the gospel of the +Gradgrinds—"As it was and ever shall be. Amen."</p> + +<p>Labor itself is not wholly responsible for its own faults. +These faults <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 195]<a name="Page_195" id="Page_195"></a></span>spring largely out of the defective social +conditions amid which the workingman finds himself placed. +Before we proceed to administer to him the whole measure of +the "whopping" due for his low estate, we had better look +back of him, to see why it is that he is as he is.</p> + +<p>The inefficiency of labor is by no means the fault of the +individual laborer alone. Heredity has bankrupted him before +he started on his career. His parents were probably as +inefficient as he is—and most likely <i>their</i> parents also. +One who sees much of the lower grades of labor ceases to +wonder why children turn out worthless, knowing what the +parents were. General Francis A. Walker, in opening the +Manufacturers' and Mechanics' Institute at Boston lately, +said:</p> + +<p>"There is great virtue in the inherited industrial aptitudes +and instincts of the people. You can no more make a +first-class dyer or a first-class machinist in one +generation than you can in one generation make a Cossack +horseman or a Tartar herdsman. Artisans are born, not made."</p> + +<p>Our incompetents may plead that they were not born +competent. It does not readily appear what we are going to +do about this working of heredity against labor, except as +by the slow and gradual improvement of mankind these low +strata of existences are lifted up to a higher plane. +Meanwhile we must blame less harshly and work a little more +earnestly to better the human stock.</p> + +<p>The environment of labor handicaps still further this +organic deficiency. In most of our great cities the homes of +the workingmen are shockingly unwholesome; unsunned, badly +drained, overcrowded. The tenements of New York are enough +alone to take the life out of labor. City factories often +are not much better. The quality of the food sold in the +poorer sections of our cities—meat, bread, milk, etc.—is +defectively nutritious, even where it is not positively +harmful. The sanitary conditions are thus against labor.</p> + +<p>This could be largely reflected by the State and city +authorities, and ought to be rectified in simple justice to +society at large, which is now so heavily burdened by the +manifold evils bred under such conditions. Government guards +carefully the rights both of land and capital by an immense +amount of legislation and administration. Has not labor a +fair claim to an equal solicitude on the part of the State? +Health is the laborer's source of wealth, but it is by no +means so farefully looked after as are the resources of the +other two factors of production. It is only within the last +three years that in New York we have had a satisfactory +tenement-house law or a fair administration of any law +bearing on this evil. There ought to be the exercise of some +such large wisdom as led the city of Glasgow <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 196]<a name="Page_196" id="Page_196"></a></span>to spend +$7,000,000 in reconstructing three thousand of the worst +tenements of that city, with a consequent reduction of the +death rate from 54 per thousand to 29 per thousand, and with +a corresponding decrease in pauperism and crime.</p> + +<p>To this end our municipal governments should be taken out of +party politics and made the corporation business that they +are in German cities.</p> + +<p>We have in none of the States of our Union any such +legislation as that of the thorough system of factory laws +in England, and we ought to supply the lack promptly. +Whatever may be said as to interference on the part of +legislation with the rights of capital, the sufficient +answer is that the whole advance of society has been a +constant interference on the part of legislation with the +merely natural action of the law of supply and demand; and +that only thus has England, for example, secured the immense +amelioration in the condition of the problem of labor and +capital which marks her state to-day.</p> + +<p>It can be said also in this connection that if Government +has one business more peculiarly her own than another, it is +to look after the class that most needs looking after; and +that not simply from the interest of the class itself, which +would rarely supply a basis for governmental interference, +but in the interests of society at large—of the State +itself. The State's first concern is to see her citizens +healthful, vigorous, wealth-producing factors; and to this +end bad sanitary conditions, which undermine the +"health-capital" of labor, imperatively demand correction.</p> + +<p>The deeper seated the roots of labor's inefficiency in +heredity and environment, the greater the need for an +education that will develop whatever potencies may lie +latent. Inefficiency will rarely correct itself. Superior +ability must train it into better power. Where is there any +proper provision for such an education?</p> + +<p>State governments and our National Government have for a +number of years been fostering certain branches of +industrial education, chiefly in the line of agriculture. +The late report of the Bureau of Education upon industrial +education presents a very encouraging summary of what is +thus being done under the guidance of the State. It reports +concerning forty-three colleges aided by State grants to +give agricultural and mechanical training, besides a large +number of technical departments in other colleges, +industrial schools, evening classes for such instruction, +etc. Probably the finest example of industrial education +that the country possesses is found in the Hampton schools +in Virginia. Of attempts, however, to combine general and +intellectual education with practical training and +handicrafts we have few examples. The Hampton schools, +already <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 197]<a name="Page_197" id="Page_197"></a></span>alluded to, present one of the best. Professor +Adler's school in this city is very interesting in this +respect.</p> + +<p>Our common schools have until lately signally passed by the +whole field of practical education. Drawing is at last being +generally introduced, and sewing is also being introduced to +a small extent, I believe, especially in New England. But +the schools which are supposed to be intended for the mass +of the people, and which are supplied at the public cost, +have made next to no provision for the practiced training of +boys and girls to become self-supporting men and +women—wealth-producing citizens; while the whole curriculum +of the school-system tends to a disproportionate +intellectuality, and to an alienation from all manual labor. +* * *</p> + +<p>The necessity of the State's entering the educational field +is disputed by no one; but if it is to educate children at +the public cost it is bound, I think, to so educate its +wards that they shall return to society the taxation imposed +for their education. Its justification in becoming +school-master lies in the necessity of making out of the raw +material of life citizens who shall be productive factors in +the national wealth and conservators of its order. If, +therefore, it is justified in teaching the elementary +branches of education, if it is justified in adding to those +elementary branches departments that may be considered in +the nature of luxuries, how much more is it justified in +training the powers by which self-support shall be won and +wealth shall be added to society! * * *</p> + +<p>That such efforts to encourage industrial education would +pay our Government is best seen in the example of England. +The International Exhibition of 1851 revealed to England its +complete inferiority to several continental countries in +art-industries, and the cause of that inferiority in the +absence of skilled workmen. The Government at once began to +study the problem, and out of this study arose the +Kensington Museum, with its art-schools, and similar +institutions throughout the country, which have already made +quick and gratifying returns in the improvement of the +national art-industries, and in the vast enrichment of the +trade growing therefrom.</p> + +<p>Concerning the uninterestedness of labor and its too common +lack of any identification with capital, we must also look +beyond labor itself to find the full responsibility of this +evil.</p> + +<p>The whole condition of industrial labor has changed in our +century. Contrast the state of such labor a century ago with +what it is now. Then the handicraftsman worked in his own +home, surrounded by his family, upon a task all the +processes of which he had mastered, giving him thus a sense +of interest and pride in the work being well and thoroughly +done.<span class='pagenum'>[Pg 198]<a name="Page_198" id="Page_198"></a></span> Now he leaves his home early and returns to it late, +working during the day in a huge factory with several +hundred other men. The subdivision of labor gives him now +only a bit of the whole process to do, where the work is +still done by hand, whether it be the making of a shoe or a +piano. He cannot be master of a craft, but only master of a +fragment of the craft. He cannot have the pleasure or pride +of the old-time workman, for he <i>makes</i> nothing. He sees no +complete product of his skill growing into finished shape in +his hands. What zest can there be in this bit of manhood? +Steam machinery is slowly taking out of his hands even this +fragment of intelligent work, and he is set at feeding and +watching the great machine which has been endowed with the +brains that once were in the human toiler. Man is reduced to +being the tender upon a steel automaton which thinks and +plans and combines with marvelous power, leaving him only +the task of supplying it with the raw material, and of +oiling and cleansing it.</p> + +<p>Some few machines require a skill and judgment to guide them +proportioned to their own astonishing capacities, and for +the elect workmen who manage and guide them there is a new +sense of the pleasure of power.</p> + +<p>But, for the most part, mechanism takes the life out of +labor as the handicraft becomes the manufacture—or, more +properly, the <i>machino</i>-facture; and the problem of to-day +is, how to keep up the interest of labor in its daily task, +from which the zest has been stolen.</p> + +<p>Manufacturers ought to see this problem and hasten to solve +it. Those who profit most by the present factory system +ought, in all justice, to be held responsible to those who +suffer most from it. They ought to be held morally bound to +make up to them in some way the interest in life that has +gone out with the old handicrafts. They could interest their +hands <i>out</i> of the working hours, and in ways that would +give them a new interest <i>in</i> their working hours. * * *</p> + +<p>Not a few of our manufacturers are already opening their +eyes to the facts of the industrial problem, and, with +far-seeing generosity and human brotherliness that will, +according to the eternal laws, return even the good things +of this world unto them, they are providing their workingmen +with libraries, reading-rooms, and halls for lectures and +entertainments. They are encouraging and stimulating the +formation of literary and debating societies, bands, and +clubs, and such other things as give social fellowship and +mental interest. All this can be done at comparatively small +cost. The men in the employ of a great establishment can be +taught a new interest in their task as they learn to +understand its processes and the relation of these processes +to society at large, which can easily be done by lectures, +etc. Such work as this is a work that demands the +leadership, <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 199]<a name="Page_199" id="Page_199"></a></span>the organizing power, which the employer can +best furnish. At the last session of the Social Science +Association an interesting paper sketched some of these +efforts. In what wiser way could our wealthy manufacturers +use a portion of the money won for them by the labor which +has exhausted its own interest in its task?</p> + +<p>Such personal interest on the part of employers in their +employees leads up to a clue to that other branch of the +uninterestedness of labor—its lack of identification with +the welfare of capital—its lack of any feeling of loyalty +toward the capitalist. How can anything else be fairly +expected in our present state of things from the <i>average</i> +workingman under the <i>average</i> employer? I emphasize the +"average" because there are employees of exceptional +intelligence and honor, as there are employers of +exceptional conscientiousness, anxious to do fairly by their +men. The received political economy has taught the average +workingman that the relations of capital and labor are those +of hostile interests; that profits and wages are in an +inverse ratio; that the symbol of the factory is a see-saw, +on which capital goes up as labor goes down. As things are, +there is unfortunately too much ground for this notion, as +the workman sees.</p> + +<p>Mr. Carroll D. Wright, in the fourteenth annual report of +the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor (1883), shows that in 1875 +the percentage of wages paid to the value of production, in +over 2,000 establishments, was 24.68; and that in 1880 it +was 20.23. This means that the workingmen's share of the +returns of their own labor, so far from increasing, has +decreased one sixth in five years.</p> + +<p>The workingman is disposed to believe in the light of such +figures that the large wealth accumulated by his employer +represents over and above a fair profit the increased wages +out of which he naturally regards himself as being mulcted. +He may be thick-headed, but he can see that in such a +see-saw of profits <i>versus</i> wages the superior power of +capital has the odds all in its favor. He learns to regard +the whole state of the industrial world as one in which +<i>might</i> makes <i>right</i>, and feebleness is the synonym of +fault.</p> + +<p>How, in the name of all that is reasonable, can the average +man take much interest in his employer or identity himself +with that employer under such a state of things as the +economy sanctioned by the employer has taught him? This is +aggravated by the whole character of our modern industrial +system.</p> + +<p>The factory system is a new feudalism, in which a master +rarely deals directly with his hands. Superintendents, +managers, and "bosses" stand between him and them. He does +not know them; they do not know him. The old common feeling +is disappearing. And—this is a significant point <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 200]<a name="Page_200" id="Page_200"></a></span>that it +behooves workingmen to notice—the intermediaries are +generally workingmen who have risen out of the ranks of +manual labor and have lost all fellow-feeling with their old +comrades, without gaining the larger sympathy with humanity +which often comes from better culture. The hardest men upon +workingmen are ex-workingmen. It is stated, on what seems to +be good authority, that the general superintendent of the +great corporation which lately has shown so hard a feeling +towards its operatives when on a strike was himself only ten +years ago a telegraph-operator.</p> + +<p>A further aggravating feature of this problem is the +increasing tendency of capital to associated action. What +little knowledge of his employees or sympathy with them the +individual manufacturer might have is wholly lost in the +case of the corporation. To the stockholders of a great +joint-stock company, many of whom are never on the spot, the +hundreds of laborers employed by the company are simply +"hands"—as to whose possession of hearts or minds or souls +the by-laws rarely take cognizance. Here there is plainly a +case where capital—the party of brains and wealth—the head +of the industrial association, should lead off in a +systematic effort and renew, as far as may be, the old human +tie, for which no substitute has ever been devised.</p> + +<p>To conciliate the interests of the classes, and identify +labor with capital, individual employers must re-establish +personal relationships between themselves and their men. +What might be done in this way, and how, this being done, +the present alienation of feeling on the part of our +working-men would largely disappear, must be evident to any +one who has watched some of the beautiful exemplifications +of this relationship which have already grown into being on +our shores. I know of one large manufacturer, in a city not +a hundred miles from this, who started to enter the ministry +as a young man, but found to his intense disappointment that +he had no aptitude for the work of a preacher, and turned +his attention, on the insistent advice of those nearest to +him, to active business. He took up the business which his +father had left him at his death and had left largely +involved. His first task was to pay off, dollar for dollar, +all the debts which his father had bequeathed him, although +in most instances they had been compromised by his +creditors. He then threw the energy of his being into +development of the business, and, in the course of a few +years, put it at the forefront of that line in his native +city. Into his business he breathed the spirit of love to +God and man which had moved him originally to take up the +work of the ministry. He felt himself ordained to be what +Carlyle would have called a "captain of industry." From the +start he established personal, human, living relationships +with his men. He taught them by deed rather than by word to +consider him their friend. He was in the habit <span class='pagenum'>[Pg 201]<a name="Page_201" id="Page_201"></a></span>of calling +in upon their families in a social and respecting way. In +all their troubles and adversities he trained them to +counsel with him, and gave them the advantage of his riper +judgment and larger vision. In cases of exigency his means +were at their service in the way of loans to tide them over +the hard times. His friends have seen, more than once, +coming from his private office some of the hard-fisted men +of toil in his employ, with tears streaming down their +faces. He had called them into the office on hearing of +certain bad habits into which they had fallen, and so +impressive had been his talk with them, that they left his +presence with the most earnest resolves to do better in the +future. The result of all this relationship has been that +during some fifteen years of the management of this large +business he has rarely changed his men, and while strikes +have abounded around him he has never known a strike.</p> + +<p>I hold in my possession a letter from one of our leading +iron-manufacturers in this country, who, in response to an +appeal for participation in a charity of this city, gave +answer that it had been a practice of the firm to invest a +certain portion of their profits in developing the comforts +of their workingmen, and that they were obliged to limit +their desire to give in charity in order that they might be +able to build homes, club-rooms, reading-rooms, and all the +<i>et ceteras</i> of a really civilized community in their +work-village. These are examples, in our own country, of +what might be done.</p> + +<p>One of the most beautiful models that I know of in modern +history is furnished by the town to which reference has +already been made—the town of Mulhouse, where, after some +thirty years, the spirit of brotherliness has so entered +into the relationships of capital and labor that a firm +would be disreputable which there attempted to carry on +business as business is ordinarily done here. All the +manufacturers plan out, organize, and carry on what to most +of us would seem impossible schemes for the amelioration and +uplifting of the condition of their working people. No one +wonders that, as he walks through the town which his large +hearted philanthropy imbued with this fine spirit, the +workingmen salute the originator of these schemes as "Father +Peter."</p> + +<p>In addition to this personal, human relationship, capital +might and should, in all justice and humanity, identify the +pecuniary interests of labor with its own interests. What is +known as industrial partnership is simply a solution of this +branch of the problem. The principle is simply that of +giving labor a pecuniary interest in the profits of the +establishment <i>pro rata</i> with his own wages. A <i>bonus</i> is +set on frugality and industry and conscientiousness of work +by making the hands small partners in the concern. * * *</p></blockquote> +<hr class="full" /> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Black and White, by Timothy Thomas Fortune + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BLACK AND WHITE *** + +***** This file should be named 16810-h.htm or 16810-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/8/1/16810/ + +Produced by Suzanne Shell, Richard J. Shiffer, and the PG +Online Distributed Proofreading Team. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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