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diff --git a/16784.txt b/16784.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..aa23c82 --- /dev/null +++ b/16784.txt @@ -0,0 +1,23454 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, +From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, by Thomas Jefferson + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson + +Author: Thomas Jefferson + +Editor: Thomas Jefferson Randolph + +Illustrator: Steel engraving by Longacre from painting of G. Stuart + +Release Date: September 30, 2005 [EBook #16784] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +[Illustration: Book Spines, 1829 set of Jefferson Papers] + +MEMOIR, CORRESPONDENCE, AND MISCELLANIES, FROM THE PAPERS OF THOMAS +JEFFERSON. + +Edited by Thomas Jefferson Randolph. + + +[Illustration: Steel engraving by Longacre from painting of G. Stuart] + +[Illustration: Titlepage of Volume Three (of four)] + + +VOLUME IV. + + + + +LETTER I.--TO LEVI LINCOLN, August 30, 1803 + + +TO LEVI LINCOLN. + +Monticello, August 30, 1803. + +Deak. Sir, + +The enclosed letter came to hand by yesterday's post. You will be +sensible of the circumstances which make it improper that I should +hazard a formal answer, as well as of the desire its friendly aspect +naturally excites, that those concerned in it should understand that +the spirit they express is friendly viewed. You can judge also from your +knowledge of the ground, whether it may be usefully encouraged. I take +the liberty, therefore, of availing myself of your neighborhood to +Boston, and of your friendship to me, to request you to say to the +Captain and others verbally whatever you think would be proper, as +expressive of my sentiments on the subject. With respect to the day +on which they wish to fix their anniversary, they may be told, that +disapproving myself of transferring the honors and veneration for the +great birthday of our republic to any individual, or of dividing them +with individuals, I have declined letting my own birthday be known, and +have engaged my family not to communicate it. This has been the uniform +answer to every application of the kind. + +On further consideration as to the amendment to our constitution +respecting Louisiana, I have thought it better, instead of enumerating +the powers which Congress may exercise, to give them the same powers +they have as to other portions of the Union generally, and to enumerate +the special exceptions, in some such form as the following. + +'Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of +the United States, its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and stand, +as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other +citizens of the United States, in analogous situations. Save only that +as to the portion thereof lying north of an east and west line drawn +through the mouth of Arkansas river, no new State shall be established, +nor any grants of land made, other than to Indians, in exchange for +equivalent portions of land occupied by them, until an amendment of the +constitution shall be made for these purposes. + +'Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become +a part of the United States, its white inhabitants shall thereupon be +citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the +same footing with other citizens of the United States, in analogous +situations.' + +I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that is +said about any constitutional difficulty, the better: and that it will +be desirable for Congress to do what is necessary, in silence. I find +but one opinion as to the necessity of shutting up the country for +some time. We meet in Washington the 25th of September to prepare for +Congress. Accept my affectionate salutations, and great esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER II.--TO WILSON C NICHOLAS, September 7, 1803 + + +TO WILSON C NICHOLAS. + +Monticello, September 7, 1803. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of the 3rd was delivered me at court; but we were much +disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr. Madison and the Governor being +here at the time. 1 enclose you a letter from Monroe on the subject of +the late treaty. You will observe a hint in it, to do without delay what +we are bound to do. There is reason, in the opinion of our ministers, +to believe, that if the thing were to do over again, it could not be +obtained, and that if we give the least opening, they will declare the +treaty void. A warning amounting to that has been given to them, and +an unusual kind of letter written by their minister to our Secretary of +State, direct. Whatever Congress shall think it necessary to do, should +be done with as little debate as possible, and particularly so far as +respects the constitutional difficulty. I am aware of the force of +the observations you make on the power given by the constitution to +Congress, to admit new States into the Union, without restraining the +subject to the territory then constituting the United States. But when I +consider that the limits of the United States are precisely fixed by the +treaty of 1783, that the constitution expressly declares itself to be +made for the United States, I cannot help believing the intention was +not to permit Congress to admit into the Union new States, which should +be formed out of the territory for which, and under whose authority +alone, they were then acting. I do not believe it was meant that they +might receive England, Ireland, Holland, &tc. into it, which would +be the case on your construction. When an instrument admits two +constructions, the one safe, the other dangerous, the one precise, the +other indefinite, I prefer that which is safe and precise. I had +rather ask an enlargement of power from the nation, where it is found +necessary, than to assume it by a construction which would make our +powers boundless. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a +written constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction. +I say the same as to the opinion of those who consider the grant of +the treaty-making power as boundless. If it is, then we have no +constitution. If it has bounds, they can be no others than the +definitions of the powers which that instrument gives. It specifies and +delineates the operations permitted to the federal government, and gives +all the powers necessary to carry these into execution. Whatever of +these enumerated objects is proper for a law, Congress may make the law; +whatever is proper to be executed by way of a treaty, the President and +Senate may enter into the treaty; whatever is to be done by a judicial +sentence, the judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more likely than +that their enumeration of powers is defective. This is the ordinary case +of all human works. Let us go on then perfecting it, by adding, by way +of amendment to the constitution, those powers which time and trial show +are still wanting. But it has been taken too much for granted, that by +this rigorous construction the treaty power would be reduced to nothing. +I had occasion once to examine its effect on the French treaty, made by +the old Congress, and found that out of thirty odd articles which that +contained, there were one, two, or three only, which could not now be +stipulated under our present constitution. I confess, then, I think +it important, in the present case, to set an example against broad +construction, by appealing for new power to the people. If, however, +our friends shall think differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with +satisfaction; confiding, that the good sense of our country will correct +the evil of construction when it shall produce ill effects. + +No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are necessary. On the +contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to me, and proves to me +their friendship so clearly, as the information they give me of their +sentiments and those of others on interesting points where I am to act, +and where information and warning is so essential to excite in me that +due reflection which ought to precede action. I leave this about the +21st, and shall hope the District Court will give me an opportunity +of seeing you. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of +cordial esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER III.--TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH, October 4, 1803 + + +TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. + +Washington, October 4, 1803. + +Dear Sir, + +No one would more willingly than myself pay the just tribute due to +the services of Captain Barry, by writing a letter of condolence to his +widow, as you suggest. But when one undertakes to administer justice, +it must be with an even hand, and by rule; what is done for one, must be +done for every one in equal degree. To what a train of attentions +would this draw a President? How difficult would it be to draw the line +between that degree of merit entitled to such a testimonial of it, and +that not so entitled? If drawn in a particular case differently from +what the friends of the deceased would judge right, what offence would +it give, and of the most tender kind? How much offence would be given +by accidental inattentions, or want of information? The first step +into such an undertaking ought to be well weighed. On the death of Dr. +Franklin, the King and Convention of France went into mourning. So did +the House of Representatives of the United States: the Senate refused. +I proposed to General Washington that the executive departments should +wear mourning; he declined it, because he said he should not know where +to draw the line, if he once began that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then +Vice-President, and I thought General Washington had his eye on him, +whom he certainly did not love. I told him the world had drawn so +broad a line between himself and Dr. Franklin, on the one side, and the +residue of mankind, on the other, that we might wear mourning for them, +and the question still remain new and undecided as to all others. He +thought it best, however, to avoid it. On these considerations alone, +however well affected to the merit of Commodore Barry, I think +it prudent not to engage myself in a practice which may become +embarrassing. + +Tremendous times in Europe! How mighty this battle of lions and tigers? +With what sensations should the common herd of cattle look on it? With +no partialities certainly. If they can so far worry one another as to +destroy their power of tyrannizing the one over the earth, the other the +waters, the world may perhaps enjoy peace, till they recruit again. + +Affectionate and respectful salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER IV.--TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS, November 1, 1803 + + +TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. + +Washington, November 1, 1803. + +My Dear Sir, + +Your favors of April the 6th and June the 27th were duly received, and +with the welcome which every thing brings from you. The treaty which has +so happily sealed the friendship of our two countries, has been received +here with general acclamation. Some inflexible federalists have still +ventured to brave the public opinion. It will fix their character with +the world and with posterity, who, not descending to the other points of +difference between us, will judge them by this fact, so palpable as to +speak for itself, in all times and places. For myself and my country I +thank you for the aids you have given in it; and I congratulate you on +having lived to give those aids in a transaction replete with blessings +to unborn millions of men, and which will mark the face of a portion on +the globe so extensive as that which now composes the United States of +America. It is true that at this moment a little cloud hovers in the +horizon. The government of Spain has protested against the right of +France to transfer; and it is possible she may refuse possession, and +that this may bring on acts of force. But against such neighbors as +France there, and the United States here, what she can expect from so +gross a compound of folly and false faith, is not to be sought in the +book of wisdom. She is afraid of her enemies in Mexico. But not more +than we are. Our policy will be to form New Orleans and the country on +both sides of it on the Gulf of Mexico, into a State; and, as to all +above that, to transplant our Indians into it, constituting them a +Marechaussee to prevent emigrants crossing the river, until we shall +have filled up all the vacant country on this side. This will secure +both Spain and us as to the mines of Mexico, for half a century, and we +may safely trust the provisions for that time to the men who shall live +in it. + +I have communicated with Mr. Gallatin on the subject of using your +house in any matters of consequence we may have to do at Paris. He +is impressed with the same desire I feel to give this mark of our +confidence in you, and the sense we entertain of your friendship and +fidelity. Mr. Behring informs him that none of the money which will be +due from us to him, as the assignee of France, will be wanting at Paris. +Be assured that our dispositions are such as to let no occasion pass +unimproved, of serving you, where occurrences will permit it. + +Present my respects to Madame Dupont, and accept yourself assurances of +my constant and warm friendship. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER V.--TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, November 4,1803 + +TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. + +Washington, November 4,1803. + +Dear Sir, + +A report reaches us this day from Baltimore (on probable, but not +certain grounds), that Mr. Jerome Bonaparte, brother of the First +Consul, was yesterday* married to Miss Patterson of that city. The +effect of this measure on the mind of the First Consul, is not for me to +suppose; but as it might occur to him _prima facie_, that the executive +of the United States ought to have prevented it, I have thought it +advisable to mention the subject to you, that if necessary, you may by +explanations set that idea to rights. You know that by our laws, all +persons are free to enter into marriage, if of twenty-one years of age, +no one having a power to restrain it, not even their parents; and that +under that age, no one can prevent it but the parent or guardian. The +lady is under age, and the parents, placed between her affections +which were strongly fixed, and the considerations opposing the measure, +yielded with pain and anxiety to the former. + + * November 8. It is now said that it did not take place on + the 3rd, but will this day. + +Mr. Patterson is the President of the bank of Baltimore, the wealthiest +man in Maryland, perhaps in the United States, except Mr. Carroll; a man +of great virtue and respectability; the mother is the sister of the lady +of General Samuel Smith; and, consequently, the station of the family in +society is with the first of the United States. These circumstances fix +rank in a country where there are no hereditary titles. Your treaty has +obtained nearly a general approbation. The federalists spoke and voted +against it, but they are now so reduced in their numbers as to be +nothing. The question on its ratification in the Senate was decided by +twenty-four against seven, which was ten more than enough. The vote in +the House of Representatives for making provision for its execution, +was carried by eighty-nine against twenty-three, which was a majority +of sixty-six, and the necessary bills are going through the Houses +by greater majorities. Mr. Pichon, according to instructions from his +government, proposed to have added to the ratification a protestation +against any failure in time or other circumstances of execution, on +our part. He was told, that in that case we should annex a counter +protestation, which would leave the thing exactly where it was; that +this transaction had been conducted from the commencement of the +negotiation to this stage of it, with a frankness and sincerity +honorable to both nations, and comfortable to the heart of an honest man +to review; that to annex to this last chapter of the transaction such an +evidence of mutual distrust, was to change its aspect dishonorably +for us both, and contrary to truth as to us; for that we had not the +smallest doubt that France would punctually execute its part; and I +assured Mr. Pichon that I had more confidence in the word of the First +Consul than in all the parchment we could sign. He saw that we had +ratified the treaty; that both branches had passed by great majorities +one of the bills for execution, and would soon pass the other two; +that no circumstances remained that could leave a doubt of our punctual +performance; and like an able and an honest minister (which he is in the +highest degree) he undertook to do, what he knew his employers would do +themselves, were they here spectators of all the existing circumstances, +and exchanged the ratification's purely and simply; so that this +instrument goes to the world as an evidence of the candor and confidence +of the nations in each other, which will have the best effects. This was +the more justifiable, as Mr. Pichon knew that Spain had entered with us +a protestation against our ratification of the treaty, grounded, first, +on the assertion that the First Consul had not executed the conditions +of the treaties of cession, and secondly, that he had broken a solemn +promise not to alienate the country to any nation. We answered, that +these were private questions between France and Spain, which they must +settle together; that we derived our title from the First Consul, and +did not doubt his guarantee of it: and we, four days ago, sent off +orders to the Governor of the Mississippi territory and General +Wilkinson, to move down with the troops at hand to New Orleans, to +receive the possession from Mr. Laussat. If he is heartily disposed to +carry the order of the Consul into execution, he can probably command a +volunteer force at New Orleans, and will have the aid of ours also, if +he desires it, to take the possession and deliver it to us. If he is +not so disposed, we shall take the possession, and it will rest with the +government of France, by adopting the act as their own and obtaining the +confirmation of Spain, to supply the non-execution of their stipulation +to deliver, and to entitle themselves to the complete execution of our +part of the agreements. In the mean time, the legislature is passing the +bills, and we are preparing every thing to be done on our part towards +execution, and we shall not avail ourselves of the three months' delay +after possession of the province, allowed by the treaty for the delivery +of the stock, but shall deliver it the moment that possession is known +here, which will be on the eighteenth day after it has taken place. + +***** + +Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant esteem +and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER VI.--TO DAVID WILLIAMS, November 14, 1803 + +TO DAVID WILLIAMS. + +Washington, November 14, 1803. + +Sir, + +I have duly received the volume on the claims of literature; which +you did me the favor to send me through Mr. Monroe: and have read +with satisfaction the many judicious reflections it contains, on the +condition of the respectable class of literary men. The efforts for +their relief, made by a society of private citizens, are truly laudable: +but they are, as you justly observe, but a palliation of an evil, the +cure of which calls for all the wisdom and the means of the nation. The +greatest evils of populous society have ever appeared to me to spring +from the vicious distribution of its members among the occupations +called for. I have no doubt that those nations are essentially +right, which leave this to individual choice, as a better guide to an +advantageous distribution, than any other which could be devised. +But when, by a blind concourse, particular occupations are ruinously +overcharged, and others left in want of hands, the national authorities +can do much towards restoring the equilibrium. On the revival of +letters, learning became the universal favorite. And with reason, +because there was not enough of it existing to manage the affairs of +a nation to the best advantage, nor to advance its individuals to the +happiness of which they were susceptible, by improvements in their +minds, their morals, their health, and in those conveniences which +contribute to the comfort and embellishment of life. All the efforts of +the society, therefore, were directed to the increase of learning, +and the inducements of respect, ease, and profit were held up for its +encouragement. Even the charities of the nation forgot that misery was +their object, and spent themselves in founding schools to transfer to +science the hardy sons of the plough. To these incitements were added +the powerful fascinations of great cities. These circumstances have long +since produced an overcharge in the class of competitors for learned +occupation, and great distress among the supernumerary candidates; and +the more, as their habits of life have disqualified them for re-entering +into the laborious class. The evil cannot be suddenly, nor perhaps ever +entirely cured: nor should I presume to say by what means it may be +cured. Doubtless there are many engines which the nation might bring to +bear on this object. Public opinion and public encouragement are among +these. The class principally defective is that of agriculture. It is +the first in utility, and ought to be the first in respect. The same +artificial means which have been used to produce a competition in +learning, may be equally successful in restoring agriculture to its +primary dignity in the eyes of men. It is a science of the very first +order. It counts among its handmaids the most respectable sciences, +such as Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Mechanics, Mathematics +generally, Natural History, Botany. In every College and University, a +professorship of agriculture, and the class of its students, might be +honored as the first. Young men closing their academical education with +this, as the crown of all other sciences, fascinated with its solid +charms, and at a time when they are to choose an occupation, instead of +crowding the other classes, would return to the farms of their fathers, +their own, or those of others, and replenish and invigorate a calling, +now languishing under contempt and oppression. The charitable schools, +instead of storing their pupils with a lore which the present state of +society does not call for, converted into schools of agriculture, might +restore them to that branch, qualified to enrich and honor themselves, +and to increase the productions of the nation instead of consuming them. +A gradual abolition of the useless offices, so much accumulated in all +governments, might close this drain also from the labors of the field, +and lessen the burthens imposed on them. By these, and the better means +which will occur to others, the surcharge of the learned, might in +time be drawn off to recruit the laboring class of citizenss the sum of +industry be increased, and that of misery diminished. + +Among the ancients, the redundance of population was sometimes checked +by exposing infants. To the moderns, America has offered a more humane +resource. Many, who cannot find employment in Europe, accordingly come +here. Those who can labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned +class of emigrants, a small portion find employments analogous to their +talents. But many fail, and return to complete their course of misery in +the scenes where it began. Even here we find too strong a current from +the country to the towns; and instances beginning to appear of that +species of misery, which you are so humanely endeavoring to relieve with +you. Although we have in the old countries of Europe the lesson of their +experience to warn us, yet I am not satisfied we shall have the firmness +and wisdom to profit by it. The general desire of men to live by their +heads rather than their hands, and the strong allurements of great +cities to those who have any turn for dissipation, threaten to make them +here, as in Europe, the sinks of voluntary misery. I perceive, however, +that I have suffered my pen to run into a disquisition, when I had taken +it up only to thank you for the volume you had been so kind as to send +me, and to express my approbation of it. After apologizing, therefore, +for having touched on a subject so much more familiar to you, and better +understood, I beg leave to assure you of my high consideration and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER VII.--TO JOHN RANDOLH, December 1, 1803 + +TO JOHN RANDOLH. + +Washington, December 1, 1803. + +Dear Sir, + +The explanations in your letter of yesterday were quite unnecessary to +me. I have had too satisfactory proofs of your friendly regard, to be +disposed to suspect any thing of a contrary aspect. + +I understood perfectly the expressions stated in the newspaper to +which you allude, to mean, that 'though the proposition came from the +republican quarter of the House, yet you should not concur with it.' I +am aware, that in parts of the Union, and even with persons to whom Mr. +Eppes and Mr. Randolph are unknown, and myself little known, it will be +presumed from their connection, that what comes from them comes from me. +No men on earth are more independent in their sentiments than they are, +nor any one less disposed than I am to influence the opinions of others. +We rarely speak of politics, or of the proceedings of the House, but +merely historically; and I carefully avoid expressing an opinion on them +in their presence, that we may all be at our ease. With other members, I +have believed that more unreserved communications would be advantageous +to the public. This has been, perhaps, prevented by mutual delicacy. I +have been afraid to express opinions unasked, lest I should be suspected +of wishing to direct the legislative action of members. They have +avoided asking communications from me, probably, lest they should be +suspected of wishing to fish out executive secrets. I see too many +proofs of the imperfection of human reason, to entertain wonder or +intolerance at any difference of opinion on any subject; and acquiesce +in that difference as easily as on a difference of feature or form: +experience having long taught me the reasonableness of mutual sacrifices +of opinion among those who are to act together for any common object, +and the expediency of doing what good we can, when we cannot do all we +would wish. + +Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER VIII.--TO MR. GALLATIN, December 13, 1803 + + +THOMAS JEFFERSON TO MR. GALLATIN. + +The Attorney General having considered and decided, that the +prescription in the law for establishing a bank, that the officers in +the subordinate offices of discount and deposit, shall be appointed 'on +the same terms and in the same manner practised in the principal bank,' +does not extend to them the principle of rotation, established by the +legislature in the body of directors in the principal bank, it follows +that the extension of that principle has been merely a voluntary and +prudential act of the principal bank, from which they are free to +depart. I think the extension was wise and proper on their part, because +the legislature having deemed rotation useful in the principal bank +constituted by them, there would be the same reason for it in the +subordinate banks to be established by the principal. It breaks in upon +the _esprit de corps_, so apt to prevail in permanent bodies; it gives +a chance for the public eye penetrating into the sanctuary of those +proceedings and practices, which the avarice of the directors may +introduce for their personal emolument, and which the resentments of +excluded directors, or the honesty of those duly admitted, might betray +to the public; and it gives an opportunity at the end of the year, or at +other periods, of correcting a choice, which, on trial, proves to have +been unfortunate; an evil of which themselves complain in their distant +institutions. Whether, however, they have a power to alter this or not, +the executive has no right to decide; and their consultation with you +has been merely an act of complaisance, or from a desire to shield so +important an innovation under the cover of executive sanction. But +ought we to volunteer our sanction in such a case? Ought we to disarm +ourselves of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution +shall be a legitimate subject of consideration? I own I think the most +proper answer would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to +give an opinion on the question. + +From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of +establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Orleans. This +institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the +principles and form of our constitution. The nation is, at this time, +so strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this +moment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient +to bring into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet +a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in +the public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by its +branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in phalanx, may, +in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe +which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any +other authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries. +What an obstruction could not this bank of the United States, with all +its branch banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the peace +we should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further +growth to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile +we know, 1. from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing +the body of directors in every bank, principal or branch; and those of +most of the stock-holders: 2. from their opposition to the measures and +principles of the government, and to the election of those friendly to +them: and, 3. from the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now, +while we are strong, it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our +constitution, to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect subordination +under its authorities. The first measure would be to reduce them to an +equal footing only with other banks, as to the favors of the government. +But, in order to be able to meet a general combination of the banks +against us, in a critical emergency, could we not make a beginning +towards an independent use of our own money, towards holding our own +bank in all the deposits where it is received, and letting the Treasurer +give his draft or note for payment at any particular place, which, in a +well conducted government, ought to have as much credit as any private +draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give us the same facilities +which we derive from the banks? I pray you to turn this subject in your +mind, and to give it the benefit of your knowledge of details; whereas, +I have only very general views of the subject. Affectionate salutations. + +Washington, December 13, 1803. + + + + +LETTER IX.--TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY, January 29, 1804 + + +TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY. + +Washington, January 29, 1804. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of December the 12th came duly to hand, as did the second +letter to Doctor Linn, and the treatise on Phlogiston, for which I pray +you to accept my thanks. The copy for Mr. Livingston has been delivered, +together with your letter to him, to Mr. Harvie, my secretary, who +departs in a day or two for Paris, and will deliver them himself to Mr. +Livingston, whose attention to your matter cannot be doubted. I have +also to add my thanks to Mr. Priestley, your son, for the copy of your +Harmony, which I have gone through with great satisfaction. It is +the first I have been able to meet with, which is clear of those long +repetitions of the same transaction, as if it were a different one +because related with some different circumstances. + +I rejoice that you have undertaken the task of comparing the moral +doctrines of Jesus with those of the ancient Philosophers. You are so +much in possession of the whole subject, that you will do it easier and +better than any other person living. I think you cannot avoid giving, +as preliminary to the comparison, a digest of his moral doctrines, +extracted in his own words from the Evangelists, and leaving out every +thing relative to his personal history and character. It would be short +and precious. With a view to do this for my own satisfaction, I had sent +to Philadelphia to get two Testaments (Greek) of the same edition, and +two English, with a design to cut out the morsels of morality, and paste +them on the leaves of a book, in the manner you describe as having been +pursued in forming your Harmony. But I shall now get the thing done by +better hands. + +I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our horizon, which +was to burst in a tornado; and the public are un-apprized how near this +catastrophe was. Nothing but a frank and friendly developement of causes +and effects on our part, and good sense enough in Bonaparte to see that +the train was unavoidable, and would change the face of the world, saved +us from that storm. I did not expect he would yield till a war took +place between France and England, and my hope was to palliate and +endure, if Messrs. Ross, Morris, &c. did not force a premature rupture +until that event. I believed the event not very distant, but acknowledge +it came on sooner than I had expected. Whether, however, the good sense +of Bonaparte might not see the course predicted to be necessary and +unavoidable, even before a war should be imminent, was a chance which +we thought it our duty to try: but the immediate prospect of rupture +brought the case to immediate decision. The denouement has been happy: +and I confess I look to this duplication of area for the extending a +government so free and economical as ours, as a great achievement to +the mass of happiness which is to ensue. Whether we remain in one +confederacy, or form into Atlantic and Mississippi confederacies, I +believe not very important to the happiness of either part. Those of +the western confederacy will be as much our children and descendants +as those of the eastern, and I feel myself as much identified with +that country, in future time, as with this: and did I now foresee a +separation at some future day, yet I should feel the duty and the desire +to promote the western interests as zealously as the eastern, doing all +the good for both portions of our future family which should fall within +my power. + +Have you seen the new work of Malthus on Population? It is one of the +ablest I have ever seen. Although his main object is to delineate +the effects of redundancy of population, and to test the poor laws +of England, and other palliations for that evil, several important +questions in political economy, allied to his subject incidentally, are +treated with a masterly hand. It is a single octavo volume, and I have +been only able to read a borrowed copy, the only one I have yet heard +of. Probably our friends in England will think of you, and give you an +opportunity of reading it. + +Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER X.--TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, March 3, 1804 + +TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. + +Washington, March 3, 1804. + +Dear Sir, + +Although it is long since I received your favor of October the 27th, +yet I have not had leisure sooner to acknowledge it. In the Middle and +Southern States, as great an union of sentiment has now taken place +as is perhaps desirable. For as there will always be an opposition, I +believe it had better be from avowed monarchists than republicans. New +York seems to be in danger of republican division; Vermont is solidly +with us; Rhode Island with us on anomalous grounds; New Hampshire on +the verge of the republican shore; Connecticut advancing towards it very +slowly, but with steady step; your State only uncertain of making port +at all. I had forgotten Delaware, which will be always uncertain +from the divided character of her citizens. If the amendment of the +constitution passes Rhode Island (and we expect to hear in a day or +two), the election for the ensuing four years seems to present nothing +formidable. I sincerely regret that the unbounded calumnies of the +federal party have obliged me to throw myself on the verdict of my +country for trial, my great desire having been to retire at the end +of the present term, to a life of tranquillity; and it was my decided +purpose when I entered into office. They force my continuance. If we +can keep the vessel of State as steadily in her course for another four +years, my earthly purposes will be accomplished, and I shall be free +to enjoy, as you are doing, my family, my farm, and my books. That your +enjoyments may continue as long as you shall wish them, I sincerely +pray, and tender you my friendly salutations, and assurances of great +respect and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XI.--TO GIDEON GRANGER, April 16, 1804 + + +TO GIDEON GRANGER. + +Monticello, April 16, 1804. + +Dear Sir, + +***** + +In our last conversation you mentioned a federal scheme afloat, of +forming a coalition between the federalists and republicans, of what +they called the seven eastern States. The idea was new to me, and after +time for reflection, I had no opportunity of conversing with you again. +The federalists know that, _eo nomine_, they are gone for ever. Their +object, therefore, is, how to return into power under some other form. +Undoubtedly they have but one means, which is to divide the republicans, +join the minority, and barter with them for the cloak of their name. +I say, join the minority; because the majority of the republicans, not +needing them, will not buy them. The minority, having no other means of +ruling the majority, will give a price for auxiliaries, and that price +must be principle. It is true that the federalists, needing their +numbers also, must also give a price, and principle is the coin they +must pay in. Thus a bastard system of federo-republicanism will rise on +the ruins of the true principles of our revolution. And when this party +is formed, who will constitute the majority of it, which majority is +then to dictate? Certainly the federalists. Thus their proposition of +putting themselves into gear with the republican minority, is exactly +like Roger Sherman's proposition to add Connecticut to Rhode Island. +The idea of forming seven eastern States is moreover clearly to form the +basis of a separation of the Union. Is it possible that real republicans +can be gulled by such a bait? And for what? What do they wish, that they +have not? Federal measures? That is impossible. Republican measures? +Have they them not? Can any one deny, that in all important questions +of principle, republicanism prevails? But do they want that their +individual will shall govern the majority? They may purchase the +gratification of this unjust wish, for a little time, at a great price; +but the federalists must not have the passions of other men, if, after +getting thus into the seat of power, they suffer themselves to be +governed by their minority. This minority may say, that whenever they +relapse into their own principles, they will quit them, and draw the +seat from under them. They may quit them, indeed, but, in the mean time, +all the venal will have become associated with them, and will give them +a majority sufficient to keep them in place, and to enable them to eject +the heterogeneous friends by whose aid they get again into power. I +cannot believe any portion of real republicans will enter into this +trap; and if they do, I do not believe they can carry with them the mass +of their States, advancing so steadily as we see them, to an union of +principle with their brethren. It will be found in this, as in all +other similar cases, that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their +authors and coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict +and upright, and who in matters of opinion will be contented that others +should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his opinion is fairly +overruled, will attain his object in the end. And that this may be +the conduct of us all, I offer my sincere prayers, as well as for your +health and happiness. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XII.--TO MRS. ADAMS, June 13,1804 + + +TO MRS. ADAMS. + +Washington, June 13,1804. + +Dear Madam, + +The affectionate sentiments which you have had the goodness to express +in your letter of May the 20th, towards my dear departed daughter, have +awakened in me sensibilities natural to the occasion, and recalled +your kindnesses to her, which I shall ever remember with gratitude and +friendship. I can assure you with truth, they had made an indelible +impression on her mind, and that to the last, on our meetings after long +separations, whether I had heard lately of you, and how you did, were +among the earliest of her inquiries. In giving you this assurance, I +perform a sacred duty for her, and, at the same time, am thankful for +the occasion furnished me, of expressing my regret that circumstances +should have arisen, which have seemed to draw a line of separation +between us. The friendship with which you honored me has ever been +valued, and fully reciprocated; and although events have been passing +which might be trying to some minds, I never believed yours to be +of that kind, nor felt that my own was. Neither my estimate of your +character, nor the esteem founded in that, has ever been lessened for a +single moment, although doubts whether it would be acceptable may have +forbidden manifestations of it. + +Mr. Adams's friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It accompanied +us through long and important scenes. The different conclusions we had +drawn from our political reading and reflections, were not permitted to +lessen mutual esteem; each party being conscious they were the result of +an honest conviction in the other. Like differences of opinion existing +among our fellow citizens, attached them to the one or the other of us, +and produced a rivalship in their minds which did not exist in ours. We +never stood in one another's way. For if either had been withdrawn at +any time, his favorers would not have gone over to the other, but would +have sought for some one of homogeneous opinions. This consideration +was sufficient to keep down all jealousy between us, and to guard our +friendship from any disturbance by sentiments of rivalship: and I can +say with truth, that one act of Mr. Adams's life, and one only, ever +gave me a moment's personal displeasure. I did consider his last +appointments to office as personally unkind. They were from among my +most ardent political enemies, from whom no faithful co-operation could +ever be expected; and laid me under the embarrassment of acting through +men, whose views were to defeat mine, or to encounter the odium of +putting others in their places. It seems but common justice to leave a +successor free to act by instruments of his own choice. If my respect +for him did not permit me to ascribe the whole blame to the influence of +others, it left something for friendship to forgive, and after brooding +over it for some little time, and not always resisting the expression of +it, I forgave it cordially, and returned to the same state of esteem +and respect for him which had so long subsisted. Having come into life +a little later than Mr. Adams, his career has preceded mine, as mine +is followed by some other; and it will probably be closed at the same +distance after him which time originally placed between us. I maintain +for him, and shall carry into private life, an uniform and high measure +of respect and good will, and for yourself a sincere attachment. + +I have thus, my dear Madam, opened myself to you without reserve, which +I have long wished an opportunity of doing; and without knowing how it +will be received, I feal[sp.] relief from being unbosomed. And I have +now only to entreat your forgiveness for this transition from a subject +of domestic affliction, to one which seems of a different aspect. But +though connected with political events, it has been viewed by me most +strongly in its unfortunate bearings on my private friendships. The +injury these have sustained has been a heavy price for what has never +given me equal pleasure. That you may both be favored with health, +tranquillity, and long life, is the prayer of one who tenders you the +assurance of his highest consideration and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XIII.--TO GOVERNOR PAGE, June 25, 1804 + + +TO GOVERNOR PAGE. + +Washington, June 25, 1804. + +Your letter, my dear friend, of the 25th ultimo, is a new proof of +the goodness of your heart, and the part you take in my loss marks an +affectionate concern for the greatness of it. It is great indeed. Others +may lose of their abundance, but I, of my want, have lost even the half +of all I had. My evening prospects now hang on the slender thread of +a single life. Perhaps I maybe destined to see even this last cord of +parental affection broken! The hope with which I had looked forward +to the moment, when, resigning public cares to younger hands, I was to +retire to that domestic comfort from which the last great step is to be +taken, is fearfully blighted. When you and I look back on the country +over which we have passed, what a field of slaughter does it exhibit! +Where are all the friends who entered it with us, under all the +inspiring energies of health and hope? As if pursued by the havoc of +war, they are strewed by the way, some earlier, some later, and scarce +a few stragglers remain to count the numbers fallen, and to mark yet, +by their own fall, the last footsteps of their party. Is it a desirable +thing to bear up through the heat of the action to witness the death of +all our companions, and merely be the last victim? I doubt it. We have, +however, the traveller's consolation. Every step shortens the distance +we have to go; the end of our journey is in sight, the bed wherein we +are to rest, and to rise in the midst of the friends we have lost. 'We +sorrow not, then, as others who have no hope'; but look forward to the +day which 'joins us to the great majority.' But whatever is to be our +destiny, wisdom, as well as duty, dictates that we should acquiesce in +the will of Him whose it is to give and take away, and be contented in +the enjoyment of those who are still permitted to be with us. Of those +connected by blood, the number does not depend on us. But friends we +have, if we have merited them. Those of our earliest years stand nearest +in our affections. But in this too, you and I have been unlucky. Of our +college friends (and they are the dearest) how few have stood with us in +the great political questions which have agitated our country: and these +were of a nature to justify agitation. I did not believe the Lilliputian +fetters of that day strong enough to have bound so many. Will not Mrs. +Page, yourself, and family, think it prudent to seek a healthier region +for the months of August and September? And may we not flatter ourselves +that you will cast your eye on Monticello? We have not many summers +to live. While fortune places us then within striking distance, let us +avail ourselves of it, to meet and talk over the tales of other times. + +Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and accept yourself my friendly +salutations, and assurances of constant affection. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER, XIV.--TO P. MAZZEI, July 18, 1804 + + +TO P. MAZZEI. + +Washington, July 18, 1804. + +My Dear Sir, + +It is very long, I know, since I wrote you. So constant is the pressure +of business that there is never a moment, scarcely, that something +of public importance is not waiting for me. I have, therefore, on a +principle of conscience, thought it my duty to withdraw almost entirely +from all private correspondence, and chiefly the trans-Atlantic; +I scarcely write a letter a year to any friend beyond sea. Another +consideration has led to this, which is the liability of my letters to +miscarry, be opened, and made ill use of. Although the great body of our +country are perfectly returned to their ancient principles, yet there +remains a phalanx of old tories and monarchists, more envenomed, as all +their hopes become more desperate. Every word of mine which they can get +hold of, however innocent, however orthodox even, is twisted, tormented, +perverted, and, like the words of holy writ, are made to mean every +thing but what they were intended to mean. I trust little, therefore, +unnecessarily in their way, and especially on political subjects. I +shall not, therefore, be free to answer all the several articles of your +letters. + +On the subject of treaties, our system is to have none with any nation, +as far as can be avoided. The treaty with England has therefore, not +been renewed, and all overtures for treaty with other nations have been +declined. We believe, that with nations as with individuals, dealings +may be carried on as anvantageously[sp.], perhaps more so, while their +continuance depends on a voluntary good treatment, as if fixed by a +contract, which, when it becomes injurious to either, is made, by forced +constructions, to mean what suits them, and becomes a cause of war +instead of a bond of peace. + +We wish to be on the closest terms of friendship with Naples, and we +will prove it by giving to her citizens, vessels, and goods all the +privileges of the most favored nation; and while we do this voluntarily, +we cannot doubt they will voluntarily do the same for us. Our interests +against the Barbaresques being also the same, we have little doubt she +will give us every facility to insure them, which our situation may ask +and hers admit. It is not, then, from a want of friendship that we do +not propose a treaty with Naples, but because it is against our system +to embarrass ourselves with treaties, or to entangle ourselves at +all with the affairs of Europe. The kind offices we receive from that +government are more sensibly felt, as such, than they would be, if +rendered only as due to us by treaty. + +Five fine frigates left the Chesapeake the 1st instant for Tripoli, +which, in addition to the force now there, will, I trust, recover the +credit which Commodore Morris's two years' sleep lost us, and for which +he has been broke. I think they will make Tripoli sensible, that they +mistake their interest in choosing war with us; and Tunis also, should +she have declared war, as we expect, and almost wish. + +Notwithstanding this little diversion, we pay seven or eight millions of +dollars annually of our public debt, and shall completely discharge +it in twelve years more. That done, our annual revenue, now thirteen +millions of dollars, which by that time will be twenty-five, will pay +the expenses of any war we may be forced into, without new taxes or +loans. The spirit of republicanism is now in almost all its ancient +vigor, five sixths of the people being with us. Fourteen of the +seventeen States are completely with us, and two of the other three will +be in one year. We have now got back to the ground on which you left us. +I should have retired at the end of the first four years, but that the +immense load of tory calumnies which have been manufactured respecting +me, and have filled the European market, have obliged me to appeal once +more to my country for a justification. I have no fear but that I shall +receive honorable testimony by their verdict on those calumnies. At the +end of the next four years I shall certainly retire. Age, inclination, +and principle all dictate this. My health, which at one time threatened +an unfavorable turn, is now firm. The acquisition of Louisiana, besides +doubling our extent, and trebling our quantity of fertile country, is +of incalculable value, as relieving us from the danger of war. It has +enabled us to do a handsome thing for Fayette. He had received a grant +of between eleven and twelve thousand acres north of the Ohio, worth, +perhaps, a dollar an acre. We have obtained permission of Congress to +locate it in Louisiana. Locations can be found adjacent to the city of +New Orleans, in the island of New Orleans and in its vicinity, the value +of which cannot be calculated. I hope it will induce him to come over +and settle there with his family. Mr. Livingston having asked leave to +return, General Armstrong, his brother-in-law, goes in his place: he is +of the first order of talents. + +Remarkable deaths lately, are, Samuel Adams, Edmund Pendleton, Alexander +Hamilton, Stephens Thompson Mason, Mann Page, Bellini, and Parson +Andrews. To these I have the inexpressible grief of adding the name of +my youngest daughter, who had married a son of Mr. Eppes, and has +left two children. My eldest daughter alone remains to me, and has six +children. This loss has increased my anxiety to retire, while it has +dreadfully lessened the comfort of doing it. Wythe, Dickinson, and +Charles Thomson are all living, and are firm republicans. You informed +me formerly of your marriage, and your having a daughter, but have said +nothing in you late letters on that subject. Yet whatever concerns your +happiness is sincerely interesting to me, and is a subject of anxiety, +retaining, as I do, cordial sentiments of esteem and affection for you. +Accept, I pray you, my sincere assurances of this, with my most friendly +salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XV.--TO MRS. ADAMS, July 22, 1804 + + +TO MRS. ADAMS. + +Washington, July 22, 1804. + +Dear Madam, + +Your favor of the 1st instant was duly received, and I would not again +have intruded on you, but to rectify certain facts which seem not to +have been presented to you under their true aspect. My charities to +Callendar are considered as rewards for his calumnies. As early, I +think, as 1796, I was told in Philadelphia, that Callendar, the author +of the 'Political Progress of Britain,' was in that city, a fugitive +from persecution for having written that book, and in distress. I +had read and approved the book; I considered him as a man of genius, +unjustly persecuted. I knew nothing of his private character, and +immediately expressed my readiness to contribute to his relief, and to +serve him. It was a considerable time after, that, on application from +a person who thought of him as I did, I contributed to his relief, and +afterwards repeated the contribution. Himself I did not see till long +after, nor ever more than two or three times. When he first began to +write, he told some useful truths in his coarse way; but nobody sooner +disapproved of his writing than I did, or wished more that he would be +silent. My charities to him were no more meant as encouragements to his +scurrilities, than those I give to the beggar at my door are meant +as rewards for the vices of his life, and to make them chargeable to +myself. In truth, they would have been greater to him, had he never +written a word after the work for which he fled from Britain. With +respect to the calumnies and falsehoods which writers and printers at +large published against Mr. Adams, I was as far from stooping to any +concern or approbation of them, as Mr. Adams was respecting those of +Porcupine, Fenno, or Russell, who published volumes against me for +every sentence vended by their opponents against Mr. Adams. But I never +supposed Mr. Adams had any participation in the atrocities of these +editors, or their writers. I knew myself incapable of that base warfare, +and believed him to be so. On the contrary, whatever I may have thought +of the acts of the administration of that day, I have ever borne +testimony to Mr. Adams's personal worth; nor was it ever impeached in my +presence, without a just vindication of it on my part. I never supposed +that any person who knew either of us, could believe that either of us +meddled in that dirty work. But another fact is, that I 'liberated a +wretch who was suffering for a libel against Mr. Adams.' I do not know +who was the particular wretch alluded to; but I discharged every person +under punishment or prosecution under the sedition law, because I +considered, and now consider, that law to be a nullity, as absolute and +as palpable as if Congress had ordered us to fall down and worship a +golden image; and that it was as much my duty to arrest its execution +in every stage, as it would have been to have rescued from the fiery +furnace those who should have been cast into it for refusing to worship +the image. It was accordingly done in every instance, without asking +what the offenders had done, or against whom they had offended, but +whether the pains they were suffering were inflicted under the pretended +sedition law. It was certainly possible that my motives for contributing +to the relief of Callendar, and liberating sufferers under the sedition +law might have been to protect, encourage, and reward slander; but they +may also have been those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of +distress, meritorious or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect +the constitution, violated by an unauthorized act of Congress. Which of +these were my motives, must be decided by a regard to the general tenor +of my life. On this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation at large, +to posterity, and still less to that Being who sees himself our motives, +who will judge us from his own knowledge of them, and not on the +testimony of Porcupine or Fenno. + +You observe, there has been one other act of my administration +personally unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me. I +declare on my honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what act is +alluded to. I never did a single one with an unkind intention. My sole +object in this letter being to place before your attention, that the +acts imputed to me are either such as are falsely imputed, or as might +flow from good as well as bad motives, I shall make no other addition, +than the assurances of my continued wishes for the health and happiness +of yourself and Mr. Adams. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XVI.--TO JAMES MADISON, August 15, 1804 + + +TO JAMES MADISON. + +Monticello, August 15, 1804. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter dated the 7th should probably have been of the 14th, as I +received it only by that day's post. I return you Monroe's letter, which +is of an awful complexion; and I do not wonder the communications it +contains made some impression on him. To a person placed in Europe, +surrounded by the immense resources of the nations there, and the +greater wickedness of their courts, even the limits which nature imposes +on their enterprises are scarcely sensible. It is impossible that France +and England should combine for any purpose; their mutual distrust and +deadly hatred of each other admit no co-operation. It is impossible that +England should be willing to see France re-possess Louisiana, or get +footing on our continent, and that France should willingly see the +United States re-annexed to the British dominions. That the Bourbons +should be replaced on their throne and agree to any terms of +restitution, is possible: but that they and England joined, could +recover us to British dominion, is impossible. If these things are +not so, then human reason is of no aid in conjecturing the conduct of +nations. Still, however, it is our unquestionable interest and duty to +conduct ourselves with such sincere friendship and impartiality towards +both nations, as that each may see unequivocally, what is unquestionably +true, that we may be very possibly driven into her scale by unjust +conduct in the other. I am so much impressed with the expediency of +putting a termination to the right of France to patronize the rights of +Louisiana, which will cease with their complete adoption as citizens of +the United States, that I hope to see that take place on the meeting +of Congress. I enclose you a paragraph from a newspaper respecting St. +Domingo, which gives me uneasiness. Still I conceive the British insults +in our harbor as more threatening. We cannot be respected by France as a +neutral nation, nor by the world or ourselves as an independent one, +if we do not take effectual measures to support, at every risk, our +authority in our own harbors. I shall write to Mr. Wagner directly +(that a post may not be lost by passing through you) to send us blank +commissions for Orleans and Louisiana, ready sealed, to be filled up, +signed, and forwarded by us. Affectionate salutations and constant +esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XVII.--TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE, August 30, 1804 + + +TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. + +Monticello, August 30, 1804. + +Dear Sir, + +Various circumstances of delay have prevented my forwarding till now +the general arrangements of the government of the territory of Orleans. +Enclosed herewith you will receive the commissions. Among these is one +for yourself as Governor. With respect to this I will enter into frank +explanations. This office was originally destined for a person * whose +great services and established fame would have rendered him peculiarly +acceptable to the nation at large. Circumstances, however, exist, +which do not now permit his nomination, and perhaps may not at any time +hereafter. That, therefore, being suspended, and entirely contingent, +your services have been so much approved, as to leave no desire to +look elsewhere to fill the office. Should the doubts you have sometimes +expressed, whether it would be eligible for you to continue, still exist +in your mind, the acceptance of the commission gives you time to satisfy +yourself by further experience, and to make the time and manner of +withdrawing, should you ultimately determine on that, agreeable to +yourself. Be assured, that whether you continue or retire, it will be +with every disposition on my part to be just and friendly to you. + +***** + +I salute you with friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + [* In the margin is written by the author, 'La Fayette.'] + + + + +LETTER XVIII.--TO MRS. ADAMS, September 11, 1804 + + +TO MRS. ADAMS. + +Monticello, September 11, 1804, + +Your letter, Madam, of the 18th of August has been some days received, +but a press of business has prevented the acknowledgment of it: perhaps, +indeed, I may have already trespassed too far on your attention. With +those who wish to think amiss of me, I have learned to be perfectly +indifferent; but where I know a mind to be ingenuous, and to need only +truth to set it to rights, I cannot be as passive. The act of personal +unkindness alluded to in your former letter, is said in your last to +have been the removal of your eldest son from some office to which +the judges had appointed him. I conclude, then, he must have been a +commissioner of bankruptcy. But I declare to you, on my honor, that +this is the first knowledge I have ever had that he was so. It may be +thought, perhaps, that I ought to have inquired who were such, before +I appointed others. But it is to be observed, that the former law +permitted the judges to name commissioners occasionally only, for every +case as it arose, and not to make them permanent officers. Nobody, +therefore, being in office, there could be no removal. The judges, you +well know, have been considered as highly federal; and it was noted +that they confined their nominations exclusively to federalists. The +legislature, dissatisfied with this, transferred the nomination to the +President, and made the offices permanent. The very object in passing +the law was, that he should correct, not confirm, what was deemed the +partiality of the judges. I thought it therefore proper to inquire, +not whom they had employed, but whom I ought to appoint to fulfil +the intentions of the law. In making these appointments, I put in a +proportion of federalists, equal, I believe, to the proportion they bear +in numbers through the Union generally. Had I known that your son had +acted, it would have been a real pleasure to me to have preferred him +to some who were named in Boston, in what was deemed the same line +of politics. To this I should have been led by my knowledge of his +integrity, as well as my sincere dispositions towards yourself and Mr. +Adams. + +You seem to think it devolved on the judges to decide on the validity of +the sedition law. But nothing in the constitution has given them a right +to decide for the executive, more than to the executive to decide for +them. Both magistracies are equally independent in the sphere of action +assigned to them. The judges, believing the law constitutional, had a +right to pass a sentence of fine and imprisonment, because the power was +placed in their hands by the constitution. But the executive, believing +the law to be unconstitutional, were bound to remit the execution of it; +because that power has been confided to them by the constitution. That +instrument meant that its co-ordinate branches should be checks on each +other. But the opinion which gives to the judges the right to decide +what laws are constitutional, and what not, not only for themselves in +their own sphere of action, but for the legislature and executive also +in their spheres, would make the judiciary a despotic branch. Nor does +the opinion of the unconstitutionality, and consequent nullity of that +law, remove all restraint from the overwhelming torrent of slander, +which is confounding all vice and virtue, all truth and falsehood, +in the United States. The power to do that is fully possessed by the +several State legislatures. It was reserved to them, and was denied +to the General Government, by the constitution, according to our +construction of it. While we deny that Congress have a right to control +the freedom of the press, we have ever asserted the right of the States, +and their exclusive right, to do so. They have, accordingly, all of them +made provisions for punishing slander, which those who have time and +inclination resort to for the vindication of their characters. In +general, the State laws appear to have made the presses responsible for +slander as far as is consistent with its useful freedom. In those States +where they do not admit even the truth of allegations to protect the +printer, they have gone too far. + +The candor manifested in your letter, and which I ever believed you to +possess, has alone inspired the desire of calling your attention once +more to those circumstances of fact and motive by which I claim to be +judged. I hope you will see these intrusions on your time to be, what +they really are, proofs of my great, respect for you. I tolerate with +the utmost latitude the right of others to differ from me in opinion, +without imputing to them criminality. I know too well the weakness and +uncertainty of human reason, to wonder at its different results. Both +of our political parties, at least the honest part of them, agree +conscientiously in the same object, the public good: but they differ +essentially in what they deem the means of promoting that good. One side +believes it best done by one composition of the governing powers; the +other, by a different one. One fears most the ignorance of the people; +the other, the selfishness of rulers independent of them. Which is +right, time and experience will prove. We think that one side of this +experiment has been long enough tried, and proved not to promote +the good of the many: and that the other has not been fairly and +sufficiently tried. Our opponents think the reverse. With whichever +opinion the body of the nation concurs, that must prevail. My anxieties +on this subject will never carry me beyond the use of fair and honorable +means of truth and reason; nor have they ever lessened my esteem for +moral worth, nor alienated my affections from a single friend, who did +not first withdraw himself. Wherever this has happened, I confess I have +not been insensible to it: yet have ever kept myself open to a return +of their justice. I conclude with sincere prayers for your health and +happiness, that yourself and Mr. Adams may long enjoy the tranquillity +you desire and merit, and see in the prosperity of your family what is +the consummation of the last and warmest of human wishes, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XIX.--TO MR. NICHOLSON, January 29, 1805 + + +TO MR. NICHOLSON. + +Washington, January 29, 1805. + +Dear Sir, + +Mr. Eppes has this moment put into my hands your letter of yesterday, +asking information on the subject of the gun-boats proposed to be built. +I lose no time in communicating to you fully my whole views respecting +them, premising a few words on the system of fortifications. Considering +the harbors which, from their situation and importance, are entitled to +defence, and the estimates we have seen of the fortifications planned +for some of them, this system cannot be completed on a moderate scale +for less than fifty millions of dollars, nor manned in time of war with +less than fifty thousand men, and in peace, two thousand. And when +done, they avail little; because all military men agree, that wherever a +vessel may pass a fort without tacking under her guns, which is the case +at all our sea-port towns, she may be annoyed more or less, according +to the advantages of the position, but can never be prevented. Our +own experience during the war proved this on different occasions. Our +predecessors have, nevertheless, proposed to go into this system, and +had commenced it. But, no law requiring us to proceed, we have suspended +it. + +If we cannot hinder vessels from entering our harbors, we should turn +our attention to the putting it out of their power to lie, or come to, +before a town, to injure it. Two means of doing this may be adopted in +aid of each other. 1. Heavy cannon on travelling carriages, which may be +moved to any point on the bank or beach most convenient for dislodging +the vessel. A sufficient number of these should be lent to each sea-port +town, and their militia trained to them. The executive is authorized to +do this; it has been done in a smaller degree, and will now be done more +competently. + +2. Having cannon on floating batteries or boats, which may be so +stationed as to prevent a vessel entering the harbor, or force her +after entering to depart. There are about fifteen harbors in the United +States, which ought to be in a state of substantial defence. The whole +of these would require, according to the best opinions, two hundred +and forty gun-boats. Their cost was estimated by Captain Rogers at two +thousand dollars each; but we had better say four thousand dollars. The +whole would cost one million of dollars. But we should allow ourselves +ten years to complete it, unless circumstances should force it sooner. +There are three situations in which the gun-boat may be. 1. Hauled up +under a shed, in readiness to be launched and manned by the seamen and +militia of the town on short notice. In this situation she costs nothing +but an enclosure, or a centinel to see that no mischief is done to her. +2. Afloat, and with men enough to navigate her in harbor and take care +of her, but depending on receiving her crew from the town on short +warning. In this situation, her annual expense is about two thousand +dollars, as by an official estimate at the end of this letter. 3. Fully +manned for action. Her annual expense in this situation is about eight +thousand dollars, as per estimate subjoined. 'When there is general +peace, we should probably keep about six or seven afloat in the second +situation; their annual expense twelve to fourteen thousand dollars; the +rest all hauled up. When France and England are at war, we should keep, +at the utmost, twenty-five in the second situation, their annual expense +fifty thousand dollars. When we should be at war ourselves, some of them +would probably be kept in the third situation, at an annual expense of +eight thousand dollars; but how many, must depend on the circumstances +of the war. We now possess ten, built and building. It is the opinion of +those consulted, that fifteen more would enable us to put every harbor +under our view into a respectable condition; and that this should limit +the views of the present year. This would require an appropriation of +sixty thousand dollars, and I suppose that the best way of limiting it, +without declaring the number, as perhaps that sum would build more. I +should think it best not to give a detailed report, which exposes our +policy too much. A bill, with verbal explanations, will suffice for the +information of the House. I do not know whether General Wilkinson would +approve the printing his paper. If he would, it would be useful. Accept +affectionate and respectful salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XX.--TO MR. VOLNEY, February 8, 1805 + + +TO MR. VOLNEY. + +Washington, February 8, 1805. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter of November the 26th came to hand May the 14th; the books +some time after, which were all distributed according to direction. +The copy for the East Indies went immediately by a safe conveyance. The +letter of April the 28th, and the copy of your work accompanying +that, did not come to hand till August. That copy was deposited in the +Congressional library. It was not till my return here from my autumnal +visit to Monticello, that I had an opportunity of reading your work. I +have read it, and with great satisfaction. Of the first part I am less a +judge than most people, having never travelled westward of Staunton, +so as to know any thing of the face of the country; nor much indulged +myself in geological inquiries, from a belief that the skin-deep +scratches, which we can make or find on the surface of the earth, do not +repay our time with as certain and useful deductions, as our pursuits in +some other branches. The subject of our winds is more familiar to me. +On that, the views you have taken are always great, supported in their +outlines by your facts; and though more extensive observations, and +longer continued, may produce some anomalies, yet they will probably +take their place in this first great canvass which you have sketched. In +no case, perhaps, does habit attach our choice or judgment more than +in climate. The Canadian glows with delight in his sleigh and snow, +the very idea of which gives me the shivers. The comparison of climate +between Europe and North America, taking together its corresponding +parts, hangs chiefly on three great points. 1. The changes between heat +and cold in America are greater and more frequent, and the extremes +comprehend a greater scale on the thermometer in America than in Europe. +Habit, however, prevents these from affecting us more than the smaller +changes of Europe affect the European. But he is greatly affected by +ours. 2. Our sky is always clear; that of Europe always cloudy. Hence a +greater accumulation of heat here than there, in the same parallel. 3. +The changes between wet and dry are much more frequent and sudden in +Europe than in America. Though we have double the rain, it falls in half +the time. Taking all these together, I prefer much the climate of the +United States to that of Europe. I think it a more cheerful one. It +is our cloudless sky which has eradicated from our constitutions all +disposition to hang ourselves, which we might otherwise have inherited +from our English ancestors. During a residence of between six and seven +years in Paris, I never but once saw the sun shine through a whole day, +without being obscured by a cloud in any part of it: and I never saw the +moment, in which, viewing the sky through its whole hemisphere, I could +say there was not the smallest speck of a cloud in it. I arrived at +Monticello, on my return from France, in January, and during only two +months' stay there, I observed to my daughters, who had been with me to +France, that twenty odd times within that term, there was not a speck of +a cloud in the whole hemisphere. Still I do not wonder that an European +should prefer his grey to our azure sky. Habit decides our taste in +this, as in most other cases. + +The account you give of the yellow fever, is entirely agreeable to what +we then knew of it. Further experience has developed more and more +its peculiar character. Facts appear to have established, that it is +originated here by a local atmosphere, which is never generated but +in the lower, closer, and dirtier parts of our large cities, in the +neighborhood of the water; and that, to catch the disease, you must +enter the local atmosphere. Persons having taken the disease in the +infected quarter, and going into the country, are nursed and buried by +their friends, without an example of communicating it. A vessel going +from the infected quarter, and carrying its atmosphere in its hold into +another State, has given the disease to every person who there entered +her. These have died in the arms of their families, without a single +communication of the disease. It is certainly, therefore, an epidemic, +not a contagious disease; and calls on the chemists for some mode +of purifying the vessel by a decomposition of its atmosphere, if +ventilation be found insufficient. In the long scale of bilious fevers, +graduated by many shades, this is probably the last and most mortal +term. It seizes the native of the place equally with strangers. It has +not been long known in any part of the United States. The shade +next above it, called the stranger's fever, has been coeval with the +settlement of the larger cities in the southern parts, to wit, Norfolk, +Charleston, New Orleans. Strangers going to these places in the months +of July, August, or September, find this fever as mortal as the genuine +yellow fever. But it rarely attacks those who have resided in them +some time. Since we have known that kind of yellow fever which is no +respecter of persons, its name has been extended to the stranger's +fever, and every species of bilious fever which produces a black vomit, +that is to say, a discharge of very dark bile. Hence we hear of yellow +fever on the Allegany mountains, in Kentucky, &c. This is a matter +of definition only: but it leads into error those who do not know how +loosely and how interestedly some physicians think and speak. So far +as we have yet seen, I think we are correct in saying, that the yellow +fever, which seizes on all indiscriminately, is an ultimate degree of +bilious fever, never known in the United States till lately, nor farther +south, as yet, than Alexandria, and that what they have recently called +the yellow fever in New Orleans, Charleston, and Norfolk, is what has +always been known in those places as confined chiefly to strangers, and +nearly as mortal to them, as the other is to all its subjects. But both +grades are local: the stranger's fever less so, as it sometimes extends +a little into the neighborhood; but the yellow fever rigorously so, +confined within narrow and well defined limits, and not communicable +out of those limits. Such a constitution of atmosphere being requisite +to originate this disease as is generated only in low, close, and +ill-cleansed parts of a town, I have supposed it practicable to prevent +its generation by building our cities on a more open plan. Take, for +instance, the chequer-board for a plan. Let the black squares only be +building squares, and the white ones be left open, in turf and trees. +Every square of houses will be surrounded by four open squares, and +every house will front an open square. The atmosphere of such a town +would be like that of the country, insusceptible of the miasmata which +produce yellow fever. I have accordingly proposed that the enlargements +of the city of New Orleans, which must immediately take place, shall be +on this plan. But it is only in case of enlargements to be made, or of +cities to be built, that his means of prevention can be employed. + +The _genus irritabile vatum_ could not let the author of the Ruins +publish a new work, without seeking in it the means of discrediting that +puzzling composition. Some one of those holy calumniators has selected +from your new work every scrap of a sentence, which, detached from its +context, could displease an American reader. A cento has been made of +these, which has run through a particular description of newspapers, and +excited a disapprobation even in friendly minds, which nothing but the +reading of the book will cure. But time and truth will at length correct +error. + +Our countrymen are so much occupied in the busy scenes of life, that +they have little time to write or invent. A good invention here, +therefore, is such a rarity as it is lawful to offer to the acceptance +of a friend. A Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, has invented +a machine, which he calls a polygraph, and which carries two, three, or +four pens. That of two pens, with which I am now writing, is best; +and is so perfect that I have laid aside the copying-press, for a +twelvemonth past, and write always with the polygraph. I have directed +one to be made, of which I ask your acceptance. By what conveyance I +shall send it while Havre is blockaded, I do not yet know. I think you +will be pleased with it, and will use it habitually as I do; because it +requires only that degree of mechanical attention which I know you to +possess. I am glad to hear that M. Cabanis is engaged in writing on the +reformation of medicine. It needs the hand of a reformer, and cannot +be in better hands than his. Will you permit my respects to him and the +Abbe de la Roche to find a place here. + +A word now on our political state. The two parties which prevailed with +so much violence when you were here, are almost wholly melted into +one. At the late Presidential election I have received one hundred and +sixty-two votes against fourteen only. Connecticut is still federal by a +small majority; and Delaware on a poise, as she has been since 1775, and +will be till Anglomany with her yields to Americanism. Connecticut will +be with us in a short time. Though the people in mass have joined us, +their leaders had committed themselves too far to retract. Pride keeps +them hostile; they brood over their angry passions, and give them vent +in the newspapers which they maintain. They still make as much noise as +if they were the whole nation. Unfortunately, these being the mercantile +papers, published chiefly in the seaports, are the only ones which find +their way to Europe, and make very false impressions there. I am happy +to hear that the late derangement of your health is going off, and that +you are reestablished. I sincerely pray for the continuance of that +blessing, and with my affectionate salutations, tender you assurances of +great respect and attachment. + +Th: Jefferson. + +P. S. The sheets which you receive are those of the copying-pen of the +polygraph, not of the one with which I have written. + + + + +LETTER XXI.--TO JUDGE TYLER, March 29, 1805 + + +TO JUDGE TYLER. + +Monticello, March 29, 1805. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of the 17th found me on a short visit to this place, and I +observe in it with great pleasure a continuance of your approbation +of the course we are pursuing, and particularly the satisfaction you +express with the last inaugural address. The first was, from the nature +of the case, all profession and promise. Performance, therefore, seemed +to be the proper office of the second. But the occasion restricted me to +mention only the most prominent heads, and the strongest justification +of these in the fewest words possible. The crusade preached against +philosophy by the modern disciples of steady habits, induced me to dwell +more in showing its effect with the Indians than the subject otherwise +justified. + +The war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact. 1st. It is made +known to us by our agents with the three other Barbary States, that they +only wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct accordingly. +If the war is ended by additional tribute, they mean to offer us the +same alternative. 2ndly. If peace was made, we should still, and shall +ever, be obliged to keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe +rupture, or we must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris +with a respectable force, was to try whether peace could be forced by +a coercive enterprise on their town. His inexecution of orders baffled +that effort. Having broke him, we try the same experiment under a better +commander. If in the course of the summer they cannot produce peace, we +shall recall our force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which +will keep up a perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us no more +than a state of peace, and will save us from increased tributes, and +the disgrace attached to them. There is reason to believe the example +we have set, begins already to work on the dispositions of the powers +of Europe to emancipate themselves from that degrading yoke. Should we +produce such a revolution there, we shall be amply rewarded for what +we have done. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great +respect and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXII.--TO DOCTOR LOGAN, May 11, 1805 + + +TO DOCTOR LOGAN. + +Washington, May 11, 1805. + +Dear Sir, + +I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken place among +our friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and will probably take place +in other States. The main body of both sections mean well, but their +good intentions will produce great public evil. The minority, +whichever section shall be the minority, will end in coalition with the +federalists, and some compromise of principle; because these will not +sell their aid for nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism +gain, some portion of that ground which we thought we had rescued to +good government. I do not express my sense of our misfortunes from any +idea that they are remediable. I know that the passions of men will take +their course, that they are not to be controlled but by despotism, and +that this melancholy truth is the pretext for despotism. The duty of an +upright administration is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing +of these family dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of +both parties. The war _ad internecionem_ which we have waged against +federalism, has filled our latter times with strife and unhappiness. We +have met it, with pain indeed, but with firmness, because we believed it +the last convulsive effort of that Hydra, which in earlier times we had +conquered in the field. But if any degeneracy of principle should ever +render it necessary to give ascendancy to one of the rising sections +over the other, I thank my God it will fall to some other to perform +that operation. The only cordial I wish to carry into my retirement, is +the undivided good will of all those with whom I have acted. + +Present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and accept my salutations, and +assurances of constant friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXIII.--TO JUDGE SULLIVAN, May 21, 1805 + + +TO JUDGE SULLIVAN. + +Washington, May 21, 1805. + +Dear Sir, + +An accumulation of business, which I found on my return here from a +short visit to Monticello, has prevented till now my acknowledgment of +your favor of the 14th _ultimo_. This delay has given time to see the +result of the contest in your State, and I cannot but congratulate you +on the advance it manifests, and the certain prospect it offers that +another year restores Massachusetts to the general body of the nation. +You have indeed received the federal unction of lying and slandering. +But who has not? Who will ever again come into eminent office, +unanointed with this chrism? It seems to be fixed that falsehood and +calumny are to be their ordinary engines of opposition; engines which +will not be entirely without effect. The circle of characters equal +to the first stations is not too large, and will be lessened by the +voluntary retreat of those whose sensibilities are stronger than their +confidence in the justice of public opinion. I certainly have known, and +still know, characters eminently qualified for the most exalted trusts, +who could not bear up against the brutal hackings and hewings of these +heroes of Billingsgate. I may say, from intimate knowledge, that we +should have lost the services of the greatest character of our country, +had he been assailed with the degree of abandoned licentiousness now +practised. The torture he felt under rare and slight attacks, proved +that under those of which the federal bands have shown themselves +capable, he would have thrown up the helm in a burst of indignation. +Yet this effect of sensibility must not be yielded to. If we suffer +ourselves to be frightened from our post by mere lying, surely the enemy +will use that weapon; for what one so cheap to those of whose system of +politics morality makes no part? The patriot, like the Christian, must +learn that to bear revilings and persecutions is a part of his duty; +and in proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it becomes more +requisite and praiseworthy. It requires, indeed, self-command. But +that will be fortified in proportion as the calls for its exercise are +repeated. In this I am persuaded we shall have the benefit of your good +example. To the other falsehoods they have brought forward, should they +add, as you expect, insinuations of want of confidence in you from the +administration generally, or myself particularly, it will, like their +other falsehoods, produce in the public mind a contrary inference. + +********* + +I tender you my friendly and respectful salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXIV.--TO THOMAS PAINE, June 5, 1805 + + +TO THOMAS PAINE. + +Washington, June 5, 1805. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letters, Nos. 1, 2, 3, the last of them dated April the 20th, were +received April the 26th. I congratulate you on your retirement to +your farm, and still more that it is of a character so worthy of your +attention. I much doubt whether the open room on your second story will +answer your expectations. There will be a few days in the year in which +it will be delightful, but not many. Nothing but trees, or Venetian +blinds, can protect it from the sun. The semi-cylindrical roof you +propose will have advantages. You know it has been practised on the +cloth market at Paris. De Lorme, the inventor, shows many forms of roofs +in his book, to which it is applicable. I have used it at home for a +dome, being one hundred and twenty degrees of an oblong octagon, and in +the capitol we unite two quadrants of a sphere by a semi-cylinder: all +framed in De Lorme's manner. How has your planing machine answered? Has +it been tried and persevered in by any workman? + +France has become so jealous of our conduct as to St. Domingo (which in +truth is only the conduct of our merchants), that the offer to become +a mediator would only confirm her suspicions. Bonaparte, however, +expressed satisfaction at the paragraph in my message to Congress on the +subject of that commerce. With respect to the German redemptioners, +you know I can do nothing, unless authorized by law. It would be made a +question in Congress, whether any of the enumerated objects to which +the constitution authorizes the money of the Union to be applied, would +cover an expenditure for importing settlers to Orleans. The letter of +the revolutionary sergeant was attended to by General Dearborn, who +wrote to him informing him how to proceed to obtain his land. + +Doctor Eustis's observation to you, that 'certain paragraphs in the +National Intelligencer,' respecting my letter to you, 'supposed to be +under Mr. Jefferson's direction, had embarrassed Mr. Jefferson's friends +in Massachusetts; that they appeared like a half denial of the letter, +or as if there was something in it not proper to be owned, or that +needed an apology,' is one of those mysterious half confidences +difficult to be understood. That tory printers should think it +advantageous to identify me with that paper, the Aurora, &c. in order to +obtain ground for abusing me, is perhaps fair warfare. But that any one +who knows me personally should listen one moment to such an insinuation, +is what I did not expect. I neither have, nor ever had, any more +connection with those papers than our antipodes have; nor know what is +to be in them until I see it in them, except proclamations and other +documents sent for publication. The friends in Massachusetts who could +be embarrassed by so weak a weapon as this, must be feeble friends +indeed. With respect to the letter, I never hesitated to avow and to +justify it in conversation. In no other way do I trouble myself to +contradict any thing which is said. At that time, however, there were +certain anomalies in the motions of some of our friends, which events +have at length reduced to regularity. + +It seems very difficult to find out what turn things are to take in +Europe. I suppose it depends on Austria, which knowing it is to stand in +the way of receiving the first hard blows, is cautious of entering into +a coalition. As to France and England we can have but one wish, that +they may disable one another from injuring others. + +Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + +[The following, in the hand-writing of the Author, is inserted in his +MS. of this period. Whether it was published, or where, is not stated.] + +Richmond, 1780, December 31. At 8 A. M. the Governor receives the first +intelligence that twenty-seven sail of ships had entered Chesapeake Bay, +and were in the morning of the 29th just below Willoughby's point (the +southern cape of James river); their destination unknown. + + +1781, January 2. At 10 A. M. information received that they had entered +James river, their advance being at Warrasqueak bay. Orders were +immediately given for calling in the militia, one fourth from some, +and one half from other counties. The members of the legislature, +which rises this day, are the bearers of the orders to their respective +counties. The Governor directs the removal of the records into the +country, and the transportation of the military stores from Richmond to +Westham (on the river seven miles above); there to be carried across the +river. + + +January 3. At 8 P. M. the enemy are said to be a little below Jamestown; +convenient for landing, if Williamsburg is their object. + + +January 4. At 5 A. M. information is received that they had passed +Kennon's and Hood's the evening before, with a strong; easterly wind, +which determines their object to be either Petersburg or Richmond. The +Governor now calls in the whole militia from the adjacent counties. + + +At 5 P. M. information, that at 2 P. M. they were landed and drawn up +at Westover (on the north side of the river, and twenty-five miles below +Richmond); and consequently Richmond their destination. Orders are +now given to discontinue wagoning the military stores from Richmond to +Westham, and to throw them across the river directly at Richmond. + +The Governor having attended to this till an hour and a half in the +night, then rode up to the foundery (one mile below Westham), ordered +Captains Boush and Irish, and Mr. Hylton, to continue all night wagoning +to Westham the arms and stores still at the foundery, to be thrown +across the river at Westham, then proceeded to Westham to urge the +pressing the transportation there across the river, and thence went to +Tuckahoe (eight miles above and on the same side of the river) to see +after his family, which he had sent that far in the course of the day. +He arrived there at 1 o'clock in the night. + + +January 5. Early in the morning, he carried his family across the river +there, and sending them to Fine Creek (eight miles higher up) went +himself to Britton's on the south side of the river, (opposite to +Westham). Finding the arms, &c. in a heap near the shore, and exposed +to be destroyed by cannon from the north bank, he had them removed under +cover of a point of land near by. He proceeded to Manchester (opposite +to Richmond). The enemy had arrived at Richmond at 1 P. M. Having found +that nearly the whole arms had been got there from Richmond, he set out +for Chetwood's to meet with Baron Steuben, who had appointed that +place as a rendezvous and head-quarters; but not finding him there, +and understanding he would be at Colonel Fleming's (six miles above +Britton's), he proceeded thither. The enemy had now a detachment +at Westham, and sent a deputation from the city of Richmond to the +Governor, at Colonel Fleming's, to propose terms for ransoming the +safety of the city, which terms he rejected. + + +January 6. The Governor returned to Britton's, had measures taken more +effectually to secure the books and papers there. The enemy, having +burnt some houses and stores, left Richmond after twenty-four hours' +stay there, and encamped at Four Mile Creek (eight or ten miles below); +and the Governor went to look to his family at Fine Creek. + + +January 7. He returned to Britton's to see further to the arms there, +exposed on the ground to heavy rains which had fallen the night before, +and thence proceeded to Manchester and lodged there. The enemy encamped +at Westover. + + +January 8. At half after 7 A. M. he crossed over to Richmond, and +resumed his residence there. The enemy are still retained in their +encampment at Westover by an easterly wind. Colonel John Nicholas has +now three hundred militia at the Forest (six miles off from Westover); +General Nelson, two hundred at Charles City Court-House (eight miles +below Westover); Gibson, one thousand, and Baron Steuben, eight hundred, +on the south side of the river. + + +January 9. The enemy are still encamped at Westover. + + +January 10. At 1 P. M. they embark: and the wind having shifted a little +to the north of west, and pretty fresh, they fall down the river. Baron +Steuben marches for Hood's, where their passage may be checked. He +reaches Bland's mills in the evening, within nine miles of Hood's. + + +January 11. At 8 A. M. the wind due west and strong, they make good +their retreat. + + +During this period, time and place have been minutely cited, in order +that those who think there was any remissness in the movements of the +Governor, may lay their finger on the point, and say, when and where it +was. Hereafter, less detail will suffice. + +Soon after this, General Phillips having joined Arnold with a +reinforcement of two thousand men, they advanced again up to Petersburg, +and about the last of April to Manchester. The Governor had remained +constantly in and about Richmond, exerting all his powers for collecting +militia, and providing such means for the defence of the State as its +exhausted resources admitted. Never assuming a guard, and with only the +river between him and the enemy, his lodgings were frequently within +four, five, or six miles of them. + +M. de la Fayette about this time arrived at Richmond with some +continental troops, with which, and the militia collected, he continued +to occupy that place, and the north bank of the river, while Phillips +and Arnold held Manchester and the south bank. But Lord Cornwallis, +about the middle of May, joining them with the main southern army, M. +de la Fayette was obliged to retire. The enemy crossed the river, and +advanced up into the country about fifty miles, and within thirty miles +of Charlottesville, at which place the legislature being to meet in +June, the Governor proceeded to his seat at Monticello, two or three +miles from it. His office was now near expiring, the country under +invasion by a powerful army, no services but military of any avail; +unprepared by his line of life and education for the command of armies, +he believed it right not to stand in the way of talents better fitted +than his own to the circumstances under which the country was placed. +He therefore himself proposed to his friends in the legislature, that +General Nelson, who commanded the militia of the State, should be +appointed Governor, as he was sensible that the union of the civil and +military power in the same hands, at this time, would greatly facilitate +military measures. This appointment accordingly took place on the 12th +of June, 1781. + +This was the state of things, when, his office having actually expired, +and no successor yet in place, Colonel Tarleton, with his regiment, of +horse, was detached by Lord Cornwallis to surprise Mr. Jefferson +(whom they thought still in office) and the legislature now sitting in +Charlottesville. The Speakers of the two Houses, and some other members +of the legislature, were lodging with Mr. Jefferson at Monticello. +Tarleton, early in the morning, (June 23, I believe,) when within ten +miles of that place, detached a company of horse to secure him and +his guests, and proceeded himself rapidly with his main body to +Charlottesville, where he hoped to find the legislature unapprized of +his movement. Notice of it, however, had been brought both to Monticello +and Charlottesville about sunrise. The Speakers, with their colleagues, +returned to Charlottesville, and, with the other members of the +legislature, had barely time to get out of his way. Mr. Jefferson sent +off his family, to secure them from danger, and was himself still at +Monticello, making arrangements for his own departure, when Lieutenant +Hudson arrived there at half speed, and informed him the enemy were then +ascending the hill of Monticello. He departed immediately, and knowing +that he would be pursued if he took the high road, he plunged into the +woods of the adjoining mountain, where, being at once safe, he proceeded +to overtake his family. This is the famous adventure of Carter's +Mountain, which has been so often resounded through the slanderous +chronicles of Federalism. But they have taken care never to detail the +facts, lest these should show that this favorite charge amounted to +nothing more, than that he did not remain in his house, and there singly +fight a whole troop of horse, or suffer himself to be taken prisoner. +Having accompanied his family one day's journey, he returned to +Monticello. Tarleton had retired after eighteen hours' stay in +Charlottesville. Mr. Jefferson then rejoined his family, and proceeded +with them to an estate he had in Bedford, about eighty miles southwest, +where, riding in his farm some time after, he was thrown from his horse, +and disabled from riding on horseback for a considerable time. But Mr. +Turner finds it more convenient to give him this fall in his retreat +before Tarleton, which had happened some weeks before, as a proof that +he withdrew from a troop of horse with a precipitancy which Don Quixote +would not have practised. + +The facts here stated most particularly, with date of time and place, +are taken from the notes made by the writer hereof, for his own +satisfaction, at the time: the others are from memory, but so well +recollected, that he is satisfied there is no material fact misstated. +Should any person undertake to contradict any particular, on evidence +which may at all merit the public respect, the writer will take the +trouble (though not at all in the best situation for it) to produce the +proofs in support of it. He finds, indeed, that, of the persons whom he +recollects to have been present on these occasions, few have survived +the intermediate lapse of four and twenty years. Yet he trusts that +some, as well as himself, are yet among the living; and he is positively +certain, that no man can falsify any material fact here stated. He well +remembers, indeed, that there were then, as there are at all times, +some who blamed every thing done contrary to their own opinion, although +their opinions were formed on a very partial knowledge of facts. The +censures, which have been hazarded by such men as Mr. Turner, are +nothing but revivals of these half-informed opinions. Mr. George +Nicholas, then a very young man, but always a very honest one, was +prompted by these persons to bring specific charges against Mr. +Jefferson. The heads of these, in writing, were communicated through a +mutual friend to Mr. Jefferson, who committed to writing also the +heads of justification on each of them. I well remember this paper, and +believe the original of it still exists; and though framed when every +real fact was fresh in the knowledge of every one, this fabricated +flight from Richmond was not among the charges stated in this paper, nor +any charge against Mr. Jefferson for not fighting, singly, the troop of +horse. Mr. Nicholas candidly relinquished further proceeding. The House +of Representatives of Virginia pronounced an honorable sentence of +entire approbation of Mr. Jefferson's conduct, and so much the more +honorable, as themselves had been witnesses to it. And Mr. George +Nicholas took a conspicuous occasion afterwards, of his own free will, +and when the matter was entirely at rest, to retract publicly the +erroneous opinions he had been led into on that occasion, and to make +just reparation by a candid acknowledgment of them. + + + + +LETTER XXV.--TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER, March 2, 1806 + + +TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER. + +Washington, March 2, 1806. + +Gentlemen, + +I have received the favor of your letter of February the 2nd, and read +with thankfulness its obliging expressions respecting myself. I regret +that the object of a letter from persons whom I so much esteem, and +patronized by so many other respectable names, should be beyond the +law which a mature consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my +conduct. I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of +his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to +see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable. This +I believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle of his own +inquiry and information, the subjects of distress to whose relief his +contributions shall be applied. If this rule be reasonable in private +life, it becomes so necessary in my situation, that to relinquish it +would leave me without rule or compass. The applications of this kind +from different parts of our own, and from foreign countries, are far +beyond any resources within my command. The mission of Serampore, in the +East Indies, the object of the present application, is but one of many +items. However disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our means +having limits, we are necessarily circumscribed by them. They are too +narrow to relieve even the distresses under our own eye: and to desert +these for others which we neither see nor know, is to omit doing a +certain good for one which is uncertain. I know, indeed, there have +been splendid associations for effecting benevolent purposes in remote +regions of the earth. But no experience of their effect has proved that +more good would not have been done by the same means employed nearer +home. In explaining, however, my own motives of action, I must not be +understood as impeaching those of others. Their views are those of +an expanded liberality. Mine may be too much restrained by the law of +usefulness. But it is a law to me, and with minds like yours, will be +felt as a justification. With this apology, I pray you to accept my +salutations, and assurances of high esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXVI.--TO MR. DUANE, March 22, 1806 + + +TO MR. DUANE. + +Washington, March 22, 1806. + +I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th; which, +however, I did not receive till the 20th. It is a proof of sincerity, +which I value above all things; as, between those who practise it, +falsehood and malice work their efforts in vain. There is an enemy +somewhere endeavoring to sow discord among us. Instead of listening +first, then doubting, and lastly believing anile tales handed round +without an atom of evidence, if my friends will address themselves to +me directly, as you have done, they shall be informed with frankness +and thankfulness. There is not a truth on earth which I fear or would +disguise. But secret slanders cannot be disarmed, because they are +secret. Although you desire no answer, I shall give you one to those +articles admitting a short answer, reserving those which require more +explanation than the compass of a letter admits, to conversation on your +arrival here. And as I write this for your personal satisfaction, I +rely that my letter will, under no circumstances, be communicated to any +mortal, because you well know how every syllable from me is distorted by +the ingenuity of political enemies. + +In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly or +indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than I ever +had before. This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not from +design. And if there be any coolness between those of the south and +myself, it has not been from me towards them. Certainly there has been +no other reserve, than to avoid taking part in the divisions among +our friends. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration is +sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join in league with Britain, +under any belief that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind, +and to enter into war with Spain, and consequently France. The House of +Representatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr. R.'s +resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western +service. We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those nations, if +it can be effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not the only ground +of his alienation; but which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of +eighty-seven to eleven republicans may satisfy you: but you will better +satisfy yourself on coming here, where alone the true state of things +can be known, and where you will see republicanism as solidly embodied +on all essential points, as you ever saw it on any occasion. + +That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is +totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial +administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while +differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm, +that as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my +message to Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was +not a unanimity of concurrence in the members of the administration. The +fact is, that in ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me +on those of his department, and where any thing arises too difficult or +important to be decided between us, the consultation becomes general. + +That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a public +profession and concealed counteraction, is false. + +That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins, and +declared I would appoint none but those called moderates of both +parties, and that I have avowed or entertain any predilection for those +called the third party, or Quids, is in every tittle of it false. + +That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me is an absolute +falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might; and I am satisfied it is +equally so as to Mr. Madison. To know as much of it as we could was our +duty, but not to encourage it. + +Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do, is liable to the +criticisms of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recommend +measures in a public message, it may be said that members are not sent +here to obey the mandates of the President, or to register the edicts +of a sovereign. If we express opinions in conversation, we have then our +Charles Jenkinsons, and back-door counsellors. If we say nothing, 'we +have no opinions, no plans, no cabinet.' In truth, it is the fable of +the old man, his son, and ass, over again. + +These are short facts, which may suffice to inspire you with caution, +until you can come here and examine for yourself. No other information +can give you a true insight into the state of things; but you will have +no difficulty in understanding them when on the spot. In the mean time, +accept my friendly salutations and cordial good wishes. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXVII.--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, March 24,1806 + + +TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.--[Confidential.] + +Washington, March 24,1806. + +Dear Sir, + +A last effort at friendly settlement with Spain is proposed to be made +at Paris, and under the auspices of France. For this purpose, General +Armstrong and Mr. Bowdoin (both now at Paris) have been appointed joint +commissioners: but such a cloud of dissatisfaction rests on General +Armstrong in the minds of many persons, on account of a late occurrence +stated in all the public papers, that we have in contemplation to add +a third commissioner, in order to give the necessary measure of public +confidence to the commission. Of these two gentlemen, one being of +Massachusetts and one of new York, it is thought the third should be +a southern man; and the rather, as the interests to be negotiated +are almost entirely southern and western. This addition is not yet +ultimately decided on; but I am inclined to believe it will be adopted. +Under this expectation, and my wish that you may be willing to undertake +it, I give you the earliest possible intimation of it, that you may +be preparing both your mind and your measures for the mission. The +departure would be required to be very prompt; though the absence, +I think, will not be long, Bonaparte not being in the practice of +procrastination. This particular consideration will, I hope, reconcile +the voyage to your affairs and your feelings. The allowance to an extra +mission, is salary from the day of leaving home, and expenses to +the place of destination, or in lieu of the latter, and to avoid +settlements, a competent fixed sum may be given. For the return, a +continuance of the salary for three months after fulfilment of the +commission. Be so good as to make up your mind as quickly as possible, +and to answer me as early as possible. Consider the measure as proposed +provisionally only, and not to be communicated to any mortal until we +see it proper. Affectionate salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXVIII.--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, April 13, 1806 + + +TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. + +Washington, April 13, 1806. + +Dear Sir, + +The situation of your affairs certainly furnishes good cause for your +not acceding to my proposition of a special mission to Europe. My only +hope had been, that they could have gone on one summer without you. +An unjust hostility against General Armstrong will, I am afraid, +show itself whenever any treaty made by him shall be offered for +ratification. I wished, therefore, to provide against this, by joining a +person who would have united the confidence of the whole Senate. General +Smith was so prominent in the opposition to Armstrong, that it would be +impossible for them to act together. We conclude, therefore, to leave +the matter with Armstrong and Bowdoin. Indeed, my dear Sir, I wish +sincerely you were back in the Senate; and that you would take the +necessary measures to get yourself there. Perhaps, as a preliminary, you +should go to our legislature. Giles's absence has been a most serious +misfortune. A majority of the Senate means well. But Tracy and Bayard +are too dexterous for them, and have very much influenced their +proceedings. Tracy has been of nearly every committee during the +session, and for the most part the chairman, and of course drawer of the +reports. Seven federalists voting always in phalanx, and joined by some +discontented republicans, some oblique ones, some capricious, have so +often made a majority, as to produce very serious embarrassment to the +public operations; and very much do I dread the submitting to them, at +the next session, any treaty which can be made with either England or +Spain, when I consider that five joining the federalists, can defeat a +friendly settlement of our affairs. The House of Representatives is as +well disposed as I ever saw one. The defection of so prominent a leader +threw them into dismay and confusion for a moment; but they soon rallied +to their own principles, and let him go off with five or six followers +only. One half of these are from Virginia. His late declaration of +perpetual opposition to this administration, drew off a few others, who +at first had joined him, supposing his opposition occasional only, +and not systematic. The alarm the House has had from this schism, has +produced a rallying together, and a harmony, which carelessness and +security had begun to endanger. On the whole, this little trial of the +firmness of our representatives in their principles, and that of the +people also, which is declaring itself in support of their public +functionaries, has added much to my confidence in the stability of our +government; and to my conviction, that should things go wrong at any +time, the people will set them to rights by the peaceable exercise of +their elective rights. To explain to you the character of this schism, +its objects and combinations, can only be done in conversation; and +must be deferred till I see you at Monticello, where I shall probably +be about the 10th or 12th of May, to pass the rest of the month there. +Congress has agreed to rise on Monday the 21st. + +Accept my affectionate salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXIX.--TO MR. HARRIS, April 18, 1806 + +TO MR. HARRIS. + +Washington, April 18, 1806. + +Sir, + +It is now some time since I received from you, through the house of +Smith and Buchanan, at Baltimore, a bust of the Emperor Alexander, +for which I have to return you my thanks. These are the more cordial, +because of the value the bust derives from the great estimation in which +its original is held by the world, and by none more than by myself. +It will constitute one of the most valued ornaments of the retreat I am +preparing for myself at my native home. Accept, at the same time, my +acknowledgments for the elegant work of Atkinson and Walker on the +customs of the Russians. I had laid it down as a law for my conduct +while in office, and hitherto scrupulously observed, to accept of no +present beyond a book, a pamphlet, or other curiosity of minor value; +as well to avoid imputations on my motives of action, as to shut out +a practice susceptible of such abuse. But my particular esteem for the +character of the Emperor places his image in my mind above the scope of +law. I receive it, therefore, and shall cherish it with affection. It +nourishes the contemplation of all the good placed in his power, and of +his disposition to do it. + +A little before Dr. Priestley's death, he informed me that he had +received intimations, through a channel he confided in, that the +Emperor entertained a wish to know something of our constitution. I have +therefore selected the two best works we have on that subject, for which +I pray you to ask a place in his library. They are too much in detail to +occupy his time; but they will furnish materials for an abstract, to +be made by others, on such a scale as may bring the matter within the +compass of the time which his higher callings can yield to such an +object. + +At a very early period of my life, contemplating the history of the +aboriginal inhabitants of America, I was led to believe that if there +had ever been a relation between them and the men of color in Asia, +traces of it would be found in their several languages. I have therefore +availed myself of every opportunity which has offered, to obtain +vocabularies of such tribes as have been within my reach, corresponding +to a list then formed of about two hundred and fifty words. In this I +have made such progress, that within a year or two more I think to give +to the public what I then shall have acquired. I have lately seen a +report of Mr. Volney's to the Celtic Academy, on a work of Mr. Pallas, +entitled _Vocabulaires Compares des Langues de toute la Terre_; with +a list of one hundred and thirty words, to which the vocabulary is +limited. I find that seventy-three of these words are common to that +and to my vocabulary, and therefore will enable us, by a comparison of +language, to make the inquiry so long desired, as to the probability +of a common origin between the people of color of the two continents. I +have to ask the favor of you to procure me a copy of the above work of +Pallas, to inform me of the cost, and permit me to pay it here to your +use; for I presume you have some mercantile correspondent here, to whom +a payment can be made for you. A want of knowledge what the book may +cost, as well as of the means of making so small a remittance, obliges +me to make this proposition, and to restrain it to the sole condition +that I be permitted to reimburse it here. + +I enclose you a letter for the Emperor, which be pleased to deliver or +have delivered: it has some relation to a subject which the Secretary of +State will explain to you. + +Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and consideration. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXX.--TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA + + +TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. + +Washington, April 19, 1806. + +I owe an acknowledgment to your Imperial Majesty, of the great +satisfaction I have received from your letter of August the 20th, 1805, +and sincere expressions of the respect and veneration I entertain for +your character. It will be among the latest and most soothing comforts +of my life, to have seen advanced to the government of so extensive a +portion of the earth, and at so early a period of his life, a sovereign, +whose ruling passion is the advancement of the happiness and prosperity +of his people; and not of his own people only, but who can extend his +eye and his good will to a distant and infant nation, unoffending in its +course, unambitious in its views. + +The events of Europe come to us so late, and so suspiciously, that +observations on them would certainly be stale, and possibly wide of +their actual state. From their general aspect, however, I collect +that your Majesty's interposition in them has been disinterested and +generous, and having in view only the general good of the great +European family. When you shall proceed to the pacification which is to +re-establish peace and commerce, the same dispositions of mind will lead +you to think of the general intercourse of nations, and to make that +provision for its future maintenance, which, in times past, it has so +much needed. The northern nations of Europe, at the head of which your +Majesty is distinguished, are habitually peaceable. The United States +of America, like them, are attached to peace. We have then with them +a common interest in the neutral rights. Every nation, indeed, on the +continent of Europe, belligerent as well as neutral, is interested in +maintaining these rights, in liberalizing them progressively with the +progress of science and refinement of morality, and in relieving +them from restrictions which the extension of the arts has long since +rendered unreasonable and vexatious. + +Two personages in Europe, of which your Majesty is one, have it in their +power, at the approaching pacification, to render eminent service to +nations in general, by incorporating into the act of pacification, a +correct definition of the rights of neutrals on the high seas. Such +a definition, declared by all the powers lately or still belligerent, +would give to those rights a precision and notoriety, and cover them +with an authority, which would protect them in an important degree +against future violation; and should any further sanction be necessary, +that of an exclusion of the violating nation from commercial intercourse +with all the others, would be preferred to war, as more analogous to +the offence, more easy and likely to be executed with good faith. The +essential articles of these rights, too, are so few and simple as easily +to be defined. + +Having taken no part in the past or existing troubles of Europe, we have +no part to act in its pacification. But as principles may then be settled +in which we have a deep interest, it is a great happiness for us that +they are placed under the protection of an umpire, who, looking beyond +the narrow bounds of an individual nation, will take under the cover of +his equity the rights of the absent and unrepresented. It is only by a +happy concurrence of good characters and good occasions, that a step +can now and then be taken to advance the well being of nations. If the +present occasion be good, I am sure your Majesty's character will not be +wanting to avail the world of it. By monuments of such good offices may +your life become an epoch in the history of the condition of man, and +may He who called it into being for the good of the human family, give +it length of days and success, and have it always in his holy keeping. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXXI.--TO COLONEL MONROE, May 4, 1806 + +TO COLONEL MONROE. + +Washington, May 4, 1806. + +Dear Sir, + +I wrote you on the 16th of March by a common vessel, and then expected +to have had, on the rising of Congress, an opportunity of peculiar +confidence to you. Mr. Beckley then supposed he should take a flying +trip to London, on private business. But I believe he does not find it +convenient. He could have let you into the _arcana rerum_, which you +have interests in knowing. Mr. Pinckney's pursuits having been confined +to his peculiar line, he has only that general knowledge of what has +passed here, which the public possess. He has a just view of things so +far as known to him. Our old friend, Mercer, broke off from us some time +ago, at first professing to disdain joining the federalists, yet from +the habit of voting together, becoming soon identified with them. +Without carrying over with him one single person, he is now in a state +of as perfect obscurity as if his name had never been known. Mr. J. +Randolph is in the same track, and will end in the same way. His course +has excited considerable alarm. Timid men consider it as a proof of the +weakness of our government, and that it is to be rent into pieces by +demagogues and to end in anarchy. I survey the scene with a different +eye, and draw a different augury from it. In a House of Representatives +of a great mass of good sense, Mr. Randolph's popular eloquence gave him +such advantages as to place him unrivalled as the leader of the House; +and, although not conciliatory to those whom he led, principles of duty +and patriotism induced many of them to swallow humiliations he subjected +them to, and to vote as was right, as long as he kept the path of right +himself. The sudden defection of such a man could not but produce a +momentary astonishment, and even dismay; but for a moment only. The +good sense of the House rallied around its principles, and, without any +leader, pursued steadily the business of the session, did it well, and +by a strength of vote which has never before been seen. Upon all trying +questions, exclusive of the federalists, the minority of republicans +voting with him, has been from four to six or eight, against from +ninety to one hundred; and although he yet treats the federalists with +ineffable contempt, yet having declared eternal opposition to this +administration, and consequently associated with them in his votes, he +will, like Mercer, end with them. The augury I draw from this is that +there is a steady good sense in the legislature, and in the body of the +nation, joined with good intentions, which will lead them to discern and +to pursue the public good under all circumstances which can arise, and +that no _ignis faiuus_ will be able to lead them long astray. In the +present case, the public sentiment, as far as declarations of it have +yet come in, is, without a single exception, in firm adherence to the +administration. One popular paper is endeavoring to maintain equivocal +ground; approving the administration in all its proceedings, and +Mr. Randolph in all those which have heretofore merited approbation, +carefully avoiding to mention his late aberration. The ultimate view of +this paper is friendly to you, and the editor, with more judgment than +him who assumes to be at the head of your friends, sees that the ground +of opposition to the administration is not that on which it would be +advantageous to you to be planted. The great body of your friends are +among the firmest adherents to the administration, and in their support +of you will suffer Mr. Randolph to have no communications with them. My +former letter told you the line which both duty and inclination would +lead me sacredly to pursue. But it is unfortunate for you, to be +embarrassed with such a _soi-disant_ friend. You must not commit +yourself to him. These views may assist you to understand such details +as Mr. Pinckney will give you. If you are here at any time before the +fall, it will be in time for any object you may have, and by that time +the public sentiment will be more decisively declared. I wish you were +here at present, to take your choice of the two governments of Orleans +and Louisiana, in either of which I could now place you; and I verily +believe it would be to your advantage to be just that much withdrawn +from the focus of the ensuing contest, until its event should be known. +The one has a salary of five thousand dollars, the other of two thousand +dollars; both with excellent hotels for the Governor. The latter at St. +Louis, where there is good society, both French and American, a healthy +climate, and the finest field in the United States for acquiring +property. The former not unhealthy, if you begin a residence there +in the month of November. The Mrs. Trists and their connections are +established there. As I think you can within four months inform me what +you say to this, I will keep things in their present state till the last +day of August, for your answer. + +The late change in the ministry I consider as insuring us a just +settlement of our differences, and we ask no more. In Mr. Fox, +personally, I have more confidence than in any man in England, and it +is founded in what, through unquestionable channels, I have had +opportunities of knowing of his honesty and his good sense. While he +shall be in the administration, my reliance on that government will be +solid. We had committed ourselves in a line of proceedings adapted to +meet Mr. Pitt's policy and hostility, before we heard of his death, +which self-respect did not permit us to abandon afterwards; and the late +unparalleled outrage on us at New York excited such sentiments in the +public at large, as did not permit us to do less than has been done. It +ought not to be viewed by the ministry as looking towards them at all, +but merely as the consequences of the measures of their predecessors, +which their nation has called on them to correct. I hope, therefore, +they will come to just arrangements. No two countries upon earth have so +many points of common interest and friendship; and their rulers must +be great bunglers indeed, if, with such dispositions, they break them +asunder. The only rivalry that can arise, is on the ocean. England +may by petty larceny thwartings check us on that element a little, but +nothing she can do will retard us there one year's growth. We shall be +supported there by other nations, and thrown into their scale to make a +part of the great counterpoise to her navy. If, on the other hand, she +is just to us, conciliatory, and encourages the sentiment of family +feelings and conduct, it cannot fail to befriend the security of both. +We have the seamen and materials for fifty ships of the line, and half +that number of frigates, and were France to give us the money, and +England the dispositions to equip them, they would give to England +serious proofs of the stock from which they are sprung, and the +school in which they have been taught, and added to the efforts of the +immensity of sea-coast lately united under one power, would leave the +state of the ocean no longer problematical. Were, on the other hand, +England to give the money, and France the dispositions to place us +on the sea in all our force, the whole world, out of the continent +of Europe, might be our joint monopoly. We wish for neither of these +scenes. We ask for peace and justice from all nations, and we will +remain uprightly neutral in fact, though leaning in belief to the +opinion that an English ascendancy on the ocean is safer for us than +that of France. We begin to broach the idea that we consider the whole +Gulf Stream as of our waters, in which hostilities and cruising are to +be frowned on for the present, and prohibited so soon as either consent +or force will permit us. We shall never permit another privateer to +cruise within it, and shall forbid our harbors to national cruisers. +This is essential for our tranquillity and commerce. Be so good as to +have the enclosed letters delivered, to present me to your family, and +be assured yourself of my unalterable friendship. + +For fear of accidents I shall not make the unnecessary addition of my +name. + + + + +LETTER XXXII.--TO GENERAL SMITH, May 4,1806 + + +TO GENERAL SMITH. + +Washington, May 4,1806. + +Dear Sir, + +I received your favor covering some papers from General Wilkinson. I +have repented but of one appointment there, that of Lucas, whose temper +I see overrules every good quality and every qualification he has. Not a +single fact has appeared, which occasions me to doubt that I could have +made a fitter appointment than General Wilkinson. One qualm of principle +I acknowledge I do feel, I mean the union of the civil and military +authority. You remember that when I came into office, while we were +lodging together at Conrad's, he was pressed on me to be made Governor +of the Mississippi territory; and that I refused it on that very +principle. When, therefore, the House of Representatives took that +ground, I was not insensible to its having some weight. But in the +appointment to Louisiana, I did not think myself departing from my own +principle, because I consider it not as a civil government, but merely +a military station. The legislature had sanctioned that idea by the +establishment of the office of Commandant, in which were completely +blended the civil and military powers. It seemed, therefore, that the +Governor should be in suit with them. I observed too, that the House of +Representatives, on the very day they passed the stricture on this union +of authorities, passed a bill making the Governor of Michigan, commander +of the regular troops which should at any time be within his government. +However, on the subject of General Wilkinson nothing is in contemplation +at this time. We shall see what turn things take at home and abroad in +the course of the summer. Monroe has had a second conversation with Mr. +Fox, which gives me hopes that we shall have an amicable arrangement +with that government. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of +great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXXIII.--TO MR DIGGES, July 1, 1806 + + +THOMAS JEFFERSON TO MR DIGGES. + +Thomas Jefferson salutes Mr. Digges with friendship and respect, and +sends him the newspapers received last night. He is sorry that only the +latter part of the particular publication which Mr. Digges wished to +see, is in them. He will be happy to see Mr. Digges and his friends on +the fourth of July, and to join in congratulations on the return of +the day which divorced us from the follies and crimes of Europe, from a +dollar in the pound at least of six hundred millions sterling, and from +all the ruin of Mr. Pitt's administration. We, too, shall encounter +follies; but if great, they will be short, if long, they will be light: +and the vigor of our country will get the better of them. Mr. Pitt's +follies have been great, long, and inflicted on a body emaciated with +age, and exhausted by excesses beyond its power to bear. July 1, 1806. + + + + +LETTER XXXIV.--TO MR. BIDWELL, July 5, 1806 + + +TO MR. BIDWELL. + +Washington, July 5, 1806. + +Sir, + +Your favor of June the 21st has been duly received. We have not as yet +heard from General Skinner on the subject of his office. Three persons +are proposed on the most respectable recommendations, and under +circumstances of such equality as renders it difficult to decide between +them. But it shall be done impartially. I sincerely congratulate you on +the triumph of republicanism in Massachusetts. The Hydra of Federalism +has now lost all its heads but two. Connecticut I think will soon follow +Massachusetts. Delaware will probably remain what it ever has been, a +mere county of England, conquered indeed, and held under by force, but +always disposed to counter-revolution. I speak of its majority only. + +Our information from London continues to give us hopes of an +accommodation there on both the points of 'accustomed commerce and +impressment.' In this there must probably be some mutual concession, +because we cannot expect to obtain every thing and yield nothing. But +I hope it will be such an one as may be accepted. The arrival of the +Hornet in France is so recently known, that it will yet be some time +before we learn our prospects there. Notwithstanding the efforts made +here, and made professedly to assassinate that negotiation in embryo, if +the good sense of Bonaparte should prevail over his temper, the present +state of things in Europe may induce him to require of Spain, that she +should do us justice at least. That he should require her to sell us +East Florida, we have no right to insist: yet there are not wanting +considerations which may induce him to wish a permanent foundation for +peace laid between us. In this treaty, whatever it shall be, our old +enemies the federalists, and their new friends, will find enough to carp +at. This is a thing of course, and I should suspect error where they +found no fault. The buzzard feeds on carrion only. Their rallying point +is 'war with France and Spain, and alliance with Great Britain': +and every thing is wrong with them which checks their new ardor to be +fighting for the liberties of mankind; on the sea always excepted. There +one nation is to monopolize all the liberties of the others. + +I read, with extreme regret, the expressions of an inclination on your +part to retire from Congress. I will not say that this time, more than +all others, calls for the service of every man; but I will say, +there never was a time when the services of those who possess talents, +integrity, firmness, and sound judgment, were more wanted in Congress. +Some one of that description is particularly wanted to take the lead in +the House of Representatives, to consider the business of the nation as +his own business, to take it up as if he were singly charged with it, +and carry it through. I do not mean that any gentleman, relinquishing +his own judgment, should implicitly support all the measures of the +administration; but that, where he does not disapprove of them, he +should not suffer them to go off in sleep, but bring them to the +attention of the House, and give them a fair chance. Where he +disapproves, he will of course leave them to be brought forward by those +who concur in the sentiment. Shall I explain my idea by an example? The +classification of the militia was communicated to General Varnum and +yourself merely as a proposition, which, if you approved, it was trusted +you would support. I knew, indeed, that General Varnum was opposed to +any thing which might break up the present organization of the militia: +but when so modified as to avoid this, I thought he might, perhaps, +be reconciled to it. As soon as I found it did not coincide with your +sentiments, I could not wish you to support it; but using the same +freedom of opinion, I procured it to be brought forward elsewhere. +It failed there also, and for a time, perhaps, may not prevail: but a +militia can never be used for distant service on any other plan; and +Bonaparte will conquer the world, if they do not learn his secret of +composing armies of young men only, whose enthusiasm and health enable +them to surmount all obstacles. When a gentleman, through zeal for the +public service, undertakes to do the public business, we know that we +shall hear the cant of backstairs counsellors. But we never heard this +while the declaimer was himself a backstairs man, as he calls it, but in +the confidence and views of the administration, as may more properly and +respectfully be said. But if the members are to know nothing but what is +important enough to be put into a public message, and indifferent enough +to be made known to all the world; if the executive is to keep all +other information to himself, and the House to plunge on in the dark, it +becomes a government of chance and not of design. The imputation was one +of those artifices used to despoil an adversary of his most effectual +arms; and men of mind will place themselves above a gabble of this +order. The last session of Congress was indeed an uneasy one for a time: +but as soon as the members penetrated into the views of those who were +taking a new course, they rallied in as solid a phalanx as I have +ever seen act together. Indeed I have never seen a House of better +dispositions. + +***** + +Perhaps I am not entitled to speak with so much frankness; but it +proceeds from no motive which has not a right to your forgiveness. +Opportunities of candid explanation are so seldom afforded me, that I +must not lose them when they occur. The information I receive from your +quarter agrees with that from the south; that the late schism has made +not the smallest impression on the public, and that the seceders are +obliged to give to it other grounds than those which we know to be the +true ones. All we have to wish is, that, at the ensuing session, every +one may take the part openly which he secretly befriends. I recollect +nothing new and true, worthy communicating to you. As for what is not +true, you will always find abundance in the newspapers. Among other +things, are those perpetual alarms as to the Indians, for no one of +which has there ever been the slightest ground. They are the suggestions +of hostile traders, always wishing to embroil us with the Indians, to +perpetuate their own extortionate commerce. I salute you with esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXXV.--TO MR. BOWDOIN, July 10, 1806 + + +TO MR. BOWDOIN. + +Washington, July 10, 1806. + +Dear Sir, + +I believe that when you left America, the invention of the polygraph had +not yet reached Boston. It is for copying with one pen while you write +with the other, and without the least additional embarrassment or +exertion to the writer. I think it the finest invention of the present +age, and so much superior to the copying machine, that the latter will +never be continued a day by any one who tries the polygraph. It was +invented by a Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, who is now in +England, turning it to good account. Knowing that you are in the habit +of writing much, I have flattered myself that I could add acceptably to +your daily convenience by presenting you with one of these delightful +machines. I have accordingly had one made, and to be certain of its +perfection I have used it myself some weeks, and have the satisfaction +to find it the best one I have ever tried; and in the course of two +years' daily use of them, I have had opportunities of trying several. +As a secretary, which copies for us what we write without the power +of revealing it, I find it a most precious possession to a man in +public-business. I enclose directions for unpacking and using the +machine when you receive it; but the machine itself must await a special +and sure conveyance under the care of some person going to Paris. It is +ready packed, and shall go by the first proper conveyance. + +As we heard two or three weeks ago of the safe arrival of the Hornet +at L'Orient, we are anxiously waiting to learn from you the first +impressions on her mission. If you can succeed in procuring us Florida, +and a good western boundary, it will fill the American mind with joy. +It will secure to our fellow-citizens one of their most ardent wishes, a +long peace with Spain and France. For be assured, the object of war with +them and alliance with England, which, at the last session of Congress, +drew off from the republican band about half a dozen of its members, +is universally reprobated by our native citizens from north to south. I +have never seen the nation stand more firm to its principles, or rally +so firmly to its constituted authorities, and in reprobation of the +opposition to them. With England, I think we shall cut off the resource +of impressing our seamen to fight her battles, and establish the +inviolability of our flag in its commerce with her enemies. + +We shall thus become what we sincerely wish to be, honestly neutral, and +truly useful to both belligerents. To the one, by keeping open a market +for the consumption of her manufactures, while they are excluded +from all the countries under the power of her enemy; to the other, by +securing for her a safe carriage of all her productions, metropolitan +or colonial, while her own means are restrained by her enemy, and may, +therefore, be employed in other useful pursuits. We are certainly more +useful friends to France and Spain as neutrals, than as allies. I hope +they will be sensible of it, and by a wise removal of all grounds of +future misunderstanding to another age, enable you to present us such +an arrangement, as will insure to our fellow-citizens long and permanent +peace and friendship with them. With respect to our western boundary, +your instructions will be your guide. I will only add, as a comment +to them, that we are attached to the retaining the Bay of St. Bernard, +because it was the first establishment of the unfortunate La Sale, was +the cradle of Louisiana, and more incontestibly covered and conveyed to +us by France, under that name, than any other spot in the country. This +will be secured to us by taking for our western boundary the Guadaloupe, +and from its head around the sources of all waters eastward of it, +to the highlands embracing the waters running into the Mississippi. +However, all these things I presume will be settled before you receive +this; and I hope so settled as to give peace and satisfaction to us all. + +Our crops of wheat are greater than have ever been known, and are now +nearly secured. A caterpillar gave for a while great alarm, but did +little injury. Of tobacco, not half a crop has been planted for want +of rain; and even this half, with cotton and Indian corn, has yet many +chances to run. + +This summer will place our harbors in a situation to maintain peace and +order within them. The next, or certainly the one following that, will +so provide them with gunboats and common batteries, as to be _hors +d'insulte_. Although our prospect is peace, our policy and purpose is +to provide for defence by all those means to which our resources are +competent. + +I salute you with friendship, and assure you of my high respect and +consideration. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXXVI.--TO W. A. BURWELL, September 17, 1806 + + +TO W. A. BURWELL. + +Monticello, September 17, 1806. + +Dear Sir, + +Yours of August the 7th, from Liberty, never got to my hands till the +9th instant. About the same time, I received the Enquirer in which +Decius was so judiciously answered. The writer of that paper observed, +that the matter of Decius consisted, first of facts; secondly, of +inferences from these facts: that he was not well enough informed to +affirm or deny his facts, and he therefore examines his inferences, +and in a very masterly manner shows that even were his facts true, the +reasonable inferences from them are very different from those drawn by +Decius. But his facts are far from truth, and should be corrected. It +happened that Mr. Madison and General Dearborn were here when I received +your letter. I therefore, with them, took up Decius and read him +deliberately; and our memories aided one another in correcting his bold +and unauthorized assertions. I shall note the most material of them in +the order of the paper. + +1. It is grossly false that our ministers, as is said in a note, +had proposed to surrender our claims to compensation for Spanish +spoliations, or even for French. Their instructions were to make no +treaty in which Spanish spoliations were not provided for; and although +they were permitted to be silent as to French spoliations carried into +Spanish ports, they were not expressly to abandon even them. 2. It is +not true that our ministers, in agreeing to establish the Colorado as +our western boundary, had been obliged to exceed the authority of their +instructions. Although we considered our title good as far as the +Rio Bravo, yet in proportion to what they could obtain east of the +Mississippi, they were to relinquish to the westward, and successive +sacrifices were marked out, of which even the Colorado was not the last. +3. It is not true that the Louisiana treaty was antedated, lest Great +Britain should consider our supplying her enemies with money as a breach +of neutrality. After the very words of the treaty were finally agreed +to, it took some time, perhaps some days, to make out all the copies in +the very splendid manner of Bonaparte's treaties. Whether the 30th of +April, 1803, the date expressed, was the day of the actual compact, or +that on which it was signed, our memories do not enable us to say. If +the former, then it is strictly conformable to the day of the compact; +if the latter, then it was postdated, instead of being antedated. The +motive assigned, too, is as incorrect as the fact. It was so far from +being thought, by any party, a breach of neutrality, that the British +minister congratulated Mr. King on the acquisition, and declared that +the King had learned it with great pleasure: and when Baring, the +British banker, asked leave of the minister to purchase the debt and +furnish the money to France, the minister declared to him, that so far +from throwing obstacles in the way, if there were any difficulty in the +payment of the money, it was the interest of Great Britain to aid it. +4. He speaks of a double set of opinions and principles; the one +ostensible, to go on the journals and before the public, the other +efficient, and the real motives to action. But where are these double +opinions and principles? The executive informed the legislature of the +wrongs of Spain, and that preparation should be made to repel them, by +force, if necessary. But as it might still be possible to negotiate +a settlement, they asked such means as might enable them to meet the +negotiation, whatever form it might take. The first part of this system +was communicated publicly, the second, privately; but both were equally +official, equally involved the responsibility of the executive, and were +equally to go on the journals. 5. That the purchase of the Floridas was +in direct opposition to the views of the executive, as expressed in the +President's official communication. It was not in opposition even to the +public part of the communication, which did not recommend war, but only +to be prepared for it. It perfectly harmonized with the private part, +which asked the means of negotiation in such terms as covered the +purchase of Florida as evidently as it was proper to speak it out. He +speaks of secret communications between the executive and members, of +backstairs influence, &tc.. But he never spoke of this while he and +Mr. Nicholson enjoyed it almost solely. But when he differed from the +executive in a leading measure, and the executive, not submitting to +him, expressed their sentiments to others, the very sentiments (to wit, +for the purchase of Florida), which he acknowledges they expressed to +him, then he roars out upon backstairs influence. 6. The committee, he +says, forbore to recommend offensive measures. Is this true? Did not +they recommend the raising ------- regiments? Besides, if it was proper +for the committee to forbear recommending offensive measures, was it +not proper for the executive and legislature to exercise the same +forbearance? 7. He says Monroe's letter had a most important bearing on +our Spanish relations. Monroe's letter related, almost entirely, to our +British relations. Of those with Spain he knew nothing particular since +he left that country. Accordingly, in his letter he simply expressed +an opinion on our affairs with Spain, of which he knew we had better +information than he could possess. His opinion was no more than that +of any other sensible man; and his letter was proper to be communicated +with the English papers, and with them only. That the executive did not +hold it up on account of any bearing on Spanish affairs, is evident from +the fact, that it was communicated when the Senate had not yet entered +on the Spanish affairs, and had not yet received the papers relating to +them from the other House. The moment the Representatives were ready to +enter on the British affairs, Monroe's letter, which peculiarly related +to them, and was official solely as to them, was communicated to both +Houses, the Senate being then about entering on the Spanish affairs. + +***** + +These, my dear Sir, are the principal facts worth correction. Make any +use of them you think best, without letting your source of information +be known. Can you send me some cones or seeds of the cucumber-tree? +Accept affectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXXVII.--TO ALBERT GALLATIN, October 12, 1806 + +TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + +Washington, October 12, 1806. + +Dear Sir, + +You witnessed, in the earlier part of the administration, the malignant +and long continued efforts which the federalists exerted in their +newspapers, to produce misunderstanding between Mr. Madison and myself. +These failed completely. A like attempt was afterwards made, through +other channels, to effect a similar purpose between General Dearborn and +myself, but with no more success. The machinations of the last session +to put you at cross questions with us all, were so obvious as to be seen +at the first glance of every eye. In order to destroy one member of the +administration, the whole were to be set to loggerheads to destroy one +another. I observe in the papers lately, new attempts to revive this +stale artifice, and that they squint more directly towards you and +myself. I cannot, therefore, be satisfied, till I declare to you +explicitly, that my affections and confidence in you are nothing +impaired, and that they cannot be impaired by means so unworthy the +notice of candid and honorable minds. I make the declaration, that no +doubts or jealousies, which often beget the facts they fear, may find a +moment's harbor in either of our minds. I have so much reliance on the +superior good sense and candor of all those associated with me, as to be +satisfied they will not suffer either friend or foe to sow tares among +us. Our administration now drawing towards a close, I have a sublime +pleasure in believing it will be distinguished as much by having placed +itself above all the passions which could disturb its harmony, as by the +great operations by which it will have advanced the well-being of the +nation. + +Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant and +unalterable respect and attachment. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXXVIII.--TO JOHN DICKINSON, January 13, 1807 + + +TO JOHN DICKINSON. + +Washington, January 13, 1807. + +My Dear and Ancient Friend, + +I have duly received your favor of the 1st instant, and am ever thankful +for communications which may guide me in the duties which I wish to +perform as well as I am able. It is but too true, that great discontents +exist in the territory of Orleans. Those of the French inhabitants have +for their sources, 1. the prohibition of importing slaves. This may be +partly removed by Congress permitting them to receive slaves from the +other States, which, by dividing that evil, would lessen its danger. 2. +The administration of justice in our forms, principles, and language, +with all of which they are unacquainted, and are the more abhorrent, +because of the enormous expense, greatly exaggerated by the corruption +of bankrupt and greedy lawyers, who have gone there from the United +States and engrossed the practice. 3. The call on them by the land +commissioners to produce the titles of their lands. The object of this +is really to record and secure their rights. But as many of them hold on +rights so ancient that the title papers are lost, they expect the +land is to be taken from them wherever they cannot produce a regular +deduction of title in writing. In this they will be undeceived by the +final result, which will evince to them a liberal disposition of the +government towards them. Among the American inhabitants it is the old +division of federalists and republicans. The former, are as hostile +there as they are every where, and are the most numerous and wealthy. +They have been long endeavoring to batter down the Governor, who has +always been a firm republican. There were characters superior to him, +whom I wished to appoint, but they refused the office: I know no better +man who would accept of it, and it would not be right to turn him out +for one not better. But it is the second cause, above mentioned, which +is deep seated and permanent. The French members of the legislature, +being the majority in both Houses, lately passed an act, declaring +that the civil, or French laws, should be the laws of their land, and +enumerated about fifty folio volumes, in Latin, as the depositories of +these laws. The Governor negatived the act. One of the Houses thereupon +passed a vote for self-dissolution of the legislature as a useless body, +which failed in the other House by a single vote only. They separated, +however, and have disseminated all the discontent they could. I propose +to the members of Congress in conversation, the enlisting thirty +thousand volunteers, Americans by birth, to be carried at the public +expense, and settled immediately on a bounty of one hundred and +sixty acres of land each, on the west side of the Mississippi, on the +condition of giving two years of military service, if that country +should be attacked within seven years. The defence of the country would +thus be placed on the spot, and the additional number would entitle the +territory to become a State, would make the majority American, and make +it an American instead of a French State. This would not sweeten the +pill to the French; but in making that acquisition we had some view to +our own good as well as theirs, and I believe the greatest good of both +will be promoted by whatever will amalgamate us together. + +I have tired you, my friend, with a long letter. But your tedium will +end in a few lines more. Mine has yet two years to endure. I am tired +of an office where I can do no more good than many others, who would be +glad to be employed in it. To myself, personally, it brings nothing but +unceasing drudgery, and daily loss of friends. Every office becoming +vacant, every appointment made, _me donne un ingrat, et cent ennemis_. +My only consolation is in the belief, that my fellow-citizens at large +give me credit for good intentions. I will certainly endeavor to merit +the continuance of that good will which follows well intended actions, +and their approbation will be the dearest reward I can carry into +retirement. + +God bless you, my excellent friend, and give you yet many healthy and +happy years. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XXXIX,--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, February 28,1807 + + +TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. + +Washington, February 28,1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter of January the 20th was received in due time. But such has +been the constant pressure of business, that it has been out of my power +to answer it. Indeed, the subjects of it would be almost beyond the +extent of a letter, and as I hope to see you ere long at Monticello, +it can then be more effectually done verbally. Let me observe, however, +generally, that it is impossible for my friends ever to render me so +acceptable a favor, as by communicating to me, without reserve, facts +and opinions. I have none of that sort of self-love which winces at it; +indeed, both self-love and the desire to do what is best strongly invite +unreserved communication. There is one subject which will not admit a +delay till I see you. Mr. T. M. Randolph is, I believe, determined to +retire from Congress, and it is strongly his wish, and that of all here, +that you should take his place. Never did the calls of patriotism more +loudly assail you than at this moment. After excepting the federalists, +who will be twenty-seven, and the little band of schismatics, who +will be three or four (all tongue), the residue of the House of +Representatives is as well disposed a body of men as I ever saw +collected. But there is no one whose talents and standing, taken +together, have weight enough to give him the lead. The consequence is, +that there is no one who will undertake to do the public business, and +it remains undone. Were you here, the whole would rally round you in an +instant, and willingly co-operate in whatever is for the public good. +Nor would it require you to undertake drudgery in the House. There are +enough, able and willing to do that. A rallying point is all that is +wanting. Let me beseech you then to offer yourself. You never will have +it so much in your power again to render such eminent service. + +Accept my affectionate salutations and high esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XL.--TO JAMES MONROE, March 21, 1807 + + +TO JAMES MONROE. + +Washington, March 21, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +A copy of the treaty with Great Britain came to Mr. Erskine's hands +on the last day of the session of Congress, which he immediately +communicated to us; and since that, Mr. Purviance has arrived with +an original. On the subject of it you will receive a letter from +the Secretary of State, of about this date, and one more in detail +hereafter. I should not have written, but that I perceive uncommon +efforts, and with uncommon wickedness, are making by the federal papers +to produce mischief between myself, personally, and our negotiators; and +also to irritate the British government, by putting a thousand speeches +into my mouth, not one word of which I ever uttered. I have, therefore, +thought it safe to guard you, by stating the view which we have given +out on the subject of the treaty, in conversation and otherwise; for +ours, as you know, is a government which will not tolerate the being +kept entirely in the dark, and especially on a subject so interesting +as this treaty. We immediately stated in conversation, to the members +of the legislature and others, that having, by a letter received in +January, perceived that our ministers might sign a treaty not providing +satisfactorily against the impressment of our seamen, we had, on the 3rd +of February, informed you, that should such an one have been forwarded, +it could not be ratified, and recommending, therefore, that you should +resume negotiations for inserting an article to that effect; that we +should hold the treaty in suspense until we could learn from you the +result of our instructions, which probably would not be till summer, +and then decide on the question of calling the Senate. We observed, too, +that a written declaration of the British commissioners, given in at +the time of signature, would of itself, unless withdrawn, prevent the +acceptance of any treaty, because its effect was to leave us bound by +the treaty, and themselves totally unbound. This is the statement we +have given out, and nothing more of the contents of the treaty has been +made known. But depend on it, my dear Sir, that it will be considered as +a hard treaty when it is known. The British commissioners appear to +have screwed every article as far as it would bear, to have taken every +thing, and yielded nothing. Take out the eleventh article, and the evil +of all the others so much overweighs the good, that we should be glad to +expunge the whole. And even the eleventh article admits only that we +may enjoy our right to the indirect colonial trade, during the present +hostilities. If peace is made this year, and war resumed the next, the +benefit of this stipulation is gone, and yet we are bound for ten years, +to pass no non-importation or non-intercourse laws, nor take any +other measures to restrain the unjust pretensions and practices of the +British. But on this you will hear from the Secretary of State. If the +treaty cannot be put into an acceptable form, then the next best thing +is to back out of the negotiation as well as we can, letting that die +away insensibly; but, in the mean time, agreeing informally, that both +parties shall act on the principles of the treaty, so as to preserve +that friendly understanding which we so sincerely desire, until the one +or the other may be disposed to yield the points which divide us. This +will leave you to follow your desire of coming home, as soon as you see +that the amendment of the treaty is desperate. The power of +continuing the negotiations will pass oyer to Mr. Pinckney, who, by +procrastinations, can let it die away, and give us time, the most +precious of all things to us. The government of New Orleans is still +without such a head as I wish. The salary of five thousand dollars +is too small; but I am assured the Orleans legislature would make it +adequate, would you accept it. It is the second office in the United +States in importance, and I am still in hopes you will accept it. It is +impossible to let you stay at home while the public has so much need +of talents. I am writing under a severe indisposition of periodical +headache, without scarcely command enough of my mind to know what +I write. As a part of this letter concerns Mr. Pinckney as well as +yourself, be so good as to communicate so much of it to him; and with +my best respects to him, to Mrs. Monroe, and your daughter, be assured +yourself, in all cases, of my constant and affectionate friendship and +attachment. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLI.--M. LE COMTE DIODATI, March 29, 1807 + + +M. LE COMTE DIODATI. + +Washington, March 29, 1807. + +My Dear and Antient Friend, + +Your letter of August the 29th reached me the 18th of February. It +enclosed a duplicate of that written from Brunswick five years before, +but which I never received, or had notice of, but by this duplicate. Be +assured, my friend, that I was incapable of such negligence towards +you, as a failure to answer it would have implied. It would illy have +accorded with those sentiments of friendship I entertained for you at +Paris, and which neither time nor distance has lessened. I often pass in +review the many happy hours I spent with Madame Diodati and yourself on +the banks of the Seine, as well as at Paris, and I count them among +the most pleasing I enjoyed in France. Those were indeed days of +tranquillity and happiness. They had begun to cloud a little before I +left you; but I had no apprehension that the tempest, of which I saw the +beginning, was to spread over such an extent of space and time. I have +often thought of you with anxiety, and wished to know how you weathered +the storm, and into what port you had retired. The letters now received +give me the first information, and I sincerely felicitate you on your +safe and quiet retreat. Were I in Europe, _pax et panis_ would certainly +be my motto. Wars and contentions, indeed, fill the pages of history +with more matter. But more blest is that nation whose silent course of +happiness furnishes nothing for history to say. This is what I ambition +for my own country, and what it has fortunately enjoyed now upwards of +twenty years, while Europe has been in constant volcanic eruption. I +again, my friend, repeat my joy that you have escaped the overwhelming +torrent of its lava. + +At the end of my present term, of which two years are yet to come, I +propose to retire from public life, and to close my days on my patrimony +of Monticello, in the bosom of my family. I have hitherto enjoyed +uniform health; but the weight of public business begins to be too heavy +for me, and I long for the enjoyments of rural life, among my books, my +farms, and my family. Having performed my _quadragena stipendia_, I +am entitled to my discharge, and should be sorry, indeed, that others +should be sooner sensible than myself when I ought to ask it. I have, +therefore, requested my fellow-citizens to think of a successor for +me, to whom I shall deliver the public concerns with greater joy than I +received them. I have the consolation too of having added nothing to my +private fortune, during my public service, and of retiring with hands +as clean as they are empty. Pardon me these egoisms, which, if ever +excusable, are so when writing to a friend to whom our concerns are +not uninteresting. I shall always be glad to hear of your health and +happiness, and having been out of the way of hearing of any of our +cotemporaries of the _corps diplomatique_ at Paris, any details of their +subsequent history, which you will favor me with, will be thankfully +received. I pray you to make my friendly respects acceptable to Madame +la Comtesse Diodati, to assure M. Tronchin of my continued esteem, +and to accept yourself my affectionate salutations, and assurances of +constant attachment and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLII.--TO MR. BOWDOIN, April 2, 1807 + +TO MR. BOWDOIN. + +Washington, April 2, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +I wrote you on the 10th of July last; but neither your letter of October +the 20th nor that of November the 15th mentioning the receipt of it, I +fear it has miscarried. I therefore now enclose a duplicate. As that was +to go under cover of the Secretary of State's despatches by any vessel +going from our distant ports, I retained the polygraph therein mentioned +for a safer conveyance. None such has occurred till now, that the United +States' armed brig the Wasp, on her way to the Mediterranean is to touch +at Falmouth, with despatches for our ministers at London, and at Brest, +with others for yourself and General Armstrong. + +You heard in due time from London of the signature of a treaty there +between Great Britain and the United States. By a letter we received in +January from our ministers at London, we found they were making up +their minds to sign a treaty, in which no provision was made against the +impressment of our seamen, contenting themselves with a note received +in the course of their correspondence, from the British negotiators, +assuring them of the discretion with which impressments should be +conducted, which could be construed into a covenant only by inferences, +against which its omission in the treaty was a strong inference; and in +its terms totally unsatisfactory. By a letter of February the 3rd, they +were immediately informed that no treaty, not containing a satisfactory +article on that head, would be ratified, and desiring them to resume the +negotiations on that point. The treaty having come to as actually in the +inadmissible shape apprehended, we, of course, hold it up until we know +the result of the instructions of February the 3rd. I have but little +expectation that the British government will retire from their habitual +wrongs in the impressment of our seamen, and am certain, that without +that we will never tie up our hands by treaty, from the right of passing +a non-importation or non-intercourse act, to make it her interest to +become just. This may bring on a war of commercial restrictions. To +show, however, the sincerity of our desire for conciliation, I have +suspended the non-importation act. This state of things should be +understood at Paris, and every effort used on your part to accommodate +our differences with Spain, under the auspices of France, with whom +it is all-important that we should stand in terms of the strictest +cordiality. In fact, we are to depend on her and Russia for the +establishment of neutral rights by the treaty of peace, among which +should be that of taking no persons by a belligerent out of a neutral +ship, unless they be the soldiers of an enemy. Never did a nation +act towards another with more perfidy and injustice than Spain has +constantly practised against us: and if we have kept our hands off of +her till now, it has been purely out of respect to France, and from the +value we set on the friendship of France. We expect, therefore, from +the friendship of the Emperor, that he will either compel Spain to do us +justice, or abandon her to us. We ask but one month to be in possession +of the city of Mexico. + +No better proof of the good faith of the United States could have +been given, than the vigor with which we have acted, and the expense +incurred, in suppressing the enterprise meditated lately by Burr against +Mexico. Although at first he proposed a separation of the western +country, and on that ground received encouragement and aid from Yrujo, +according to the usual spirit of his government towards us, yet he very +early saw that the fidelity of the western country was not to be +shaken, and turned himself wholly towards Mexico. And so popular is an +enterprise on that country in this, that we had only to lie still, and +he would have had followers enough to have been in the city of Mexico +in six weeks. You have doubtless seen my several messages to Congress, +which gave a faithful narrative of that conspiracy. Burr himself, after +being disarmed by our endeavors of all his followers, escaped from the +custody of the court of Mississippi, but was taken near Fort Stoddart, +making his way to Mobile, by some country people, who brought him on +as a prisoner to Richmond, where he is now under a course for trial. +Hitherto we have believed our law to be, that suspicion on probable +grounds was sufficient cause to commit a person for trial, allowing time +to collect witnesses till the trial. But the judges here have decided, +that conclusive evidence of guilt must be ready in the moment of arrest, +or they will discharge the malefactor. If this is still insisted on, +Burr will be discharged; because his crimes having been sown from Maine, +through the whole line of the western waters, to New Orleans, we cannot +bring the witnesses here under four months. The fact is, that the +federalists make Burr's cause their own, and exert their whole influence +to shield him from punishment, as they did the adherents of Miranda. And +it is unfortunate that federalism is still predominent in our judiciary +department, which is consequently in opposition to the legislative and +executive branches, and is able to baffle their measures often. + +Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLIII.--TO WILLIAM B. GILES, April 20, 1807 + + +TO WILLIAM B. GILES. + +Monticello, April 20, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of the 6th instant, on the subject of Burr's offences, was +received only four days ago. That there should be anxiety and doubt in +the public mind, in the present defective state of the proof, is not +wonderful; and this has been sedulously encouraged by the tricks of the +judges to force trials before it is possible to collect the evidence, +dispersed through a line of two thousand miles from Maine to Orleans. +The federalists, too, give all their aid, making Burr's cause their +own, mortified only that he did not separate the union or overturn the +government, and proving, that had he had a little dawn of success, they +would have joined him to introduce his object, their favorite monarchy, +as they would any other enemy, foreign or domestic, who could rid them +of this hateful republic for any other government in exchange. + +The first ground of complaint was the supine inattention of the +administration to a treason stalking through the land in open day. The +present one, that they have crushed it before it was ripe for execution, +so that no overt acts can be produced. This last may be true; though I +believe it is not. Our information having been chiefly by way of letter, +we do not know of a certainty yet what will be proved. We have set on +foot an inquiry through the whole of the country which has been the +scene of these transactions, to be able to prove to the courts, if they +will give time, or to the public by way of communication to Congress, +what the real facts have been. For obtaining this, we are obliged to +appeal to the patriotism of particular persons in different places, of +whom we have requested to make the inquiry in their neighborhood, and on +such information as shall be voluntarily offered. Aided by no process +or facilities from the federal courts, but frowned on by their new-born +zeal for the liberty of those whom we would not permit to overthrow +the liberties of their country, we can expect no revealments from the +accomplices of the chief offender. Of treasonable intentions, the +judges have been obliged to confess there is probable appearance. What +loop-hole they will find in the case, when it comes to trial, we cannot +foresee. Eaton, Stoddart, Wilkinson, and two others whom I must not +name, will satisfy the world, if not the judges, of Burr's guilt. And I +do suppose the following overt acts will be proved. 1. The enlistment +of men, in a regular way. 2. The regular mounting of guard round +Blannerhassett's island, when they expected Governor Tiffin's men to be +on them _modo guerrino arraiati_. 3. The rendezvous of Burr with his +men at the mouth of Cumberland. 4. His letter to the acting Governor of +Mississippi, holding up the prospect of civil war. 5. His capitulation, +regularly signed with the aid of the Governor, as between two +independent and hostile commanders. + +But a moment's calculation will show that this evidence cannot be +collected under four months, probably five, from the moment of deciding +when and where the trial shall be. I desired Mr. Rodney expressly to +inform the Chief Justice of this, inofficially. But Mr. Marshall says, +'More than five weeks have elapsed since the opinion of the Supreme +Court has declared the necessity of proving the overt acts, if they +exist. Why are they not proved.' In what terms of decency can we +speak of this? As if an express could go to Natchez, or the mouth of +Cumberland, and return in five weeks, to do which has never taken less +than twelve. Again, 'If, in November or December last, a body of +troops had been assembled on the Ohio, it is impossible to suppose the +affidavits, establishing the fact, could not have been obtained by the +last of March.' But I ask the Judge, where they should have been lodged? +At Frankfort? at Cincinnati? at Nashville? St. Louis? Natchez? New +Orleans? These were the probable places of apprehension and examination. +It was not known at Washington till the 26th of March, that Burr would +escape from the western tribunals, be retaken and brought to an eastern +one: and in five days after (neither five months nor five weeks, as the +Judge calculated) he says, it is 'impossible to suppose the affidavits +could not have been obtained.' Where? At Richmond he certainly meant, +or meant only to throw dust in the eyes of his audience. But all the +principles of law are to be perverted which would bear on the +favorite offenders, who endeavor to overturn this odious republic. 'I +understand,' says the Judge, 'probable cause of guilt to be a case +made out of proof furnishing good reason to believe,' &c. Speaking as a +lawyer, he must mean legal proof, i.e. proof on oath, at least. But this +is confounding probability and proof. We had always before understood +that where there was reasonable ground to believe guilt, the offender +must be put on his trial. That guilty intentions were probable, the +Judge believed. And as to the overt acts, were not the bundle of letters +of information in Mr. Rodney's hands, the letters and facts published in +the local newspapers, Burr's flight, and the universal belief or rumor +of his guilt, probable ground for presuming the facts of enlistment, +military guard, rendezvous, threat of civil war, or capitulation, so as +to put him on trial? Is there a candid man in the United States who +does not believe some one, if not all, of these overt acts to have taken +place? + +If there ever had been an instance in this or the preceding +administrations, of federal judges so applying principles of law as to +condemn a federal or acquit a republican offender, I should have judged +them in the present case with more charity. All this, however, will work +well. The nation will judge both the offender and judges for themselves. +If a member of the executive or legislature does wrong, the day is never +far distant when the people will remove him. They will see then, and +amend the error in our constitution, which makes any branch independent +of the nation. They will see that one of the great co-ordinate branches +of the government, setting itself in opposition to the other two, and +to the common sense of the nation, proclaims impunity to that class +of offenders which endeavors to overturn the constitution, and are +themselves protected in it by the constitution itself: for impeachment +is a farce which will not be tried again. If their protection of Burr +produces this amendment, it will do more good than his condemnation +would have done. Against Burr, personally, I never had one hostile +sentiment. I never, indeed, thought him an honest, frank-dealing man, +but considered him as a crooked gun, or other perverted machine, whose +aim or shot you could never be sure of. Still, while he possessed the +confidence of the nation, I thought it my duty to respect in him their +confidence, and to treat him as if he deserved it: and if his punishment +can be commuted now for an useful amendment of the constitution, I shall +rejoice in it. My sheet being full, I perceive it is high time to +offer you my friendly salutations, and assure you of my constant and +affectionate esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLIV.--TO GEORGE HAY, June 2, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Washington, June 2, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +While Burr's case is depending before the court, I will trouble you from +time to time with what occurs to me. I observe that the case of Marbury +v. Madison has been cited, and I think it material to stop at the +threshold the citing that case as authority, and to have it denied to be +law. 1. Because the judges, in the outset, disclaimed all cognizance of +the case; although they then went on to say what would have been their +opinion, had they had cognizance of it. This then was confessedly an +extra-judicial opinion, and, as such, of no authority. 2. Because, had +it been judicially pronounced, it would have been against law; for to +a commission, a deed, a bond, delivery is essential to give validity. +Until, therefore, the commission is delivered out of the hands of the +executive and his agents, it is not his deed. He may withhold or cancel +it at pleasure, as he might his private deed in the same situation. The +constitution intended that the three great branches of the government +should be co-ordinate, and independent of each other. As to acts, +therefore, which are to be done by either, it has given no control to +another branch. A judge, I presume, cannot sit on a bench without a +commission, or a record of a commission: and the constitution having +given to the judiciary branch no means of compelling the executive +either to deliver a commission, or to make a record of it, shows it did +not intend to give the judiciary that control over the executive, but +that it should remain in the power of the latter to do it or not. Where +different branches have to act in their respective lines, finally +and without appeal, under any law, they may give to it different and +opposite constructions. Thus in the case of William Smith, the House of +Representatives determined he was a citizen, and in the case of William +Duane (precisely the same in every material circumstance) the judges +determined he was no citizen. In the cases of Callender and others, the +judges determined the sedition act was valid under the constitution, +and exercised their regular powers of sentencing them to fine and +imprisonment. But the executive determined that the sedition act was +a nullity under the constitution, and exercised his regular power of +prohibiting the execution of the sentence, or rather of executing +the real law, which protected the acts of the defendants. From these +different constructions of the same act by different branches, less +mischief arises, than from giving to any one of them a control over the +others. The executive and Senate act on the construction, that until +delivery from the executive department, a commission is in their +possession, and within their rightful power; and in cases of commissions +not revocable at will, where, after the Senate's approbation and the +President's signing and sealing, new information of the unfitness of +the person has come to hand before the delivery of the commission, +new nominations have been made and approved, and new commissions have +issued. + +On this construction I have hitherto acted; on this I shall ever act, +and maintain it with the powers of the government, against any control +which may be attempted by the judges in subversion of the independence +of the executive and Senate within their peculiar department. I presume, +therefore, that in a case where our decision is by the constitution +the supreme one, and that which can be carried into effect, it is the +constitutionally authoritative one, and that that by the judges was +_coram non judice_, and unauthoritative, because it cannot be carried +into effect. I have long wished for a proper occasion to have the +gratuitous opinion in Marbury v. Madison brought before the public, and +denounced as not law: and I think the present a fortunate one, because +it occupies such a place in the public attention. I should be glad, +therefore, if, in noticing that case, you could take occasion to express +the determination of the executive, that the doctrines of that case were +given extra-judicially and against law, and that their reverse will be +the rule of action with the executive. If this opinion should not +be your own, I would wish it to be expressed merely as that of the +executive. If it is your own also, you would of course give to the +arguments such a developement, as a case, incidental only, might render +proper. + +I salute you with friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLV.--TO ALBERT GALLATIN, June 3, 1807 + + +THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + +I gave you, some time ago, a project of a more equal tariff on wines, +than that which now exists. But in that I yielded considerably to the +faulty classification of them in our law. I have now formed one with +attention, and according to the best information I possess, classing +them more rigorously. I am persuaded, that were the duty on cheap wines +put on the same ratio with the dear, it would wonderfully enlarge +the field of those who use wine, to the expulsion of whiskey. The +introduction of a very cheap wine (St. George) into my neighborhood, +within two years past, has quadrupled in that time the number of those +who keep wine, and will ere long increase them tenfold. This would be a +great gain to the treasury, and to the sobriety of our country. I will +here add my tariff, wherein you will be able to choose any rate of duty +you please; and to decide whether it will not, on a fit occasion, be +proper for legislative attention. Affectionate salutations. + +[Illustration: page77] + + + + +LETTER XLVI.--TO GEORGE HAY, June 5, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Washington, June 5, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of the 31st instant has been received, and I think it will be +fortunate if any circumstance should produce a discharge of the present +scanty grand jury, and a future summons of a fuller: though the same +views of protecting the offender may again reduce the number to sixteen, +in order to lessen the chance of getting twelve to concur. It is +understood, that wherever Burr met with subjects who did not choose to +embark in his projects, unless approved by their government, he asserted +that he had that approbation. Most of them took his word for it, but +it is said that with those who would not, the following stratagem was +practised. A forged letter, purporting to be from General Dearborn, +was made to express his approbation, and to say that I was absent +at Monticello, but that there was no doubt that, on my return, my +approbation of his enterprises would be given. This letter was spread +open on his table, so as to invite the eye of whoever entered his room; +and he contrived occasions of sending up into his room, those whom he +wished to become witnesses of his acting under sanction. By this means, +he avoided committing himself to any liability to prosecution for +forgery, and gave another proof of being a great man in little things, +while he is really small in great ones. I must add General Dearborn's +declaration, that he never wrote a letter to Burr in his life, except +that when here, once in a winter, he usually wrote him a billet of +invitation to dine. The only object of sending you the enclosed letters +is to possess you of the fact, that you may know how to pursue it, +if any of your witnesses should know any thing of it. My intention in +writing to you several times, has been to convey facts or observations +occurring in the absence of the Attorney General, and not to make to +the dreadful drudgery you are going through the unnecessary addition of +writing me letters in answer, which I beg you to relieve yourself from, +except when some necessity calls for it. + +I salute you with friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLVII.--TO DOCTOR HORATIO TURPIN, June 10, 1807 + + +TO DOCTOR HORATIO TURPIN. + +Washington, June 10, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of June the 1st has been duly received. To a mind like yours, +capable in any question of abstracting it from its relation to yourself, +I may safely hazard explanations, which I have generally avoided to +others, on questions of appointment. Bringing into office no desires of +making it subservient to the advancement of my own private interests, it +has been no sacrifice, by postponing them, to strengthen the confidence +of my fellow-citizens. But I have not felt equal indifference towards +excluding merit from office, merely because it was related to me. +However, I have thought it my duty so to do, that my constituents may +be satisfied, that, in selecting persons for the management of their +affairs, I am influenced by neither personal nor family interests, and +especially, that the field of public office will not be perverted by +me into a family property. On this subject, I had the benefit of useful +lessons from my predecessors, had I needed them, marking what was to be +imitated and what avoided. But, in truth, the nature of our government +is lesson enough. Its energy depending mainly on the confidence of the +people, in their Chief Magistrate, makes it his duty to spare nothing +which can strengthen him with that confidence. + +***** + +Accept assurances of my constant friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLVIII.--TO JOHN NORVELL, June 11, 1807 + +TO JOHN NORVELL. + +Washington, June 11, 1807. + +Sir, + +Your letter of May the 9th has been duly received. The subjects it +proposes would require time and space for even moderate developement. My +occupations limit me to a very short notice of them. I think there does +not exist a good elementary work on the organization of society +into civil government: I mean a work which presents in one full +and comprehensive view the system of principles on which such an +organization should be founded, according to the rights of nature. For +want of a single work of that character, I should recommend Locke +on Government, Sidney, Priestley's Essay on the First Principles of +Government, Chipman's Principles of Government, and the Federalist. +Adding, perhaps, Beccaria on Crimes and Punishments, because of the +demonstrative manner in which he has treated that branch of the subject. +If your views of political inquiry go further, to the subjects of money +and commerce, Smith's Wealth of Nations is the best book to be read, +unless Say's Political Economy can be had, which treats the same +subjects on the same principles, but in a shorter compass, and more +lucid manner. But I believe this work has not been translated into our +language. + +History, in general, only informs us what bad government is. But as we +have employed some of the best materials of the British constitution in +the construction of our own government, a knowledge of British history +becomes useful to the American politician. There is, however, no general +history of that country which can be recommended. The elegant one of +Hume seems intended to disguise and discredit the good principles of the +government, and is so plausible and pleasing in its style and manner, +as to instil its errors and heresies insensibly into the minds of unwary +readers. Baxter has performed a good operation on it. He has taken the +text of Hume as his ground-work, abridging it by the omission of some +details of little interest, and wherever he has found him endeavoring to +mislead, by either the suppression of a truth, or by giving it a false +coloring, he has changed the text to what it should be, so that we +may properly call it Hume's history republicanized. He has, moreover, +continued the history (but indifferently) from where Hume left it, +to the year 1800. The work is not popular in England, because it is +republican; and but a few copies have ever reached America. It is a +single quarto volume. Adding to this Ludlow's Memoirs, Mrs. Macaulay's +and Belknap's histories, a sufficient view will be presented of the free +principles of the English constitution. + +To your request of my opinion of the manner in which a newspaper should +be conducted, so as to be most useful, I should answer, 'by restraining +it to true, facts and sound principles only.' Yet I fear such a paper +would find few subscribers. It is a melancholy truth, that a suppression +of the press could not more completely deprive the nation of its +benefits, than is done by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. +Nothing can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself +becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle. The real +extent of this state of misinformation is known only to those who are in +situations to confront facts within their knowledge with the lies of +the day. I really look with commiseration over the great body of my +fellow-citizens, who, reading newspapers, live and die in the belief, +that they have known something of what has been passing in the world in +their time; whereas the accounts they have read in newspapers are just +as true a history of any other period of the world as of the present, +except that the real names of the day are affixed to their fables. +General facts may indeed be collected from them, such as that Europe is +now at war, that Bonaparte has been a successful warrior, that he has +subjected a great portion of Europe to his will, &c. &c.; but no details +can be relied on. I will add, that the man who never looks into a +newspaper is better informed than he who reads them; inasmuch as he +who knows nothing is nearer to truth than he whose mind is filled with +falsehoods and errors. He who reads nothing will still learn the great +facts, and the details are all false. + +Perhaps an editor might begin a reformation in some such way as this. +Divide his paper into four chapters, heading the 1st, Truths. 2nd, +Probabilities. 3rd, Possibilities. 4th, Lies. The 1st chapter would be +very short, as it would contain little more than authentic papers, and +information from such sources, as the editor would be willing to risk +his own reputation for their truth. The 2nd would contain what, from a +mature consideration of all circumstances, his judgment should conclude +to be probably true. This, however, should rather contain too little +than too much. The 3rd and 4th should be professedly for those readers +who would rather have lies for their money than the blank paper they +would occupy. + +Such an editor too, would have to set his face against the demoralizing +practice of feeding the public mind habitually on slander, and the +depravity of taste which this nauseous aliment induces. Defamation +is becoming a necessary of life; insomuch, that a dish of tea in the +morning or evening cannot be digested without this stimulant. Even those +who do not believe these abominations, still read them with complaisance +to their auditors, and instead of the abhorrence and indignation which +should fill a virtuous mind, betray a secret pleasure in the possibility +that some may believe them, though they do not themselves. It seems to +escape them, that it is not he who prints, but he who pays for printing +a slander, who is its real author. + +These thoughts on the subjects of your letter are hazarded at your +request. Repeated instances of the publication of what has not been +intended for the public eye, and the malignity with which political +enemies torture every sentence from me into meanings imagined by their +own wickedness only, justify my expressing a solicitude, that this hasty +communication may in nowise be permitted to find its way into the public +papers. Not fearing these political bull-dogs, I yet avoided putting +myself in the way of being baited by them, and do not wish to volunteer +away that portion of tranquillity, which a firm execution of my duties +will permit me to enjoy. + +I tender you my salutations, and best wishes for your success. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XLIX.--TO WILLIAM SHORT, June 12, 1807 + +TO WILLIAM SHORT. + +Washington, June 12, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +****** + +The proposition in your letter of May the 16th, of adding an umpire to +our discordant negotiators at Paris, struck me favorably on reading it, +and reflection afterwards strengthened my first impressions. I made it +therefore a subject of consultation with my coadjutors, as is our usage. +For our government, although in theory subject to be directed by the +unadvised will of the President, is, and from its origin has been, a +very different thing in practice. The minor business in each department +is done by the Head of the department, on consultation with the +President alone. But all matters of importance or difficulty are +submitted to all the Heads of departments composing the cabinet; +sometimes by the President's consulting them separately and +successively, as they happen to call on him; but in the greatest cases, +by calling them together, discussing the subject maturely, and finally +taking the vote, in which the President counts himself but as one. So +that in all important cases the executive is, in fact, a directory, +which certainly the President might control: but of this there was never +an example either in the first or the present administration. I have +heard, indeed, that my predecessor sometimes decided things against his +council. + +***** + +I adopted in the present case the mode of separate consultation. The +opinion of each member, taken separately, was, that the addition of +a third negotiator was not at this time advisable. For the present, +therefore, the question must rest. Mr. Bowdoin, we know, is anxious to +come home, and is detained only by the delicacy of not deserting his +post. In the existing temper between him and his colleague, it would +certainly be better that one of them should make an opening for +re-composing the commission more harmoniously. I salute you with +affection and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER L.--TO GEORGE HAY, June 12, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Washington, June 12, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter of the 9th is this moment received. Reserving the necessary +right of the President of the United States to decide, independently of +all other authority, what papers, coming to him as President, the public +interests permit to be communicated, and to whom, I assure you of +my readiness, under that restriction, voluntarily to furnish, on all +occasions, whatever the purposes of justice may require. But the letter +of General Wilkinson, of October the 21st, requested for the defence +of Colonel Burr, with every other paper relating to the charges against +him, which were in my possession when the Attorney General went on to +Richmond in March, I then delivered to him; and I have always taken for +granted he left the whole with you. If he did, and the bundle retains +the order in which I had arranged it, you will readily find the letter +desired, under the date of its receipt, which was November the 25th: but +lest the Attorney General should not have left those papers with you, +I this day write to him to forward this one by post. An uncertainty +whether he is at Philadelphia, Wilmington, or New Castle, may produce +delay in his receiving my letter, of which it is proper you should be +apprized. But, as I do not recollect the whole contents of that letter, +I must beg leave to devolve on you the exercise of that discretion +which it would be my right and duty to exercise, by withholding the +communication of any parts of the letter, which are not directly +material for the purposes of justice. + +With this application, which is specific, a prompt compliance is +practicable. But when the request goes to 'copies of the orders issued +in relation to Colonel Burr, to the officers at Orleans, Natchez, &c. +by the Secretaries of the War and Navy departments,' it seems to cover +a correspondence of many months, with such a variety of officers, civil +and military, all over the United States, as would amount to the laying +open the whole executive books. I have desired the Secretary of War to +examine his official communications; and on a view of these, we may be +able to judge what can and ought to be done towards a compliance with +the request. If the defendant alleges that there was any particular +order, which, as a cause, produced any particular act on his part, then +he must know what this order was, can specify it, and a prompt answer +can be given. If the object had been specified, we might then have had +some guide for our conjectures, as to what part of the executive records +might be useful to him: but, with a perfect willingness to do what is +right, we are without the indications which may enable us to do it. If +the researches of the Secretary at War should produce any thing proper +for communication, and pertinent to any point we can conceive in the +defence before the court, it shall be forwarded to you. I salute you +with respect and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LI.--TO GEORGE HAY, June 17, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Washington, June 17, 1807. + +Sir, + +In answering your letter of the 9th, which desired a communication of +one to me from General Wilkinson, specified by its date, I informed +you in mine of the 12th that I had delivered it, with all other papers +respecting the charges against Aaron Burr, to the Attorney General, +when he went to Richmond; that I had supposed he had left them in +your possession, but would immediately write to him, if he had not, to +forward that particular letter without delay. I wrote to him accordingly +on the same day, but having no answer, I know not whether he has +forwarded the letter. I stated in the same letter, that I had desired +the Secretary at War, to examine his office, in order to comply with +your further request, to furnish copies of the orders which had been +given respecting Aaron Burr and his property; and in a subsequent letter +of the same day, I forwarded to you copies of two letters from the +Secretary at War, which appeared to be within the description expressed +in your letter. The order from the Secretary of the Navy, you said, you +were in possession of. The receipt of these papers had, I presume, so +far anticipated, and others this day forwarded will have substantially +fulfilled, the object of a subpoena from the District Court of Richmond, +requiring that those officers and myself should attend the Court in +Richmond, with the letter of General Wilkinson, the answer to that +letter, and the orders of the departments of War and the Navy, therein +generally described. No answer to General Wilkinson's letter, other +than a mere acknowledgment of its receipt, in a letter written for a +different purpose, was ever written by myself or any other. To these +communications of papers, I will add, that if the defendant supposes +there are any facts within the knowledge of the Heads of departments, or +of myself, which can be useful for his defence, from a desire of doing +any thing our situation will permit in furtherance of justice, we shall +be ready to give him the benefit of it, by way of deposition, through +any persons whom the Court shall authorize to take our testimony at +this place. I know, indeed, that this cannot be done but by consent of +parties; and I therefore authorize you to give consent on the part of +the United States. Mr. Burr's consent will be given of course, if he +supposes the testimony useful. + +As to our personal attendance at Richmond, I am persuaded the Court +is sensible, that paramount duties to the nation at large control the +obligation of compliance with their summons in this case; as they would, +should we receive a similar one, to attend the trials of Blannerhassett +and others, in the Mississippi territory, those instituted at St. Louis +and other places on the western waters, or at any place, other than the +seat of government. To comply with such calls would leave the nation +without an executive branch, whose agency, nevertheless, is understood +to be so constantly necessary, that it is the sole branch which the +constitution requires to be always in function. It could not then +mean that it should be withdrawn from its station by any co-ordinate +authority. + +With respect to papers, there is certainly a public and a private +side to our offices. To the former belong grants of land, patents for +inventions, certain commissions, proclamations, and other papers patent +in their nature. To the other belong mere executive proceedings. All +nations have found it necessary, that for the advantageous conduct of +their affairs, some of these proceedings, at least, should remain known +to their executive functionary only. He, of course, from the nature of +the case, must be the sole judge of which of them the public interests +will permit publication. Hence, under our constitution, in requests of +papers, from the legislative to the executive branch, an exception is +carefully expressed, as to those which he may deem the public welfare +may require not to be disclosed; as you will see in the enclosed +resolution of the House of Representatives, which produced the message +of January 22nd, respecting this case. The respect mutually due between +the constituted authorities, in their official intercourse, as well +as sincere dispositions to do for every one what is just, will always +insure from the executive, in exercising the duty of discrimination +confided to him, the same candor and integrity to which the nation has +in like manner trusted in the disposal of its judiciary authorities. +Considering you as the organ for communicating these sentiments to +the Court, I address them to you for that purpose, and salute you with +esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LII.--TO GEORGE HAY, June 19,1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Washington, June 19,1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Yours of the 17th was received last night. Three blank pardons had been +(as I expect) made up and forwarded by the mail of yesterday, and I have +desired three others to go by that of this evening. You ask what is to +be done if Bollman finally rejects his pardon, and the Judge decides +it to have no effect? Move to commit him immediately for treason or +misdemeanor, as you think the evidence will support; let the court +decide where he shall be sent for trial; and on application, I will have +the marshal aided in his transportation, with the executive means. And +we think it proper, further, that when Burr shall have been convicted of +either treason or misdemeanor, you should immediately have committed all +those persons against whom you should find evidence sufficient, whose +agency has been so prominent as to mark them as proper objects of +punishment, and especially where their boldness has betrayed an +inveteracy of criminal disposition. As to obscure offenders and +repenting ones, let them lie for consideration. + +I enclose you the copy of a letter received last night, and giving +singular information. I have inquired into the character of Graybell. He +was an old revolutionary captain, is now a flour merchant in Baltimore, +of the most respectable character, and whose word would be taken as +implicitly as any man's for whatever he affirms. The letter-writer, +also, is a man of entire respectability. I am well informed, that for +more than a twelvemonth it has been believed in Baltimore, generally, +that Burr was engaged in some criminal enterprise, and that Luther +Martin knew all about it. We think you should immediately despatch a +subpoena for Graybell; and while that is on the road, you will have time +to consider in what form you will use his testimony; e.g. shall Luther +Martin be summoned as a witness against Burr, and Graybell held ready +to confront him? It may be doubted whether we could examine a witness +to discredit our own witness. Besides, the lawyers say that they are +privileged from being forced to breaches of confidence, and that +no others are. Shall we move to commit Luther Martin, as _particeps +criminis_ with Burr? Graybell will fix upon him misprision of treason at +least. And at any rate, his evidence will put down this unprincipled and +impudent federal bull-dog, and add another proof that the most clamorous +defenders of Burr are all his accomplices. It will explain why Luther +Martin flew so hastily to the aid of 'his honorable friend,' abandoning +his clients and their property during a session of a principal court +in Maryland, now filled, as I am told, with the clamors and ruin of his +clients. I believe we shall send on Latrobe as a witness. He will prove +that Aaron Burr endeavored to get him to engage several thousand men, +chiefly Irish emigrants, whom he had been in the habit of employing in +the works he directs, under pretence of a canal opposite Louisville, +or of the Washita, in which, had he succeeded, he could with that force +alone have carried every thing before him, and would not have been where +he now is. He knows, too, of certain meetings of Burr, Bollman, Yrujo, +and one other whom we have never named yet, but have him not the less in +our view. + +I salute you with friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + +P. S. Will you send us half a dozen blank subpoenas? + +Since writing the within I have had a conversation with Latrobe. He says +it was five hundred men he was desired to engage. The pretexts were to +work on the Ohio canal, and be paid in Washita lands. Your witnesses +will some of them prove that Burr had no interest in the Ohio canal, and +that consequently this was a mere pretext to cover the real object from +the men themselves, and all others. Latrobe will set out in the stage of +to-morrow evening, and be with you Monday evening. T. J. + + + + +LETTER LIII.--TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN, June 19, 1807 + +TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. + +Washington, June 19, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +In acknowledging the receipt of your favor of the 3rd instant, I avail +myself of the occasion it offers of tendering to yourself, to Mr. +Lincoln, and to your State, my sincere congratulations on the late happy +event of the election of a republican executive to preside over its +councils. The harmony it has introduced between the legislative and +executive branches, between the people and both of them, and between +all and the General Government, are so many steps towards securing that +union of action and effort in all its parts, without which no nation can +be happy or safe. The just respect, with which all the States have ever +looked to Massachusetts, could leave none of them without anxiety while +she was in a state of alienation from her family and friends. Your +opinion of the propriety and advantage of a more intimate correspondence +between the executives of the several States, and that of the Union, as +a central point, is precisely that which I have ever entertained; and +on coming into office I felt the advantages which would result from that +harmony. I had it even in contemplation, after the annual recommendation +to Congress of those measures called for by the times, which the +constitution had placed under their power, to make communications in +like manner to the executives of the States, as to any parts of them +to which their legislatures might be alone competent. For many are the +exercises of power reserved to the States, wherein an uniformity of +proceeding would be advantageous to all. Such are quarantines, health +laws, regulations of the press, banking institutions, training militia, +&c. &c. But you know what was the state of the several governments when +I came into office. That a great proportion of them were federal, and +would have been delighted with such opportunities of proclaiming their +contempt, and of opposing republican men and measures. Opportunities so +furnished and used by some of the State governments, would have produced +an ill effect, and would have insured the failure of the object of +uniform proceeding. If it could be ventured even now (Connecticut and +Delaware being still hostile) it must be on some greater occasion than +is likely to arise within my time. I look to it, therefore, as a course +which will probably be to be left to the consideration of my successor. + +I consider, with you, the federalists as completely vanquished, and +never more to take the field under their own banners. They will now +reserve themselves to profit by the schisms among republicans, and to +earn favors from minorities, whom they will enable to triumph over +their more numerous antagonists. So long as republican minorities barely +accept their votes, no great harm will be done; because it will only +place in power one shade of republicanism, instead of another. But +when they purchase the votes of the federalists, by giving them +a participation of office, trust, and power, it is a proof that +anti-monarchism is not their strongest passion. I do not think that the +republican minority in Pennsylvania has fallen into this heresy, nor +that there are in your State materials of which a minority can be made +who will fall into it. + +With respect to the tour my friends to the north have proposed that I +should make in that quarter, I have not made up a final opinion. The +course of life which General Washington had run, civil and military, +the services he had rendered, and the space he therefore occupied in the +affections of his fellow-citizens, take from his examples the weight of +precedents for others, because no others can arrogate to themselves the +claims which he had on the public homage. To myself, therefore, it comes +as a new question, to be viewed under all the phases it may present. +I confess, that I am not reconciled to the idea of a chief magistrate +parading himself through the several States as an object of public gaze, +and in quest of an applause, which, to be valuable, should be purely +voluntary. I had rather acquire silent good will by a faithful discharge +of my duties, than owe expressions of it to my putting myself in the way +of receiving them. Were I to make such a tour to Portsmouth or Portland, +I must do it to Savannah, perhaps to Orleans and Frankfort. As I have +never yet seen the time when the public business would have permitted me +to be so long in a situation in which I could not carry it on, so I have +no reason to expect that such a time will come while I remain in office. +A journey to Boston or Portsmouth, after I shall be a private citizen, +would much better harmonize with my feelings, as well as duties; and, +founded in curiosity, would give no claims to an extension of it. I +should see my friends, too, more at our mutual ease, and be left more +exclusively to their society. However, I end as I began, by declaring +I have made up no opinion on the subject, and that I reserve it as a +question for future consideration and advice. + +In the mean time, and at all times, I salute you with great respect and +esteem, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LIV.--TO GEORGE HAY, June 20, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Washington, June 20, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Mr. Latrobe now comes on as a witness against Burr. His presence here +is with great inconvenience dispensed with, as one hundred and fifty +workmen require his constant directions on various public works of +pressing importance. I hope you will permit him to come away as soon as +possible. How far his testimony will be important as to the prisoner, I +know not; but I am desirous that those meetings of Yrujo with Burr and +his principal accomplices should come fully out, and judicially, as they +will establish the just complaints we have against his nation. + +I did not see till last night the opinion of the Judge on the _subpoena +duces tecum_ against the President. Considering the question there as +_coram non judice_, I did not read his argument with much attention. +Yet I saw readily enough, that, as is usual, where an opinion is to be +supported, right or wrong, he dwells much on smaller objections, and +passes over those which are solid. Laying down the position generally, +that all persons owe obedience to subpoenas, he admits no exception +unless it can be produced in his law books. But if the constitution +enjoins on a particular officer to be always engaged in a particular +set of duties imposed on him, does not this supersede the general law, +subjecting him to minor duties inconsistent with these? The constitution +enjoins his constant agency in the concerns of six millions of people. +Is the law paramount to this, which calls on him on behalf of a single +one? Let us apply the Judge's own doctrine to the case of himself and +his brethren. The sheriff of Henrico summons him from the bench, to +quell a riot somewhere in his county. The federal judge is, by the +general law, a part of the posse of the State sheriff. Would the Judge +abandon major duties to perform lesser ones? Again; the court of Orleans +or Maine commands, by subpoenas, the attendance of all the judges of +the Supreme Court. Would they abandon their posts as judges, and the +interests of millions committed to them, to serve the purposes of a +single individual? The leading principle of our constitution is the +independence of the legislature, executive, and judiciary, of each +other, and none are more jealous of this than the judiciary. But would +the executive be independent of the judiciary, if he were subject to +the commands of the latter, and to imprisonment for disobedience; if the +several courts could bandy him from pillar to post, keep him constantly +trudging from north to south, and east to west, and withdraw him +entirely from his constitutional duties? The intention of the +constitution, that each branch should be independent of the others, is +further manifested by the means it has furnished to each, to protect +itself from enterprises of force attempted on them by the others, and +to none has it given more effectual or diversified means than to the +executive. Again; because ministers can go into a court in London, +as witnesses, without interruption to their executive duties, it is +inferred that they would go to a court one thousand or one thousand five +hundred miles off, and that ours are to be dragged from Maine to Orleans +by every criminal who will swear that their testimony 'may be of use to +him.' The Judge says, 'it is apparent that the President's duties, +as chief magistrate, do not demand his whole time, and are not +unremitting.' If he alludes to our annual retirement from the seat +of government, during the sickly season, he should be told that such +arrangements are made for carrying on the public business, at and +between the several stations we take, that it goes on as unremittingly +there, as if we were at the seat of government. I pass more hours in +public business at Monticello than I do here, every day; and it is much +more laborious, because all must be done in writing. Our stations being +known, all communications come to them regularly, as to fixed points. +It would be very different were we always on the road, or placed in the +noisy and crowded taverns where courts are held. Mr. Rodney is expected +here every hour, having been kept away by a sick child. I salute you +with friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LV.--TO DOCTOR WISTAR, June 21, 1807 + + +TO DOCTOR WISTAR. + +Washington, June 21, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +I have a grandson, the son of Mr. Randolph, now about fifteen years of +age, in whose education I take a lively interest. + +***** + +I am not a friend to placing young men in populous cities, because they +acquire there habits and partialities which do not contribute to the +happiness of their after life. But there are particular branches of +science, which are not so advantageously taught any where else in +the United States as in Philadelphia. The garden at the Woodlands for +Botany, Mr. Peale's Museum for Natural History, your Medical School for +Anatomy, and the able professors in all of them, give advantages not to +be found elsewhere. We propose, therefore, to send him to Philadelphia +to attend the schools of Botany, Natural History, Anatomy, and perhaps +Surgery; but not of Medicine. And why not of Medicine, you will ask? +Being led to the subject, I will avail myself of the occasion to express +my opinions on that science, and the extent of my medical creed. But, to +finish first with respect to my grandson, I will state the favor I ask +of you, and which is the object of this letter. + +***** + +This subject dismissed, I may now take up that which it led to, and +further tax your patience with unlearned views of medicine; which, as in +most cases, are, perhaps, the more confident in proportion as they are +less enlightened. + +We know, from what we see and feel, that the animal body is in its +organs and functions subject to derangement, inducing pain, and +tending to its destruction. In this disordered state, we observe nature +providing for the re-establishment of order, by exciting some salutary +evacuation of the morbific matter, or by some other operation which +escapes our imperfect senses and researches. She brings on a crisis, by +stools, vomiting, sweat, urine, expectoration, bleeding, &c, which, for +the most part, ends in the restoration of healthy action. Experience has +taught us also, that there are certain substances, by which, applied to +the living body, internally or externally, we can at will produce these +same evacuations, and thus do, in a short time, what nature would do but +slowly, and do effectually, what perhaps she would not have strength +to accomplish. Where, then, we have seen a disease, characterized +by specific signs or phenomena, and relieved by a certain natural +evacuation or process, whenever that disease recurs under the same +appearances, we may reasonably count on producing a solution of it, by +the use of such substances as we have found produce the same evacuation +or movement. Thus, fulness of the stomach we can relieve by emetics; +diseases of the bowels, by purgatives; inflammatory cases, by bleeding; +intermittents, by the Peruvian bark; syphilis, by mercury; watchfulness, +by opium; &c. So far, I bow to the utility of medicine. It goes to the +well defined forms of disease, and happily, to those the most frequent. +But the disorders of the animal body, and the symptoms indicating +them, are as various as the elements of which the body is composed. The +combinations, too, of these symptoms are so infinitely diversified, +that many associations of them appear too rarely to establish a definite +disease: and to an unknown disease, there cannot be a known remedy. +Here, then, the judicious, the moral, the humane physician should stop. +Having been so often a witness to the salutary efforts which nature +makes to re-establish the disordered functions, he should rather trust +to their action, than hazard the interruption of that, and a greater +derangement of the system, by conjectural experiments on a machine so +complicated and so unknown as the human body, and a subject so sacred +as human life. Or, if the appearance of doing something be necessary to +keep alive the hope and spirits of the patient, it should be of the most +innocent character. One of the most successful physicians I have ever +known, has assured me, that he used more bread pills, drops of colored +water, and powders of hickory ashes, than of all other medicines put +together. It was certainly a pious fraud. But the adventurous physician +goes on, and substitutes presumption for knowledge. From the scanty +field of what is known, he launches into the boundless region of what +is unknown. He establishes for his guide some fanciful theory of +corpuscular attraction, of chemical agency, of mechanical powers, of +stimuli, of irritability accumulated or exhausted, of depletion by the +lancet, and repletion by mercury, or some other ingenious dream, which +lets him into all nature's secrets at short hand. On the principle which +he thus assumes, he forms his table of nosology, arrays his diseases +into families, and extends his curative treatment, by analogy, to all +the cases he has thus arbitrarily marshaled together. I have lived +myself to see the disciples of Hoffman, Boerhaave, Stahl, Cullen, Brown, +succeed one another like the shifting figures of a magic-lanthern, and +their fancies like the dresses of the annual doll-babies from Paris, +becoming, from their novelty, the vogue of the day, and yielding to +the next novelty their ephemeral favor. The patient, treated on the +fashionable theory, sometimes gets well in spite of the medicine. The +medicine therefore restored him, and the young doctor receives new +courage to proceed in his bold experiments on the lives of his fellow +creatures. I believe we may safely affirm, that the inexperienced and +presumptuous band of medical tyros let loose upon the world, destroys +more of human life in one year, than all the Robin-hoods, Cartouches, +and Macheaths do in a century. It is in this part of medicine that I +wish to see a reform, an abandonment of hypothesis for sober facts, the +first degree of value set on clinical observation, and the lowest on +visionary theories. I would wish the young practitioner, especially, to +have deeply impressed on his mind the real limits of his art, and that +when the state of his patient gets beyond these, his office is to be a +watchful, but quiet spectator of the operations of nature, giving them +fair play by a well regulated regimen, and by all the aid they can +derive from the excitement of good spirits and hope in the patient. +I have no doubt, that some diseases not yet understood may in time be +transferred to the table of those known. But, were I a physician, I +would rather leave the transfer to the slow hand of accident, than +hasten it by guilty experiments on those who put their lives into my +hands. The only sure foundations of medicine are, an intimate knowledge +of the human body, and observation on the effects of medicinal +substances on that. The anatomical and clinical schools, therefore, are +those in which the young physician should be formed. If he enters with +innocence that of the theory of medicine, it is scarcely possible he +should come out untainted with error. His mind must be strong indeed, +if, rising above juvenile credulity, it can maintain a wise infidelity +against the authority of his instructers, and the bewitching delusions +of their theories. You see that I estimate justly that portion of +instruction, which our medical students derive from your labors; and, +associating with it one of the chairs which my old and able friend, +Doctor Rush, so honorably fills, I consider them as the two fundamental +pillars of the edifice. Indeed, I have such an opinion of the talents +of the professors in the other branches which constitute the school of +medicine with you, as to hope and believe, that it is from this side +of the Atlantic, that Europe, which has taught us so many other things, +will at length be led into sound principles in this branch of science, +the most important of all others, being that to which we commit the care +of health and life. + +I dare say, that by this time you are sufficiently sensible that old +heads, as well as young, may sometimes be charged with ignorance and +presumption. The natural course of the human mind is certainly from +credulity to scepticism: and this is perhaps the most favorable apology +I can make for venturing so far out of my depth, and to one, too, +to whom the strong as well as the weak points of this science are so +familiar. But having stumbled on the subject in my way, I wished to give +a confession of my faith to a friend; and the rather, as I had perhaps, +at times, to him as well as others, expressed my scepticism in medicine, +without defining its extent or foundation. At any rate, it has permitted +me, for a moment, to abstract myself from the dry and dreary waste +of politics, into which I have been impressed by the times on which I +happened, and to indulge in the rich fields of nature, where alone I +should have served as a volunteer, if left to my natural inclinations +and partialities. + +I salute you at all times with affection and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LVI.--TO MR. BOWDOIN, July 10, 1807 + + +TO MR. BOWDOIN. + +Washington, July 10, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +I wrote you on the 10th of July, 1806; but supposing, from your not +acknowledging the receipt of the letter, that it had miscarried, I sent +a duplicate with my subsequent one of April the 2nd. These having gone +by the Wasp, you will doubtless have received them. Since that, yours +of May the 1st has come to hand. You will see by the despatches from the +department of State, carried by the armed vessel the Revenge, into what +a critical state our peace with Great Britain is suddenly brought, by +their armed vessels in our waters. Four vessels of war (three of them +two-deckers) closely blockade Norfolk at this instant. Of the authority +under which this aggression is committed, their minister here is +unapprized. You will see by the proclamation of July the 2nd, that +(while we are not omitting such measures of force as are immediately +necessary) we propose to give Great Britain an opportunity of disavowal +and reparation, and to leave the question of war, non-intercourse, or +other measures, uncommitted, to the legislature. This country has never +been in such a state of excitement since the battle of Lexington. In +this state of things, cordial friendship with France, and peace at +least with Spain, become more interesting. You know the circumstances +respecting this last power, which have rendered it ineligible that you +should have proceeded heretofore to your destination. But this obstacle +is now removed by their recall of Yrujo, and appointment of another +minister, and, in the mean time, of a _charge des affaires_, who has +been received. The way being now open for taking your station at Madrid, +it is certainly our wish you should do so, and that this may be more +agreeable to you than your return home, as is solicited in yours of May +the 1st. It is with real unwillingness we should relinquish the benefit +of your services. Nevertheless, if your mind is decidedly bent on that, +we shall regret, but not oppose your return. The choice, therefore, +remains with yourself. In the mean time, your place in the joint +commission being vacated by either event, we shall take the measures +rendered necessary by that. We have seen, with real grief, the +misunderstanding which has taken place between yourself and General +Armstrong. We are neither qualified nor disposed to form an opinion +between you. We regret the pain which must have been felt by persons, +both of whom hold so high a place in our esteem, and we have not been +without fear that the public interest might suffer by it. It has seemed, +however, that the state of Europe has been such as to admit little to be +done, in matters so distant from them. + +The present alarm has had the effect of suspending our foreign commerce. +No merchant ventures to send out a single vessel; and I think it +probable this will continue very much the case till we get an answer +from England. Our crops are uncommonly plentiful. That of small grain is +now secured south of this, and the harvest is advancing here. + +Accept my salutations, and assurances of affectionate esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LVII.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 14, 1807 + + +TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + +Washington, July 14, 1807. + +My Dear Friend, + +I received last night your letters of February the 20th and April the +29th, and a vessel just sailing from Baltimore enables me hastily to +acknowledge them; to assure you of the welcome with which I receive +whatever comes from you, and the continuance of my affectionate esteem +for yourself and family. I learn with much concern, indeed, the state of +Madame de la Fayette's health. I hope I have the pleasure yet to come of +learning its entire re-establishment. She is too young not to give great +confidence to that hope. + +Measuring happiness by the American scale, and sincerely wishing that of +yourself and family, we had been anxious to see them established on this +side of the great water. But I am not certain that any equivalent can be +found for the loss of that species of society, to which our habits have +been formed from infancy. Certainly had you been, as I wished, at the +head of the government of Orleans, Burr would never have given me one +moment's uneasiness. His conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious +of which history will ever furnish an example. He meant to separate the +western States from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their +head, establish what he would deem an energetic government, and thus +provide an example and an instrument for the subversion of our freedom. +The man who could expect to effect this, with American materials, must +be a fit subject for Bedlam. The seriousness of the crime, however, +demands more serious punishment. Yet, although there is not a man in the +United States who doubts his guilt, such are the jealous provisions of +our laws in favor of the accused against the accuser, that I question +if he is convicted. Out of forty-eight jurors to be summoned, he is to +select the twelve who are to try him, and if there be any one who will +not concur in finding him guilty, he is discharged of course. I am sorry +to tell you that Bollman was Burr's right hand man in all his guilty +schemes. On being brought to prison here, he communicated to Mr. Madison +and myself the whole of the plans, always, however, apologetically for +Burr as far as they would bear. But his subsequent tergiversations +have proved him conspicuously base. I gave him a pardon, however, which +covers him from every thing but infamy. I was the more astonished at his +engaging in this business, from the peculiar motives he should have +felt for fidelity. When I came into the government, I sought him out on +account of the services he has rendered you, cherished him, offered +him two different appointments of value, which, after keeping them long +under consideration, he declined for commercial views, and would have +given him any thing for which he was fit. Be assured he is unworthy of +ever occupying again the care of any honest man. Nothing has ever so +strongly proved the innate force of our form of government, as this +conspiracy. Burr had probably engaged one thousand men to follow his +fortunes, without letting them know his projects, otherwise than by +assuring them the government approved of them. The moment a proclamation +was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself left with about thirty +desperadoes only. The people rose in mass wherever he was or was +suspected to be, and by their own energy the thing was crushed in +one instant, without its having been necessary to employ a man of +the military but to take care of their respective stations. His first +enterprise was to have been to seize New Orleans, which he supposed +would powerfully bridle the upper country, and place him at the door +of Mexico. It is with pleasure I inform you that not a single native +Creole, and but one American of those settled there before we received +the place, took any part with him. His partisans were the new emigrants +from the United States and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or debt, +and adventurers and speculators of all descriptions. + +I enclose you a proclamation, which will show you the critical footing +on which we stand, at present, with England. Never, since the battle of +Lexington, have I seen this country in such a state of exasperation +as at present. And even that did not produce such unanimity. The +federalists themselves coalesce with us as to the object, although they +will return to their old trade of condemning every step we take towards +obtaining it. 'Reparation for the past, and security for the future,' is +our motto. Whether these will be yielded freely, or will require resort +to non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. We have actually near +two thousand men in the field, covering the exposed parts of the coast, +and cutting off supplies from the British vessels. + +I am afraid I have been very unsuccessful in my endeavors to serve +Madame de Tesse in her taste for planting. A box of seeds, &c. which I +sent her in the close of 1805, was carried with the vessel into England, +and discharged so late that I fear she lost their benefit, for that +season. Another box, which I prepared in the autumn of 1806, has, +I fear, been equally delayed from other accidents. However, I will +persevere in my endeavors. + +Present me respectfully to her, M. de Tesse, Madame de la Fayette, and +your family, and accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of +constant esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LVIII.--TO JOHN PAGE, July 17, 1807 + + +TO JOHN PAGE. + +Washington, July 17, 1807. + +My Dear Friend, + +Yours of the 11th is received. In appointments to public offices of mere +profit, I have ever considered faithful service in either our first or +second revolution as giving preference of claim, and that appointments +on that principle would gratify the public, and strengthen that +confidence so necessary to enable the executive to direct the whole +public force to the best, advantage of the nation. Of Mr. Boiling +Robertson's talents and integrity I have long been apprized, and would +gladly use them where talents and integrity are wanting. I had thought +of him for the vacant place of secretary of the Orleans territory, but +supposing the salary of two thousand dollars not more than he makes +by his profession, and while remaining with his friends, I have, in +despair, not proposed it to him. If he would accept it, I should name +him instantly with the greatest satisfaction. Perhaps you could inform +me on this point. + +With respect to Major Gibbons, I do indeed recollect, that in some +casual conversation, it was said that the most conspicuous accomplices +of Burr were at home at his house; but it made so little impression on +me, that neither the occasion nor the person is now recollected. On this +subject, I have often expressed the principles on which I act, with a +wish they might be understood by the federalists in office. I have never +removed a man merely because he was a federalist: I have never wished +them to give a vote at an election, but according to their own wishes. +But as no government could discharge its duties to the best advantage +of its citizens, if its agents were in a regular course of thwarting +instead of executing all its measures, and were employing the patronage +and influence of their offices against the government and its measures, +I have only requested they would be quiet, and they should be safe: and +if their conscience urges them to take an active and zealous part in +opposition, it ought also to urge them to retire from a post which they +could not conscientiously conduct with fidelity to the trust reposed +in them; and on failure to retire, I have removed them; that is to say, +those who maintained an active and zealous opposition to the government. +Nothing which I have yet heard of Major Gibbons places him in danger +from these principles. + +I am much pleased with the ardor displayed by our countrymen on the +late British outrage. It gives us the more confidence of support in the +demand of reparation for the past, and security for the future, that is +to say, an end of impressments. If motives of either justice or interest +should produce this from Great Britain, it will save a war: but if they +are refused, we shall have gained time for getting in our ships and +property, and at least twenty thousand seamen now afloat on the ocean, +and who may man two hundred and fifty privateers. The loss of these +to us would be worth to Great Britain many victories of the Nile +and Trafalgar. The mean time may also be importantly employed in +preparations to enable us to give quick and deep blows. + +Present to Mrs. Page, and receive yourself my affectionate and +respectful salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LIX.--TO WILLIAM DUANE, July 20, 1807 + + +TO WILLIAM DUANE. + +Washington, July 20, 1807. + +Sir, + +Although I cannot always acknowledge the receipt of communications, yet +I merit their continuance by making all the use of them of which they +are susceptible. Some of your suggestions had occurred, and others will +be considered. The time is coming when our friends must enable us to +hear every thing, and expect us to say nothing; when we shall need all +their confidence that every thing is doing which can be done, and when +our greatest praise shall be, that we appear to be doing nothing. The +law for detaching one hundred thousand militia, and the appropriation +for it, and that for fortifications, enable us to do every thing for +land service, as well as if Congress were here; and as to naval matters, +their opinion is known. The course we have pursued, has gained for our +merchants a precious interval to call in their property and our seamen, +and the postponing the summons of Congress will aid in avoiding to give +too quick an alarm to the adversary. They will be called, however, +in good time. Although we demand of England what is merely of right, +reparation for the past, security for the future, yet as their pride +will possibly, nay probably, prevent their yielding them to the extent +we shall require, my opinion is, that the public mind, which I believe +is made up for war, should maintain itself at that point. They have +often enough, God knows, given us cause of war before; but it has been +on points which would not have united the nation. But now they have +touched a chord which vibrates in every heart. Now then is the time to +settle the old and the new. + +I have often wished for an occasion of saying a word to you on the +subject of the Emperor of Russia, of whose character and value to us, I +suspect you are not apprized correctly. A more virtuous man, I believe, +does not exist, nor one who is more enthusiastically devoted to better +the condition of mankind. He will probably, one day, fall a victim to +it, as a monarch of that principle does not suit a Russian noblesse. +He is not of the very first order of understanding, but he is of a +high one. He has taken a peculiar affection to this country and its +government, of which he has given me public as well as personal proofs. +Our nation being like his, habitually neutral, our interests as to +neutral rights, and our sentiments, agree. And whenever conferences +for peace shall take place, we are assured of a friend in him. In fact, +although in questions of restitution he will be with England, in those +of neutral rights he will be with Bonaparte and every other power in +the world, except England: and I do presume that England will never have +peace until she subscribes to a just code of marine law. I have gone +into this subject, because I am confident that Russia (while her present +monarch lives) is the most cordially friendly to us of any power on +earth, will go furthest to serve us, and is most worthy of conciliation. +And although the source of this information must be a matter of +confidence with you, yet it is desirable that the sentiments should +become those of the nation. I salute you with esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LX.--TO GEORGE HAY, August 20, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Monticello, August 20, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +I received yesterday your favor of the 11th. An error of the post-office +had occasioned the delay. Before an impartial jury Burr's conduct would +convict himself, were not one word of testimony to be offered against +him. But to what a state will our law be reduced by party feelings in +those who administer it? Why do not Blannerhasset, Dayton, &c. +demand private and comfortable lodgings? In a country where an equal +application of law to every condition of man is fundamental, how could +it be denied to them? How can it ever be denied to the most degraded +malefactor? The enclosed letter of James Morrison, covering a copy of +one from Alston to Blannerhasset, came to hand yesterday. I enclose +them, because it is proper all these papers should be in one deposite, +and because you should know the case and all its bearings, that you may +understand whatever turns up in the cause. Whether the opinion of the +letter-writer is sound, may be doubted. For however these, and other +circumstances which have come to us, may induce us to believe that the +bouncing letter he published, and the insolent one he wrote to me, were +intended as blinds, yet they are not sufficient for legal conviction. +Blannerhasset and his wife could possibly tell us enough. I commiserate +the sufferings you have to go through in such a season, and salute you +with great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXI.--TO GEORGE HAY, September 4, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Monticello, September 4, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +Yours of the 1st came to hand yesterday. The event has been ------ +that is to say, not only to clear Burr, but to prevent the evidence from +ever going before the world. But this latter case must not take place. +It is now, therefore, more than ever indispensable, that not a single +witness be paid or permitted to depart, until his testimony has been +committed to writing, either as delivered in court, or as taken by +yourself in the presence of any of Burr's counsel, who may choose to +attend to cross-examine. These whole proceedings will be laid before +Congress, that they may decide, whether the defect has been in the +evidence of guilt, or in the law, or in the application of the law, and +that they may provide the proper remedy for the past and the future. I +must pray you also to have an authentic copy of the record made out +(without saying for what) and to send it to me: if the Judge's opinions +make not a part of it, then I must ask a copy of them, either under his +hand, if he delivers one signed, or duly proved by affidavit. + +This criminal is preserved to become the rallying point of all the +disaffected and the worthless of the United States, and to be the +pivot on which all the intrigues and the conspiracies which foreign +governments may wish to disturb us with, are to turn. If he is convicted +of the misdemeanor, the Judge must in decency give us respite by some +short confinement of him; but we must expect it to be very short. +Be assured yourself, and communicate the same assurances to your +colleagues, that your and their zeal and abilities have been displayed +in this affair to my entire satisfaction and your own honor. + +I salute you with great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXII.--TO GEORGE HAY, September 7, 1807 + + +TO GEORGE HAY. + +Monticello, September 7, 1807. + +Dear Sir, + +I received, late last night, your favor of the day before, and now +re-enclose you the subpoena. As I do not believe that the district +courts have a power of commanding the executive government to abandon +superior duties and attend on them, at whatever distance, I am +unwilling, by any notice of the subpoena, to set a precedent which +might sanction a proceeding so preposterous. I enclose you, therefore, a +letter, public and for the court, covering substantially all they ought +to desire. If the papers which were enclosed in Wilkinson's letter may, +in your judgment, be communicated without injury, you will be pleased to +communicate them. I return you the original letter. + +I am happy in having the benefit of Mr. Madison's counsel on this +occasion, he happening to be now with me. We are both strongly of +opinion, that the prosecution against Burr for misdemeanor should +proceed at Richmond. If defeated, it will heap coals of fire on the +head of the Judge: if successful, it will give time to see whether a +prosecution for treason against him can be instituted in any, and +what other court. But, we incline to think, it may be best to send +Blannerhasset and Smith (Israel) to Kentucky, to be tried both for the +treason and misdemeanor. The trial of Dayton for misdemeanor may as well +go on at Richmond. + +I salute you with great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXIII.--TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR, January 23, 1808 + + +TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR, + +Washington, January 23, 1808. + +Sir, + +I have duly received your favor of the 18th, and am thankful to you +for having written it, because it is more agreeable to prevent than to +refuse what I do not think myself authorized to comply with. I consider +the government of the United States as interdicted by the constitution +from intermeddling with religious institutions, their doctrines, +discipline, or exercises. This results not only from the provision that +no law shall be made respecting the establishment or free exercise of +religion, but from that also which reserves to the States the powers +not delegated to the United States. Certainly, no power to prescribe any +religious exercise, or to assume authority in religious discipline, has +been delegated to the General Government. It must then rest with the +States, as far as it can be in any human authority. But it is only +proposed that I should recommend, not prescribe, a day of fasting and +prayer. That is, that I should indirectly assume to the United States an +authority over religious exercises, which the constitution has directly +precluded them from. It must be meant, too, that this recommendation is +to carry some authority, and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those +who disregard it; not indeed of fine and imprisonment, but of some +degree of proscription, perhaps in public opinion. And does the change +in the nature of the penalty make the recommendation the less a law of +conduct for those to whom it is directed? I do not believe it is for +the interest of religion to invite the civil magistrate to direct +its exercises, its discipline, or its doctrines; nor of the religious +societies, that the General Government should be invested with the power +of effecting any uniformity of time or matter among them. Fasting and +prayer are religious exercises; the enjoining them an act of discipline. +Every religious society has a right to determine for itself the times +for these exercises, and the objects proper for them, according to their +own particular tenets; and this right can never be safer than in their +own hands, where the constitution has deposited it. + +I am aware that the practice of my predecessors may be quoted. But I +have ever believed, that the example of State executives led to the +assumption of that authority by the General Government, without due +examination, which would have discovered that what might be a right in a +State government, was a violation of that right when assumed by another. +Be this as it may, every one must act according to the dictates of his +own reason, and mine tells me that civil powers alone have been given +to the President of the United States, and no authority to direct the +religious exercises of his constituents. + +I again express my satisfaction that you have been so good as to give +me an opportunity of explaining myself in a private letter, in which +I could give my reasons more in detail than might have been done in a +public answer: and I pray you to accept the assurances of my high esteem +and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXIV.--TO COLONEL MONROE, February 18, 1808 + + +TO COLONEL MONROE. + +Washington, February 18, 1808. + +My Dear Sir, + +You informed me that the instruments you had been so kind as to bring +for me from England, would arrive at Richmond with your baggage, and you +wished to know what was to be done with them there. I will ask the +favor of you to deliver them to Mr. Jefferson, who will forward them +to Monticello in the way I shall advise him. And I must intreat you +to send me either a note of their amount, or the bills, that I may be +enabled to reimburse you. There can be no pecuniary matter between +us, against which this can be any set-off. But if, contrary to my +recollection or knowledge, there were any thing, I pray that that may +be left to be settled by itself. If I could have known the amount +beforehand, I should have remitted it, and asked the advance only +under the idea that it should be the same as ready money to you on your +arrival. I must again, therefore, beseech you to let me know its amount. + +I see with infinite grief a contest arising between yourself and +another, who have been very dear to each other, and equally so to me. I +sincerely pray that these dispositions may not be affected between you; +with me I confidently trust they will not. For independently of the +dictates of public duty, which prescribes neutrality to me, my sincere +friendship for you both will insure its sacred observance. I suffer no +one to converse with me on the subject. I already perceive my old friend +Clinton estranging himself from me. No doubt lies are carried to him, +as they will be to the other two candidates, under forms, which, however +false he can scarcely question. Yet I have been equally careful as to +him also, never to say a word on his subject. The object of the contest +is a fair and honorable one, equally open to you all; and I have no +doubt the personal conduct of all will be so chaste, as to offer no +ground of dissatisfaction with each other. But your friends will not be +as delicate. I know too well from experience the progress of political +controversy, and the exacerbation of spirit into which it degenerates, +not to fear for the continuance of your mutual esteem. One piquing +thing said, draws on another, that a third, and always with increasing +acrimony, until all restraint is thrown off, and it becomes difficult +for yourselves to keep clear of the toils in which your friends will +endeavor to interlace you, and to avoid the participation in their +passions which they will endeavor to produce. A candid recollection of +what you know of each other will be the true corrective. With respect +to myself, I hope they will spare me. My longings for retirement are +so strong, that I with difficulty encounter the daily drudgeries of my +duty. But my wish for retirement itself is not stronger than that of +carrying into it the affections of all my friends. I have ever viewed +Mr. Madison and yourself as two principal pillars of my happiness. +Were either to be withdrawn, I should consider it as among the greatest +calamities which could assail my future peace of mind. I have great +confidence that the candor and high understanding of both will guard +me against this misfortune, the bare possibility of which has so far +weighed on my mind, that I could not be easy without unburthening it. + +Accept my respectful salutations for yourself and Mrs. Monroe, and be +assured of my constant and sincere friendship. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXV.--TO COLONEL MONROE, March 10, 1808 + + +TO COLONEL MONROE. + +Washington, March 10, 1808. + +Dear Sir, + +***** + +From your letter of the 27th ultimo, I perceive that painful impressions +have been made on your mind during your late mission, of which I had +never entertained a suspicion. I must, therefore, examine the grounds, +because explanations between reasonable men can never but do good. 1. +You consider the mission of Mr. Pinckney as an associate, to have been +in some way injurious to you. Were I to take that measure on myself, +I might say in its justification, that it has been the regular and +habitual practice of the United States to do this, under every form +in which their government has existed. I need not recapitulate the +multiplied instances, because you will readily recollect them. I went as +an adjunct to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, yourself as an adjunct first +to Mr. Livingston, and then to Mr. Pinckney, and I really believe +there has scarcely been a great occasion which has not produced an +extraordinary mission. Still, however, it is well known, that I was +strongly opposed to it in the case of which you complain. A committee of +the Senate called on me with two resolutions of that body on the subject +of impressment and spoliations by Great Britain, and requesting that +I would demand satisfaction. After delivering the resolutions, the +committee entered into free conversation, and observed, that although +the Senate could not, in form, recommend any extraordinary mission, +yet that as individuals, there was but one sentiment among them on the +measure, and they pressed it. I was so much averse to it, and gave them +so hard an answer, that they felt it, and spoke of it. But it did not +end here. The members of the other House took up the subject, and set +upon me individually, and these the best friends to you, as well as +myself, and represented the responsibility which a failure to obtain +redress would throw on us both, pursuing a conduct in opposition to the +opinion of nearly every member of the legislature. I found it necessary, +at length, to yield my own opinion, to the general sense of the national +council, and it really seemed to produce a jubilee among them; not from +any want of confidence in you, but from a belief in the effect which an +extraordinary mission would have on the British mind, by demonstrating +the degree of importance which this country attached to the rights which +we considered as infracted. + +2. You complain of the manner in which the treaty was received. But what +was that manner? I cannot suppose you to have given a moment's credit +to the stuff which was crowded in all sorts of forms into the public +papers, or to the thousand speeches they put into my mouth, not a word +of which I had ever uttered. I was not insensible at the time of +the views to mischief, with which these lies were fabricated. But my +confidence was firm, that neither yourself nor the British government, +equally outraged by them, would believe me capable of making the editors +of newspapers the confidants of my speeches or opinions. The fact +was this. The treaty was communicated to us by Mr. Erskine on the day +Congress was to rise. Two of the Senators inquired of me in the evening, +whether it was my purpose to detain them on account of the treaty. My +answer was, 'that it was not: that the treaty containing no provision +against the impressment of our seamen, and being accompanied by a +kind of protestation of the British ministers, which would leave that +government free to consider it as a treaty or no treaty, according +to their own convenience, I should not give them the trouble of +deliberating on it.' This was substantially, and almost verbally, what +I said whenever spoken to about it, and I never failed when the occasion +would admit of it, to justify yourself and Mr. Pinckney, by expressing +my conviction, that it was all that could be obtained from the British +government; that you had told their commissioners that your government +could not be pledged to ratify, because it was contrary to their +instructions; of course, that it should be considered but as a projet; +and in this light I stated it publicly in my message to Congress on the +opening of the session. Not a single article of the treaty was ever made +known beyond the members of the administration, nor would an article of +it be known at this day, but for its publication in the newspapers, +as communicated by somebody from beyond the water, as we have always +understood. But as to myself, I can solemnly protest, as the most sacred +of truths, that I never, one instant, lost sight of your reputation and +favorable standing with your country, and never omitted to justify your +failure to attain our wish, as one which was probably unattainable. +Reviewing, therefore, this whole subject, I cannot doubt you will become +sensible, that your impressions have been without just ground. I cannot, +indeed, judge what falsehoods may have been written or told you; and +that, under such forms as to command belief. But you will soon find, +my dear Sir, that so inveterate is the rancor of party spirit among us, +that nothing ought to be credited but what we hear with our own ears. If +you are less on your guard than we are here, at this moment, the designs +of the mischief-makers will not fail to be accomplished, and brethren +and friends will be made strangers and enemies to each other, without +ever having said or thought a thing amiss of each other. I presume that +the most insidious falsehoods are daily carried to you, as they are +brought to me, to engage us in the passions of our informers, and stated +so positively and plausibly as to make even doubt a rudeness to the +narrator; who, imposed on himself, has no other than the friendly view +of putting us on our guard. My answer is, invariably, that my knowledge +of your character is better testimony to me of a negative, than any +affirmative which my informant did not hear from yourself with his own +ears. In fact, when you shall have been a little longer among us, you +will find that little is to be believed which interests the prevailing +passions, and happens beyond the limits of our own senses. Let us not +then, my dear friend, embark our happiness and our affections on the +ocean of slander, of falsehood, and of malice, on which our credulous +friends are floating. If you have been made to believe that I ever did, +said, or thought a thing unfriendly to your fame and feelings, you do me +injury as causeless as it is afflicting to me. In the present contest in +which you are concerned, I feel no passion, I take no part, I express no +sentiment. Whichever of my friends is called to the supreme cares of the +nation, I know that they will be wisely and faithfully administered, and +as far as my individual conduct can influence, they shall be cordially +supported, + +For myself I have nothing further to ask of the world, than to preserve +in retirement so much of their esteem as I may have fairly earned, and +to be permitted to pass in tranquillity, in the bosom of my family and +friends, the days which yet remain for me. Having reached the harbor +myself, I shall view with anxiety (but certainly not with a wish to be +in their place) those who are still buffeting the storm, uncertain +of their fate. Your voyage has so far been favorable, and that it +may continue with entire prosperity, is the sincere prayer of that +friendship which I have ever borne you, and of which I now assure you, +with the tender of my high respect and affectionate salutations. + +Th: Jefferson, + + + + +LETTER LXVI.--TO RICHARD M. JOHNSON, March 10, 1808 + + +TO RICHARD M. JOHNSON. + +Washington, March 10, 1808. + +Sir, + +I am sure you can too justly estimate my occupations, to need an apology +for this tardy acknowledgment of your favor of February the 27th. I +cannot but be deeply sensible of the good opinion you are pleased to +express of my conduct in the administration of our government. This +approbation of my fellow-citizens is the richest reward I can receive. I +am conscious of having always intended to do what was best for them: and +never, for a single moment, to have listened to any personal interest +of my own. It has been a source of great pain to me, to have met with +so many among our opponents, who had not the liberality to distinguish +between political and social opposition; who transferred at once to +the person, the hatred they bore to his political opinions. I suppose, +indeed, that in public life, a man whose political principles have any +decided character, and who has energy enough to give them effect, must +always expect to encounter political hostility from those of adverse +principles. But I came to the government under circumstances calculated +to generate peculiar acrimony. I found all its offices in the possession +of a political sect, who wished to transform it ultimately into the +shape of their darling model, the English government; and in the mean +time, to familiarize the public mind to the change, by administering it +on English principles, and in English forms. The elective interposition +of the people had blown all their designs, and they found themselves and +their fortresses of power and profit put in a moment into the hands of +other trustees. Lamentations and invective were all that remained to +them. This last was naturally directed against the agent selected to +execute the multiplied reformations, which their heresies had rendered +necessary. I became of course the butt of every thing which reason, +ridicule, malice, and falsehood could supply. They have concentrated all +their hatred on me, till they have really persuaded themselves, that I +am the sole source of all their imaginary evils. I hope, therefore, that +my retirement will abate some of their disaffection to the government of +their country, and that my successor will enter on a calmer sea than +I did. He will at least find the vessel of state in the hands of his +friends, and not of his foes. Federalism is dead, without even the hope +of a day of resurrection. The quondam leaders, indeed, retain their +rancor and principles; but their followers are amalgamated with us +in sentiment, if not in name. If our fellow-citizens, now solidly +republican, will sacrifice favoritism towards men for the preservation +of principle, we may hope that no divisions will again endanger a +degeneracy in our government. + +***** + +I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXVII.--TO LEVI LINCOLN, March 23, 1808 + + +TO LEVI LINCOLN. + +Washington, March 23, 1808. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter on the subject of Mr. Lee came safely to hand. You know +our principles render federalists in office safe, if they do not employ +their influence in opposing the government, but only give their own vote +according to their conscience. And this principle we act on as well with +those put in office by others, as by ourselves. + +We have received from your presses a very malevolent and incendiary +denunciation of the administration, bottomed on absolute falsehood from +beginning to end. The author would merit exemplary punishment for so +flagitious a libel, were not the torment of his own abominable temper +punishment sufficient for even as base a crime as this. The termination +of Mr. Rose's mission, _re infecta_, put it in my power to communicate +to Congress yesterday, every thing respecting our relations with England +and France, which will effectually put down Mr. Pickering, and his +worthy coadjutor Quincy. Their tempers are so much alike, and really +their persons, as to induce a supposition that they are related. The +embargo appears to be approved, even by the federalists of every quarter +except yours. The alternative was between that and war, and, in fact, +it is the last card we have to play, short of war. But if peace does +not take place in Europe, and if France and England will not consent +to withdraw the operation of their decrees and orders from us, when +Congress shall meet in December, they will have to consider at what +point of time the embargo, continued, becomes a greater evil than war. I +am inclined to believe, we shall have this summer and autumn to prepare +for the defence of our sea-port towns, and hope that in that time the +works of defence will be completed, which have been provided for by the +legislature. I think Congress will rise within three weeks. I salute you +with great affection and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXVIII.--TO CHARLES PINCKNEY, March 30, 1808 + +TO CHARLES PINCKNEY. + +Washington, March 30, 1808. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter of the 8th was received on the 25th, and I proceed to state +to you my views of the present state and prospect of foreign affairs, +under the confidence that you will use them for your own government and +opinions only, and by no means let them get out as from me. With France +we are in no immediate danger of war. Her future views it is impossible +to estimate. The immediate danger we are in of a rupture with England, +is postponed for this year. This is effected by the embargo, as the +question was simply between that and war. That may go on a certain time, +perhaps through the year, without the loss of their property to our +citizens, but only its remaining unemployed on their hands. A time would +come, however, when war would be preferable to a continuance of the +embargo. Of this Congress may have to decide at their next meeting. In +the mean time, we have good information, that a negotiation for peace +between France and England is commencing through the medium of Austria. +The way for it has been smoothed by a determination expressed by France +(through the Moniteur, which is their government paper), that herself +and her allies will demand from Great Britain no renunciation of her +maritime principles; nor will they renounce theirs. Nothing shall be +said about them in the treaty, and both sides will be left in the next +war to act on their own. No doubt the meaning of this is, that all +the Continental powers of Europe will form themselves into an armed +neutrality, to enforce their own principles. Should peace be made, we +shall have safely rode out the storm in peace and prosperity. If we have +any thing to fear, it will be after that. Nothing should be spared from +this moment in putting our militia into the best condition possible, +and procuring arms. I hope, that this summer, we shall get our whole +sea-ports put into that state of defence, which Congress has thought +proportioned to our circumstances and situation; that is to say, put +_hors d'insulte_ from a maritime attack, by a moderate squadron. If +armies are combined with their fleets, then no resource can be provided, +but to meet them in the field. We propose to raise seven regiments only +for the present year, depending always on our militia for the operations +of the first year of war. On any other plan, we should be obliged always +to keep a large standing army. Congress will adjourn in about three +weeks. I hope Captain McComb is going on well with your defensive works. +We shall be able by mid-summer, to give you a sufficient number of +gun-boats to protect Charleston from any vessels which can cross the +bar; but the militia of the place must be depended on to fill up the +complement of men necessary for action in the moment of an attack, as we +shall man them, in ordinary, but with their navigating crew of eight or +ten good seamen. I salute you with great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXIX.--TO DOCTOR LEIB, June 23, 1808 + + +TO DOCTOR LEIB. + +Washington, June 23, 1808. + +Sir, + +I have duly received your favor covering a copy of the talk to the +Tammany society, for which I thank you, and particularly for the +favorable sentiments expressed towards myself. Certainly, nothing will +so much sweeten the tranquillity and comfort of retirement, as the +knowledge that I carry with me the good will and approbation of my +republican fellow-citizens, and especially of the individuals in unison +with whom I have so long acted. With respect to the federalists, I +believe we think alike; for when speaking of them, we never mean to +include a worthy portion of our fellow-citizens, who consider themselves +as in duty bound to support the constituted authorities of every branch, +and to reserve their opposition to the period of election. These having +acquired the appellation of federalists, while a federal administration +was in place, have not cared about throwing off their name, but, +adhering to their principle, are the supporters of the present order +of things. The other branch of the federalists, those who are so in +principle as well as in name, disapprove of the republican principles +and features of our constitution, and would, I believe, welcome any +public calamity (war with England excepted) which might lessen the +confidence of our country in those principles and forms. I have +generally considered them rather as subjects for a madhouse. But they +are now playing a game of the most mischievous tendency, without perhaps +being themselves aware of it. They are endeavoring to convince England, +that we suffer more by the embargo than they do, and that, if they will +but hold out a while, we must abandon it. It is true, the time will come +when we must abandon it. But if this is before the repeal of the orders +of council, we must abandon it only for a state of war. The day is not +distant, when that will be preferable to a longer continuance of the +embargo. But we can never remove that, and let our vessels go out and be +taken under these orders, without making reprisal. Yet this is the very +state of things which these federal monarchists are endeavoring to bring +about; and in this it is but too possible they may succeed. But the +fact is, that if we have war with England, it will be solely produced by +their manoeuvres. I think that in two or three months we shall know what +will be the issue. I salute you with esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXX.--TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON, October 15, 1808 + + +TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON. + +Washington, October 15, 1808. + +Sir, + +Your letter of September the 22nd waited here for my return, and it is +not till now that I have been able to acknowledge it. The explanation +of his principles, given you by the French Emperor, in conversation, +is correct as far as it goes. He does not wish us to go to war with +England, knowing we have no ships to carry on that war. To submit to pay +to England the tribute on our commerce which she demands by her orders +of council, would be to aid her in the war against him, and would give +him just ground to declare war with us. He concludes, therefore, +as every rational man must, that the embargo, the only remaining +alternative, was a wise measure. These are acknowledged principles, and +should circumstances arise, which may offer advantage to our country in +making them public, we shall avail ourselves of them. But as it is not +usual nor agreeable to governments to bring their conversations before +the public, I think it would be well to consider this on your part as +confidential, leaving to the government to retain or make it public, +as the general good may require. Had the Emperor gone further, and said +that he condemned our vessels going voluntarily into his ports in breach +of his municipal laws, we might have admitted it rigorously legal, +though not friendly. But his condemnation of vessels taken on the high +seas by his privateers, and carried involuntarily into his ports, is +justifiable by no law, is piracy, and this is the wrong we complain of +against him. + +Supposing that you may be still at Clermont, from whence your letter is +dated, I avail myself of this circumstance to request your presenting my +friendly respects to Chancellor Livingston. + +I salute you with esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXI.--TO DOCTOR JAMES BROWN, October 27, 1808 + + +TO DOCTOR JAMES BROWN. + +Washington, October 27, 1808. + +Dear Sir, + +You will wonder that your letter of June the 3rd should not be +acknowledged till this date. I never received it till September the +12th, and coming soon after to this place, the accumulation of business +I found here has prevented my taking it up till now. That you ever +participated in any plan for a division of the Union, I never for one +moment believed. I knew your Americanism too well. But as the enterprise +against Mexico was of a very different character, I had supposed what I +heard on that subject to be possible. You disavow it; that is enough for +me, and I for ever dismiss the idea. I wish it were possible to extend +my belief of innocence to a very different description of men in New +Orleans; but I think there is sufficient evidence of there being there a +set of foreign adventurers, and native malcontents, who would concur +in any enterprise to separate that country from this. I did wish to +see these people get what they deserved; and under the maxim of the law +itself, that _inter arma silent leges_, that in an encampment expecting +daily attack from a powerful enemy, self-preservation is paramount to +all law, I expected that instead of invoking the forms of the law to +cover traitors, all good citizens would have concurred in securing them. +Should we have ever gained our Revolution, if we had bound our hands by +manacles of the law, not only in the beginning, but in any part of the +revolutionary conflict? There are extreme cases where the laws become +inadequate even to their own preservation, and where the universal +resource is a dictator, or martial law. Was New Orleans in that +situation? Although we knew here that the force destined against it was +suppressed on the Ohio, yet we supposed this unknown at New Orleans at +the time that Burr's accomplices were calling in the aid of the law to +enable them to perpetrate its suppression, and that it was reasonable, +according to the state of information there, to act on the expectation +of a daily attack. Of this you are the best judge. + +Burr is in London, and is giving out to his friends that that government +offers him two millions of dollars the moment he can raise an ensign of +rebellion as big as an handkerchief. Some of his partisans will believe +this, because they wish it. But those who know him best will not believe +it the more because he says it. For myself, even in his most flattering +periods of the conspiracy, I never entertained one moment's fear. My +long and intimate knowledge of my countrymen satisfied and satisfies me, +that, let there ever be occasion to display the banners of the law, +and the world will see how few and pitiful are those who shall array +themselves in opposition. I as little fear foreign invasion. I have +indeed thought it a duty to be prepared to meet even the most powerful, +that of a Bonaparte, for instance, by the only means competent, that of +a classification of the militia, and placing the junior classes at the +public disposal: but the lesson he receives in Spain extirpates all +apprehensions from my mind. If, in a peninsula, the neck of which is +adjacent to him, and at his command, where he can march any army without +the possibility of interception or obstruction from any foreign power, +he finds it necessary to begin with an army of three hundred thousand +men, to subdue a nation of five millions, brutalized by ignorance, and +enervated by long peace, and should find constant reinforcements of +thousands after thousands necessary to effect at last a conquest as +doubtful as deprecated, what numbers would be necessary against eight +millions of free Americans, spread over such an extent of country +as would wear him down by mere marching, by want of food, autumnal +diseases, &c.? How would they be brought, and how reinforced, across an +ocean of three thousand miles, in possession of a bitter enemy, whose +peace, like the repose of a dog, is never more than momentary? And for +what? For nothing but hard blows. If the Orleanese Creoles would but +contemplate these truths, they would cling to the American Union, soul +and body, as their first affection, and we should be as safe there as +we are every where else. I have no doubt of their attachment to us in +preference of the English. + +I salute you with sincere friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXII.--TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR LINCOLN, November 13, 1808 + + +TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR LINCOLN. + +Washington, November 13, 1808. + +Dear Sir, + +I enclose you a petition from Nantucket, and refer it for your decision. +Our opinion here is, that that place has been so deeply concerned in +smuggling, that if it wants, it is because it has illegally sent away +what it ought to have retained for its own consumption. Be so good as to +bear in mind that I have asked the favor of you to see that your State +encounters no real want, while, at the same time, where applications are +made merely to cover fraud, no facilities towards that be furnished. I +presume there can be no want in Massachusetts, as yet, as I am informed +that Governor Sullivan's permits are openly bought and sold here and +in Alexandria, and at other markets. The Congressional campaign is just +opening: three alternatives alone are to be chosen from. 1. Embargo. 2. +War. 3. Submission and tribute. And, wonderful to tell, the last will +not want advocates. The real question, however, will lie between the two +first, on which there is considerable division. As yet the first seems +most to prevail; but opinions are by no means yet settled down. Perhaps +the advocates of the second may, to a formal declaration of war, prefer +general letters of mark and reprisal, because, on a repeal of their +edicts by the belligerent, a revocation of the letters of mark restores +peace without the delay, difficulties, and ceremonies of a treaty. On +this occasion, I think it fair to leave to those who are to act on them, +the decisions they prefer, being to be myself but a spectator. I should +not feel justified in directing measures which those who are to execute +them would disapprove. Our situation is truly difficult. We have been +pressed by the belligerents to the very wall, and all further retreat is +impracticable. I salute you with sincere friendship. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXIII.--TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH, November 24, 1808 + + +TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH. + +Washington, November 24, 1808. + +My Dear Jefferson, + +Your situation, thrown at such a distance from us and alone, cannot but +give us all great anxieties for you. As much has been secured for you, +by your particular position and the acquaintance to which you have been +recommended, as could be done towards shielding you from the dangers +which surround you. But thrown on a wide world, among entire strangers, +without a friend or guardian to advise, so young, too, and with so +little experience of mankind, your dangers are great, and still your +safety must rest on yourself. A determination never to do what is +wrong, prudence, and good humor, will go far towards securing to you the +estimation of the world. When I recollect that at fourteen years of age, +the whole care and direction of myself was thrown on myself entirely, +without a relation or friend qualified to advise or guide me, and +recollect the various sorts of bad company with which I associated from +time to time, I am astonished I did not turn off with some of them, and +become as worthless to society as they were. I had the good fortune to +become acquainted very early with some characters of very high standing, +and to feel the incessant wish that I could ever become what they were. +Under temptations and difficulties, I would ask myself what would Dr. +Small, Mr. Wythe, Peyton Randolph do in this situation? What course +in it will insure me their approbation? I am certain that this mode +of deciding on my conduct, tended more to its correctness than any +reasoning powers I possessed. Knowing the even and dignified line they +pursued, I could never doubt for a moment which of two courses would +be in character for them. Whereas, seeking the same object through +a process of moral reasoning, and with the jaundiced eye of youth, I +should often have erred. From the circumstances of my position, I +was often thrown into the society of horse-racers, card-players, +fox-hunters, scientific and professional men, and of dignified men; and +many a time have I asked myself, in the enthusiastic moment of the +death of a fox, the victory of a favorite horse, the issue of a question +eloquently argued at the bar, or in the great council of the nation, +well, which of these kinds of reputation should I prefer? That of a +horse-jockey? a fox-hunter? an orator? or the honest advocate of my +country's rights? Be assured, my dear Jefferson, that these little +returns into ourselves, this self-catechizing habit, is not trifling, +nor useless, but leads to the prudent selection and steady pursuit of +what is right. + +I have mentioned good humor as one of the preservatives of our peace and +tranquillity. It is among the most effectual, and its effect is so well +imitated and aided, artificially, by politeness, that this also becomes +an acquisition of first-rate value. In truth, politeness is artificial +good humor, it covers the natural want of it, and ends by rendering +habitual a substitute nearly equivalent to the real virtue. It is the +practice of sacrificing to those whom we meet in society, all the little +conveniences and preferences which will gratify them, and deprive us of +nothing worth a moment's consideration; it is the giving a pleasing and +flattering turn to our expressions, which will conciliate others, and +make them pleased with us as well as themselves. How cheap a price for +the good will of another! When this is in return for a rude thing said +by another, it brings him to his senses, it mortifies and corrects +him in the most salutary way, and places him at the feet of your good +nature, in the eyes of the company. But in stating prudential rules for +our government in society I must not omit the important one of never +entering into dispute or argument with another. I never yet saw an +instance of one of two disputants convincing the other by argument. I +have seen many, of their getting warm, becoming rude, and shooting one +another. Conviction is the effect of our own dispassionate reasoning, +either in solitude, or weighing within ourselves, dispassionately, what +we hear from others, standing uncommitted in argument ourselves. It was +one of the rules, which, above all others, made Doctor Franklin the most +amiable of men in society, 'never to contradict any body.' If he was +urged to announce an opinion, he did it rather by asking questions, as +if for information, or by suggesting doubts. When I hear another express +an opinion which is not mine, I say to myself, he has a right to his +opinion, as I to mine; why should I question it? His error does me no +injury, and shall I become a Don Quixote, to bring all men by force of +argument to one opinion? If a fact be misstated, it is probable he is +gratified by a belief of it, and I have no right to deprive him of the +gratification. If he wants information, he will ask it, and then I will +give it in measured terms; but if he still believes his own story, and +shows a desire to dispute the fact with me, I hear him, and say nothing. +It is his affair, not mine, if he prefers error. There are two classes +of disputants most frequently to be met with among us. The first is of +young students, just entered the threshold of science, with a first view +of its outlines, not yet filled up with the details and modifications +which a further progress would bring to their knowledge. The other +consists of the ill-tempered and rude men in society, who have taken up +a passion for politics. (Good humor and politeness never introduce +into mixed society a question on which they foresee there will be a +difference of opinion.) From both of those classes of disputants, my +dear Jefferson, keep aloof, as you would from the infected subjects of +yellow fever or pestilence. Consider yourself, when with them, as among +the patients of Bedlam, needing medical more than moral counsel. Be +a listener only, keep within yourself, and endeavor to establish with +yourself the habit of silence, especially on politics. In the fevered +state of our country, no good can ever result from any attempt to set +one of these fiery zealots to rights, either in fact or principle. They +are determined as to the facts they will believe, and the opinions on +which they will act. Get by them, therefore, as you would by an angry +bull: it is not for a man of sense to dispute the road with such an +animal. You will be more exposed than others to have these animals +shaking their horns at you, because of the relation in which you stand +with me. Full of political venom, and willing to see me and to hate me +as a chief in the antagonist party, your presence will be to them what +the vomit-grass is to the sick dog, a nostrum for producing ejaculation. +Look upon them exactly with that eye, and pity them as objects to whom +you can administer only occasional ease. My character is not within +their power. It is in the hands of my fellow-citizens at large, and will +be consigned to honor or infamy by the verdict of the republican mass of +our country, according to what themselves will have seen, not what +their enemies and mine shall have said. Never, therefore, consider these +puppies in politics as requiring any notice from you, and always show, +that you are not afraid to leave my character to the umpirage of +public opinion. Look steadily to the pursuits which have carried you +to Philadelphia, be very select in the society you attach yourself +to, avoid taverns, drinkers, smokers, idlers, and dissipated persons +generally; for it is with such that broils and contentions arise; and +you will find your path more easy and tranquil. The limits of my paper +warn me that it is time for me to close with my affectionate adieu. + +Th: Jefferson. + +P. S. Present me affectionately to Mr. Ogilvie, and in doing the same to +Mr. Peale, tell him I am writing with his polygraph, and shall send him +mine the first moment I have leisure enough to pack it. T. J. + + + + +LETTER LXXIV.--TO DOCTOR EUSTIS, January 14, 1809 + + +TO DOCTOR EUSTIS. + +Washington, January 14, 1809. + +Sir, + +I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of +December the 24th, and of the resolutions of the republican citizens +of Boston, of the 19th of that month. These are worthy of the ancient +character of the sons of Massachusetts, and of the spirit of concord +with her sister States, which, and which alone, carried us successfully +through the revolutionary war, and finally placed us under that national +government, which constitutes the safety of every part, by uniting for +its protection the powers of the whole. The moment for exerting these +united powers, to repel the injuries of the belligerents of Europe, +seems likely to be pressed upon us. They have interdicted our commerce +with nearly the whole world. They have declared it shall be carried on +with such places, in such articles, and in such measure only, as they +shall dictate; thus prostrating all the principles of right, which +have hitherto protected it. After exhausting the cup of forbearance +and conciliation to its dregs, we found it necessary, on behalf of that +commerce, to take time to call it home into a state of safety, to put +the towns and harbors which carry it on into a condition of defence, and +to make further preparation for enforcing the redress of its wrongs, and +restoring it to its rightful freedom. This required a certain measure of +time, which, although not admitting specific limitation, must, from its +avowed objects, have been obvious to all: and the progress actually made +towards the accomplishment of these objects, proves it now to be near +its term. + +While thus endeavoring to secure, and preparing to vindicate that +commerce, the absurd opinion has been propagated, that this temporary +and necessary arrangement was to be a permanent system, and was intended +for its destruction. The sentiments expressed in the paper you were so +kind as to enclose me, show that those who have concurred in them, have +judged with more candor the intentions of their government, and +are sufficiently aware of the tendency of the excitements and +misrepresentations which have been practised on this occasion. And such, +I am persuaded, will be the disposition of the citizens of Massachusetts +at large, whenever truth can reach them. Associated with her sister +States in a common government, the fundamental principle of which is, +that the will of the majority is to prevail, sensible, that in the +present difficulty, that will has been governed by no local interests +or jealousies, that to save permanent rights, temporary sacrifices +were necessary, that these have fallen as impartially on all, as in a +situation so peculiar they could be made to do, she will see, in the +existing measures, a legitimate and honest exercise of the will and +wisdom of the whole. And her citizens, faithful to themselves and +their associates, will not, to avoid a transient pressure, yield to the +seductions of enemies to their independence, foreign or domestic, and +take a course equally subversive of their well-being, as of that of +their brethren. + +The approbation expressed by the republican citizens of the town of +Boston, of the course pursued by the national government, is truly +consoling to its members: and, encouraged by the declaration of the +continuance of their confidence, and by the assurance of their support, +they will continue to pursue the line of their high duties according +to the best of their understandings, and with undeviating regard to +the good of the whole. Permit me to avail myself of this occasion of +tendering you personally the assurances of my great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXV.--TO COLONEL MONROE, January 28, 1809 + + +TO COLONEL MONROE. + +Washington, January 28, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of the 18th was received in due time, and the answer has been +delayed as well by a pressure of business, as by the expectation of your +absence from Richmond. + +The idea of sending a special mission to France or England is not +entertained at all here. After so little attention to us from the +former, and so insulting an answer from Canning, such a mark of respect +as an extraordinary mission, would be a degradation against which all +minds revolt here. The idea was hazarded in the House of Representatives +a few days ago, by a member, and an approbation expressed by another, +but rejected indignantly by every other person who spoke, and very +generally in conversation by all others: and I am satisfied such a +proposition would get no vote in the Senate. The course the legislature +means to pursue, may be inferred from the act now passed for a meeting +in May, and a proposition before them for repealing the embargo in June, +and then resuming and maintaining by force our right of navigation. +There will be considerable opposition to this last proposition, not +only from the federalists, old and new, who oppose every thing, but from +sound members of the majority. Yet it is believed it will obtain a good +majority, and that it is the only proposition which can be devised +that could obtain a majority of any kind. Final propositions, will, +therefore, be soon despatched to both the belligerents through the +resident ministers, so that their answers will be received before the +meeting in May, and will decide what is to be done. This last trial for +peace is not thought desperate. If, as is expected, Bonaparte should +be successful in Spain, however every virtuous and liberal sentiment +revolts at it, it may induce both powers to be more accommodating +with us. England will see here the only asylum for her commerce +and manufactures, worth more to her than her orders of council. And +Bonaparte, having Spain at his feet, will look immediately to the +Spanish colonies, and think our neutrality cheaply purchased by a repeal +of the illegal parts of his decrees, with perhaps the Floridas thrown +into the bargain. Should a change in the aspect of affairs in Europe +produce this disposition in both powers, our peace and prosperity may +be revived and long continue. Otherwise, we must again take the tented +field, as we did in 1776 under more inauspicious circumstances. + +There never has been a situation of the world before, in which such +endeavors as we have made would not have secured our peace. It is +probable there never will be such another. If we go to war now, I fear +we may renounce for ever the hope of seeing an end of our national debt. +If we can keep at peace eight years longer, our income, liberated from +debt, will be adequate to any war, without new taxes or loans, and our +position and increasing strength will put us _hors d'insulte_ from any +nation. I am now so near the moment of retiring, that I take no part in +affairs beyond the expression of an opinion. I think it fair, that +my successor should now originate those measures of which he will be +charged with the execution and responsibility, and that it is my duty to +clothe them with the forms of authority. Five weeks more will relieve me +from a drudgery to which I am no longer equal, and restore me to a scene +of tranquillity, amidst my family and friends, more congenial to my +age and natural inclinations. In that situation, it will always be a +pleasure to me to see you, and to repeat to you the assurances of my +constant friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXVI.--TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH, February 7, 1809 + + +TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. + +Washington, February 7, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing +their embargo till June, and then war. But a sudden and unaccountable +revolution of opinion took place the last week, chiefly among the New +England and New York members, and in a kind of panic, they voted the 4th +of March for removing the embargo, and by such a majority as gave +all reason to believe, they would not agree either to war or +non-intercourse. This, too, was after we had become satisfied, that +the Essex Junto had found their expectation desperate, of inducing the +people there to either separation or forcible opposition. The majority +of Congress, however, has now rallied to the removing the embargo on the +4th of March, non-intercourse with France and Great Britain, trade every +where else, and continuing war preparations. The further details are not +yet settled, but I believe it is perfectly certain that the embargo +will be taken off the 4th of March. Present my warmest affections to my +dearest Martha, and the young ones, and accept the assurances of them to +yourself. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXVII.--TO JOHN HOLLINS, February 19, 1809 + + +TO JOHN HOLLINS. + +Washington, February 19, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +A little transaction of mine, as innocent an one as I ever entered into, +and where an improper construction was never less expected, is making +some noise, I observe, in your city. I beg leave to explain it to you, +because I mean to ask your agency in it. The last year, the Agricultural +Society of Paris, of which I am a member, having had a plough presented +to them, which, on trial with a graduated instrument, did equal work +with half the force of their best ploughs, they thought it would be a +benefit to mankind to communicate it. They accordingly sent one to me, +with a view to its being made known here, and they sent one to the Duke +of Bedford also, who is one of their members, to be made use of for +England, although the two nations were then at war. By the Mentor, now +going to France, I have given permission to two individuals in Delaware +and New York, to import two parcels of Merino sheep from France, which +they have procured there, and to some gentlemen in Boston, to import a +very valuable machine which spins cotton, wool, and flax equally. The +last spring, the Society informed me they were cultivating the cotton of +the Levant and other parts of the Mediterranean, and wished to try also +that of our southern States. I immediately got a friend to have two +tierces of seed forwarded to me. They were consigned to Messrs. Falls +and Brown of Baltimore, and notice of it being given me, I immediately +wrote to them to re-ship them to New York, to be sent by the Mentor. +Their first object was to make a show of my letter, as something very +criminal, and to carry the subject into the newspapers. I had, on a like +request, some time ago (but before the embargo), from the President of +the Board of Agriculture of London, of which I am also a member, to send +them some of the genuine May wheat of Virginia, forwarded to them two or +three barrels of it. General Washington, in his time, received from the +same Society the seed of the perennial succory, which Arthur Young had +carried over from France to England, and I have since received from a +member of it the seed of the famous turnip of Sweden, now so well known +here. I mention these things, to show the nature of the correspondence +which is carried on between societies instituted for the benevolent +purpose of communicating to all parts of the world whatever useful is +discovered in any one of them. These societies are always in peace, +however their nations may be at war. Like the republic of letters, +they form a great fraternity spreading over the whole earth, and their +correspondence is never interrupted by any civilized nation. Vaccination +has been a late and remarkable instance of the liberal diffusion of a +blessing newly discovered. It is really painful, it is mortifying, to be +obliged to note these things, which are known to every one who knows any +thing, and felt with approbation by every one who has any feeling. But +we have a faction to whose hostile passions the torture even of right +into wrong is a delicious gratification. Their malice I have long +learned to disregard, their censure to deem praise. But I observe, +that some republicans are not satisfied (even while we are receiving +liberally from others) that this small return should be made. They will +think more justly at another day: but, in the mean time, I wish to avoid +offence. My prayer to you, therefore, is, that you will be so good, +under the enclosed order, as to receive these two tierces of seed from +Falls and Brown, and pay them their disbursements for freight, &c. which +I will immediately remit you on knowing the amount. Of the seed, when +received, be so good as to make manure for your garden. When rotted with +a due mixture of stable manure or earth, it is the best in the world. +I rely on your friendship to excuse this trouble, it being necessary I +should not commit myself again to persons of whose honor, or the want of +it, I know nothing. + +Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXVIII.--TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS, March 2, 1809 + + +TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. + +Washington, March 2, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +My last to you was of May the 2nd; since which I have received yours of +May the 25th, June the 1st, July the 23rd, 24th, and September the 5th, +and distributed the two pamphlets according to your desire. They are +read with the delight which every thing from your pen gives. + +After using every effort which could prevent or delay our being +entangled in the war of Europe, that seems now our only resource. The +edicts of the two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean, +we met by an embargo. This gave us time to call home our seamen, ships, +and property, to levy men and put our sea-ports into a certain state +of defence. We have now taken off the embargo, except as to France +and England and their territories, because fifty millions of exports +annually sacrificed, are the treble of what war would cost us; besides, +that by war we should take something, and lose less than at present. But +to give you a true description of the state of things here, I must +refer you to Mr. Coles, the bearer of this, my secretary, a most worthy, +intelligent, and well-informed young man, whom I recommend to your +notice, and conversation on our affairs. His discretion and fidelity +may be relied on. I expect he will find you with Spain at your feet, +but England still afloat, and a barrier to the Spanish colonies. But all +these concerns I am now leaving to be settled by my friend Mr. Madison. +Within a few days I retire to my family, my books, and farms; and having +gained the harbor myself, I shall look on my friends still buffeting +the storm, with anxiety indeed, but not with envy. Never did a prisoner, +released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall on shaking off +the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of +science, by rendering them my supreme delight. But the enormities of the +times in which I have lived, have forced me to take a part in resisting +them, and to commit myself on the boisterous ocean of political +passions. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without +censure, and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of public +approbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so able to take +care of them, that if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will +be because no human wisdom could avert them. Should you return to the +United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you to visit the hermit +of Monticello. He will receive you with affection and delight; hailing +you in the mean time with his affectionate salutations, and assurances +of constant esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + +P. S. If you return to us, bring a couple of pair of true-bred +shepherd's dogs. You will add a valuable possession to a country now +beginning to pay great attention to the raising sheep. + +T.J. + + + + +LETTER LXXIX.--TO THE PRESIDENT, March 17, 1809 + + +TO THE PRESIDENT. + +Monticello, March 17, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +On opening my letters from France, in the moment of my departure from +Washington, I found from their signatures that they were from literary +characters, except one from Mr. Short, which mentioned in the outset +that it was private, and that his public communications were in the +letter to the Secretary of State, which I sent you. I find, however, on +reading his letter to me (which I did not do till I got home) a passage +of some length, proper to be communicated to you, and which I have +therefore extracted. + +I had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads excessively bad, +although I have seen them worse. The last three days I found it better +to be on horseback, and travelled eight hours through as disagreeable +a snow storm as I was ever in. Feeling no inconvenience from the +expedition but fatigue, I have more confidence in my _vis vitae_ than I +had before entertained. The spring is remarkably backward. No oats +sown, not much tobacco seed, and little done in the gardens. Wheat has +suffered considerably. No vegetation visible yet but the red maple, +weeping-willow, and lilac. Flour is said to be at eight dollars at +Richmond, and all produce is hurrying down. + +I feel great anxiety for the occurrences of the ensuing four or five +months. If peace can be preserved, I hope and trust you will have +a smooth administration. I know no government which would be so +embarrassing in war as ours. This would proceed very much from the +lying and licentious character of our papers; but much, also, from the +wonderful credulity of the members of Congress in the floating lies of +the day. And in this no experience seems to correct them. I have never +seen a Congress during the last eight years, a great majority of which +I would not implicitly have relied on in any question, could their minds +have been purged of all errors of fact. The evil, too, increases greatly +with the protraction of the session, and I apprehend, in case of war, +their session would have a tendency to become permanent. It is much, +therefore, to be desired that war may be avoided, if circumstances will +admit. Nor in the present maniac state of Europe, should I estimate +the point of honor by the ordinary scale. I believe we shall, on the +contrary, have credit with the world, for having made the avoidance +of being engaged in the present unexampled war, our first object. War, +however, may become a less losing business than unresisted depredation. +With every wish that events may be propitious to your administration, I +salute you with sincere affection and every sympathy of the heart. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXX.--TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, April 3, 1809 + + +TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA, + +Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to the society +of those with whom I was raised, and who have been ever dear to me, I +receive, fellow-citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure, +the cordial welcome you are so good as to give me. Long absent on duties +which the history of a wonderful era made incumbent on those called to +them, the pomp, the turmoil, the bustle, and splendor of office, have +drawn but deeper sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of +private life, for the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse with +you, my neighbors and friends, and the endearments of family love, which +nature has given us all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I +gladly lay down the distressing burthen of power, and seek, with my +fellow-citizens, repose and safety under the watchful cares, the labors, +and perplexities of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you express +to administer to my happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness; +and the measure will be complete, if my endeavors to fulfil my duties in +the several public stations to which I have been called, have obtained +for me the approbation of my country. The part which I have acted on the +theatre of public life, has been before them; and to their sentence I +submit it: but the testimony of my native county, of the individuals who +have known me in private life, to my conduct in its various duties and +relations, is the more grateful, as proceeding from eye-witnesses and +observers, from triers of the vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I +may ask, in the face of the world, 'Whose ox have I taken, or whom have +I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed, or of whose hand have I received +a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?' On your verdict I rest with +conscious security. Your wishes for my happiness are received with +just sensibility, and I offer sincere prayers for your own welfare and +prosperity. + +Th: Jefferson. + +April 3, 1809. + + + + +LETTER LXXXI.--TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, June 13, 1809 + + +TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. + +Monticello, June 13, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +I did not know till Mr. Patterson called on us, a few days ago, that you +had passed on to Washington. I had recently observed in the debates of +Congress, a matter introduced, on which I wished to give explanations +more fully in conversation, which I will now do by abridgment in +writing. Mr. Randolph has proposed an inquiry into certain prosecutions +at common law in Connecticut, for libels on the government, and not only +himself, but others have stated them with such affected caution, and +such hints at the same time, as to leave on every mind the impression +that they had been instituted either by my direction, or with my +acquiescence, at least. This has not been denied by my friends, because +probably the fact is unknown to them. I shall state it for their +satisfaction, and leave it to be disposed of as they think best. + +I had observed in a newspaper (some years ago, I do not recollect the +time exactly), some dark hints of a prosecution in Connecticut, but so +obscurely hinted, that I paid little attention to it. Some considerable +time after, it was again mentioned, so that I understood that some +prosecution was going on in the federal court there, for calumnies +uttered from the pulpit against me by a clergyman. I immediately wrote +to Mr. Granger, who, I think, was in Connecticut at the time, stating +that I had laid it down as a law to myself, to take no notice of the +thousand calumnies issued against me, but to trust my character to my +own conduct, and the good sense and candor of my fellow-citizens; that +I had found no reason to be dissatisfied with that course, and I +was unwilling it should be broke through by others as to any matter +concerning me; and I therefore requested him to desire the district +attorney to dismiss the prosecution. Some time after this, 1 heard of +subpoenas being served on General Lee, David M. Randolph, and others, as +witnesses to attend the trial. I then, for the first time, conjectured +the subject of the libel. I immediately wrote to Mr. Granger, to +require an immediate dismission of the prosecution. The answer of Mr. +Huntington, the district attorney, was, that these subpoenas had been +issued by the defendant without his knowledge, that it had been his +intention to dismiss all the prosecutions at the first meeting of the +court, and to accompany it with an avowal of his opinion, that they +could not be maintained, because the federal court had no jurisdiction +over libels. This was accordingly done. I did not till then know that +there were other prosecutions of the same nature, nor do I now know what +were their subjects. But all went off together; and I afterwards saw, in +the hands of Mr. Granger, a letter written by the clergyman, disavowing +any personal ill will towards me, and solemnly declaring he had never +uttered the words charged. I think Mr. Granger either showed me, or said +there were affidavits of at least half a dozen respectable men who were +present at the sermon, and swore no such expressions were uttered, and +as many equally respectable who swore the contrary. But the clergyman +expressed his gratification at the dismission of the prosecution. I +write all this from memory, and after too long an interval of time to be +certain of the exactness of all the details; but I am sure there is no +variation material, and Mr. Granger, correcting small lapses of +memory, can confirm every thing substantial. Certain it is, that the +prosecutions had been instituted, and had made considerable progress, +without my knowledge; that they were disapproved by me as soon as known, +and directed to be discontinued. The attorney did it on the same ground +on which I had acted myself in the cases of Duane, Callender, and +others; to wit, that the sedition law was unconstitutional and null, +and that my obligation to execute what was law, involved that of not +suffering rights secured by valid laws, to be prostrated by what was no +law. I always understood that these prosecutions had been invited, if +not instituted, by Judge Edwards, and the marshal, being republican, +had summoned a grand jury partly or wholly republican: but that Mr. +Huntington declared from the beginning against the jurisdiction of the +court, and had determined to enter _nolle-prosequis_ before he received +my directions. + +I trouble you with another subject. The law making my letters post free, +goes to those to me only, not those from me. The bill had got to its +passage before this was observed (and first I believe by Mr. Dana), +and the house under too much pressure of business near the close of the +session to bring in another bill. As the privilege of freedom was given +to the letters from as well as to both my predecessors, I suppose +no reason exists for making a distinction. And in so extensive a +correspondence as I am subject to, and still considerably on public +matters, it would be a sensible convenience to myself, as well as those +who have occasion to receive letters from me. It happens, too, as I was +told at the time (for I have never looked into it myself), that it was +done by two distinct acts on both the former occasions. Mr. Eppes, I +think, mentioned this to me. I know from the Post Master General, that +Mr. Adams franks all his letters. I state this matter to you as being my +representative, which must apologize for the trouble of it. We have been +seasonable since you left us. Yesterday evening and this morning we have +had refreshing showers, which will close and confirm the business of +planting. Affectionately yours, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXII.--TO THE PRESIDENT, August 17, 1809 + + +TO THE PRESIDENT. + +Monticello, August 17, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +***** + +I never doubted the chicanery of the Anglomen, on whatsoever measures +you should take in consequence of the disavowal of Erskine; yet I am +satisfied that both the proclamations have been sound. The first has +been sanctioned by universal approbation; and although it was not +literally the case foreseen by the legislature, yet it was a proper +extension of their provision to a case similar, though not the same. +It proved to the whole world our desire of accommodation, and must have +satisfied every candid federalist on that head. It was not only proper +on the well-grounded confidence that the arrangement would be honestly +executed, but ought to have taken place even had the perfidy of England +been foreseen. Their dirty gain is richly remunerated to us by our +placing them so shamefully in the wrong, and by the union it must +produce among ourselves. The last proclamation admits of quibbles, of +which advantage will doubtless be endeavored to be taken, by those to +whom gain is their god, and their country nothing. But it is soundly +defensible. The British minister assured us, that the orders of council +would be revoked before the 10th of June. The executive, trusting in +that assurance, declared by proclamation that the revocation was to take +place, and that on that event the law was to be suspended. But the event +did not take place, and the consequence, of course, could not follow. +This view is derived from the former non-intercourse law only, having +never read the latter one. I had doubted whether Congress must not be +called; but that arose from another doubt, whether their second law had +not changed the ground, so as to require their agency to give operation +to the law. Should Bonaparte have the wisdom to correct his injustice +towards us, I consider war with England as inevitable. Our ships will +go to France and its dependencies, and they will take them. This will +be war on their part, and leaves no alternative but reprisal. I have no +doubt you will think it safe to act on this hypothesis, and with energy. +The moment that open war shall be apprehended from them, we should take +possession of Baton Rouge. If we do not, they will, and New Orleans +becomes irrecoverable, and the western country blockaded during the war. +It would be justifiable towards Spain on this ground, and equally so on +that of title to West Florida, and reprisal extended to East Florida. +Whatever turn our present difficulty may take, I look upon all cordial +conciliation with England as desperate during the life of the present +King. I hope and doubt not that Erskine will justify himself. My +confidence is founded in a belief of his integrity, and in the ------ +of Canning. I consider the present as the most shameless ministry which +ever disgraced England. Copenhagen will immortalize their infamy. In +general their administrations are so changeable, and they are obliged +to descend to such tricks to keep themselves in place, that nothing like +honor or morality can ever be counted on in transactions with them. I +salute you with all possible affection. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXIII.--TO DOCTOR BARTON, September 21, 1809 + + +TO DOCTOR BARTON. + +Monticello, September 21, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +I received last night your favor of the 14th, and would with all +possible pleasure have communicated to you any part or the whole of the +Indian vocabularies which I had collected, but an irreparable misfortune +has deprived me of them. I have now been thirty years availing myself of +every possible opportunity of procuring Indian vocabularies to the same +set of words: my opportunities were probably better than will ever occur +again to any person having the same desire. I had collected about fifty, +and had digested most of them in collateral columns, and meant to have +printed them the last year of my stay in Washington. But not having yet +digested Captain Lewis's collection, nor having leisure then to do it, +I put it off till I should return home. The whole, as well digest as +originals, were packed in a trunk of stationery, and sent round by water +with about thirty other packages of my effects, from Washington, and +while ascending James river, this package, on account of its weight and +presumed precious contents, was singled out and stolen. The thief, being +disappointed on opening it, threw into the river all its contents, of +which he thought he could make no use. Among these were the whole of the +vocabularies. Some leaves floated ashore, and were found in the mud; +but these were very few, and so defaced by the mud and water, that no +general use can ever be made of them. On the receipt of your letter I +turned to them, and was very happy to find, that the only morsel of +an original vocabulary among them, was Captain Lewis's of the Pani +language, of which you say you have not one word. I therefore enclose it +to you as it is, and a little fragment of some other, which I see is in +his hand-writing, but no indication remains on it of what language it +is. It is a specimen of the condition of the little which was recovered. +I am the more concerned at this accident, as of the two hundred and +fifty words of my vocabularies, and the one hundred and thirty words of +the great Russian vocabularies of the languages of the other quarters of +the globe, seventy-three were common to both, and would have furnished +materials for a comparison, from which something might have resulted. +Although I believe no general use can ever be made of the wrecks of my +loss, yet I will ask the return of the Pani vocabulary when you are done +with it. Perhaps I may make another attempt to collect, although I am +too old to expect to make much progress in it. + +I learn, with pleasure, your acquisition of the pamphlet on the +astronomy of the ancient Mexicans. If it be ancient and genuine, or +modern and rational, it will be of real value. It is one of the most +interesting countries of our hemisphere, and merits every attention. + +I am thankful for your kind offer of sending the original Spanish for my +perusal. But I think it a pity to trust it to the accidents of the post, +and whenever you publish the translation, I shall be satisfied to read +that which shall be given by your translator, who is, I am sure, a +greater adept in the language than I am. + +Accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXIV.--TO DON VALENTINE DE FORONDA, October 4, 1809 + + +TO DON VALENTINE DE FORONDA. + +Monticello, October 4, 1809. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of August the 26th came to hand in the succeeding month, and +have now to thank you for the pamphlet it contained. I have read it with +pleasure, and find the constitution proposed would probably be as free +as is consistent with hereditary institutions. It has one feature +which I like much; that which provides that when the three co-ordinate +branches differ in their construction of the constitution, the opinion +of two branches shall overrule the third. Our constitution has not +sufficiently solved this difficulty. + +Among the multitude of characters with which public office leads us to +official intercourse, we cannot fail to observe many, whose personal +worth marks them as objects of particular esteem, whom we would wish +to select for our society in private life. I avail myself gladly of the +present occasion, of assuring you that I was peculiarly impressed with +your merit and talents, and that I have ever entertained for them a +particular respect. To those whose views are single and direct, it is a +great comfort to have to do business with frank and honorable minds. +And here give me leave to make an avowal, for which, in my present +retirement, there can be no motive but a regard for truth. +Your predecessor, soured on a question of etiquette against the +administration of this country, wished to impute wrong to them in all +their actions, even where he did not believe it himself. In this spirit, +he wished it to be believed that we were in unjustifiable co-operation +in Miranda's expedition. I solemnly, and on my personal truth and honor, +declare to you, that this was entirely without foundation, and that +there was neither co-operation nor connivance on our part. He informed +us he was about to attempt the liberation of his native country from +bondage, and intimated a hope of our aid, or connivance at least. He was +at once informed, that, although we had great cause of complaint against +Spain, and even of war, yet whenever we should think proper to act as +her enemy, it should be openly and above board, and that our hostility +should never be exercised by such petty means. We had no suspicion that +he expected to engage men here, but merely to purchase military stores. +Against this there was no law, nor consequently any authority for us to +interpose obstacles. On the other hand, we deemed it improper to +betray his voluntary communication to the agents of Spain. Although his +measures were many days in preparation at New York, we never had the +least intimation or suspicion of his engaging men in his enterprise, +until he was gone; and I presume the secrecy of his proceedings kept +them equally unknown to the Marquis Yrujo at Philadelphia, and +the Spanish Consul at New York, since neither of them gave us any +information of the enlistment of men, until it was too late for any +measures taken at Washington to prevent their departure. The officer +in the Customs, who participated in this transaction with Miranda, +we immediately removed, and should have had him and others further +punished, had it not been for the protection given them by private +citizens at New York, in opposition to the government, who, by their +impudent falsehoods and calumnies, were able to overbear the minds of +the jurors. Be assured, Sir, that no motive could induce me, at this +time, to make this declaration so gratuitously, were it not founded in +sacred truth: and I will add further, that I never did, or countenanced, +in public life, a single act inconsistent with the strictest good faith; +having never believed there was one code of morality for a public, and +another for a private man. + +I receive, with great pleasure, the testimonies of personal esteem which +breathe through your letter; and I pray you to accept those equally +sincere with which I now salute you. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXV.--TO ALBERT GALLATIN, October 11, 1809 + + +TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + +Monticello, October 11, 1809. + + +Dear Sir, + +I do not know whether the request of Monsieur Moussier, explained in the +enclosed letter, is grantable or not. But my partialities in favor of +whatever may promote either the useful or liberal arts, induce me +to place it under your consideration, to do in it whatever is right, +neither more nor less. I would then ask you to favor me with three +lines, in such form as I may forward him by way of answer. + +I have reflected much and painfully on the change of dispositions +which has taken place among the members of the cabinet, since the new +arrangement, as you stated to me in the moment of our separation. It +would be, indeed, a great public calamity, were it to fix you in the +purpose which you seemed to think possible. I consider the fortunes of +our republic as depending, in an eminent degree, on the extinguishment +of the public debt before we engage in any war: because, that done, we +shall have revenue enough to improve our country in peace, and defend it +in war, without recurring either to new taxes or loans. But if the debt +should once more be swelled to a formidable size, its entire discharge +will be despaired of, and we shall be committed to the English career of +debt, corruption, and rottenness, closing with revolution. The discharge +of the debt, therefore, is vital to the destinies of our government, and +it hangs on Mr. Madison and yourself alone. We shall never see another +President and Secretary of the Treasury making all other objects +subordinate to this. Were either of you to be lost to the public, that +great hope is lost. I had always cherished the idea that you would fix +on that object the measure of your fame, and of the gratitude which our +country will owe you. Nor can I yield up this prospect to the secondary +considerations which assail your tranquillity. For sure I am, they never +can produce any other serious effect. Your value is too justly estimated +by our fellow-citizens at large, as well as their functionaries, to +admit any remissness in their support of you. My opinion always was, +that none of us ever occupied stronger ground in the esteem of Congress +than yourself, and I am satisfied there is no one who does not feel +your aid to be still as important for the future, as it has been for the +past. You have nothing, therefore, to apprehend in the dispositions of +Congress, and still less of the President, who, above all men, is the +most interested and affectionately disposed to support you. I hope, +then, you will abandon entirely the idea you expressed to me, and that +you will consider the eight years to come as essential to your political +career. I should certainly consider any earlier day of your retirement, +as the most inauspicious day our new government has ever seen. In +addition to the common interest in this question, I feel particularly +for myself the considerations of gratitude which I personally owe you +for your valuable aid during my administration of the public affairs, +a just sense of the large portion of the public approbation which was +earned by your labors, and belongs to you, and the sincere friendship +and attachment which grew out of our joint exertions to promote the +common good; and of which I pray you now to accept the most cordial and +respectful assurances. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXVI.--TO CAESAR A. RODNEY, February 10, 1810 + + +TO CAESAR A. RODNEY. + +Monticello, February 10, 1810. + +My Dear Sir, + +I have to thank you for your favor of the 31st ultimo, which is just now +received. It has been peculiarly unfortunate for us, personally, that +the portion in the history of mankind, at which we were called to take a +share in the direction of their affairs, was such an one as history has +never before presented. At any other period, the even-handed justice +we have observed towards all nations, the efforts we have made to merit +their esteem by every act which candor or liberality could exercise, +would have preserved our peace, and secured the unqualified confidence +of all other nations in our faith and probity. But the hurricane which +is now blasting the world, physical and moral, has prostrated all the +mounds of reason as well as right. All those calculations which, at any +other period, would have been deemed honorable, of the existence of a +moral sense in man, individually or associated, of the connection +which the laws of nature have established between his duties and his +interests, of a regard for honest fame and the esteem of our follow-men, +have been a matter of reproach on us, as evidences of imbecility. As if +it could be a folly for an honest man to suppose that others could be +honest also, when it is their interest to be so. And when is this state +of things to end? The death of Bonaparte would, to be sure, remove the +first and chiefest apostle of the desolation of men and morals, and +might withdraw the scourge of the land. But what is to restore order +and safety on the ocean? The death of George III? Not at all. He is only +stupid; and his ministers, however weak and profligate in morals, are +ephemeral. But his nation is permanent, and it is that which is the +tyrant of the ocean. The principle that force is right, is become +the principle of the nation itself. They would not permit an honest +minister, were accident to bring such an one into power, to relax their +system of lawless piracy. These were the difficulties when I was with +you. I know they are not lessened, and I pity you. + +It is a blessing, however, that our people are reasonable; that they are +kept so well informed of the state of things as to judge for themselves, +to see the true sources of their difficulties, and to maintain +their confidence undiminished in the wisdom and integrity of their +functionaries. _Macte virtute_ therefore. Continue to go straight +forward, pursuing always that which is right, as the only clue which can +lead us out of the labyrinth. Let nothing be spared of either reason or +passion, to preserve the public confidence entire, as the only rock +of our safety. In times of peace the people look most to their +representatives; but in war, to the executive solely. It is visible that +their confidence is even now veering in that direction; that they are +looking to the executive to give the proper direction to their affairs, +with a confidence as auspicious as it is well founded. + +I avail myself of this, the first occasion of writing to you, to express +all the depth of my affection for you; the sense I entertain of your +faithful co-operation in my late labors, and the debt I owe for +the valuable aids I received from you. Though separated from my +fellow-laborers in place and pursuit, my affections are with you all, +and I offer daily prayers that ye love one another, as I love you. God +bless you. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXVII.*--TO SAMUEL KERCHEVAL, February 19,1810 + +TO SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. + +Monticello, February 19,1810. + + [* This letter is endorsed, 'not sent.'] + +Sir, + +Yours of the 7th instant has been duly received, with the pamphlet +enclosed, for which I return you my thanks. Nothing can be more exactly +and seriously true than what is there stated; that but a short time +elapsed after the death of the great reformer of the Jewish religion, +before his principles were departed from by those who professed to +be his special servants, and perverted into an engine for enslaving +mankind, and aggrandizing their oppressors in Church and State; that +the purest system of morals ever before preached to man, has been +adulterated and sophisticated by artificial constructions, into a mere +contrivance to filch wealth and power to themselves; that rational men +not being able to swallow their impious heresies, in order to force +them down their throats, they raise the hue and cry of infidelity, while +themselves are the greatest obstacles to the advancement of the real +doctrines of Jesus, and do in fact constitute the real Anti-Christ. + +You expect that your book will have some effect on the prejudices +which the society of Friends entertain against the present and late +administrations. In this I think you will be disappointed. The Friends +are men, formed with the same passions, and swayed by the same natural +principles and prejudices as others. In cases where the passions are +neutral, men will display their respect for the religious professions of +their sect. But where their passions are enlisted, these professions +are no obstacle. You observe very truly, that both the late and present +administration conducted the government on principles professed by the +Friends. Our efforts to preserve peace, our measures as to the Indians, +as to slavery, as to religious freedom, were all in consonance with +their professions. Yet I never expected we should get a vote from them, +and in this I was neither deceived nor disappointed. There is no riddle +in this, to those who do not suffer themselves to be duped by the +professions of religious sectaries. The theory of American Quakerism is +a very obvious one. The mother society is in England. Its members are +English by birth and residence, devoted to their own country, as good +citizens ought to be. The Quakers of these States are colonies or +filiations from the mother society, to whom that society sends its +yearly lessons. On these the filiated societies model their opinions, +their conduct, their passions, and attachments. A Quaker is, essentially +an Englishman, in whatever part of the earth he is born or lives. The +outrages of Great Britain on our navigation and commerce have kept us in +perpetual bickerings with her. The Quakers here have taken side against +their own government; not on their profession of peace, for they saw +that peace was our object also; but from devotion to the views of the +mother society. In 1797 and 8, when an administration sought war with +France, the Quakers were the most clamorous for war. Their principle of +peace, as a secondary one, yielded to the primary one of adherence to +the Friends in England, and what was patriotism in the original became +treason in the copy. On that occasion, they obliged their good old +leader, Mr. Pemberton, to erase his name from a petition to Congress, +against war, which had been delivered to a Representative of +Pennsylvania, a member of the late and present administration. He +accordingly permitted the old gentleman to erase his name. You must +not, therefore, expect that your book will have any more effect on the +society of Friends here, than on the English merchants settled among +us. I apply this to the Friends in general, not universally. I know +individuals among them as good patriots as we have. + +I thank you for the kind wishes and sentiments towards myself, expressed +in your letter, and sincerely wish to yourself the blessings of health +and happiness. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXVIII.--TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO, February 26, 1810 + + +TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. + +Monticello, February 26, 1810. + +My Dear General and Friend, + +I have rarely written to you; never but by safe conveyances; and +avoiding every thing political, lest coming from one in the station I +then held, it might be imputed injuriously to our country, or perhaps +even excite jealousy of you. Hence my letters were necessarily dry. +Retired now from public concerns, totally unconnected with them, and +avoiding all curiosity about what is done or intended, what I say is +from myself only, the workings of my own mind, imputable to nobody else. + +The anxieties which I know you have felt, on seeing exposed to the +justlings of a warring world, a country to which, in early life, you +devoted your sword and services when oppressed by foreign dominion, were +worthy of your philanthropy and disinterested attachment to the freedom +and happiness of man. Although we have not made all the provisions which +might be necessary for a war in the field of Europe, yet we have not +been inattentive to such as would be necessary here. From the moment +that the affair of the Chesapeake rendered the prospect of war imminent, +every faculty was exerted to be prepared for it, and I think I may +venture to solace you with the assurance, that we are, in a good degree, +prepared. Military stores for many campaigns are on hand, all the +necessary articles (sulphur excepted), and the art of preparing them +among ourselves, abundantly; arms in our magazines for more men than +will ever be required in the field, and forty thousand new stand yearly +added, of our own fabrication, superior to any we have ever seen from +Europe; heavy artillery much beyond our need; an increasing stock of +field-pieces, several founderies casting one every other day each; a +military school of about fifty students, which has been in operation a +dozen years; and the manufacture of men constantly going on, and adding +forty thousand young soldiers to our force every year that the war is +deferred: at all our sea-port towns of the least consequence we have +erected works of defence, and assigned them gunboats, carrying one or +two heavy pieces, either eighteen, twenty-four, or thirty-two pounders, +sufficient in the smallest harbors to repel the predatory attacks of +privateers or single armed ships, and proportioned in the larger harbors +to such more serious attacks as they may probably be exposed to. All +these were nearly completed, and their gunboats in readiness, when +I retired from the government. The works of New York and New Orleans +alone, being on a much larger scale, are not yet completed. The former +will be finished this summer, mounting four hundred and thirty-eight +guns, and, with the aid of from fifty to one hundred gunboats, will +be adequate to the resistance of any fleet which will ever be trusted +across the Atlantic. The works for New Orleans are less advanced. These +are our preparations. They are very different from what you will be told +by newspapers, and travellers, even Americans. But it is not to them +the government communicates the public condition. Ask one of them if +he knows the exact state of any particular harbor, and you will find +probably that he does not know even that of the one he comes from. You +will ask, perhaps, where are the proofs of these preparations for +one who cannot go and see them. I answer, in the acts of Congress, +authorizing such preparations, and in your knowledge of me, that, if +authorized, they would be executed. + +Two measures have not been adopted which I pressed on Congress +repeatedly at their meetings. The one, to settle the whole ungranted +territory of Orleans, by donations of land to able bodied young men, to +be engaged and carried there at the public expense, who would constitute +a force always ready on the spot to defend New Orleans. The other was, +to class the militia according to the years of their birth, and make all +those from twenty to twenty-five liable to be trained and called into +service at a moment's warning. This would have given us a force of three +hundred thousand young men, prepared, by proper training, for service in +any part of the United States; while those who had passed through that +period would remain at home, liable to be used in their own or adjacent +States. These two measures would have completed what I deemed necessary +for the entire security of our country. They would have given me, on +my retirement from the government of the nation, the consolatory +reflection, that having found, when I was called to it, not a single +sea-port town in a condition to repel a levy of contribution by a single +privateer or pirate, I had left every harbor so prepared by works +and gun-boats, as to be in a reasonable state of security against any +probable attack; the territory of Orleans acquired, and planted with an +internal force sufficient for its protection; and the whole territory of +the United States organized by such a classification of its male force, +as would give it the benefit of all its young population for active +service, and that of a middle and advanced age for stationary defence. +But these measures will, I hope, be completed by my successor, who, +to the purest principles of republican patriotism, adds a wisdom and +foresight second to no man on earth. + +So much as to my country. Now a word as to myself. I am retired to +Monticello, where, in the bosom of my family, and surrounded by my +books, I enjoy a repose to which I have been long a stranger. My +mornings are devoted to correspondence. From breakfast to dinner, I am +in my shops, my garden, or on horseback among my farms; from dinner to +dark, I give to society and recreation with my neighbors and friends; +and from candle-light to early bed-time, I read. My health is perfect; +and my strength considerably reinforced by the activity of the course +I pursue; perhaps it is as great as usually falls to the lot of near +sixty-seven years of age. I talk of ploughs and harrows, seeding and +harvesting, with my neighbors, and of politics too, if they choose, +with as little reserve as the rest of my fellow-citizens, and feel, at +length, the blessing of being free to say and do what I please, without +being responsible for it to any mortal. A part of my occupation, and +by no means the least pleasing, is the direction of the studies of such +young men as ask it. They place themselves in the neighboring village, +and have the use of my library and counsel, and make a part of my +society. In advising the course of their reading, I endeavor to keep +their attention fixed on the main objects of all science, the freedom +and happiness of man. So that coming to bear a share in the councils +and government of their country, they will keep ever in view the sole +objects of all legitimate government. + +***** + +Instead of the unalloyed happiness of retiring unembarrassed and +independent, to the enjoyment of my estate, which is ample for my +limited views, I have to pass such a length of time in a thraldom of +mind never before known to me. Except, for this, my happiness would have +been perfect. That yours may never know disturbance, and that you may +enjoy as many years of life, health, and ease as yourself shall wish, is +the sincere prayer of your constant and affectionate friend. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER LXXXIX.--TO DOCTOR JONES, March 5, 1810 + + +TO DOCTOR JONES. + +Monticello, March 5, 1810. + +Dear Sir, + +I received duly your favor of the 19th ultimo, and I salute you with +all antient and recent recollections of friendship. I have learned, +with real sorrow, that circumstances have risen among our executive +counsellors, which have rendered foes those who once were friends. +To themselves it will be a source of infinite pain and vexation, and +therefore chiefly I lament it, for I have a sincere esteem for both +parties. To the President it will be really inconvenient: but to the +nation I do not know that it can do serious injury, unless we were to +believe the newspapers, which pretend that Mr. Gallatin will go out. +That indeed would be a day of mourning for the United States: but I hope +that the position of both gentlemen may be made so easy as to give no +cause for either to withdraw. The ordinary business of every day is done +by consultation between the President and the Head of the department +alone to which it belongs. For measures of importance or difficulty, a +consultation is held with the Heads of departments, either assembled, or +by taking their opinions separately in conversation or in writing. The +latter is most strictly in the spirit of the constitution. Because the +President, on weighing the advice of all, is left free to make up an +opinion for himself. In this way they are not brought together, and it +is not necessarily known to any what opinion the others have given. This +was General Washington's practice for the first two or three years of +his administration, till the affairs of France and England threatened +to embroil us, and rendered consideration and discussion desirable. In +these discussions, Hamilton and myself were daily pitted in the cabinet +like two cocks. We were then but four in number, and, according to the +majority, which of course was three to one, the President decided. +The pain was for Hamilton and myself, but the public experienced no +inconvenience. I practised this last method, because the harmony was so +cordial among us all, that we never failed, by a contribution of mutual +views of the subject, to form an opinion acceptable to the whole. I +think there never was one instance to the contrary, in any case of +consequence. Yet this does, in fact, transform the executive into a +directory, and I hold the other method to be more constitutional. It is +better calculated, too, to prevent collision and irritation, and to cure +it, or at least suppress its effects when it has already taken place. +It is the obvious and sufficient remedy in the present case, and will +doubtless be resorted to. + +Our difficulties are indeed great, if we consider ourselves alone. But +when viewed in comparison with those of Europe, they are the joys of +Paradise. In the eternal revolution of ages, the destinies have placed +our portion of existence amidst such scenes of tumult and outrage, as no +other period, within our knowledge, had presented. Every government but +one on the continent of Europe, demolished, a conqueror roaming over +the earth with havoc and destruction, a pirate spreading misery and ruin +over the face of the ocean. Indeed, my friend, ours is a bed of roses. +And the system of government which shall keep us afloat amidst this +wreck of the world, will be immortalized in history. We have, to be +sure, our petty squabbles and heart-burnings, and we have something of +the blue devils at times, as to these raw heads and bloody bones who are +eating up other nations. But happily for us, the Mammoth cannot swim, +nor the Leviathan move on dry land: and if we will keep out of their +way, they cannot get at us. If, indeed, we choose to place ourselves +within the scope of their tether, a gripe of the paw, or flounce of the +tail, may be our fortune. Our business certainly was to be still. But +a part of our nation chose to declare against this, in such a way as to +control the wisdom of the government. I yielded with others, to avoid +a greater evil. But from that moment, I have seen no system which could +keep us entirely aloof from these agents of destruction. If there be +any, I am certain that you, my friends, now charged with the care of us +all, will see and pursue it. I give myself, therefore, no trouble with +thinking or puzzling about it. Being confident in my watchmen, I sleep +soundly. God bless you all, and send you a safe deliverance. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XC.--TO GOVERNOR LANGDON, March 5, 1810 + +TO GOVERNOR LANGDON. + +Monticello, March 5, 1810. + +Your letter, my dear friend, of the 18th ultimo, comes like the +refreshing dews of the evening on a thirsty soil. It recalls antient as +well as recent recollections, very dear to my heart. For five and thirty +years we have walked together through a land of tribulations. Yet these +have passed away, and so I trust will those of the present day. The +toryism with which we struggled in '77, differed but in name from the +federalism of '99, with which we struggled also; and the Anglicism, of +1808, against which we are now struggling, is but the same thing still, +in another form. It is a longing for a King, and an English King, rather +than any other. This is the true source of their sorrows and wailings. + +The fear that Bonaparte will come over to us and conquer us also, is +too chimerical to be genuine. Supposing him to have finished Spain and +Portugal, he has yet England and Russia to subdue. The maxim of war was +never sounder than in this case, not to leave an enemy in the rear; +and especially where an insurrectionary flame is known to be under the +embers, merely smothered, and ready to burst at every point. These two +subdued (and surely the Anglomen will not think the conquest of England +alone a short work), ancient Greece and Macedonia, the cradle of +Alexander, his prototype, and Constantinople, the seat of empire for the +world, would glitter more in his eye than our bleak mountains and rugged +forests. Egypt, too, and the golden apples of Mauritania, have for more +than half a century fixed the longing eyes of France; and with Syria, +you know, he has an old affront to wipe out. Then come 'Pontus and +Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia,' the fine countries on the +Euphrates and Tigris, the Oxus and Indus, and all beyond the Hyphasis, +which bounded the glories of his Macedonian rival; with the invitations +of his new British subjects on the banks of the Ganges, whom, after +receiving under his protection the mother country, he cannot refuse to +visit. When all this is done and settled, and nothing of the old world +remains unsubdued, he may turn to the new one. But will he attack us +first, from whom he will get but hard knocks, and no money? Or will +he first lay hold of the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and +the diamonds of Brazil? A republican Emperor, from his affection to +republics, independent of motives of expediency, must grant to ours the +Cyclops' boon of being the last devoured. While all this is doing, we +are to suppose the chapter of accidents read out, and that nothing can +happen to cut short or disturb his enterprises. + +But the Anglomen, it seems, have found out a much safer dependence, than +all these chances of death or disappointment. That is, that we should +first let England plunder us, as she has been doing for years, for fear +Bonaparte should do it; and then ally ourselves with her, and enter into +the war. A conqueror, whose career England could not arrest when aided +by Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Spain, and Portugal, she is now +to destroy, with all these on his side, by the aid of the United States +alone. This, indeed, is making us a mighty people. And what is to be +our security, that when embarked for her in the war, she will not make a +separate peace, and leave us in the lurch? Her good faith! The faith +of a nation of merchants! The _Punica fides_ of modern Carthage! Of the +friend and protectress of Copenhagen! Of the nation who never admitted a +chapter of morality into her political code! And is now boldly avowing, +that whatever power can make hers, is hers of right. Money, and not +morality, is the principle of commerce and commercial nations. But, +in addition to this, the nature of the English government forbids, of +itself, reliance on her engagements; and it is well known she has been +the least faithful to her alliances of any nation of Europe, since +the period of her history wherein she has been distinguished for her +commerce and corruption, that is to say, under the houses of Stuart and +Brunswick. To Portugal alone she has steadily adhered, because, by her +Methuin treaty, she had made it a colony, and one of the most valuable +to her. It may be asked, what, in the nature of her government, unfits +England for the observation of moral duties? In the first place, her +King is a cipher; his only function being to name the oligarchy which is +to govern her. The parliament is, by corruption, the mere instrument +of the will of the administration. The real power and property in the +government is in the great aristocratical families of the nation. The +nest of office being too small for all of them to cuddle into at once, +the contest is eternal, which shall crowd the other out. For this +purpose they are divided into two parties, the Ins and the Outs, +so equal in weight, that a small matter turns the balance. To keep +themselves in, when they are in, every stratagem must be practised, +every artifice used, which may flatter the pride, the passions, or power +of the nation. Justice, honor, faith, must yield to the necessity of +keeping themselves in place. The question, whether a measure is moral, +is never asked; but whether it will nourish the avarice of their +merchants, or the piratical spirit of their navy, or produce any other +effect which may strengthen them in their places. As to engagements, +however positive, entered into by the predecessors of the Ins, why, they +were their enemies; they did every thing which was wrong; and to reverse +every thing they did, must, therefore, be right. This is the true +character of the English government in practice, however different +its theory; and it presents the singular phenomenon of a nation, the +individuals of which are as faithful to their private engagements and +duties, as honorable, as worthy, as those of any nation on earth, and +whose government is yet the most unprincipled at this day known. In +an absolute government there can be no such equiponderant parties. +The despot is the government. His power, suppressing all opposition, +maintains his ministers firm in their places. What he has contracted, +therefore, through them, he has the power to observe with good faith; +and he identifies his own honor and faith with that of his nation. + +When I observed, however, that the King of England was a cipher, I did +not mean to confine the observation to the mere individual now on that +throne. The practice of Kings marrying only into the families of Kings, +has been that of Europe for some centuries. Now, take any race of +animals, confine them in idleness and inaction, whether in a sty, a +stable, or a state-room, pamper them with high diet, gratify all their +sexual appetites, immerse them in sensualities, nourish their passions, +let every thing bend before them, and banish whatever might lead them to +think, and in a few generations they become all body, and no mind: and +this, too, by a law of nature, by that very law by which we are in the +constant practice of changing the characters and propensities of the +animals we raise for our own purposes. Such is the regimen in raising +Kings, and in this way they have gone on for centuries. While in Europe, +I often amused myself with contemplating the characters of the then +reigning sovereigns of Europe. Louis the XVI. was a fool, of my own +knowledge, and in despite of the answers made for him at his trial. +The King of Spain was a fool, and of Naples the same. They passed their +lives in hunting, and despatched two couriers a week, one thousand +miles, to let each other know what game they had killed the preceding +days. The King of Sardinia was a fool. All these were Bourbons. The +Queen of Portugal, a Braganza, was an idiot by nature. And so was +the King of Denmark. Their sons, as regents, exercised the powers of +government. The King of Prussia, successor to the great Frederick, was +a mere hog in body as well as in mind. Gustavus of Sweden, and Joseph +of Austria, were really crazy, and George of England you know was in a +straight waistcoat. There remained, then, none but old Catherine, who +had been too lately picked up to have lost her common sense. In this +state Bonaparte found Europe; and it was this state of its rulers which +lost it with scarce a struggle. These animals had become without mind +and powerless; and so will every hereditary monarch be after a few +generations. Alexander, the grandson of Catherine, is as yet an +exception. He is able to hold his own. But he is only of the third +generation. His race is not yet worn out. And so endeth the book of +Kings, from all of whom the Lord deliver us and have you, my friend, and +all such good men and true, in his holy keeping. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCI.--TO GENERAL DEARBORN, July 16,1810 + +TO GENERAL DEARBORN. + +Monticello, July 16,1810. + +Dear General and Friend, + +Your favor of May the 31st was duly received, and I join in +congratulations with you on the resurrection of republican principles +in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and the hope that the professors of +these principles will not again easily be driven off their ground. The +federalists, during their short-lived ascendancy, have, nevertheless, +by forcing us from the embargo, inflicted a wound on our interests which +can never be cured, and on our affections which will require time to +cicatrize. I ascribe all this to one pseudo-republican, Story. He came +on (in place of Crowningshield, I believe) and staid only a few days; +long enough, however, to get complete hold of Bacon, who giving in to +his representations, became panic-struck, and communicated his panic to +his colleagues, and they to a majority of the sound members of Congress. +They believed in the alternative of repeal or civil war, and produced +the fatal measure of repeal. This is the immediate parent of all our +present evils, and has reduced us to a low standing in the eyes of the +world. I should think that even the federalists themselves must now be +made, by their feelings, sensible of their error. The wealth which the +embargo brought home safely, has now been thrown back into the laps of +our enemies; and our navigation completely crushed, and by the unwise +and unpatriotic conduct of those engaged in it. Should the orders prove +genuine, which are said to have been given against our fisheries, they, +too, are gone: and if not true as yet, they will be true on the first +breeze of success which England shall feel: for it has now been some +years, that I am perfectly satisfied her intentions have been to claim +the ocean as her conquest, and prohibit any vessel from navigating it, +but on such a tribute as may enable her to keep up such a standing navy +as will maintain her dominion over it. She has hauled in, or let herself +out, been bold or hesitating, according to occurrences, but has in +no situation done any thing which might amount to an acknowledged +relinquishment of her intentions. I have ever been anxious to avoid +a war with England, unless forced by a situation more losing than war +itself. But I did believe we could coerce her to justice by peaceable +means, and the embargo, evaded as it was, proved it would have coerced +her, had it been honestly executed. The proof she exhibited on that +occasion, that she can exercise such an influence in this country, as to +control the will of its government and three fourths of its people, +and oblige the three fourths to submit to one fourth, is to me the most +mortifying circumstance which has occurred since the establishment of +our government. The only prospect I see of lessening that influence, +is in her own conduct, and not from any thing in our power. Radically +hostile to our navigation and commerce, and fearing its rivalry, she +will completely crush it, and force us to resort to agriculture, +not aware that we shall resort to manufactures also, and render her +conquests over our navigation and commerce useless, at least, if not +injurious to herself in the end, and perhaps salutary to us, as removing +out of our way the chief causes and provocations to war. + +But these are views which concern the present and future generation, +among neither of which I count myself. You may live to see the change in +our pursuits, and chiefly in those of your own State, which England will +effect. I am not certain that the change on Massachusetts, by driving +her to agriculture, manufactures, and emigration, will lessen her +happiness. But once more to be done with politics. How does Mrs. +Dearborn do? How do you both like your situation? Do you amuse yourself +with a garden, a farm, or what? That your pursuits, whatever they +be, may make you both easy, healthy, and happy, is the prayer of your +sincere friend, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCII.--TO J. B. COLVIN, September 20, 1810 + +TO J. B. COLVIN. + +Monticello, September 20, 1810. + +Sir, + +Your favor of the 14th has been duly received, and I have to thank you +for the many obliging things respecting myself which are said in it. +If I have left in the breasts of my fellow-citizens a sentiment of +satisfaction with my conduct in the transaction of their business, it +will soften the pillow of my repose through the residue of life. + +The question you propose, whether circumstances do not sometimes occur, +which make it a duty in officers of high trust, to assume authorities +beyond the law, is easy of solution in principle, but sometimes +embarrassing in practice. A strict observance of the written laws, is +doubtless one of the high duties of a good citizen: but it is not the +highest. The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our +country when in danger, are of higher obligation. To lose our country by +a scrupulous adherence to written law, would be to lose the law itself, +with life, liberty, property, and all those who are enjoying them with +us; thus absurdly sacrificing the end to the means. When, in the battle +of Germantown, General Washington's army was annoyed from Chew's +house, he did not hesitate to plant his cannon against it, although +the property of a citizen. When he besieged Yorktown, he leveled the +suburbs, feeling that the laws of property must be postponed to the +safety of the nation. While the army was before York, the Governor of +Virginia took horses, carriages, provisions, and even men, by force, to +enable that army to stay together till it could master the public enemy; +and he was justified. A ship at sea in distress for provisions, +meets another having abundance, yet refusing a supply; the law of +self-preservation authorizes the distressed to take a supply by +force. In all these cases, the unwritten laws of necessity, of +self-preservation, and of the public safety, control the written laws of +_meum_ and _tuum_. Further to exemplify the principle, I will state an +hypothetical case. Suppose it had been made known to the executive of +the Union in the autumn of 1805, that we might have the Floridas for +a reasonable sum, that that sum had not indeed been so appropriated +by law, but that Congress were to meet within three weeks, and might +appropriate it on the first or second day of their session. Ought he, +for so great an advantage to his country, to have risked himself by +transcending the law and making the purchase? The public advantage +offered, in this supposed case, was indeed immense: but a reverence +for law, and the probability that the advantage might still be legally +accomplished by a delay of only three weeks, were powerful reasons +against hazarding the act. But suppose it foreseen that a John Randolph +would find means to protract the proceeding on it by Congress, until the +ensuing spring, by which time new circumstances would change the mind +of the other party. Ought the executive, in that case, and with that +foreknowledge, to have secured the good to his country, and to have +trusted to their justice for the transgression of the law? I think he +ought, and that the act would have been approved. After the affair of +the Chesapeake, we thought war a very possible result. Our magazines +were illy provided with some necessary articles, nor had any +appropriations been made for their purchase. We ventured, however, to +provide them, and to place our country in safety; and stating the case +to Congress, they sanctioned the act. + +To proceed to the conspiracy of Burr, and particularly to General +Wilkinson's situation in New Orleans. In judging this case, we are bound +to consider the state of the information, correct and incorrect, which +he then possessed. He expected Burr and his band from above, a British +fleet from below, and he knew there was a formidable conspiracy within +the city. Under these circumstances, was he justifiable, 1. In seizing +notorious conspirators? On this there can be but two opinions; one, of +the guilty and their accomplices; the other, that of all honest men. +2. In sending them to the seat of government, when the written law gave +them a right to trial in the territory? The danger of their rescue, of +their continuing their machinations, the tardiness and weakness of +the law, apathy of the judges, active patronage of the whole tribe of +lawyers, unknown disposition of the juries, an hourly expectation of the +enemy, salvation of the city, and of the Union itself, which would have +been convulsed to its centre, had that conspiracy succeeded; all these +constituted a law of necessity and self-preservation, and rendered the +_salus populi_ supreme over the written law. The officer who is called +to act on this superior ground, does indeed risk himself on the justice +of the controlling powers of the constitution, and his station makes +it his duty to incur that risk. But those controlling powers, and +his fellow-citizens generally, are bound to judge according to the +circumstances under which he acted. They are not to transfer the +information of this place or moment to the time and place of his action; +but to put themselves into his situation. We knew here that there never +was danger of a British fleet from below, and that Burr's band was +crushed before it reached the Mississippi. But General Wilkinson's +information was very different, and he could act on no other. + +From these examples and principles you may see what I think on the +question proposed. They do not go to the case of persons charged with +petty duties, where consequences are trifling, and time allowed for +a legal course, nor to authorize them to take such cases out of the +written law. In these, the example of overleaping the law is of +greater evil than a strict adherence to its imperfect provisions. It is +incumbent on those only who accept of great charges, to risk themselves +on great occasions, when the safety of the nation, or some of its very +high interests are at stake. + +An officer is bound to obey orders: yet he would be a bad one who should +do it in cases for which they were not intended, and which involved the +most important consequences. The line of discrimination between cases +may be difficult; but the good officer is bound to draw it at his +own peril, and throw himself on the justice of his country, and the +rectitude of his motives. + +I have indulged freer views on this question, on your assurances that +they are for your own eye only, and that they will not get into the +hands of news-writers. I met their scurrilities without concern, while +in pursuit of the great interests with which I was charged. But in my +present retirement, no duty forbids my wish for quiet. + +Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCIII.--TO MR. LAW, January 15, 1811 + +TO MR. LAW. + +Monticello, January 15, 1811. + +Dear Sir, + +An absence from home of some length has prevented my sooner +acknowledging the receipt of your letter, covering the printed pamphlet, +which the same absence has as yet prevented me from taking up, but which +I know I shall read with great pleasure. Your favor of December the 22nd +is also received. + +Mr. Wagner's malignity, like that of the rest of his tribe of brother +printers, who deal out calumnies for federal readers, gives me no pain. +When a printer cooks up a falsehood, it is as easy to put it into the +mouth of a Mr. Fox, as of a smaller man, and safer into that of a dead +than a living one. Your sincere attachment to this country, as well as +to your native one, was never doubted by me; and in that persuasion, I +felt myself free to express to you my genuine sentiments with respect to +England. No man was more sensible than myself of the just value of +the friendship of that country. There are between us so many of those +circumstances which naturally produce and cement kind dispositions, that +if they could have forgiven our resistance to their usurpations, our +connections might have been durable, and have insured duration to both +our governments. I wished, therefore, a cordial friendship with them, +and I spared no occasion of manifesting this in our correspondence and +intercourse with them; not disguising, however, my desire of friendship +with their enemy also. During the administration of Mr. Addington, +I thought I discovered some friendly symptoms on the part of that +government; at least, we received some marks of respect from the +administration, and some of regret at the wrongs we were suffering from +their country. So, also, during the short interval of Mr. Fox's power. +But every other administration since our Revolution has been equally +wanton in their injuries and insults, and has manifested equal hatred +and aversion. Instead, too, of cultivating the government itself, whose +principles are those of the great mass of the nation, they have +adopted the miserable policy of teazing and embarrassing it, by allying +themselves with a faction here, not a tenth of the people, noisy and +unprincipled, and which never can come into power while republicanism is +the spirit of the nation, and that must continue to be so, until such +a condensation of population shall have taken place as will require +centuries. Whereas, the good will of the government itself would give +them, and immediately, every benefit which reason or justice would +permit it to give. With respect to myself, I saw great reason to believe +their ministers were weak enough to credit the newspaper trash about a +supposed personal enmity in myself towards England. This wretched party +imputation was beneath the notice of wise men. England never did me a +personal injury, other than in open war, and for numerous individuals +there, I have great esteem and friendship. And I must have had a +mind far below the duties of my station, to have felt either national +partialities or antipathies in conducting the affairs confided to me. My +affections were first for my own country, and then, generally, for all +mankind; and nothing but minds placing themselves above the passions, in +the functionaries of this country, could have preserved us from the +war to which their provocations have been constantly urging us. The +war interests in England include a numerous and wealthy part of their +population; and their influence is deemed worth courting by ministers +wishing to keep their places. Continually endangered by a powerful +opposition, they find it convenient to humor the popular passions at the +expense of the public good. The shipping interest, commercial interest, +and their janizaries of the navy, all fattening on war, will not be +neglected by ministers of ordinary minds. Their tenure of office is so +infirm that they dare not follow the dictates of wisdom, justice, +and the well calculated interests of their country. This vice, in the +English constitution, renders a dependance on that government very +unsafe. The feelings of their King, too, fundamentally averse to us, +have added another motive for unfriendliness in his ministers. This +obstacle to friendship, however, seems likely to be soon removed; and +I verily believe the successor will come in with fairer and wiser +dispositions towards us; perhaps on that event their conduct may be +changed. But what England is to become on the crush of her internal +structure, now seeming to be begun, I cannot foresee. Her monied +interest, created by her paper system, and now constituting a baseless +mass of wealth equal to that of the owners of the soil, must disappear +with that system, and the medium for paying great taxes thus failing, +her navy must be without support. That it shall be supported by +permitting her to claim dominion of the ocean, and to levy tribute +on every flag traversing that, as lately attempted and not yet +relinquished, every nation must contest, even _ad internecionem_. And +yet, that, retiring from this enormity, she should continue able to +take a fair share in the necessary equilibrium,of power on that element, +would be the desire of every nation. + +I feel happy in withdrawing my mind from these anxieties, and resigning +myself, for the remnant of life, to the care and guardianship of others. +Good wishes are all an old man has to offer to his country or friends. +Mine attend yourself, with sincere assurances of esteem and respect, +which, however, I should be better pleased to tender you in person, +should your rambles ever lead you into the vicinage of Monticello. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCIV.--TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH, January 16, 1811 + + +TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. + +Monticello, January 16, 1811. + +Dear Sir, + +I had been considering for some days, whether it was not time by a +letter, to bring myself to your recollection, when I received +your welcome favor of the 2nd instant. I had before heard of the +heart-rending calamity you mention, and had sincerely sympathized with +your afflictions. But I had not made it the subject of a letter, because +I knew that condolences were but renewals of grief. Yet I thought, and +still think, this is one of the cases wherein we should 'not sorrow, +even as others who have no hope.' + +***** + +You ask if I have read Hartley? I have not. 'My present course of life +admits less reading than I wish. From breakfast, or noon at latest, +to dinner, I am mostly on horseback, attending to my farms or other +concerns, which I find healthful to my body, mind, and affairs; and the +few hours I can pass in my cabinet, are devoured by correspondences; +not those with my intimate friends, with whom I delight to interchange +sentiments, but with others, who, writing to me on concerns of their +own in which I have had an agency, or from motives of mere respect and +approbation, are entitled to be answered with respect and a return of +good will. My hope is that this obstacle to the delights of retirement +will wear away with the oblivion which follows that, and that I may at +length be indulged in those studious pursuits, from which nothing but +revolutionary duties would ever have called me. + +I shall receive your proposed publication, and read it with the pleasure +which every thing gives me from your pen. Although much of a sceptic in +the practice of medicine, I read with pleasure its ingenious theories. + +I receive with sensibility your observations on the discontinuance of +friendly correspondence between Mr. Adams and myself, and the concern +you take in its restoration. This discontinuance has not proceeded from +me, nor from the want of sincere desire, and of effort on my part, to +renew our intercourse. You know the perfect coincidence of principle and +of action, in the early part of the Revolution, which produced a high +degree of mutual respect and esteem between Mr. Adams and myself. +Certainly no man was ever truer than he was, in that day, to those +principles of rational republicanism, which, after the necessity of +throwing off our monarchy, dictated all our efforts in the establishment +of a new government. And although he swerved, afterwards, towards the +principles of the English constitution, our friendship did not abate on +that account. While he was Vice-President, and I Secretary of State, +I received a letter from President Washington, then at Mount Vernon, +desiring me to call together the Heads of departments, and to invite Mr. +Adams to join us (which, by the bye, was the only instance of that being +done) in order to determine on some measure which required despatch; and +he desired me to act on it, as decided, without again recurring to him. +I invited them to dine with me, and after dinner, sitting at our wine, +having settled our question, other conversation came on, in which a +collision of opinion arose between Mr. Adams and Colonel Hamilton, +on the merits of the British Constitution, Mr. Adams giving it as his +opinion, that, if some of its defects and abuses were corrected, it +would be the most perfect constitution of government ever devised by +man. Hamilton, on the contrary, asserted, that with its existing vices, +it was the most perfect model of government that could be formed; +and that the correction of its vices would render it an impracticable +government. And this you may be assured was the real line of difference +between the political principles of these two gentlemen. Another +incident took place on the same occasion, which will further delineate +Hamilton's political principles. The room being hung around with a +collection of the portraits of remarkable men, among them were those of +Bacon, Newton, and Locke. Hamilton asked me who they were. I told +him they were my trinity of the three greatest men the world had ever +produced, naming them. He paused for some time: 'The greatest man,' +said he, 'that ever lived, was Julius Caesar.' Mr. Adams was honest as +a politician, as well as a man; Hamilton honest as a man, but, as a +politician, believing in the necessity of either force or corruption to +govern men. + +You remember the machinery which the federalists played off, about +that time, to beat down the friends to the real principles of our +constitution, to silence by terror every expression in their favor, to +bring us into war with France and alliance with England, and finally to +homologize our constitution with that of England. Mr. Adams, you know, +was overwhelmed with feverish addresses, dictated by the fear, and often +by the pen of the _bloody buoy_, and was seduced by them into some open +indications of his new principles of government, and in fact, was so +elated as to mix with his kindness a little superciliousness towards +me. Even Mrs. Adams, with all her good sense and prudence, was sensibly +flushed. And you recollect the short suspension of our intercourse, and +the circumstance which gave rise to it, which you were so good as to +bring to an early explanation, and have set to rights, to the cordial +satisfaction of us all. The nation at length passed condemnation on the +political principles of the federalists, by refusing to continue Mr. +Adams in the Presidency. On the day on which we learned in Philadelphia +the vote of the city of New York, which it was well known would decide +the vote of the State, and that, again, the vote of the Union, I called +on Mr. Adams on some official business. He was very sensibly affected, +and accosted me with these words. 'Well, I understand that you are to +beat me in this contest, and I will only say that I will be as faithful +a subject as any you will have.' 'Mr. Adams,' said I, 'this is no +personal contest between you and me. Two systems of principles on the +subject of government divide our fellow-citizens into two parties. With +one of these you concur, and I with the other. As we have been longer on +the public stage than most of those now living, our names happen to be +more generally known. One of these parties, therefore, has put your name +at its head, the other mine. Were we both to die to-day, to-morrow two +other names would be in the place of ours, without any change in the +motion of the machine. Its motion is from its principle, not from you +or myself.''I believe you are right,' said he, 'that we are but passive +instruments, and should not suffer this matter to affect our personal +dispositions.' But he did not long retain this just view of the +subject. I have always believed that the thousand calumnies which +the federalists, in bitterness of heart, and mortification at their +ejection, daily invented against me, were carried to him by their busy +intriguers, and made some impression. When the election between Burr and +myself was kept in suspense by the federalists, and they were meditating +to place the President of the Senate at the head of the government, I +called on Mr. Adams with a view to have this desperate measure prevented +by his negative. He grew warm in an instant, and said with a vehemence +he had not used towards me before, 'Sir, the event of the election is +within your own power. You have only to say you will do justice to +the public creditors, maintain the navy, and not disturb those holding +offices, and the government will instantly be put into your hands. We +know it is the wish of the people it should be so.''Mr. Adams,' said I, +'I know not what part of my conduct, in either public or private life, +can have authorized a doubt of my fidelity to the public engagements. +I say, however, I will not come into the government by capitulation. I +will not enter on it, but in perfect freedom to follow the dictates +of my own judgment.' I had before given the same answer to the same +intimation from Gouverneur Morris. 'Then,' said he, 'things must take +their course.' I turned the conversation to something else, and soon +took my leave. It was the first time in our lives we had ever parted +with any thing like dissatisfaction. And then followed those scenes of +midnight appointment, which have been condemned by all men. The last day +of his political power, the last hours, and even beyond the midnight, +were employed in filling all offices and especially permanent ones, with +the bitterest federalists, and providing for me the alternative, either +to execute the government by my enemies, whose study it would be +to thwart and defeat all my measures, or to incur the odium of such +numerous removals from office, as might bear me down. A little time and +reflection effaced in my mind this temporary dissatisfaction with +Mr. Adams, and restored me to that just estimate of his virtues and +passions, which a long acquaintance had enabled me to fix. And my first +wish became that of making his retirement easy by any means in my power; +for it was understood he was not rich. I suggested to some republican +members of the delegation from his State, the giving him, either +directly or indirectly, an office, the most lucrative in that State, +and then offered to be resigned, if they thought he would not deem it +affrontive. They were of opinion he would take great offence at the +offer; and, moreover, that the body of republicans would consider such +a step in the outset, as auguring very ill of the course I meant to +pursue. I dropped the idea, therefore, but did not cease to wish for +some opportunity of renewing our friendly understanding. + +Two or three years after, having had the misfortune to lose a daughter, +between whom and Mrs. Adams there had been a considerable attachment, +she made it the occasion of writing me a letter, in which, with the +tenderest expressions of concern at this event, she carefully avoided a +single one of friendship towards myself, and even concluded it with +the wishes 'of her who once took pleasure in subscribing herself your +friend, Abigail Adams.' Unpromising as was the complexion of this +letter, I determined to make an effort towards removing the clouds from +between us. This brought on a correspondence which I now enclose for +your perusal, after which be so good as to return it to me, as I have +never communicated it to any mortal breathing, before. I send it to you, +to convince you I have not been wanting either in the desire, or the +endeavor to remove this misunderstanding. Indeed, I thought it highly +disgraceful to us both, as indicating minds not sufficiently elevated to +prevent a public competition from affecting our personal friendship. I +soon found from the correspondence that conciliation was desperate, +and yielding to an intimation in her last letter, I ceased from further +explanation. I have the same good opinion of Mr. Adams which I ever had. +I know him to be an honest man, an able one with his pen, and he was a +powerful advocate on the floor of Congress. He has been alienated from +me, by belief in the lying suggestions contrived for electioneering +purposes, that I perhaps mixed in the activity and intrigues of the +occasion. My most intimate friends can testify that I was perfectly +passive. They would sometimes, indeed, tell me what was going on; but +no man ever heard me take part in such conversations; and none ever +misrepresented Mr. Adams in my presence without my asserting his just +character. With very confidential persons I have doubtless disapproved +of the principles and practices of his administration. This was +unavoidable. But never with those with whom it could do him any injury. +Decency would have required this conduct from me, if disposition had +not: and I am satisfied Mr. Adams's conduct was equally honorable +towards me. But I think it part of his character to suspect foul play +in those of whom he is jealous, and not easily to relinquish his +suspicions. + +I have gone, my dear friend, into these details, that you might know +every thing which had passed between us, might be fully possessed of +the state of facts and dispositions, and judge for yourself whether they +admit a revival of that friendly intercourse for which you are so kindly +solicitous. I shall certainly not be wanting in any thing on my part +which may second your efforts; which will be the easier with me, +inasmuch as I do not entertain a sentiment of Mr. Adams, the expression +of which could give him reasonable offence. And I submit the whole to +yourself, with the assurance, that whatever be the issue, my friendship +and respect for yourself will remain unaltered and unalterable. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCV.--TO M. DESTUTT TRACY, January 26, 1811 + +TO M. DESTUTT TRACY. + +Monticello, January 26, 1811. + +Sir, + +The length of time your favor of June the 12th, 1809, was on its way +to me, and my absence from home the greater part of the autumn, delayed +very much the pleasure which awaited me of reading the packet which +accompanied it. I cannot express to you the satisfaction which I +received from its perusal. I had, with the world, deemed Montesquieu's +a work of much merit; but saw in it, with every thinking man, so much of +paradox, of false principle, and misapplied fact, as to render its value +equivocal on the whole. Williams and others had nibbled only at +its errors. A radical correction of them, therefore, was a great +desideratum. This want is now supplied, and with a depth of thought, +precision; of idea, of language, and of logic, which will force +conviction into every mind. I declare to you, Sir, in the spirit of +truth and sincerity, that I consider it the most precious gift the +present age has received. But what would it have been, had the author, +or would the author, take up the whole scheme of Montesquieu's work, and +following the correct analysis he has here developed, fill up all its +parts according to his sound views of them. Montesquieu's celebrity +would be but a small portion of that which would immortalize the author. +And with whom? With the rational and high-minded spirits of the present +and all future ages. With those whose approbation is both incitement +and reward to virtue and ambition. Is then the hope desperate? To what +object can the occupation of his future life be devoted so usefully to +the world, so splendidly to himself? But I must leave to others who have +higher claims on his attention, to press these considerations. + +My situation, far in the interior of the country, was not favorable to +the object of getting this work translated and printed. Philadelphia is +the least distant of the great towns of our States, where there exists +any enterprise in this way; and it was not till the spring following +the receipt of your letter, that I obtained an arrangement for its +execution. The translation is just now completed. The sheets came to me +by post, from time to time, for revisal; but not being accompanied by +the original, I could not judge of verbal accuracies. I think, however, +it is substantially correct, without being an adequate representation +of the excellences of the original; as indeed no translation can be. I +found it impossible to give it the appearance of an original composition +in our language. I therefore think it best to divert inquiries after the +author towards a quarter where he will not be found; and with this view, +propose to prefix the prefatory epistle now enclosed. As soon as a copy +of the work can be had, I will send it to you by duplicate. The secret +of the author will be faithfully preserved during his and my joint +lives; and those into whose hands my papers will fall at my death will +be equally worthy of confidence. When the death of the author, or his +living consent shall permit the world to know their benefactor, both +his and my papers will furnish the evidence. In the mean time, the many +important truths the works so solidly establishes, will, I hope, make it +the political rudiment of the young, and manual of our older citizens. + +One of its doctrines, indeed, the preference of a plural over a singular +executive, will probably not be assented to here. When our present +government was first established, we had many doubts on this question, +and many leanings towards a supreme executive council. It happened that +at that time the experiment of such an one was commenced in France, +while the single executive was under trial here. We watched the motions +and effects of these two rival plans, with an interest and anxiety +proportioned to the importance of a. choice between them. The experiment +in France failed after a short course, and not from any circumstance +peculiar to the times or nation, but from those internal jealousies and +dissensions in the Directory, which will ever arise among men equal in +power, without a principal to decide and control their differences. We +had tried a similar experiment in 1784, by establishing a committee of +the States, composed of a member from every State, then thirteen, to +exercise the executive functions during the recess of Congress. They +fell immediately into schisms and dissensions, which became at length so +inveterate as to render all co-operation among them impracticable: +they dissolved themselves, abandoning the helm of government, and it +continued without a head, until Congress met the ensuing winter. This +was then imputed to the temper of two or three individuals; but the wise +ascribed it to the nature of man. The failure of the French Directory, +and from the same cause, seems to have authorized a belief that the form +of a plurality, however promising in theory, is impracticable with men +constituted with the ordinary passions. While the tranquil and steady +tenor of our single executive, during a course of twenty-two years of +the most tempestuous times the history of the world has ever presented, +gives a rational hope that this important problem is at length solved. +Aided by the counsels of a cabinet of Heads of departments, originally +four, but now five, with whom the President consults, either singly or +all together, he has the benefit of their wisdom and information, brings +their views to one centre, and produces an unity of action and +direction in all the branches of the government. The excellence of this +construction of the executive power has already manifested itself here +under very opposite circumstances. During the administration of our +first President, his cabinet of four members was equally divided, by as +marked an opposition of principle, as monarchism and republicanism could +bring into conflict. Had that cabinet been a directory, like positive +and negative quantities in Algebra, the opposing wills would have +balanced each other, and produced a state of absolute inaction. But the +President heard with calmness the opinions and reasons of each, decided +the course to be pursued, and kept the government steadily in it, +unaffected by the agitation. The public knew well the dissensions of the +cabinet, but never had an uneasy thought on their account; because they +knew also they had provided a regulating power, which would keep the +machine in steady movement. I speak with an intimate knowledge of these +scenes, _quorum pars fui_; as I may of others of a character entirely +opposite. The third administration, which was of eight years, presented +an example of harmony in a cabinet of six persons, to which perhaps +history has furnished no parallel. There never arose, during the whole +time, an instance of an unpleasant thought or word between the members. +We sometimes met under differences of opinion, but scarcely ever failed, +by conversing and reasoning, so to modify each other's ideas, as to +produce an unanimous result. Yet, able and amiable as these members +were, I am not certain this would have been the case, had each possessed +equal and independent powers. Ill defined limits of their respective +departments, jealousies, trifling at first, but nourished and +strengthened by repetition of occasions, intrigues without doors of +designing persons to build an importance to themselves on the divisions +of others, might, from small beginnings, have produced persevering +oppositions. But the power of decision in the President left no object +for internal dissension, and external intrigue was stifled in embryo by +the knowledge which incendiaries possessed, that no divisions they +could foment would change the course of the executive power. I am not +conscious that my participations in executive authority have produced +any bias in favor of the single executive; because the parts I have +acted have been in the subordinate, as well as superior stations, and +because, if I know myself, what I have felt, and what I have wished, I +know that I have never been so well pleased, as when I could shift power +from my own, on the shoulders of others; nor have I ever been able to +conceive how any rational being could propose happiness to himself from +the exercise of power over others. + +I am still, however, sensible of the solidity of your principle, that, +to insure the safety of the public liberty, its depository should be +subject to be changed with the greatest ease possible, and without +suspending or disturbing for a moment the movements of the machine of +government. You apprehend that a single executive, with, eminence of +talent, and destitution of principle, equal to the object, might, by +usurpation, render his powers hereditary. Yet I think history furnishes +as many examples of a single usurper arising out of a government by a +plurality, as of temporary trusts of power in a single hand rendered +permanent by usurpation. I do not believe, therefore, that this danger +is lessened in the hands of a plural executive. Perhaps it is greatly +increased, by the state of inefficiency to which they are liable from +feuds and divisions among themselves. The conservative body you propose +might be so constituted, as, while it would be an admirable sedative in +a variety of smaller cases, might also be a valuable sentinel and check +on the liberticide views of an ambitious individual. I am friendly to +this idea. But the true barriers of our liberty in this country are our +State governments: and the wisest conservative power ever contrived by +man, is that of which our Revolution and present government found us +possessed. Seventeen distinct States, amalgamated into one as to their +foreign concerns, but single and independent as to their internal +administration, regularly organized with a legislature and governor +resting on the choice of the people, and enlightened by a free press, +can never be so fascinated by the arts of one man, as to submit +voluntarily to his usurpation. Nor can they be constrained to it by any +force he can possess. While that may paralyze the single State in which +it happens to be encamped, sixteen others, spread over a country of +two thousand miles diameter, rise up on every side, ready organized for +deliberation by a constitutional legislature, and for action by their +governor, constitutionally the commander of the militia of the State, +that is to say, of every man in it, able to bear arms; and that militia, +too, regularly formed into regiments and battalions, into infantry, +cavalry, and artillery, trained under officers general and subordinate, +legally appointed, always in readiness, and to whom they are already +in habits of obedience. The republican government of France was lost +without a struggle, because the party of '_un et indivisible_' had +prevailed: no provincial organizations existed to which the people +might rally under authority of the laws, the seats of the directory were +virtually vacant, and a small force sufficed to turn the legislature out +of their chamber and to salute its leader chief of the nation. But +with us, sixteen out of seventeen States rising in mass, under regular +organization and legal commanders, united in object and action by their +Congress, or, if that be in duresse, by a special convention, present +such obstacles to an usurper as for ever to stifle ambition in the first +conception of that object. + +Dangers of another kind might more reasonably be apprehended from this +perfect and distinct organization, civil and military, of the States; to +wit, that certain States, from local and occasional discontents, might +attempt to secede from the Union. This is certainly possible; and would +be befriended by this regular organization. But it is not probable that +local discontents can spread to such an extent, as to be able to face +the sound parts of so extensive an union: and if ever they could reach +the majority, they would then become the regular government, acquire the +ascendancy in Congress, and be able to redress their own grievances by +laws peaceably and constitutionally passed. And even the States in which +local discontents might engender a commencement of fermentation, would +be paralyzed and self-checked by that very division into parties into +which we have fallen, into which all States must fall wherein men are at +liberty to think, speak, and act freely, according to the diversities +of their individual conformations, and which are, perhaps, essential +to preserve the purity of the government, by the censorship which these +parties habitually exercise over each other. + +You will read, I am sure, with indulgence, the explanations of the +grounds on which I have ventured to form an opinion differing from +yours. They prove my respect for your judgment, and diffidence of my +own, which have forbidden me to retain, without examination, an opinion +questioned by you. Permit me now to render my portion of the general +debt of gratitude, by acknowledgments in advance for the singular +benefaction which is the subject of this letter, to tender my wishes +for the continuance of a life so usefully employed, and to add the +assurances of my perfect esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCVI.--TO COLONEL MONROE, May 5, 1811 + +TO COLONEL MONROE. + +Monticello, May 5, 1811. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor on your departure from Richmond came to hand in due time. +Although I may not have been among the first, I am certainly with the +sincerest, who congratulate you on your re-entrance into the national +councils. Your value there has never been unduly estimated by those +whom personal feelings did not misguide. The late misunderstandings at +Washington have been a subject of real concern to me. I know that +the dissolutions of personal friendships are among the most painful +occurrences in human life. I have sincere esteem for all who have been +affected by them, having passed with them eight years of great harmony +and affection. These incidents are rendered more distressing in our +country than elsewhere, because our printers ravin on the agonies of +their victims, as wolves do on the blood of the lamb. But the printers +and the public are very different personages. The former may lead the +latter a little out of their track, while the deviation is insensible: +but the moment they usurp their direction and that of their government, +they will be reduced to their true places. The two last Congresses have +been the theme of the most licentious reprobation for printers thirsting +after war, some against France, and some against England. But the people +wish for peace with both. They feel no incumbency on them to become +the reformers of the other hemisphere, and to inculcate, with fire and +sword, a return to moral order. When, indeed, peace shall become more +losing than war, they may owe to their interest, what these Quixottes +are clamoring for on false estimates of honor. The public are unmoved by +these clamors, as the re-election of their legislators shows, and they +are firm to their executive on the subject of the more recent clamors. + +We are suffering here both in the gathered and the growing crop. The +lowness of the river, and great quantity of produce brought to Milton +this year, render it almost impossible to get our crops to market. +This is the case of mine as well as yours: and the Hessian fly appears +alarmingly in our growing crop. Every thing is in distress for the want +of rain. + +Present me respectfully to Mrs. Monroe, and accept yourself assurances +of my constant and affectionate esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCVII.--TO GENERAL DEARBORN, August 14, 1811 + + +TO GENERAL DEARBORN. + +Poplar Forest, August 14, 1811. + +Dear General and Friend, + +***** + +I am happy to learn that your own health is good, and I hope it will +long continue so. The friends we left behind us have fallen out by the +way. I sincerely lament it, because I sincerely esteem them all, and +because it multiplies schisms where harmony is safety. As far as I have +been able to judge, however, it has made no sensible impression against +the government. Those who were murmuring before are a little louder now; +but the mass of our citizens is firm and unshaken. It furnishes, as an +incident, another proof that they are perfectly equal to the purposes of +self-government, and that we have nothing to fear for its stability. The +spirit, indeed, which manifests itself among the tories of your quarter, +although I believe there is a majority there sufficient to keep it down +in peaceable times, leaves me not without some disquietude. Should the +determination of England, now formally expressed, to take possession of +the ocean, and to suffer no commerce on it but through her ports, force +a war upon us, I foresee a possibility of a separate treaty between +her and your Essex men, on the principles of neutrality and commerce. +Pickering here, and his nephew Williams there, can easily negotiate +this. Such a lure to the quietists in our ranks with you, might recruit +theirs to a majority. Yet, excluded as they would be from intercourse +with the rest of the Union and of Europe, I scarcely see the gain they +would propose to themselves, even for the moment. The defection would +certainly disconcert the other States, but it could not ultimately +endanger their safety. They are adequate, in all points, to a defensive +war. However, I hope your majority, with the aid it is entitled to, will +save us from this trial, to which I think it possible we are advancing. +The death of George may come to our relief; but I fear the dominion +of the sea is the insanity of the nation itself also. Perhaps, if some +stroke of fortune were to rid us at the same time from the Mammoth of +the land as well as the Leviathan of the ocean, the people of England +might lose their fears, and recover their sober senses again. Tell my +old friend, Governor Gerry, that I gave him glory for the rasping with +which he rubbed down his herd of traitors. Let them have justice +and protection against personal violence, but no favor. Powers and +pre-eminences conferred on them are daggers put into the hands of +assassins, to be plunged into our own bosoms in the moment the thrust +can go home to the heart. Moderation can never reclaim them. They deem +it timidity, and despise without fearing the tameness from which it +flows. Backed by England, they never lose the hope that their day is to +come, when the terrorism of their earlier power is to be merged in the +more gratifying system,of deportation and the guillotine. Being now +_hors de combat_ myself, I resign to others these cares. A long attack +of rheumatism has greatly enfeebled me, and warns me, that they will not +very long be within my ken. But you may have to meet the trial, and in +the focus of its fury. God send you a safe deliverance, a happy issue +out of all afflictions, personal and public, with long life, long +health, and friends as sincerely attached, as yours affectionately, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCVIII.--TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH + +TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. + +Poplar Forest, December 5, 1811. + +Dear Sir, + +While at Monticello I am so much engrossed by business or society, that +I can only write on matters of strong urgency. Here I have leisure, as +I have every where the disposition, to think of my friends. I recur, +therefore, to the subject of your kind letters relating to Mr. Adams +and myself, which a late occurrence has again presented to me. I +communicated to you the correspondence which had parted Mrs. Adams and +myself, in proof that I could not give friendship in exchange for such +sentiments as she had recently taken up towards myself, and avowed and +maintained in her letters to me. Nothing but a total renunciation of +these could admit a reconciliation, and that could be cordial only in +proportion as the return to ancient opinions was believed sincere. In +these jaundiced sentiments of hers I had associated Mr. Adams, knowing +the weight which her opinions had with him, and notwithstanding she +declared in her letters that they were not communicated to him. A late +incident has satisfied me that I wronged him as well as her in not +yielding entire confidence to this assurance on her part. Two of the Mr. +------, my neighbors and friends, took a tour to the northward during +the last summer. In Boston they fell into company with Mr. Adams, and by +his invitation passed a day with him at Braintree. He spoke out to +them every thing which came uppermost, and as it occurred to his mind, +without any reserve, and seemed most disposed to dwell on those things +which happened during his own administration. He spoke of his masters, +as he called his Heads of departments, as acting above his control, and +often against his opinions. Among many other topics, he adverted to +the unprincipled licentiousness of the press against myself, adding, 'I +always loved Jefferson, and still love him.' + +This is enough for me. I only needed this knowledge to revive towards +him all the affections of the most cordial moments of our lives. +Changing a single word only in Dr. Franklin's character of him, I +knew him to be always an honest man, often a great one, but sometimes +incorrect and precipitate in his judgments: and it is known to those who +have ever heard me speak of Mr. Adams, that I have ever done him justice +myself, and defended him when assailed by others, with the single +exception as to his political opinions. But with a man possessing so +many other estimable qualities, why should we be dissocialized by mere +differences of opinion in politics, in religion, in philosophy, or any +thing else. His opinions are as honestly formed as my own. Our different +views of the same subject are the result of a difference in our +organization and experience. I never withdrew from the society of any +man on this account, although many have done it from me; much less +should I do it from one with whom I had gone through, with hand and +heart, so many trying scenes. I wish, therefore, but for an apposite +occasion to express to Mr. Adams my unchanged affections for him. There +is an awkwardness which hangs over the resuming a correspondence so +long discontinued, unless something could arise which should call for a +letter. Time and chance may perhaps generate such an occasion, of which +I shall not be wanting in promptitude to avail myself. From this fusion +of mutual affections, Mrs. Adams is of course separated. It will only be +necessary that I never name her. In your letters to Mr. Adams, you can, +perhaps, suggest my continued cordiality towards him, and knowing this, +should an occasion of writing first present itself to him, he will +perhaps avail himself of it, as I certainly will, should it first occur +to me. No ground for jealousy now existing, he will certainly give fair +play to the natural warmth of his heart. Perhaps I may open the way +in some letter to my old friend Gerry, who I know is in habits of the +greatest intimacy with him. + +I have thus, my friend, laid open my heart to you, because you were so +kind as to take an interest in healing again revolutionary affections, +which have ceased in expression only, but not in their existence. God +ever bless you, and preserve you in life and health. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER XCIX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, January 21, 1812 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, January 21, 1812. + +Dear Sir, + +I thank you beforehand (for they are not yet arrived) for the specimens +of homespun you have been so kind as to forward me by post. I doubt not +their excellence, knowing how far you are advanced in these things +in your quarter. Here we do little in the fine way, but in coarse +and middling goods a great deal. Every family in the country is a +manufactory within itself, and is very generally able to make within +itself all the stouter and middling stuffs for its own clothing and +household use. We consider a sheep for every person in the family as +sufficient to clothe it, in addition to the cotton, hemp, and flax, +which we raise ourselves. For fine stuff we shall depend on your +northern manufactories. Of these, that is to say, of company +establishments, we have none. We use little machinery. The spinning +jenny, and loom with the flying shuttle, can be managed in a family; but +nothing more complicated. The economy and thriftiness resulting from +our household manufactures are such that they will never again be laid +aside; and nothing more salutary for us has ever happened than the +British obstructions to our demands for their manufactures. Restore free +intercourse when they will, their commerce with us will have totally +changed its form, and the articles we shall in future want from them +will not exceed their own consumption of our produce. + +A letter from you calls up recollections very dear to my mind. It +carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, +we were fellow-laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most +valuable to man, his right of self-government. Laboring always at the +same oar, with some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet +passing harmless under our bark, we knew not how, we rode through the +storm with heart and hand, and made a happy port. Still we did not +expect to be without rubs and difficulties; and we have had them. First +the detention of the western posts: then the coalition of Pilnitz, +outlawing our commerce with France, and the British enforcement of the +outlawry. In your day, French depredations: in mine, English, and the +Berlin and Milan decrees: now, the English orders of council, and +the piracies they authorize. When these shall be over, it will be the +impressment of our seamen, or something else: and so we have gone on, +and so we shall go on, puzzled and prospering beyond example in +the history of man. And I do believe we shall continue to growl, to +multiply, and prosper, until we exhibit an association, powerful, wise, +and happy, beyond what has yet been seen by men. As for France and +England, with all their pre-eminence in science, the one is a den of +robbers, and the other of pirates. And if science produces no better +fruits than tyranny, murder, rapine, and destitution of national +morality, I would rather wish our country to be ignorant, honest, +and estimable, as our neighboring savages are. But whither is senile +garrulity leading me? Into politics, of which I have taken final leave. +I think little of them, and say less. I have given up newspapers in +exchange for Tacitus and Thucydides, for Newton and Euclid, and I +find myself much the happier. Sometimes, indeed, I look back to former +occurrences, in remembrance of our old friends and fellow-laborers, +who have fallen before us. Of the signers of the Declaration of +Independence, I see now living not more than half a dozen on your side +of the Potomac, and on this side, myself alone. You and I have +been wonderfully spared, and myself with remarkable health, and a +considerable activity of body and mind. I am on horseback three or four +hours of every day; visit three or four times a year a possession I have +ninety miles distant, performing the winter journey on horseback. I walk +little, however, a single mile being too much for me; and I live in the +midst of my grandchildren, one of whom has lately promoted me to be a +great-grandfather. I have heard with pleasure that you also retain good +health, and a greater power of exercise in walking than I do. But I +would rather have heard this from yourself, and that, writing a letter +like mine, full of egotisms, and of details of your health, your habits, +occupations, and enjoyments, I should have the pleasure of knowing, that +in the race of life, you do not keep, in its physical decline, the +same distance ahead of me, which you have done in political honors and +achievements. No circumstances have lessened the interest I feel in +these particulars respecting yourself; none have suspended for one +moment my sincere esteem for you, and I now salute you with unchanged +affection and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER C.--TO JOHN ADAMS, April 20, 1812 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, April 20, 1812. + +Dear Sir, + +I have it now in my power to send you a piece of homespun in return for +that I received from you. Not of the fine texture, or delicate character +of yours, or, to drop our metaphor, not filled as that was with that +display of imagination which constitutes excellence in Belles Lettres, +but a mere sober, dry, and formal piece of logic. _Ornari res ipsa +negat_. Yet you may have enough left of your old taste for law reading, +to cast an eye over some of the questions it discusses. At any rate, +accept it as the offering of esteem and friendship. + +You wish to know something of the Richmond and Wabash prophets. Of +Nimrod Hews I never before heard. Christopher Macpherson I have known +for twenty years. He is a man of color, brought up as a book-keeper by a +merchant, his master, and afterwards enfranchised. He had understanding +enough to post up his leger from his journal, but not enough to bear +up against hypochrondriac affections, and the gloomy forebodings they +inspire. He became crazy, foggy, his head always in the clouds, and +rhapsodizing what neither himself nor any one else could understand. +I think he told me he had visited you personally while you were in the +administration, and wrote you letters, which you have probably forgotten +in the mass of the correspondences of that crazy class, of whose +complaints, and terrors, and mysticisms, the several Presidents have +been the regular depositories. Macpherson was too honest to be molested +by any body, and too inoffensive to be a subject for the mad-house; +although, I believe, we are told in the old book, that 'every man that +is mad, and maketh himself a prophet, thou shouldst put him in prison +and in the stocks.' + +The Wabash prophet is a very different character, more rogue than fool, +if to be a rogue is not the greatest of all follies. He arose to notice +while I was in the administration, and became, of course, a proper +subject of inquiry for me. The inquiry was made with diligence. His +declared object was the reformation of his red brethren, and their +return to their pristine manner of living. He pretended to be in +constant communication with the Great Spirit; that he was instructed by +him to make known to the Indians that they were created by him distinct +from the whites, of different natures, for different purposes, and +placed under different circumstances, adapted to their nature and +destinies; that they must return from all the ways of the whites to the +habits and opinions of their forefathers; they must not eat the flesh +of hogs, of bullocks, of sheep, &c. the deer and buffalo having been +created for their food; they must not make bread of wheat, but of Indian +corn; they must not wear linen nor woollen, but dress like their fathers +in the skins and furs of animals; they must not drink ardent spirits: +and I do not remember whether he extended his inhibitions to the gun and +gunpowder, in favor of the bow and arrow. I concluded from all this that +he was a visionary, enveloped in the clouds of their antiquities, and +vainly endeavoring to lead back his brethren to the fancied beatitudes +of their golden age. I thought there was little danger of his making +many proselytes from the habits and comforts they had learned from the +whites, to the hardships and privations of savagism, and no great harm +if he did. We let him go on, therefore, unmolested. But his followers +increased till the English thought him worth corruption, and found him +corruptible. I suppose his views were then changed; but his proceedings +in consequence of them were after I left the administration, and are, +therefore, unknown to me; nor have I ever been informed what were the +particular acts on his part, which produced, an actual commencement +of hostilities on ours. I have no doubt, however, that his subsequent +proceedings are but a chapter apart, like that of Henry and Lord +Liverpool, in the book of the Kings of England. + +Of this mission of Henry, your son had got wind in the time of the +embargo, and communicated it to me. But he had learned nothing of the +particular agent, although, of his workings, the information he had +obtained appears now to have been correct. He stated a particular which +Henry has not distinctly brought forward, which was, that the eastern +States were not to be required to make a formal act of separation from +the Union, and to take a part in the war against it; a measure deemed +much too strong for their people: but to declare themselves in a state +of neutrality, in consideration of which they were to have peace and +free commerce, the lure most likely to insure popular acquiescence. +Having no indications of Henry as the intermediate in this negotiation +of the Essex junto, suspicions fell on Pickering, and his nephew +Williams in London. If he was wronged in this, the ground of the +suspicion is to be found in his known practices and avowed opinions, +as that of his accomplices in the sameness of sentiment and of language +with Henry, and subsequently by the fluttering of the wounded pigeons. + +This letter, with what it encloses, has given you enough, I presume, of +law and the prophets. I will only add to it, therefore, the homage of my +respects to Mrs. Adams, and to yourself the assurances of affectionate +esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CI.--TO JAMES MAURY, April 25, 1812 + + +TO JAMES MAURY. + +Monticello, April 25, 1812. + +My Dear and Ancient Friend and Classmate, + +Often has my heart smote me for delaying acknowledgments to you, +receiving, as I do, such frequent proofs of your kind recollection in +the transmission of papers to me. But instead of acting on the good old +maxim of not putting off to to-morrow what we can do to-day, we are too +apt to reverse it, and not to do today what we can put off to to-morrow. +But this duty can be no longer put off. To-day we are at peace; +to-morrow war. The curtain of separation is drawing between us, and +probably will not be withdrawn till one, if not both of us, will be at +rest with our fathers. Let me now, then, while I may, renew to you the +declarations of my warm attachment, which in no period of life has ever +been weakened, and seems to become stronger as the remaining objects of +our youthful affections are fewer. + +Our two countries are to be at war, but not you and I. And why should +our two countries be at war, when by peace we can be so much more useful +to one another? Surely the world will acquit our government of having +sought it. Never before has there been an instance of a nation's bearing +so much as we have borne. Two items alone in our catalogue of wrongs +will for ever acquit us of being the aggressors; the impressment of our +seamen, and the excluding us from the ocean. The first foundations of +the social compact would be broken up, were we definitively to refuse to +its members the protection of their persons and property, while in their +lawful pursuits. I think the war will not be short, because the object +of England, long obvious, is to claim the ocean as her domain, and to +exact transit duties from every vessel traversing it. This is the sum of +her orders of council, which were only a step in this bold experiment, +never meant to be retracted if it could be permanently maintained. And +this object must continue her in war with all the world. To this I +see no termination, until her exaggerated efforts, so much beyond her +natural strength and resources, shall have exhausted her to bankruptcy. +The approach of this crisis is, I think, visible in the departure of her +precious metals, and depreciation of her paper medium. We, who have gone +through that operation, know its symptoms, its course, and consequences. +In England they will be more serious than elsewhere, because half the +wealth of her people is now in that medium, the private revenue of her +money-holders, or rather of her paper-holders, being, I believe, greater +than that of her land-holders. Such a proportion of property, imaginary +and baseless as it is, cannot be reduced to vapor, but with great +explosion. She will rise out of its ruins, however, because her lands, +her houses, her arts, will remain, and the greater part of her men. And +these will give her again that place among nations which is proportioned +to her natural means, and which we all wish her to hold. We believe that +the just standing of all nations is the health and security of all. We +consider the overwhelming power of England on the ocean, and of France +on the land, as destructive of the prosperity and happiness of the +world, and wish both to be reduced only to the necessity of observing +moral duties. We believe no more in Bonaparte's fighting merely for the +liberty of the seas, than in Great Britain's fighting for the liberties +of mankind. The object of both is the same, to draw to themselves the +power, the wealth, and the resources of other nations. We resist the +enterprises of England first, because they first come vitally home to +us. And our feelings repel the logic of bearing the lash of George the +III. for fear of that of Bonaparte at some future day. When the wrongs +of France shall reach us with equal effect, we shall resist them +also. But one at a time is enough: and having offered a choice to the +champions, England first takes up the gauntlet. + +The English newspapers suppose me the personal enemy of their nation. I +am not so. I am an enemy to its injuries, as I am to those of France. If +I could permit myself to have national partialities, and if the conduct +of England would have permitted them to be directed towards her, +they would have been so. I thought that, in the administration of Mr. +Addington, I discovered some dispositions towards justice, and even +friendship and respect for us, and began to pave the way for cherishing +these dispositions, and improving them into ties of mutual good will. +But we had then a federal minister there, whose dispositions to believe +himself, and to inspire others with a belief, in our sincerity, his +subsequent conduct has brought into doubt; and poor Merry, the English +minister here, had learned nothing of diplomacy but its suspicions, +without head enough to distinguish when they were misplaced. Mr. +Addington and Mr. Fox passed away too soon to avail the two countries +of their dispositions. Had I been personally hostile to England, +and biassed in favor of either the character or views of her great +antagonist, the affair of the Chesapeake put war into my hand. I had +only to open it, and let havoc loose. But if ever I was gratified +with the possession of power, and of the confidence of those who had +entrusted me with it, it was on that occasion, when I was enabled to +use both for the prevention of war, towards which the torrent of passion +here was directed almost irresistibly, and when not another person in +the United States, less supported by authority and favor, could have +resisted it. And now that a definitive adherence to her impressments and +orders of council renders war no longer avoidable, my earnest prayer is, +that our government may enter into no compact of common cause with the +other belligerent, but keep us free to make a separate peace, whenever +England will separately give us peace, and future security. But Lord +Liverpool is our witness, that this can never be but by her removal from +our neighborhood. + +I have thus, for a moment, taken a range into the field of politics, +to possess you with the view we take of things here. But in the scenes +which are to ensue, I am to be but a spectator. I have withdrawn myself +from all political intermeddlings, to indulge the evening of my life +with what have been the passions of every portion of it, books, science, +my farms, my family, and friends. + +To these every hour of the day is now devoted. I retain a good activity +of mind, not quite as much of body, but uninterrupted health. Still the +hand of age is upon me. All my old friends are nearly gone. Of those in +my neighborhood, Mr. Divers and Mr. Lindsay alone remain. If you could +make it a _partie quarree_, it would be a comfort indeed. We would +beguile our lingering hours with talking over our youthful exploits, our +hunts on Peter's Mountain, with a long train of _et cetera_ in addition, +and feel, by recollection at least, a momentary flash of youth. +Reviewing the course of a long and sufficiently successful life, I find +in no portion of it happier moments than those were. I think the old +hulk in which you are, is near her wreck, and that like a prudent rat, +you should escape in time. However, here, there, and every where, in +peace or in war, you will have my sincere affections, and prayers for +your life, health, and happiness. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CII.--TO THE PRESIDENT, May 30, 1812 + + +TO THE PRESIDENT. + +Monticello, May 30, 1812. + +Dear Sir, + +Another communication is enclosed, and the letter of the applicant is +the only information I have of his qualifications. I barely remember +such a person as the secretary of Mr. Adams, and messenger to the Senate +while I was of that body. It enlarges the sphere of choice by adding +to it a strong federalist. The triangular war must be the idea of the +Anglomen and malcontents; in other words, the federalists and quids. Yet +it would reconcile neither. It would only change the topic of abuse +with the former, and not cure the mental disease of the latter. It +would prevent our eastern capitalists and seamen from employment in +privateering, take away the only chance of conciliating them, and keep +them at home, idle, to swell the discontents; it would completely disarm +us of the most powerful weapon we can employ against Great Britain, by +shutting every port to our prizes, and yet would not add a single +vessel to their number; it would shut every market to our agricultural +productions, and engender impatience and discontent with that class +which, in fact, composes the nation; it would insulate us in general +negotiations for peace, making all the parties our opposers, and very +indifferent about peace with us, if they have it with the rest of the +world; and would exhibit a solecism worthy of Don Quixotte only, that +of a choice to fight two enemies at a time, rather than to take them +by succession. And the only motive for all this is a sublimated +impartiality, at which the world will laugh, and our own people will +turn upon us in mass as soon as it is explained to them, as it will be +by the very persons who are now laying that snare. These are the hasty +views of one who rarely thinks on these subjects. Your own will +be better, and I pray to them every success, and to yourself every +felicity. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CIII.--TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, June 11, 1812 + + +TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. + +Monticello, June 11, 1812. + +Dear Sir, + +It has given me great pleasure to receive a letter from you. It seems as +if, our ancient friends dying off, the whole mass of the affections +of the heart survives undiminished to the few who remain. I think our +acquaintance commenced in 1764, both then just of age. We happened to +take lodgings in the same house in New York. Our next meeting was in +the Congress of 1775, and at various times afterwards in the exercise of +that and other public functions, until your mission to Europe. Since we +have ceased to meet, we have still thought and acted together, '_et idem +velle, atque idem nolle, ea demum amicitia est_.' Of this harmony of +principle, the papers you enclosed me are proof sufficient. I do not +condole with you on your release from your government. The vote of your +opponents is the most honorable mark by which the soundness of your +conduct could be stamped. I claim the same honorable testimonial. There +was but a single act of my whole administration of which that party +approved. That was the proclamation on the attack of the Chesapeake. +And when I found they approved of it, I confess I began strongly to +apprehend I had done wrong, and to exclaim with the Psalmist, 'Lord, +what have I done, that the wicked should praise me!' + +What, then, does this English faction with you mean? Their newspapers +say rebellion, and that they will not remain united with us unless we +will permit them to govern the majority. If this be their purpose, their +anti-republican spirit, it ought to be met at once. But a government +like ours should be slow in believing this, should put forth its whole +might when necessary to suppress it, and promptly return to the paths of +reconciliation. The extent of our country secures it, I hope, from the +vindictive passions of the petty incorporations of Greece. I rather +suspect that the principal office of the other seventeen States will be +to moderate and restrain the local excitement of our friends with you, +when they (with the aid of their brethren of the other States, if they +need it) shall have brought the rebellious to their feet. They count on +British aid. But what can that avail them by land? They would separate +from their friends, who alone furnish employment for their navigation, +to unite with their only rival for that employment. When interdicted +the harbors of their quondam brethren, they will go, I suppose, to ask +a share in the carrying-trade of their rivals, and a dispensation with +their navigation act. They think they will be happier in an association +under the rulers of Ireland, the East and West Indies, than in an +independent government, where they are obliged to put up with their +proportional share only in the direction of its affairs. But I trust +that such perverseness will not be that of the honest and well meaning +mass of the federalists of Massachusetts; and that when the questions +of separation and rebellion shall be nakedly proposed to them, the Gores +and the Pickerings will find their levees crowded with silk-stocking +gentry, but no yeomanry; an army of officers without soldiers. I hope, +then, all will still end well: the Anglomen will consent to make peace +with their bread and butter, and you and I shall sink to rest, without +having been actors or spectators in another civil war. + +How many children have you? You beat me, I expect, in that count; but I +you in that of our grand-children. We have not timed these things well +together, or we might have begun a re-alliance between Massachusetts +and the Old Dominion, faithful companions in the war of Independence, +peculiarly tallied in interests, by each wanting exactly what the other +has to spare; and estranged to each other, in latter times, only by the +practices of a third nation, the common enemy of both. Let us live only +to see this re-union, and I will say with old Simeon, 'Lord, now +lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy +salvation.' In that peace may you long remain, my friend, and depart +only in the fulness of years, all passed in health and prosperity. God +bless you. + +Th: Jefferson. + + +P.S. June 13. I did not condole with you on the reprobation of your +opponents, because it proved your orthodoxy. Yesterday's post brought +me the resolution of the republicans of Congress, to propose you as +Vice-President. On this I sincerely congratulate you. It is a stamp of +double proof. It is a notification to the factionaries that their nay is +the yea of truth, and its best test. We shall be almost within striking +distance of each other. Who knows but you may fill up some short recess +of Congress with a visit to Monticello, where a numerous family will +hail you with a hearty country welcome. T.J. + + + + +LETTER CIV.--TO JUDGE TYLER, June 17,1812 + + +TO JUDGE TYLER. + +Monticello, June 17,1812. + +Dear Sir, + +***** + +On the other subject of your letter, the application of the common law +to our present situation, I deride with you the ordinary doctrine, +that we brought with us from England the common law rights. This narrow +notion was a favorite in the first moment of rallying to our rights +against Great Britain. But it was that of men who felt their rights +before they had thought of their explanation. The truth is, that we +brought with us the rights of men; of expatriated men. On our arrival +here, the question would at once arise, by what law will we govern +ourselves? The resolution seems to have been, by that system with which +we are familiar, to be altered by ourselves occasionally, and adapted to +our new situation. The proofs of this resolution are to be found in +the form of the oaths of the judges, 1 Hening's Stat. 169, 187; of the +Governor, ib. 504; in the act for a provisional government, ib. 372; in +the preamble to the laws of 1661-2; the uniform current of opinions and +decisions; and in the general recognition of all our statutes framed +on that basis. But the state of the English law at the date of +our emigration, constituted the system adopted here. We may doubt, +therefore, the propriety of quoting in our courts English authorities +subsequent to that adoption; still more, the admission of authorities +posterior to the Declaration of Independence, or rather to the accession +of that King, whose reign, _ab initio_, was that very tissue of wrongs +which rendered the Declaration at length necessary. The reason for it +had inception at least as far back as the commencement of his reign. +This relation to the beginning of his reign, would add the advantage of +getting us rid of all Mansfield's innovations, or civilizations of the +common law. For however I admit the superiority of the civil, over the +common law code, as a system of perfect justice, yet an incorporation of +the two would be like Nebuchadnezzar's image of metals and clay, a thing +without cohesion of parts. The only natural improvement of the common +law, is through its homogeneous ally, the chancery, in which new +principles are to be examined, concocted, and digested. But when, +by repeated decisions and modifications, they are rendered pure and +certain, they should be transferred by statute to the courts of common +law, and placed within the pale of juries. The exclusion from the courts +of the malign influence of all authorities after the _Georgium sidus_ +became ascendant, would uncanonize Blackstone, whose book, although the +most elegant and best digested of our law catalogue, has been perverted +more than all others to the degeneracy of legal science. A student finds +there a smattering of every thing, and his indolence easily persuades +him, that if he understands that book, he is master of the whole body +of the law. The distinction between these and those who have drawn their +stores from the deep and rich mines of Coke's Littleton, seems +well understood even by the unlettered common people, who apply the +appellation of Blackstone-lawyers to these ephemeral insects of the law. + +Whether we should undertake to reduce the common law, our own, and +so much of the English statutes as we have adopted, to a text, is a +question of transcendant difficulty. It was discussed at the first +meeting of the committee of the revised code, in 1776, and decided +in the negative, by the opinions of Wythe, Mason, and myself, against +Pendleton and Thomas Lee. Pendleton proposed to take Blackstone for that +text, only purging him of what was inapplicable, or unsuitable to us. In +that case, the meaning of every word of Blackstone would have become +a source of litigation, until it had been settled by repeated legal +decisions. And to come at that meaning, we should have had produced, on +all occasions, that very pile of authorities from which it would be said +he drew his conclusion, and which, of course, would explain it, and +the terms in which it is couched. Thus we should have retained the same +chaos of law-lore from which we wished to be emancipated, added to the +evils of the uncertainty which a new text and new phrases would have +generated. An example of this may be found in the old statutes, and +commentaries on them, in Coke's second institute; but more remarkably, +in the institute of Justinian, and the vast masses, explanatory or +supplementary of that, which fill the libraries of the civilians. We +were deterred from the attempt by these considerations, added to which, +the bustle of the times did not permit leisure for such an undertaking. + +Your request of my opinion on this subject has given you the trouble of +these observations. If your firmer mind in encountering difficulties, +would have added your vote to the minority of the committee, you would +have had on your side one of the greatest men of our age, and, like him, +have detracted nothing from the sentiments of esteem and respect which I +bore to him, and tender with sincerity the assurance of to yourself. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CV.--TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE, October 1, 1812 + + +TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. + +Monticello, October 1, 1812. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of September the 20th has been duly received, and I cannot +but be gratified by the assurance it expresses, that my aid in the +councils of our government would increase the public confidence in them; +because it admits an inference that they have approved of the course +pursued, when I heretofore bore a part in those councils. I profess, +too, so much of the Roman principle, as to deem it honorable for the +general of yesterday to act as a corporal to-day, if his services can be +useful to his country; holding that to be false pride, which postpones +the public good to any private or personal considerations. But I am +past service. The hand of age is upon me. The decay of bodily faculties +apprizes me that those of the mind cannot be unimpaired, had I not still +better proofs. Every year counts by increased debility, and departing +faculties keep the score. The last year it was the sight, this it is the +hearing, the next something else will be going, until all is gone. +Of all this I was sensible before I left Washington, and probably my +fellow-laborers saw it before I did. The decay of memory was obvious: +it is now become distressing. But the mind, too, is weakened. When I +was young, mathematics was the passion of my life. The same passion has +returned upon me, but with unequal powers. Processes which I then read +off with the facility of common discourse, now cost me labor, and time, +and slow investigation. When I offered this, therefore, as one of the +reasons deciding my retirement from office, it was offered in sincerity +and a consciousness of its truth. And I think it a great blessing that +I retain understanding enough to be sensible how much of it I have lost, +and to avoid exposing myself as a spectacle for the pity of my friends; +that I have surmounted the difficult point of knowing when to retire. As +a compensation for faculties departed, nature gives me good health, and +a perfect resignation to the laws of decay which she has prescribed to +all the forms and combinations of matter. + +The detestable treason of Hull has, indeed, excited a deep anxiety +in all breasts. The depression was in the first moment gloomy and +portentous. But it has been succeeded by a revived animation, and a +determination to meet the occurrence with increased efforts; and I have +so much confidence in the vigorous minds and bodies of our countrymen, +as to be fearless as to the final issue. The treachery of Hull, like +that of Arnold, cannot be matter of blame on our government. His +character, as an officer of skill and bravery, was established on the +trials of the last war, and no previous act of his life had led to doubt +his fidelity. Whether the Head of the war department is equal to his +charge, I am not qualified to decide. I knew him only as a pleasant, +gentlemanly man in society; and the indecision of his character rather +added to the amenity of his conversation. But when translated from +the colloquial circle to the great stage of national concerns, and the +direction of the extensive operations of war, whether he has been able +to seize at one glance the long line of defenceless border presented by +our enemy, the masses of strength which we hold on different points of +it, the facility this gave us of attacking him, on the same day, on +all his points, from the extremity of the lakes to the neighborhood +of Quebec, and the perfect indifference with which this last place, +impregnable as it is, might be left in the hands of the enemy to fall +of itself; whether, I say, he could see and prepare vigorously for +all this, or merely wrapped himself in the cloak of cold defence, I +am uninformed. I clearly think with you on the competence of Monroe +to embrace great views of action. The decision of his character, his +enterprise, firmness, industry, and unceasing vigilance, would, I +believe, secure, as I am sure they would merit, the public confidence, +and give us all the success which our means can accomplish. If our +operations have suffered or languished from any want of energy in the +present head which directs them, I have so much confidence in the wisdom +and conscientious integrity of Mr. Madison, as to be satisfied, that, +however torturing to his feelings, he will fulfil his duty to the public +and to his own reputation, by making the necessary change. Perhaps he +may be preparing it while we are talking about it: for of all these +things I am uninformed. I fear that Hull's surrender has been more than +the mere loss of a year to us. Besides bringing on us the whole mass of +savage nations, whom fear and not affection had kept in quiet, there is +danger that in giving time to an enemy who can send reinforcements of +regulars faster than we can raise them, they may strengthen Canada and +Halifax beyond the assailment of our lax and divided powers. Perhaps, +however, the patriotic efforts from Kentucky and Ohio, by recalling +the British force to its upper posts, may yet give time to Dearborn to +strike a blow below. Effectual possession of the river from Montreal to +the Chaudiere, which is practicable, would give us the upper country +at our leisure, and close for ever the scenes of the tomahawk and +scalping-knife. + +But these things are for others to plan and achieve. The only succor +from the old, must lie in their prayers. These I offer up with sincere +devotion; and in my concern for the great public, I do not overlook my +friends, but supplicate for them, as I do for yourself, a long course of +freedom, happiness, and prosperity. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CVI.--TO MR. MELISH, January 13, 1813 + + +TO MR. MELISH. + +Monticello, January 13, 1813. + +Dear Sir, + +I received duly your favor of December the 15th, and with it the copies +of your map and travels, for which be pleased to accept my thanks. The +book I have read with extreme satisfaction and information. As to the +western States, particularly, it has greatly edified me; for of the +actual condition of that interesting portion of our country, I had not +an adequate idea. I feel myself now as familiar with it as with the +condition of the maritime States. I had no conception that manufactures +had made such progress there, and particularly of the number of carding +and spinning machines dispersed through the whole country. We are +but beginning here to have them in our private families. Small +spinning-jennies of from half a dozen to twenty spindles, will soon, +however, make their way into the humblest cottages, as well as the +richest houses; and nothing is more certain, than that the coarse and +middling clothing for our families, will for ever hereafter continue to +be made within ourselves. I have hitherto myself depended entirely on +foreign manufactures: but I have now thirty-five spindles a going, a +hand carding-machine, and looms with the flying shuttle, for the supply +of my own farms, which will never be relinquished in my time. The +continuance of the war will fix the habit generally, and out of the +evils of impressment and of the orders of council, a great blessing +for us will grow. I have not formerly been an advocate for great +manufactories. I doubted whether our labor, employed in agriculture, +and aided by the spontaneous energies of the earth, would not procure +us more than we could make ourselves of other necessaries. But other +considerations entering into the question, have settled my doubts. + +The candor with which you have viewed the manners and condition of our +citizens, is so unlike the narrow prejudices of the French and English +travellers preceding you, who, considering each the manners and habits +of their own people as the only orthodox, have viewed every thing +differing from that test as boorish and barbarous, that your work will +be read here extensively, and operate great good. + +Amidst this mass of approbation which is given to every other part of +the work, there is a single sentiment which I cannot help wishing to +bring to what I think the correct one; and, on a point so interesting, +I value your opinion too highly not to ambition its concurrence with +my own. Stating in volume first, page sixty-third, the principle of +difference between the two great political parties here, you conclude +it to be, 'whether the controlling power shall be vested in this or that +set of men.' That each party endeavors to get into the administration of +the government, and to exclude the other from power, is true, and may +be stated as a motive of action: but this is only secondary; the primary +motive being a real and radical difference of political principle. I +sincerely wish our differences were but personally who should govern +and that the principles of our constitution were those of both parties. +Unfortunately, it is otherwise; and the question of preference between +monarchy and republicanism, which has so long divided mankind elsewhere, +threatens a permanent division here. + +Among that section of our citizens called federalists, there are three +shades of opinion. Distinguishing between the leaders and people who +compose it, the leaders consider the English constitution as a model of +perfection, some, with a correction of its vices, others, with all its +corruptions and abuses. This last was Alexander Hamilton's opinion, +which others, as well as myself, have often heard him declare, and that +a correction of what are called its vices, would render the English +an impracticable government.. This government they wished to have +established here, and only accepted and held fast, at first, to the +present constitution, as a stepping-stone to the final establishment of +their favorite model. This party has therefore always clung to England, +as their prototype, and great auxiliary in promoting and effecting this +change. A weighty minority, however, of these leaders, considering the +voluntary conversion of our government into a monarchy as too distant, +if not desperate, wish to break off from our Union its eastern fragment, +as being, in truth, the hot-bed of American monarchism, with a view to a +commencement of their favorite government, from whence the other States +may gangrene by degrees, and the whole be thus brought finally to the +desired point. For Massachusetts, the prime mover in this enterprise, is +the last State in the Union to mean a final separation, as being of all +the most dependant on the others. Not raising bread for the sustenance +her own inhabitants, not having a stick of timber for the construction +of vessels, her principal occupation, nor an article to export in them, +where would she be, excluded from the ports of the other States, and +thrown into dependance on England, her direct and natural, but now +insidious, rival? At the head of this minority is what is called the +Essex Junto of Massachusetts. But the majority of these leaders do not +aim at separation. In this they adhere to the known principle of +General Hamilton, never, under any views, to break the Union. Anglomany, +monarchy, and separation, then, are the principles of the Essex +federalists; Anglomany and monarchy, those of the Hamiltonians, +and Anglomany alone, that of the portion among the people who call +themselves federalists. These last are as good republicans as the +brethren whom they oppose, and differ from them only in the devotion +to England and hatred of France, which they have imbibed from their +leaders. The moment that these leaders should avowedly propose a +separation of the Union, or the establishment of regal government, their +popular adherents would quit them to a man, and join the republican +standard; and the partisans of this change, even in Massachusetts, would +thus find themselves an army of officers without a soldier. + +The party called republican is steadily for the support of the present +constitution. They obtained, at its commencement, all the amendments to +it they desired. These reconciled them to it perfectly, and if they have +any ulterior view, it is only, perhaps, to popularize it further, +by shortening the Senatorial term, and devising a process for the +responsibility of judges, more practicable than that of impeachment. +They esteem the people of England and France equally, and equally detest +the governing powers of both. + +This I verily believe, after an intimacy of forty years with the public +councils and characters, is a true statement of the grounds on which +they are at present divided, and that it is not merely an ambition for +power. An honest man can feel no pleasure in the exercise of power over +his fellow-citizens. And considering as the only offices of power those +conferred by the people directly, that is to say, the executive and +legislative functions of the General and State governments, the common +refusal of these, and multiplied resignations, are proofs sufficient +that power is not alluring to pure minds, and is not, with them, the +primary principle of contest. This is my belief of it; it is that +on which I have acted; and had it been a mere contest who should +be permitted to administer the government according to its genuine +republican principles, there has never been a moment of my life, in +which I should not have relinquished for it the enjoyments of my family, +my farm, my friends, and books. + +You expected to discover the difference of our party principles in +General Washington's Valedictory, and my Inaugural Address. Not at all. +General Washington did not harbor one principle of federalism. He was +neither an Angloman, a monarchist, nor a separatist. He sincerely wished +the people to have as much self-government as they were competent to +exercise themselves. The only point in which he and I ever differed +in opinion, was, that I had more confidence than he had in the natural +integrity and discretion of the people, and in the safety and extent to +which they might trust themselves with a control over their government. +He has asseverated to me a thousand times his determination that the +existing government should have a fair trial, and that in support of +it he would spend the last drop of his blood. He did this the more +repeatedly, because he knew General Hamilton's political bias, and +my apprehensions from it. It is a mere calumny, therefore, in the +monarchists, to associate General Washington with their principles. +But that may have happened in this case which has been often seen in +ordinary cases, that, by often repeating an untruth, men come to +believe it themselves. It is a mere artifice in this party, to bolster +themselves up on the revered name of that first of our worthies. If +I have dwelt longer on this subject than was necessary, it proves the +estimation in which I hold your ultimate opinions, and my desire of +placing the subject truly before them. In so doing, I am certain I risk +no use of the communication which may draw me into contention before the +public. Tranquillity is the _summum bonum_ of a _Septagenaire_. + +To return to the merits of your work; I consider it as so lively a +picture of the real state of our country, that if I can possibly obtain +opportunities of conveyance, I propose to send a copy to a friend in +France, and another to one in Italy, who, I know, will translate +and circulate it as an antidote to the misrepresentations of former +travellers. But whatever effect my profession of political faith may +have on your general opinion, a part of my object will be obtained, if +it satisfies you as to the principles of my own action, and of the high +respect and consideration with which I tender you my salutations. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CVII.--TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN, May 24, 1818 + + +TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN. + +United States of America, + +May 24, 1818. + +I received with great pleasure, my dear Madam and friend, your letter +of November the 10th, from Stockholm, and am sincerely gratified by the +occasion it gives me of expressing to you the sentiments of high respect +and esteem which I entertain for you. It recalls to my remembrance a +happy portion of my life, passed in your native city; then the seat +of the most amiable and polished society of the world, and of which +yourself and your venerable father were such distinguished members. But +of what scenes has it since been the theatre, and with what havoc has +it overspread the earth! Robespierre met the fate, and his memory +the execration, he so justly merited. The rich were his victims, and +perished by thousands. It is by millions that Bonaparte destroys +the poor, and he is eulogized and deified by the sycophants--even of +science. These merit more than the mere oblivion to which they will +be consigned; and the day will come when a just posterity will give to +their hero the only pre-eminence he has earned, that of having been the +greatest of the destroyers of the human race. What year of his military +life has not consigned a million of human beings to death, to poverty, +and wretchedness? What field in Europe may not raise a monument of the +murders, the burnings, the desolations, the famines, and miseries, it +has witnessed from him! And all this to acquire a reputation, which +Cartouche attained with less injury to mankind, of being fearless of God +or man. + +To complete and universalize the desolation of the globe, it has been +the will of Providence to raise up, at the same time, a tyrant as +unprincipled and as overwhelming, for the ocean. Not in the poor maniac +George, but in his government and nation. Bonaparte will die, and his +tyrannies with him. But a nation never dies. The English government and +its piratical principles and practices, have no fixed term of duration. +Europe feels, and is writhing under the scorpion whips of Bonaparte. We +are assailed by those of England. The one continent thus placed under +the gripe of England, and the other of Bonaparte, each has to grapple +with the enemy immediately pressing on itself. We must extinguish the +fire kindled in our own house, and leave to our friends beyond the water +that which is consuming theirs. It was not till England had taken one +thousand of our ships, and impressed into her service more than six +thousand of our citizens; till she had declared, by the proclamation of +her Prince Regent, that she would not repeal her aggressive orders as to +us, until Bonaparte should have repealed his as to all nations; till her +minister, in formal conference with ours, declared, that no proposition +for protecting our seamen from being impressed, under color of taking +their own, was practicable or admissible; that, the door to justice and +to all amicable arrangement being closed, and negotiation become both +desperate and dishonorable, we concluded that the war she had been for +years waging against us, might as well become a war on both sides. She +takes fewer vessels from us since the declaration of war than before, +because they venture more cautiously; and we now make full reprisals +where before we made none. England is, in principle, the enemy of all +maritime nations, as Bonaparte is of the continental; and I place in +the same line of insult to the human understanding, the pretension +of conquering the ocean, to establish continental rights, as that of +conquering the continent, to restore maritime rights. No, my dear Madam; +the object of England is the permanent dominion of the ocean, and the +monopoly of the trade of the world. To secure this, she must keep a +larger fleet than her own resources will maintain. The resources of +other nations, then, must be impressed to supply the deficiency of her +own. This is sufficiently developed and evidenced by her successive +strides towards the usurpation of the sea. Mark them, from her first war +after William Pitt, the little, came into her administration. She first +forbade to neutrals all trade with her enemies in time of war, which +they had not in time of peace. This deprived them of their trade from +port to port of the same nation. Then she forbade them to trade from +the port of one nation to that of any other at war with her, although a +right fully exercised in time of peace. Next, instead of taking vessels +only entering a blockaded port, she took them over the whole ocean, if +destined to that port, although ignorant of the blockade, and without +intention to violate it. Then she took them returning from that port, +as if infected by previous infraction of blockade. Then came her paper +blockades, by which she might shut up the whole world without sending +a ship to sea, except to take all those sailing on it, as they must, of +course, be bound to some port. And these were followed by her orders of +council, forbidding every nation to go to the port of any other, without +coming first to some port of Great Britain, there paying a tribute to +her, regulated by the cargo, and taking from her a license to proceed to +the port of destination; which operation the vessel was to repeat with +the return cargo on its way home. According to these orders, we could +not send a vessel from St. Mary's to St. Augustine, distant six hour's +sail, on our own coast, without crossing the Atlantic four times, twice +with the outward cargo, and twice with the inward. She found this +too daring and outrageous for a single step, retracted as to certain +articles of commerce, but left it in force as to others which constitute +important branches of our exports. And finally, that her views may no +longer rest on inference, in a recent debate, her minister declared in +open parliament, that the object of the present war is a monopoly of +commerce. + +In some of these atrocities, France kept pace with her fully in +speculative wrong, which her impotence only shortened in practical +execution. This was called retaliation by both; each charging the other +with the initiation of the outrage. As if two combatants might retaliate +on an innocent bystander, the blows they received from each other. To +make war on both would have been ridiculous. In order, therefore, to +single out an enemy, we offered to both, that if either would revoke +its hostile decrees, and the other should refuse, we would interdict all +intercourse whatever with that other; which would be war of course, as +being an avowed departure from neutrality. France accepted the offer, +and revoked her decrees as to us. England not only refused, but declared +by a solemn proclamation of her Prince Regent, that she would not revoke +her orders even as to us, until those of France should be annulled as to +the whole world. We thereon declared war, and with abundant additional +cause. + +In the mean time, an examination before parliament of the ruinous +effects of these orders on her own manufacturers, exposing them to the +nation and to the world, their Prince issued a palinodial proclamation, +suspending the orders on certain conditions, but claiming to renew them +at pleasure, as a matter of right. Even this might have prevented the +war, if done and known here before its declaration. But the sword being +once drawn, the expense of arming incurred, and hostilities in full +course, it would have been unwise to discontinue them, until effectual +provision should be agreed to by England, for protecting our citizens on +the high seas from impressment by her naval commanders, through, error, +voluntary or involuntary; the fact being notorious, that these officers, +entering our ships at sea under pretext of searching for their seamen, +(which they have no right to do by the law or usage of nations, which +they neither do, nor ever did, as to any other nation but ours, and +which no nation ever before pretended to do in any case), entering +our ships, I say, under pretext of searching for and taking out their +seamen, they took ours, native as well as naturalized, knowing them to +be ours, merely because they wanted them; insomuch, that no American +could safely cross the ocean, or venture to pass by sea from one to +another of our own ports. It is not long since they impressed at sea two +nephews of General Washington, returning from Europe, and put them, +as common seamen, under the ordinary discipline of their ships of war. +There are certainly other wrongs to be settled between England and us; +but of a minor character, and such as a proper spirit of conciliation on +both sides would not permit to continue them at war. The sword, however, +can never again be sheathed, until the personal safety of an American +on the ocean, among the most important and most vital of the rights we +possess, is completely provided for. + +As soon as we heard of her partial repeal of her orders of council, we +offered instantly to suspend hostilities by an armistice, if she would +suspend her impressments, and meet us in arrangements for securing our +citizens against them. She refused to do it, because impracticable by +any arrangement, as she pretends; but, in truth, because a body of sixty +to eighty thousand of the finest seamen in the world, which we possess, +is too great a resource for manning her exaggerated navy, to be +relinquished, as long as she can keep it open. Peace is in her hand, +whenever she will renounce the practice of aggression on the persons of +our citizens. If she thinks it worth eternal war, eternal war we +must have. She alleges that the sameness of language, of manners, of +appearance, renders it impossible to distinguish us from her subjects. +But because we speak English, and look like them, are we to be punished? +Are free and independent men to be submitted to their bondage? + +England has misrepresented to all Europe this ground of the war. She +has called it a new pretension, set up since the repeal of her orders +of council. She knows there has never been a moment of suspension of our +reclamations against it, from General Washington's time inclusive, to +the present day: and that it is distinctly stated in our declaration of +war, as one of its principal causes. She has pretended we have entered +into the war, to establish the principle of 'free bottoms, free goods,' +or to protect her seamen against her own right over them. We contend for +neither of these. She pretends we are partial to France; that we have +observed a fraudulent and unfaithful neutrality between her and her +enemy. She knows this to be false, and that if there has been any +inequality in our proceedings towards the belligerents, it has been in +her favor. Her ministers are in possession of full proofs of this. +Our accepting at once, and sincerely, the mediation of the virtuous +Alexander, their greatest friend, and the most aggravated enemy of +Bonaparte, sufficiently proves whether we have partialities on the side +of her enemy. I sincerely pray that this mediation may produce a just +peace. It will prove that the immortal character, which has first +stopped by war the career of the destroyer of mankind, is the friend of +peace, of justice, of human happiness, and the patron of unoffending +and injured nations. He is too honest and impartial to countenance +propositions of peace derogatory to the freedom of the seas. + +Shall I apologize to you, my dear Madam, for this long political letter? +But yours justifies the subject, and my feelings must plead for the +unreserved expression of them; and they have been the less reserved, +as being from a private citizen, retired from all connection with +the government of his country, and whose ideas, expressed without +communication with any one, are neither known, nor imputable to them. + +The dangers of the sea are now so great, and the possibilities of +interception by sea and land such, that I shall subscribe no name to +this letter. You will know from whom it comes, by its reference to the +date of time and place of yours, as well as by its subject in answer to +that. This omission must not lessen in your view the assurances of my +great esteem, of my sincere sympathies for the share which you bear in +the afflictions of your country, and the deprivations to which a lawless +will has subjected you. In return, you enjoy the dignified satisfaction +of having met them, rather than be yoked, with the abject, to his car; +and that, in withdrawing from oppression, you have followed the virtuous +example of a father, whose name will ever be dear to your country and +to mankind. With my prayers that you may be restored to it, that you may +see it re-established in that temperate portion of liberty which does +not infer either anarchy or licentiousness, in that high degree of +prosperity which would be the consequence of such a government, in +that, in short, which the constitution of 1789 would have insured it, if +wisdom could have stayed at that point the fervid but imprudent zeal of +men, who did not know the character of their own countrymen, and that +you may long live in health and happiness under it, and leave to the +world a well educated and virtuous representative and descendant of +your honored father, is the ardent prayer of the sincere and respectful +friend who writes this letter. + + + + +LETTER CVIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, May 27, 1813 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, May 27, 1813. + +Another of our friends of seventy-six is gone, my Dear Sir, another of +the co-signers of the Independence of our country. And a better man than +Rush could not have left us, more benevolent, more learned, of finer +genius, or more honest. We too must go; and that ere long. I believe +we are under half a dozen at present; I mean the signers of the +Declaration. Yourself, Gerry, Carroll, and myself, are all I know to be +living. I am the only one south of the Potomac. Is Robert Treat Paine, +or Floyd living? It is long since I heard of them, and yet I do not +recollect to have heard of their deaths. + +Moreton's deduction of the origin of our Indians from the fugitive +Trojans, stated in your letter of January the 26th, and his manner +of accounting for the sprinkling of their Latin with Greeks is really +amusing. Adair makes them talk Hebrew. Reinold Foster derives them from +the soldiers sent by Kouli Khan to conquer Japan. Brerewood, from the +Tartars, as well as our bears, wolves, foxes, &c. which, he says, 'must +of necessity fetch their beginning from Noah's ark, which rested after +the deluge, in Asia, seeing they could not proceed by the course +of nature, as the imperfect sort of living creatures do, from +putrefaction.' Bernard Romans is of opinion that God created an original +man and woman in this part of the globe. Doctor Barton thinks they are +not specifically different from the Persians; but, taking afterwards a +broader range, he thinks, 'that in all the vast countries of America, +there is but one language, nay, that it may be proven, or rendered +highly probable, that all the languages of the earth bear some affinity +together.' This reduces it to a question of definition, in which every +one is free to use his own: to wit, What constitutes identity, or +difference in two things, in the common acceptation of sameness? All +languages may be called the same, as being all made up of the same +primitive sounds, expressed by the letters of the different alphabets. +But, in this sense, all things on earth are the same, as consisting of +matter. This gives up the useful distribution into genera and species, +which we form, arbitrarily indeed, for the relief of our imperfect +memories. To aid the question, from whence our Indian tribes descended, +some have gone into their religion, their morals, their manners, +customs, habits, and physical forms. By such helps it may be learnedly +proved, that our trees and plants of every kind are descended from +those of Europe; because, like them, they have no locomotion, they +draw nourishment from the earth, they clothe themselves with leaves +in spring, of which they divest themselves in autumn for the sleep of +winter, he. Our animals too must be descended from those of Europe, +because our wolves eat lambs, our deer are gregarious, our ants hoard, +&c. But when, for convenience, we distribute languages, according to +common understanding, into classes originally different, as we choose +to consider them, as the Hebrew, the Greek, the Celtic, the Gothic; and +these again into genera, or families, as the Icelandic, German, Swedish, +Danish, English; and these last into species, or dialects, as English, +Scotch, Irish, we then ascribe other meanings to the terms, 'same' and +'different.' In some one of these senses, Barton, and Adair, and Foster, +and Brerewood, and Moreton, may be right, every one according to his +own definition of what constitutes 'identity.' Romans, indeed, takes a +higher stand, and supposes a separate creation. On the same unscriptural +ground, he had but to mount one step higher, to suppose no creation at +all, but that all things have existed without beginning in time, as +they now exist, and may for ever exist, producing and reproducing in a +circle, without end. This would very summarily dispose of Mr. Moreton's +learning, and show that the question of Indian origin, like many others, +pushed to a certain height, must receive the same answer, 'Ignoro.' You +ask if the usage of hunting in circles has ever been known among any of +our tribes of Indians? It has been practised by them all; and is to this +day, by those still remote from the settlements of the whites. But their +numbers not enabling them, like Genghis Khan's seven hundred thousand, +to form themselves into circles of one hundred miles diameter, they make +their circle by firing the leaves fallen on the ground, which gradually +forcing the animals to a centre, they there slaughter them with arrows, +darts, and other missiles. This is called fire-hunting, and has been +practised in this State within my time, by the white inhabitants. This +is the most probable cause of the origin and extension of the vast +prairies in the western country, where the grass having been of +extraordinary luxuriance, has made a conflagration sufficient to kill +even the old as well as the young timber. + +I sincerely congratulate you on the successes of our little navy; which +must be more gratifying to you than to most men, as having been the +early and constant advocate of wooden walls. If I have differed with +you on this ground, it was not on the principle, but the time; supposing +that we cannot build or maintain a navy, which will not immediately fall +into the same gulph which has swallowed not only the minor navies, but +even those of the great second-rate powers of the sea. Whenever these +can be resuscitated, and brought so near to a balance with England that +we can turn the scale, then is my epoch for aiming at a navy. In +the mean time, one competent to keep the Barbary States in order is +necessary; these being the only smaller powers disposed to quarrel +with us. But I respect too much the weighty opinions of others to be +unyielding on this point, and acquiesce with the prayer, '_quod +felix faustumque sit_'; adding ever a sincere one for your health and +happiness. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CIX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, June 15, 1813 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, June 15, 1813. + +Dear Sir, + +I wrote you a letter on the 27th of May, which probably would reach you +about the 3rd instant, and on the 9th I received yours of the 29th of +May. Of Lindsay's Memoirs I had never before heard, and scarcely indeed +of himself. It could not, therefore, but be unexpected, that two letters +of mine should have any thing to do with his life. The name of his +editor was new to me, and certainly presents itself for the first time +under unfavorable circumstances. Religion, I suppose, is the scope of +his book; and that a writer on that subject should usher himself to the +world in the very act of the grossest abuse of confidence, by publishing +private letters which passed between two friends, with no views to their +ever being made public, is an instance of inconsistency as well as of +infidelity, of which I would rather be the victim than the author. + +By your kind quotation of the dates of my two letters, I have been +enabled to turn to them. They had completely vanished from my memory. +The last is on the subject of religion, and by its publication will +gratify the priesthood with new occasion of repeating their comminations +against me. They wish it to be believed, that he can have no religion +who advocates its freedom. This was not the doctrine of Priestley; and I +honored him for the example of liberality he set to his order. The +first letter is political. It recalls to our recollection the gloomy +transactions of the times, the doctrines they witnessed, and the +sensibilities they excited. It was a confidential communication of +reflections on these from one friend to another, deposited in his bosom, +and never meant to trouble the public mind. Whether the character of +the times is justly portrayed or not, posterity will decide. But on one +feature of them, they can never decide, the sensations excited in free +yet firm minds by the terrorism of the day. None can conceive who did +not witness them, and they were felt by one party only. This letter +exhibits their side of the medal. The federalists, no doubt, have +presented the other, in their private correspondences, as well as open +action. If these correspondences should ever be laid open to the public +eye, they will probably be found not models of comity towards their +adversaries. The readers of my letter should be cautioned not to confine +its view to this country alone. England and its alarmists were equally +under consideration. Still less must they consider it as looking +personally towards you. You happen, indeed, to be quoted, because you +happened to express more pithily than had been done by themselves, one +of the mottos of the party. This was in your answer to the address of +the young men of Philadelphia. [See Selection of Patriotic Addresses, +page 198.] One of the questions, you know, on which our parties took +different sides, was on the improvability of the human mind, in science, +in ethics, in government, &c. Those who advocated reformation of +institutions, _pari passu_ with the progress of science, maintained that +no definite limits could be assigned to that progress. The enemies of +reform, on the other hand, denied improvement, and advocated steady +adherence to the principles, practices, and institutions of our fathers, +which they represented as the consummation of wisdom, and acme of +excellence, beyond which the human mind could never advance. Although in +the passage of your answer alluded to, you expressly disclaim the wish +to influence the freedom of inquiry, you predict that that will produce +nothing more worthy of transmission to posterity than the principles, +institutions, and systems of education received from their ancestors. +I do not consider this as your deliberate opinion. You possess yourself +too much science, not to see how much is still ahead of you, unexplained +and unexplored. Your own consciousness must place you as far before +our ancestors, as in the rear of our posterity. I consider it as an +expression lent to the prejudices of your friends; and although I +happened to cite it from you, the whole letter shows I had them only +in view. In truth, my dear Sir, we were far from considering you as +the author of all the measures we blamed. They were placed under the +protection of your name, but we were satisfied they wanted much of your +approbation. We ascribed them to their real authors, the Pickerings, the +Wolcotts, the Tracys, the Sedgwicks, _et id genus omne_, with whom we +supposed you in a state of _duresse_. I well remember a conversation +with you in the morning of the day on which you nominated to the Senate +a substitute for Pickering, in which you expressed a just impatience +under 'the legacy of Secretaries which General Washington had left you,' +and whom you seemed, therefore, to consider as under public protection. +Many other incidents showed how differently you would have acted with +less impassioned advisers; and subsequent events have proved that your +minds were not together. You would do me great injustice, therefore, by +taking to yourself what was intended for men who were then your secret, +as they are now your open enemies. Should you write on the subject, as +you propose, I am sure we shall see you place yourself farther from them +than from us. + +As to myself, I shall take no part in any discussions. I leave others to +judge of what I have done, and to give me exactly that place which they +shall think I have occupied. Marshall has written libels on one side; +others, I suppose, will be written on the other side; and the world will +sift both, and separate the truth as well as they can. I should see with +reluctance the passions of that day rekindled in this, while so many of +the actors are living, and all are too near the scene not to participate +in sympathies with them. About facts you and I cannot differ; because +truth is our mutual guide. And if any opinions you may express should +be different from mine, I shall receive them with the liberality and +indulgence which I ask for my own, and still cherish with warmth the +sentiments of affectionate respect of which I can with so much truth +tender you the assurance. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CX.--TO JOHN W. EPPES, June 24, 1813 + + +TO JOHN W. EPPES. + +Monticello, June 24, 1813. + +Dear Sir, + +This letter will be on politics only. For although I do not often permit +myself to think on that subject, it sometimes obtrudes itself, and +suggests ideas which I am tempted to pursue. Some of these, relating to +the business of finance, I will hazard to you, as being at the head of +that committee, but intended for yourself individually, or such as you +trust, but certainly not for a mixed committee. + +It is a wise rule, and should be fundamental in a government disposed +to cherish its credit, and at the same time to restrain the use of it +within the limits of its faculties, 'never to borrow a dollar without +laying a tax in the same instant for paying the interest annually, and +the principal within a given term; and to consider that tax as pledged +to the creditors on the public faith.' On such a pledge as this, +sacredly observed, a government may always command, on a reasonable +interest, all the lendable money of their citizens, while the +necessity of an equivalent tax is a salutary warning to them and +their constituents against oppressions, bankruptcy, and its inevitable +consequence, revolution. But the term of redemption must be moderate, +and, at any rate, within the limits of their rightful powers. But what +limits, it will be asked, does this prescribe to their powers? What is +to hinder them from creating a perpetual debt? The laws of nature, I +answer. The earth belongs to the living, not to the dead. The will and +the power of man expire with his life, by nature's law. Some societies +give it an artificial continuance, for the encouragement of industry; +some refuse it, as our aboriginal neighbors, whom we call barbarians. +The generations of men may be considered as bodies or corporations. +Each generation has the usufruct of the earth during the period of its +continuance. When it ceases to exist, the usufruct passes on to the +succeeding generation, free and unincumbered, and so on, successively, +from one generation to another for ever. We may consider each generation +as a distinct nation, with a right, by the will of its majority, to bind +themselves, but none to bind the succeeding generation, more than +the inhabitants of another country. Or the case may be likened to the +ordinary one of a tenant for life, who may hypothecate the land for his +debts, during the continuance of his usufruct; but at his death, the +reversioner (who is also for life only) receives it exonerated from +all burthen. The period of a generation, or the term of its life, is +determined by the laws of mortality, which, varying a little only in +different climates, offer a general average, to be found by observation. +I turn, for instance, to Buffon's tables, of twenty-three thousand nine +hundred and ninety-four deaths, and the ages at which they happened, and +I find that of the numbers of all ages living at one moment, half will +be dead in twenty-four years and eight months. Bat (leaving out minors, +who have not the power of self-government) of the adults (of twenty-one +years of age) living at one moment, a majority of whom act for the +society, one half will be dead in eighteen years and eight months. At +nineteen years then from the date of a contract, the majority of the +contractors are dead, and their contract with them. Let this general +theory be applied to a particular case. Suppose the annual births of +the State of New York to be twenty-three thousand nine hundred and +ninety-four: the whole number of its inhabitants, according to Buffon, +will be six hundred and seventeen thousand seven hundred and three, of +all ages. Of these there would constantly be two hundred and sixty-nine +thousand two hundred and eighty-six minors, and three hundred and +forty-eight thousand four hundred and seventeen adults, of which last, +one hundred and seventy-four thousand two hundred and nine will be a +majority. Suppose that majority, on the first day of the year 1794, had +borrowed a sum of money equal to the fee simple value of the State, and +to have consumed it in eating, drinking, and making merry in their day; +or, if you please, in quarrelling and fighting with their unoffending +neighbors. Within eighteen years and eight months, one half of the adult +citizens were dead. Till then, being the majority, they might rightfully +levy the interest of their debt annually on themselves and their +fellow-revellers, or fellow-champions. But at that period, say at this +moment, a new majority have come into place, in their own right, and +not under the rights, the conditions, or laws of their predecessors. Are +they bound to acknowledge the debt, to consider the preceding generation +as having had a right to eat up the whole soil of their country in +the course of a life, to alienate it from them (for it would be an +alienation to the creditors), and would they think themselves either +legally or morally bound to give up their country, and emigrate to +another for subsistence? Every one will say no: that the soil is the +gift of God to the living, as much as it had been to the deceased +generation; and that the laws of nature impose no obligation on them to +pay this debt. And although, like some other natural rights, this has +not yet entered into any declaration of rights, it is no less a law, and +ought to be acted on by honest governments. It is, at the same time, +a salutary curb on the spirit of war and indebtment, which, since the +modern theory of the perpetuation of debt, has drenched the earth with +blood, and crushed its inhabitants under burthens ever accumulating. +Had this principle been declared in the British bill of rights, England +would have been placed under the happy disability of waging eternal war, +and of contracting her thousand millions of public debt. In seeking, +then, for an ultimate term for the redemption of our debts, let us rally +to this principle, and provide for their payment within the term of +nineteen years, at the farthest. Our government has not, as yet, begun +to act on the rule, of loans and taxation going hand in hand. Had any +loan taken place in my time, I should have strongly urged a redeeming +tax. For the loan which has been made since the last session of +Congress, we should now set the example of appropriating some particular +tax, sufficient to pay the interest annually, and the principal within +a fixed term, less than nineteen years. And I hope yourself and your +committee will render the immortal service of introducing this practice. +Not that it is expected that Congress should formally declare such a +principle. They wisely enough avoid deciding on abstract questions. But +they may be induced to keep themselves within its limits. + +I am sorry to see our loans begin at so exorbitant an interest. And yet, +even at that, you will soon be at the bottom of the loan-bag. We are an +agricultural nation. Such an one employs its sparings in the purchase or +improvement of land or stocks. The lendable money among them is chiefly +that of orphans and wards in the hands of executors and guardians, and +that which the farmer lays by till he has enough for the purchase in +view. In such a nation there is one and one only resource for loans, +sufficient to carry them through the expense of a war; and that will +always be sufficient, and in the power of an honest government, punctual +in the preservation of its faith. The fund I mean, is the mass of +circulating coin. Every one knows, that, although not literally, it is +nearly true, that every paper dollar emitted banishes a silver one from +the circulation. A nation, therefore, making its purchases and payments +with bills fitted for circulation, thrusts an equal sum of coin out +of circulation. This is equivalent to borrowing that sum, and yet the +vendor, receiving payment in a medium as effectual as coin for his +purchases or payments, has no claim to interest. And so the nation may +continue to issue its bills as far as its wants require, and the limits +of the circulation will admit. Those limits are understood to extend +with us, at present, to two hundred millions of dollars, a greater sum +than would be necessary for any war. But this, the only resource +which the government could command with certainty, the States have +unfortunately fooled away, nay corruptly alienated to swindlers and +shavers, under the cover of private banks. Say, too, as an additional +evil, that the disposable funds of individuals, to this great amount, +have thus been withdrawn from improvement and useful enterprise, and +employed in the useless, usurious, and demoralizing practices of bank +directors and their accomplices. In the war of 1755, our State availed +itself of this fund by issuing a paper money, bottomed on a specific tax +for its redemption, and, to insure its credit, bearing an interest of +five per cent. Within a very short time, not a bill of this emission was +to be found in circulation. It was locked up in the chests of executors, +guardians, widows, farmers, &tc. We then issued bills, bottomed on a +redeeming tax, but bearing no interest. These were readily received, and +never depreciated a single farthing. In the revolutionary war, the old +Congress and the States issued bills without interest, and without +tax. They occupied the channels of circulation very freely, till +those channels were overflowed by an excess beyond all the calls of +circulation. But although we have so improvidently suffered the field of +circulating medium to be filched from us by private individuals, yet I +think we may recover it in part, and even in the whole, if the States +will co-operate with us. If treasury bills are emitted on a tax +appropriated for their redemption in fifteen years, and (to insure +preference in the first moments of competition) bearing an interest of +six per cent., there is no one who would not take them in preference +to the bank-paper now afloat, on a principle of patriotism as well as +interest: and they would be withdrawn from circulation into private +hoards to a considerable amount. Their credit once established, others +might be emitted, bottomed also on a tax, but not bearing interest: and +if ever their credit faltered, open public loans, on which these bills +alone should be received as specie. These, operating as a sinking fund, +would reduce the quantity in circulation, so as to maintain that in an +equilibrium with specie. It is not easy to estimate the obstacles which, +in the beginning, we should encounter in ousting the banks from their +possession of the circulation: but a steady and judicious alternation of +emissions and loans, would reduce them in time. But while this is going +on, another measure should be pressed, to recover ultimately our right +to the circulation. The States should be applied to, to transfer +the right of issuing circulating paper to Congress exclusively, _in +perpetuum_, if possible, but during the war at least, with a saving of +charter rights. I believe that every State west and south of Connecticut +river, except Delaware, would immediately do it; and the others would +follow in time. + +Congress would, of course, begin by obliging unchartered banks to wind +up their affairs within a short time, and the others as their charters +expired, forbidding the subsequent circulation of their paper. This they +would supply with their own, bottomed, every emission, on an adequate +tax, and bearing or not bearing interest, as the state of the public +pulse should indicate. Even in the non-complying States, these bills +would make their way, and supplant the unfunded paper of their banks, +by their solidity, by the universality of their currency, and by their +receivability for customs and taxes. It would be in their power, too, to +curtail those banks to the amount of their actual specie, by gathering +up their paper, and running it constantly on them. The national paper +might thus take place even in the non-complying States. In this way, I +am not without a hope, that this great, this sole resource for loans +in an agricultural country, might yet be recovered for the use of the +nation during war: and, if obtained in perpetuum, it would always be +sufficient to carry us through any war; provided, that, in the interval +between war and war, all the outstanding paper should be called in, +coin be permitted to flow in again, and to hold the field of circulation +until another war should require its yielding place again to the +national medium. + +But it will be asked, are we to have no banks? Are merchants and +others to be deprived of the resource of short accommodations, found +so convenient? I answer, let us have banks: but let them be such as are +alone to be found in any country on earth, except Great Britain. There +is not a bank of discount on the continent of Europe (at least there was +not one when I was there), which offers any thing but cash in exchange +for discounted bills. No one has a natural right to the trade of a +money-lender, but he who has the money to lend. Let those then among us, +who have a monied capital, and who prefer employing it in loans rather +than otherwise, set up banks, and give cash or national bills for the +notes they discount. Perhaps, to encourage them, a larger interest than +is legal in the other cases might be allowed them, on the condition of +their lending for short periods only. It is from Great Britain we copy +the idea of giving paper in exchange for discounted bills: and while we +have derived from that country some good principles of government and +legislation, we unfortunately run into the most servile imitation of all +her practices, ruinous as they prove to her, and with the gulph yawning +before us into which those very practices are precipitating her. The +unlimited emission of bank-paper has banished all her specie, and is +now, by a depreciation acknowledged by her own statesmen, carrying her +rapidly to bankruptcy, as it did France, as it did us, and will do us +again, and every country permitting paper to be circulated, other than +that by public authority, rigorously limited to the just measure for +circulation. Private fortunes, in the present state of our circulation, +are at the mercy of those self-created money-lenders, and are prostrated +by the floods of nominal money with which their avarice deluges us. +He who lent his money to the public or to an individual, before the +institution of the United States bank, twenty years ago, when wheat was +well sold at a dollar the bushel, and receives now his nominal sum when +it sells at two dollars, is cheated of half his fortune: and by whom? By +the banks, which, since that, have thrown into circulation ten dollars +of their nominal money where there was one at that time. + +Reflect, if you please, on these ideas, and use them or not as they +appear to merit. They comfort me in the belief, that they point out a +resource ample enough, without overwhelming war-taxes, for the expense +of the war, and possibly still recoverable; and that they hold up to +all future time a resource within ourselves, ever at the command of +government, and competent to any wars into which we may be forced. Nor +is it a slight object to equalize taxes through peace and war. + +***** + +Ever affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXI.--TO JOHN ADAMS, June 21, 1813 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, June 21, 1813. + + +[Illustration: page201] + + +And I too, my dear Sir, like the wood-cutter of Ida, should doubt where +to begin, were I to enter the forest of opinions, discussions, +and contentions which have occurred in our day. I should say with +Theocritus, + +[Illustration: page201a] + +But I shall not do it. The _summum bonum_ with me is now truly +epicurean, ease of body and tranquillity of mind; and to these I wish +to consign my remaining days. Men have differed in opinion, and been +divided into parties by these opinions, from the first origin of +societies; and in all governments, where they have been permitted freely +to think and to speak. The same political parties which now agitate the +United States, have existed through all time. Whether the power of the +people, or that of the + +[Illustration: page202] + +should prevail, were questions which kept the States of Greece and Rome +in eternal convulsions; as they now schismatize every people whose minds +and mouths are not shut up by the gag of a despot. And in fact, the +terms of whig and tory belong to natural, as well as to civil +history. They denote the temper and constitution of mind of different +individuals. To come to our own country, and to the times when you and +I became first acquainted: we well remember the violent parties which +agitated the old Congress, and their bitter contests. There you and +I were together, and the Jays, and the Dickinsons, and other +anti-independents were arrayed against us. They cherished the monarchy +of England, and we the rights of our countrymen. When our present +government was in the mew, passing from Confederation to Union, how +bitter was the schism between the Feds and Antis. Here you and I were +together again. For although, for a moment, separated by the Atlantic +from the scene of action, I favored the opinion that nine States should +confirm the constitution, in order to secure it, and the others hold +off, until certain amendments, deemed favorable to freedom, should +be made. I rallied in the first instant to the wiser proposition of +Massachusetts, that all should confirm, and then all instruct their +delegates to urge those amendments. The amendments were made, and +all were reconciled to the government. But as soon as it was put into +motion, the line of division was again drawn. We broke into two parties, +each wishing to give the government a different direction; the one +to strengthen the most popular branch, the other the more permanent +branches, and to extend their permanence. Here you and I separated for +the first time: and as we had been longer than most others on the public +theatre, and our names therefore were more familiar to our countrymen, +the party which considered you as thinking with them, placed your +name at their head; the other, for the same reason, selected mine. But +neither decency nor inclination permitted us to become the advocates +of ourselves, or to take part personally in the violent contests which +followed. We suffered ourselves, as you so well expressed it, to be +passive subjects of public discussion. And these discussions, whether +relating to men, measures, or opinions, were conducted by the parties +with an animosity, a bitterness, and an indecency, which had never been +exceeded. All the resources of reason and of wrath were exhausted +by each party in support of its own, and to prostrate the adversary +opinions; one was upbraided with receiving the anti-federalists, the +other the old tories and refugees, into their bosom. Of this acrimony, +the public papers of the day exhibit ample testimony, in the debates +of Congress, of State legislatures, of stump-orators, in addresses, +answers, and newspaper essays; and to these, without question, may be +added the private correspondences of individuals; and the less guarded +in these, because not meant for the public eye, not restrained by the +respect due to that, but poured forth from the overflowings of the heart +into the bosom of a friend, as a momentary easement of our feelings. +In this way and in answers to addresses, you and I could indulge +ourselves. We have probably done it, sometimes with warmth, often with +prejudice, but always, as we believed, adhering to truth. I have not +examined my letters of that day. I have no stomach to revive the memory +of its feelings. But one of these letters, it seems, has got before the +public, by accident and infidelity, by the death of one friend to whom +it was written, and of his friend to whom it had been communicated, +and by the malice and treachery of a third person, of whom I had never +before heard, merely to make mischief, and in the same Satanic spirit, +in which the same enemy had intercepted and published, in 1776, your +letter animadverting on Dickinson's character. How it happened that I +quoted you in my letter to Doctor Priestley, and for whom, and not for +yourself, the strictures were meant, has been explained to you in my +letter of the 15th, which had been committed to the post eight days +before I received yours of the 10th, 11th, and 14th. That gave you the +reference which these asked to the particular answer alluded to in the +one to Priestley. The renewal of these old discussions, my friend, would +be equally useless and irksome. To the volumes then written on these +subjects, human ingenuity can add nothing new, and the rather, as lapse +of time has obliterated many of the facts. And shall you and I, my Dear +Sir, at our age, like Priam of old, gird on the + +[Illustration: page203] + +Shall we, at our age, become the athletes of party, and exhibit +ourselves, as gladiators, in the arena of the newspapers? Nothing in the +universe could induce me to it. My mind has been long fixed to bow to +the judgment of the world, who will judge by my acts, and will never +take counsel from me as to what that judgment shall be. If your objects +and opinions have been misunderstood, if the measures and principles of +others have been wrongfully imputed to you, as I believe they have been, +that you should leave an explanation of them, would be an set of justice +to yourself. I will add, that it has been hoped that you would leave such +explanations as would place every saddle on its right horse, and replace +on the shoulders of others the burdens they shifted to yours. + +But all this, my friend, is offered merely for your consideration and +judgment, without presuming to anticipate what you alone are qualified +to decide for yourself. I mean to express my own purpose only, and the +reflections which have led to it. To me, then, it appears, that there +have been differences of opinion and party differences, from the +first establishment of governments to the present day, and on the same +question which now divides our own country: that these will continue +through all future time: that every one takes his side in favor of +the many, or of the few, according to his constitution, and the +circumstances in which he is placed: that opinions, which are equally +honest on both sides, should not affect personal esteem or social +intercourse: that as we judge between the Claudii and the Gracchi, the +Wentworths and the Hampdens of past ages, so, of those among us whose +names may happen to be remembered for a while, the next generations +will judge, favorably or unfavorably, according to the complexion of +individual minds, and the side they shall themselves have taken: that +nothing new can be added by you or me to what has been said by others, +and will be said in every age in support of the conflicting opinions on +government: and that wisdom and duty dictate an humble resignation to +the verdict of our future peers. I doing this myself, I shall certainly +not suffer moot questions to affect the sentiments of sincere friendship +and respect, consecrated to you by so long a course of time, and of +which I now repeat sincere assurances, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, August 22, 1813 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, August 22, 1813. + +Dear Sir, + +Since my letter of June the 27th, I am in your debt for many; all of +which I have read with infinite delight. They open a wide field for +reflection, and offer subjects enough to occupy the mind and the pen +indefinitely. I must follow the good example you have set; and when +I have not time to take up every subject, take up a single one. Your +approbation of my outline to Dr. Priestley is a great gratification to +me; and I very much suspect that if thinking men would have the courage +to think for themselves, and to speak what they think, it would be found +they do not differ in religious opinions, as much as is supposed. I +remember to have heard Dr. Priestley say, that if all England would +candidly examine themselves, and confess, they would find that +Unitarianism was really the religion of all: and I observe a bill is now +depending in parliament for the relief of Anti-Trinitarians. It is too +late in the day for men of sincerity to pretend they believe in the +Platonic mysticisms that three are one, and one is three; and yet that +the one is not three, and the three are not one: to divide mankind by a +single letter into + +[Illustration: page205] + +But this constitutes the craft, the power, and the profit of the +priests. Sweep away their gossamer fabrics of factitious religion, and +they would catch no more flies. We should all then, like the Quakers, +live without an order of priests, moralize for ourselves, follow the +oracle of conscience, and say nothing about what no man can understand, +nor therefore believe; for I suppose belief to be the assent of the mind +to an intelligible proposition. + +It is with great pleasure I can inform you, that Priestley finished the +comparative view of the doctrines of the philosophers of antiquity, and +of Jesus, before his death; and that it was printed soon after. And with +still greater pleasure, that I can have a copy of his work forwarded +from Philadelphia, by a correspondent there, and presented for your +acceptance, by the same mail which carries you this, or very soon after. +The branch of the work which the title announces, is executed with +learning and candor, as was every thing Priestley wrote: but perhaps a +little hastily; for he felt himself pressed by the hand of death. The +Abbe Batteux had, in fact, laid the foundation of this part in his +'Causes Premieres'; with which he has given us the originals of Ocellus +and Timzeus, who first committed the doctrines of Pythagoras to writing: +and Enfield, to whom the Doctor refers, had done it more copiously. But +he has omitted the important branch, which, in your letter of August the +9th, you say you have never seen executed, a comparison of the morality +of the Old Testament with that of the New. And yet, no two things were +ever more unlike. I ought not to have asked him to give it. He dared +not. He would have been eaten alive by his intolerant brethren, the +Cannibal priests. And yet, this was really the most interesting branch +of the work. + +Very soon after my letter to Doctor Priestley, the subject being still +in my mind, I had leisure, during an abstraction from business for a day +or two, while on the road, to think a little more on it, and to sketch +more fully than I had done to him, a syllabus of the matter which I +thought should enter into the work. I wrote it to Doctor Rush; and there +ended all my labor on the subject; himself and Doctor Priestley being +the only depositories of my secret. The fate of my letter to Priestley, +after his death, was a warning to me on that of Doctor Rush; and at my +request, his family were so kind as to quiet me by returning my original +letter and syllabus. By this you will be sensible how much interest I +take in keeping myself clear of religious disputes before the public; +and especially of seeing my syllabus disembowelled by the Aruspices of +the modern Paganism. Yet I enclose it to you with entire confidence, +free to be perused by yourself and Mrs. Adams, but by no one else; and +to be returned to me. + +You are right in supposing, in one of yours, that I had not read much of +Priestley's Predestination, his no-soul system, or his controversy with +Horsley. But I have read his Corruptions of Christianity, and Early +Opinions of Jesus, over and over again; and I rest on them, and +on Middleton's writings, especially his letters from Rome, and to +Waterland, as the basis of my own faith. These writings have never been +answered, nor can be answered by quoting historical proofs, as they have +done. For these facts, therefore, I cling to their learning, so much +superior to my own. + +I now fly off in a tangent to another subject. Marshall, in the first +volume of his history, chapter 3, p. 180, ascribes the petition to the +King, of 1774, (1 Journ. Cong. 67) to the pen of Richard Henry Lee. I +think myself certain, it was not written by him, as well from what I +recollect to have heard, as from the internal evidence of style. He +was loose, vague, frothy, rhetorical. He was a poorer writer than his +brother Arthur; and Arthur's standing may be seen in his Monitor's +Letters, to insure the sale of which, they took the precaution of +tacking to them a new edition of the Farmer's Letters; like Mezentius, +who '_mortua jungebat corpora vivis_.' You were of the committee, and +can tell me who wrote this petition; and who wrote the Address to the +Inhabitants of the Colonies, ib. 45. Of the papers of July 1775, I +recollect well that Mr. Dickinson drew the petition to the King, ib. +149; I think Robert R. Livingston drew the Address to the Inhabitants of +Great Britain, ib. 152. Am I right in this? And who drew the Address to +the People of Ireland, ib. 180? On these questions, I ask of your memory +to help mine. Ever and affectionately yours, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXIII.--TO JOHN W. EPPES, November 6, 1813 + +TO JOHN W. EPPES. + +Monticello, November 6, 1813. + +Dear Sir, + +I had not expected to have troubled you again on the subject of finance; +but since the date of my last, I have received from Mr. Law a letter +covering a memorial on that subject, which, from its tenor, I conjecture +must have been before Congress at their two last sessions. This paper +contains two propositions; the one for issuing treasury notes, bearing +interest, and to be circulated as money; the other for the establishment +of a national bank. The first was considered in my former letter; and +the second shall be the subject of the present. + +The scheme is for Congress to establish a national bank, suppose of +thirty millions capital, of which they shall contribute ten millions in +new six per cent, stock, the States ten millions, and individuals ten +millions, one half of the two last contributions to be of similar stock, +for which the parties are to give cash to Congress: the whole, however, +to be under the exclusive management of the individual subscribers, who +are to name all the directors; neither Congress nor the States having +any power of interference in its administration. Discounts are to be +at five per cent., but the profits are expected to be seven per cent. +Congress then will be paying six per cent, on twenty millions, and +receiving seven per cent, on ten millions, being its third of the +institution: so that on the ten millions cash which they receive from +the States and individuals, they will, in fact, have to pay but five +per cent, interest. This is the bait. The charter is proposed to be for +forty or fifty years, and if any future augmentations should take place, +the individual proprietors are to have the privilege of being the sole +subscribers for that. Congress are further allowed to issue to the +amount of three millions of notes, bearing interest, which they are to +receive back in payment for lands at a premium of five or ten per +cent., or as subscriptions for canals, roads, and bridges, in which +undertakings they are, of course, to be engaged. This is a summary +of the scheme, as I understand it: but it is very possible I may +not understand it in all its parts, these schemes being always made +Unintelligible for the gulls who are to enter into them. The advantages +and disadvantages shall be noted promiscuously as they occur; leaving +out the speculation of canals, &c. which, being an episode only in the +scheme, may be omitted, to disentangle it as much as we can. + +1. Congress are to receive five millions from the States (if they will +enter into this partnership, which few probably will), and five millions +from the individual subscribers, in exchange for ten millions of six per +cent, stock, one per cent, of which, however, they will make on their +ten millions of stock remaining in bank, and so reduce it, in effect, to +a loan of ten millions at five per cent, interest. This is good: but + +2. They authorize this bank to throw into circulation ninety millions +of dollars, (three times the capital), which increases our circulating +medium fifty per cent., depreciates proportionably the present value +of the dollar, and raises the price of all future purchases in the same +proportion. + +3. This loan of ten millions at five per cent., is to be once for all, +only. Neither the terms of the scheme, nor their own prudence could ever +permit them to add to the circulation in the same, or any other way, for +the supplies of the succeeding years of the war. These succeeding years +then are to be left unprovided for, and the means of doing it in a great +measure precluded. + +4. The individual subscribers, on paying their own five millions of cash +to Congress, become the depositories of ten millions of stock belonging +to Congress, five millions belonging to the States, and five millions to +themselves, say twenty millions, with which, as no one has a right ever +to see their books, or to ask a question, they may choose their time +for running away, after adding to their booty the proceeds of as much of +their own notes as they shall be able to throw into circulation. + +5. The subscribers may be one, two, or three, or more individuals, (many +single individuals being able to pay in the five millions,) whereupon +this bank oligarchy or monarchy enters the field with ninety millions +of dollars, to direct and control the politics of the nation; and of the +influence of these institutions on our politics, and into what scale it +will be thrown, we have had abundant experience. Indeed, England herself +may be the real, while her friend and trustee here shall be the nominal +and sole subscriber. + +6. This state of things is to be fastened on us, without the power of +relief, for forty or fifty years. That is to say, the eight millions +of people now existing, for the sake of receiving one dollar and +twenty-five cents apiece at five per cent, interest, are to subject the +fifty millions of people who are to succeed them within that term, to +the payment of forty-five millions of dollars, principal and interest, +which will be payable in the course of the fifty years. + +7. But the great and national advantage is to be the relief of the +present scarcity of money, which is produced and proved by, + +1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles for +the troops, ammunition, he. + +2. By the cash sent to the frontiers, and the vacuum occasioned in the +trading towns by that. + +3. By the late loans. + +4. By the necessity of recurring to shavers with good paper, which the +existing banks are not able to take up; and + +5. By the numerous applications for bank charters, showing that an +increase of circulating medium is wanting. + +Let us examine these causes and proofs of the want of an increase of +medium, one by one. + +1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles for +troops, ammunition, &c. Now I had always supposed that war produced +a diminution of industry, by the number of hands it withdraws from +industrious pursuits, for employment in arms &c. which are totally +unproductive. And if it calls for new industry in the articles of +ammunition and other military supplies, the hands are borrowed from +other branches on which the demand is slackened by the war; so that it +is but a shifting of these hands from one pursuit to another. + +2. The cash sent to the frontiers occasions a vacuum in the trading +towns, which requires a new supply. Let us examine what are the calls +for money to the frontiers. Not for clothing, tents, ammunition, arms, +which are all bought in the trading towns. Not for provisions; for +although these are bought partly in the intermediate country, bank-bills +are more acceptable there than even in the trading towns. The pay of +the army calls for some cash; but not a great deal, as bank-notes are as +acceptable with the military men, perhaps more so; and what cash is sent +must find its way back again, in exchange for the wants of the upper +from the lower country. For we are not to suppose that cash stays +accumulating there for ever. + +3. This scarcity has been occasioned by the late loans. But does the +government borrow money to keep it in their coffers? Is it not instantly +restored to circulation by payment for its necessary supplies? And are +we to restore a vacuum of twenty millions of dollars by an emission of +ninety millions? + +4. The want of medium is proved by the recurrence of individuals with +good paper to brokers at exorbitant interest; and + +5. By the numerous applications to the State governments for additional +banks; New York wanting eighteen millions, Pennsylvania ten millions, +&c. But say more correctly, the speculators and spendthrifts of New York +and Pennsylvania, but never consider them as being the States of New +York and Pennsylvania. These two items shall be considered together. + +It is a litigated question, whether the circulation of paper, rather +than of specie, is a good or an evil. In the opinion of England and +of English writers it is a good; in that of all other nations it is an +evil; and excepting England and her copyist, the United States, there is +not a nation existing, I believe, which tolerates a paper circulation. +The experiment is going on, however, desperately in England, pretty +boldly with us, and at the end of the chapter, we shall see which +opinion experience approves: for I believe it to be one of those cases +where mercantile clamor will bear down reason, until it is corrected by +ruin. In the mean time, however, let us reason on this new call for a +national bank. + +After the solemn decision of Congress against the renewal of the charter +of the bank of the United States, and the grounds of that decision (the +want of constitutional power), I had imagined that question at rest, and +that no more applications would be made to them for the incorporation +of banks. The opposition on that ground to its first establishment, the +small majority by which it was overborne, and the means practised +for obtaining it, cannot be already forgotten. The law having passed, +however, by a majority, its opponents, true to the sacred principle +of submission to a majority, suffered the law to flow through its term +without obstruction. During this, the nation had time to consider +the constitutional question, and when the renewal was proposed, they +condemned it, not by their representatives in Congress only, but by +express instructions from different organs of their will. Here then +we might stop, and consider the memorial as answered. But, setting +authority apart, we will examine whether the legislature ought to comply +with it, even if they had the power. + +Proceeding to reason on this subject, some principles must be premised +as forming its basis. The adequate price of a thing depends on the +capital and labor necessary to produce it. (In the term capital, I mean +to include science, because capital as well as labor has been employed +to acquire it.) Two things requiring the same capital and labor should +be of the same price. If a gallon of wine requires for its production +the same capital and labor with a bushel of wheat, they should be +expressed by the same price, derived from the application of a common +measure to them. The comparative prices of things being thus to be +estimated, and expressed by a common measure, we may proceed to observe, +that were a country so insulated as to have no commercial intercourse +with any other, to confine the interchange of all its wants and supplies +within itself, the amount of circulating medium, as a common measure +for adjusting these exchanges, would be quite immaterial. If their +circulation, for instance, were of a million of dollars, and the annual +produce of their industry equivalent to ten millions of bushels of +wheat, the price of a bushel of wheat might be one dollar. If, then, by +a progressive coinage, their medium should be doubled, the price of a +bushel of wheat might become progressively two dollars, and without, +inconvenience. Whatever be the proportion of the circulating medium to +the value of the annual produce of industry, it may be considered as the +representative of that industry. In the first case, a bushel of wheat +will be represented by one dollar; in the second, by two dollars. This +is well explained by Hume, and seems admitted by Adam Smith, (B. 2. c. +2. 436, 441, 490.) But where a nation is in a full course of interchange +of wants and supplies with all others, the proportion of its medium +to its produce is no longer indifferent, (lb. 441.) To trade on equal +terms, the common measure of values should be as nearly as possible on +a par with that of its corresponding nations, whose medium is in a +sound state; that is to say, not in an accidental state of excess or +deficiency. Now, one of the great advantages of specie as a medium is, +that being of universal value, it will keep itself at a general level, +flowing out from where it is too high into parts where it is lower. +Whereas, if the medium be of local value only, as paper-money, if too +little, indeed, gold and silver will flow in to supply the deficiency; +but if too much, it accumulates, banishes the gold and silver not locked +up in vaults and hoards, and depreciates itself; that is to say, its +proportion to the annual produce of industry being raised, more of it +is required to represent any particular article of produce than in +the other countries. This is agreed by Smith (B. 2. c. 2. 437.), the +principal advocate for a paper circulation; but advocating it on the +sole condition that it be strictly regulated. He admits, nevertheless, +that 'the commerce and industry of a country cannot be so secure when +suspended on the Daedalian wings of paper-money, as on the solid ground +of gold and silver; and that in time of war the insecurity is greatly +increased, and great confusion possible where the circulation is for the +greater part in paper.'(B. 2. c. 2. 484.) But in a country where loans +are uncertain, and a specie circulation the only sure resource for them, +the preference of that circulation assumes a far different degree of +importance, as is explained in my former letters. + +The only advantage which Smith proposes by substituting paper in the +room of gold and silver money (B. 2. c. 2. 434.), is, 'to replace an +expensive instrument with one much less costly, and sometimes equally +convenient'; that is to say, (page 437,) to allow the gold and silver +to be sent abroad and converted into foreign goods,' and to substitute +paper as being a cheaper measure. But this makes no addition to the +stock or capital of the nation. The coin sent out was worth as much, +while in the country, as the goods imported and taking its place. It +is only, then, a change of form in a part of the national capital, from +that of gold and silver to other goods. He admits, too, that while a +part of the goods received in exchange for the coin exported, may be +materials, tools, and provisions for the employment of an additional +industry, a part also may be taken back in foreign wines, silks, &c. +to be consumed by idle people who produce nothing; and so far the +substitution promotes prodigality, increases expense and consumption, +without increasing production. So far also, then, it lessens the capital +of the nation. What may be the amount which the conversion of the part +exchanged for productive goods, may add to the former productive mass, +it is not easy to ascertain, because, as he says, (page 441,) 'It is +impossible to determine what is the proportion which the circulating +money of any country bears to the whole value of the annual produce. It +has been computed by different authors, from a fifth* to a thirtieth of +that value.' + + * The real cash or money necessary to carry on the + circulation and barter of a State, is nearly one third part + of all the annual rents of the proprietors of the said + State; that is, one ninth of the whole produce of the land. + Sir William Petty supposes one tenth part of the value of + the whole produce sufficient. Postlethwayt, _voce_, Cash. + +In the United States it must be less than in any other part of the +commercial world; because the great mass of their inhabitants being +in responsible circumstances, the great mass of their exchanges in the +country is effected on credit, in their merchant's ledger, who supplies +all their wants through the year, and at the end of it receives the +produce of their farms, or other articles of their industry. It is a +fact, that a farmer, with a revenue of ten thousand dollars a year, may +obtain all his supplies from his merchant, and liquidate them at the end +of the year, by the sale of his produce to him, without the intervention +of a single dollar of cash. This, then, is merely barter, and in this +way of barter a great portion of the annual produce of the United States +is exchanged without the intermediation of cash. We might safely, +then, state our medium at the minimum of one thirtieth. But what is +one thirtieth of the value of the annual produce of the industry of the +United States? Or what is the whole value of the annual produce of the +United States? An able writer and competent judge of the subject, in +1799, on as good grounds as probably could be taken, estimated it, on +the then population of four and a half millions of inhabitants, to +be thirty-seven and a half millions sterling, or one hundred and +sixty-eight and three fourths millions of dollars. See Cooper's +Political Arithmetic, page 47. According to the same estimate, for our +present population it will be three hundred millions of dollars, one +thirtieth of which, Smith's minimum, would be ten millions, and +one fifth, his maximum, would be sixty millions for the quantum of +circulation. But suppose, that, instead of our needing the least +circulating medium of any nation, from the circumstance before +mentioned, we should place ourselves in the middle term of the +calculation, to wit, at thirty-five millions. One fifth of this, at +the least, Smith thinks should be retained in specie, which would leave +twenty-eight millions of specie to be exported in exchange for other +commodities; and if fifteen millions of that should be returned in +productive goods, and not in articles of prodigality, that would be the +amount of capital which this operation would add to the existing mass. +But to what mass? Not that of the three hundred millions, which is only +its gross annual produce; but to that capital of which the three hundred +millions are but the annual produce. But this being gross, we may infer +from it the value of the capital by considering that the rent of lands +is generally fixed at one third of the gross produce, and is deemed its +nett profit, and twenty times that its fee simple value. The profits on +landed capital may, with accuracy enough for our purpose, be supposed +on a par with those of other capital. This would give us then for +the United States, a capital of two thousand millions, all in active +employment, and exclusive of unimproved lands lying in a great degree +dormant. Of this, fifteen millions would be the hundred and thirty-third +part. And it is for this petty addition to the capital of the nation, +this minimum of one dollar, added to one hundred and thirty-three and a +third, or three fourths per cent., that we are to give up our gold and +silver medium, its intrinsic solidity, its universal value, and its +saving powers in time of war, and to substitute for it paper, with all +its train of evils, moral, political, and physical, which I will not +pretend to enumerate. + +There is another authority to which we may appeal for the proper +quantity of circulating medium for the United States. The old Congress, +when we were estimated at about two millions of people, on a long and +able discussion, June the 22nd, 1775, decided the sufficient quantity to +be two millions of dollars, which sum they then emitted.* According to +this, it should be eight millions, now that we are eight millions of +people. This differs little from Smith's minimum of ten millions, and +strengthens our respect for that estimate. + + * Within five months after this they were compelled, by the + necessities of the war, to abandon the idea of emitting only + an adequate circulation, and to make those necessities the + sole measure of their emissions. + +There is, indeed, a convenience in paper; its easy transmission from one +place to another. But this may be mainly supplied by bills of exchange, +so as to prevent any great displacement of actual coin. Two places +trading together balance their dealings, for the most part, by their +mutual supplies, and the debtor individuals of either may, instead of +cash, remit the bills of those who are creditors in the same dealings; +or may obtain them through some third place with which both have +dealings. The cases would be rare where such bills could not be +obtained, either directly or circuitously, and too unimportant to the +nation to overweigh the train of evils flowing from paper circulation. + +From eight to thirty-five millions then being our proper circulation, +and two hundred millions the actual one, the memorial proposes to issue +ninety millions more, because, it says, a great scarcity of money is +proved by the numerous applications for banks; to wit, New York for +eighteen millions, Pennsylvania ten millions, &c. The answer to this +shall be quoted, from Adam Smith (B. 2, c. 2, page 462), where speaking +of the complaints of the traders against the Scotch bankers, who had +already gone too far in their issues of paper, he says, 'Those traders +and other undertakers having got so much assistance from banks, wished +to get still more. The banks, they seem to have thought, could extend +their credits to whatever sum might be wanted, without incurring any +other expense besides that of a few reams of paper. They complained +of the contracted views and dastardly spirit of the directors of those +banks, which did not, they said, extend their credits in proportion to +the extension of the trade of the country; meaning, no doubt, by the +extension of that trade, the extension of their own projects beyond what +they could carry on, either with their own capital, or with what they +had credit to borrow of private people in the usual way of bond or +mortgage. The banks, they seem to have thought, were in honor bound to +supply the deficiency, and to provide them with all the capital +which they wanted to trade with.' And again (page 470): 'When bankers +discovered that certain projectors were trading, not with any capital +of their own, but with that which they advanced them, they endeavored +to withdraw gradually, making every day greater and greater difficulties +about discounting. These difficulties alarmed and enraged in the highest +degree those projectors. Their own distress, of which this prudent and +necessary reserve of the banks was no doubt the immediate occasion, they +called the distress of the country; and this distress of the country, +they said, was altogether owing to the ignorance, pusillanimity, and bad +conduct of the banks, which did not give a sufficiently liberal aid to +the spirited undertakings of those who exerted themselves in order to +beautify, improve, and enrich the country. It was the duty of the banks, +they seemed to think, to lend for as long a time, and to as great an +extent, as they might wish to borrow.' It is, probably, the good paper +of these projectors, which, the memorial says, the banks being unable to +discount, goes into the hands of brokers, who (knowing the risk of this +good paper) discount it at a much higher rate than legal interest, to +the great distress of the enterprising adventurers, who had rather try +trade on borrowed capital, than go to the plough or other laborious +calling. Smith again says, (page 478,) 'That the industry of Scotland +languished for want of money to employ it, was the opinion of the famous +Mr. Law. By establishing a bank of a particular kind, which he seems to +have imagined might issue paper to the amount of the whole value of all +the lands in the country, he proposed to remedy this want of money. It +was afterwards adopted, with some variations, by the Duke of Orleans, at +that time Regent of France. The idea of the possibility of multiplying +paper to almost any extent, was the real foundation of what is called +the Mississippi scheme, the most extravagant project both of banking and +stockjobbing, that perhaps the world ever saw. The principles upon +which it was founded are explained by Mr. Law himself, in a discourse +concerning money and trade, which he published in Scotland when he first +proposed his project. The splendid but visionary ideas which are set +forth in that and some other works upon the same principles, still +continue to make an impression upon many people, and have perhaps, +in part, contributed to that excess of banking which has of late been +complained of both in Scotland and in other places.' The Mississippi +scheme, it is well known, ended in France in the bankruptcy of the +public treasury, the crush of thousands and thousands of private +fortunes, and scenes of desolation and distress equal to those of an +invading army, burning and laying waste all before it. + +At the time we were funding our national debt, we heard much about 'a +public debt being a public blessing'; that the stock representing it was +a creation of active capital for the aliment of commerce, manufactures, +and agriculture. This paradox was well adapted to the minds of believers +in dreams, and the gulls of that size entered _bona fide_ into it. But +the art and mystery of banks is a wonderful improvement on that. It +is established on the principle, that 'private debts are a public +blessing;' that the evidences of those private debts, called bank-notes, +become active capital, and aliment the whole commerce, manufactures, +and agriculture of the United States. Here are a set of people, for +instance, who have bestowed on us the great blessing of running in our +debt about two hundred millions of dollars, without our knowing who they +are, where they are, or what property they have to pay this debt when +called on; nay, who have made us so sensible of the blessings of +letting them run in our debt, that we have exempted them by law from the +repayment of these debts beyond a given proportion, (generally estimated +at one third.) And to fill up the measure of blessing, instead of +paying, they receive an interest on what they owe from those to whom +they owe; for all the notes, or evidences of what they owe, which we +see in circulation, have been lent to somebody on an interest which is +levied again on us through the medium of commerce. And they are so ready +still to deal out their liberalities to us, that they are now willing to +let themselves run in our debt ninety millions more, on our paying them +the same premium of six or eight per cent, interest, and on the same +legal exemption from the repayment of more than thirty millions of the +debt, when it shall be called for. But let us look at this principle +in its original form, and its copy will then be equally understood. +'A public debt is a public blessing.' That our debt was juggled from +forty-three up to eighty millions, and funded at that amount, according +to this opinion, was a great public blessing, because the evidences of +it could be vested in commerce, and thus converted into active capital, +and then the more the debt was made to be, the more active capital was +created. That is to say, the creditors could now employ in commerce the +money due them from the public, and make from it an annual profit of +five per cent., or four millions of dollars. But observe, that the +public were at the same time paying on it an interest of exactly the +same amount of four millions of dollars. Where then is the gain to +either party, which makes it a public blessing? There is no change in +the state of things, but of persons only. A has a debt due to him from +the public, of which he holds their certificate as evidence, and on +which he is receiving an annual interest. He wishes, however, to have +the money itself, and to go into business with it. B has an equal sum of +money in business, but wishes now to retire, and live on the interest. +He therefore gives it to A, in exchange for A's certificates of public +stock. Now, then, A has the money to employ in business, which B so +employed before. B has the money on interest to live on, which A lived +on before: and the public pays the interest to B, which they paid to +A before. Here is no new creation of capital, no additional money +employed, nor even a change in the employment of a single dollar. +The only change is of place between A and B, in which we discover no +creation of capital, nor public blessing. Suppose, again, the public to +owe nothing. Then A not having lent his money to the public, would be +in possession of it himself, and would go into business without the +previous operation of selling stock. Here again, the same quantity of +capital is employed as in the former case, though no public debt exists. +In neither case is there any creation of active capital, nor other +difference than that there is a public debt in the first case, and none +in the last; and we may safely ask which of the two situations is most +truly a public blessing? If, then, a public debt be no public blessing, +we may pronounce _a fortiori_, that a private one cannot be so. If the +debt which the banking companies owe be a blessing to any body, it is to +themselves alone, who are realizing a solid interest of eight or ten +per cent, on it. As to the public, these companies have banished all our +gold and silver medium, which, before their institution, we had without +interest, which never could have perished in our hands, and would have +been our salvation now in the hour of war; instead of which, they have +given us two hundred millions of froth and bubble, on which we are to +pay them heavy interest, until it shall vanish into air, as Morris's +notes did. We are warranted, then, in affirming that this parody on the +principle of 'a public debt being a public blessing,' and its mutation +into the blessing of private instead of public debts, is as ridiculous +as the original principle itself. In both cases, the truth is, that +capital may be produced by industry, and accumulated by economy: but +jugglers only will propose to create it by legerdemain tricks with +paper. I have called the actual circulation of bank paper in the United +States, two hundred millions of dollars. I do not recollect where I have +seen this estimate; but I retain the impression that I thought it just +at the time. It may be tested, however, by a list of the banks now in +the United States, and the amount of their capital. I have no means of +recurring to such a list for the present day: but I turn to two lists in +my possession for the years of 1803 and 1804. + +In 1803, there were thirty-four banks, whose capital was $28,902,000 + +In 1804, there were sixty-six, consequently thirty-two additional ones. +Their capital is not stated, but at the average of the others (excluding +the highest, that of the United States, which was of ten millions) +they would be of six hundred thousand dollars each, and +add.........19,200,000 + +Making a total of........ $48,102,000 + +or say, of fifty millions in round numbers. Now every one knows the +immense multiplication of these institutions since 1804. If they have +only doubled, their capital will be of one hundred millions, and if +trebled, as I think probable, it will be of one hundred and fifty +millions, on which they are at liberty to circulate treble the amount. +I should sooner, therefore, believe two hundred millions to be far below +than above the actual circulation. In England, by a late parliamentary +document, (see Virginia Argus of October the 18th, 1813, and other +public papers of about that date) it appears that six years ago, the +bank of England had twelve millions of pounds sterling in circulation, +which had increased to forty-two millions in 1812, or to one hundred and +eighty-nine millions of dollars. What proportion all the other banks may +add to this, I do not know: if we were allowed to suppose they equal +it, this would give a circulation of three hundred and seventy-eight +millions, or the double of ours on a double population. But that nation +is essentially commercial, ours essentially agricultural, and needing, +therefore, less circulating medium, because the produce of the +husbandman comes but once a year, and is then partly consumed at home, +partly exchanged by barter. The dollar, which was of four shillings and +six pence sterling, was, by the same document, stated to be then six +shillings and nine pence, a depreciation of exactly fifty per cent. The +average price of wheat on the continent of Europe, at the commencement +of its present war with England, was about a French crown, of one +hundred and ten cents, the bushel. With us it was one hundred cents, and +consequently we could send it there in competition with their own. +That ordinary price has now doubled with us, and more than doubled in +England; and although a part of this augmentation may proceed from the +war demand, yet from the extraordinary nominal rise in the prices of +land and labor here, both of which have nearly doubled in that period, +and are still rising with every new bank, it is evident that were +a general peace to take place to-morrow, and time allowed for the +re-establishment of commerce, justice, and order, we could not afford +to raise wheat for much less than two dollars, while the continent of +Europe, having no paper circulation, and that of its specie not being +augmented, would raise it at their former price of one hundred and ten +cents. It follows, then, that with our redundancy of paper, we cannot, +after peace, send a bushel of wheat to Europe, unless extraordinary +circumstances double its price in particular places, and that then the +exporting countries of Europe could undersell us. It is said our paper +is as good as silver, because we may have silver for it at the bank +where it issues. This is not true. One, two, or three persons might have +it: but a general application would soon exhaust their vaults, and leave +a ruinous proportion of their paper in its intrinsic worthless form. +It is a fallacious pretence, for another reason. The inhabitants of the +banking cities might obtain cash for their paper, as far as the cash of +the vaults would hold out; but distance puts it out of the power of the +country to do this. A farmer having a note of a Boston or Charleston +bank, distant hundreds of miles, has no means of calling for the cash. +And while these calls are impracticable for the country, the banks have +no fear of their being made from the towns; because their inhabitants +are mostly on their books, and there on sufferance only and during good +behavior. + +In this state of things, we are called on to add ninety millions more +to the circulation. Proceeding in this career, it is infallible, that we +must end where the revolutionary paper ended. Two hundred millions was +the whole amount of all the emissions of the old Congress, at which +point their bills ceased to circulate. We are now at that sum; but with +treble the population, and of course a longer tether. Our depreciation +is, as yet, but at about two for one. Owing to the support its credit +receives from the small reservoirs of specie in the vaults of the banks, +it is impossible to say at what point their notes will stop. Nothing +is necessary to effect it but a general alarm; and that may take +place whenever the public shall begin to reflect on, and perceive, the +impossibility that the banks should repay this sum. At present, caution +is inspired no farther than to keep prudent men from selling property +on long payments. Let us suppose the panic to arise at three hundred +millions, a point to which every session of the legislatures hastens +us by long strides. Nobody dreams that they would have three hundred +millions of specie to satisfy the holders of their notes. Were they even +to stop now, no one supposes they have two hundred millions in cash, or +even the sixty-six and two-thirds millions, to which amount alone the +law obliges them to repay. One hundred and thirty-three and one-third +millions of loss, then, is thrown on the public by law; and as to the +sixty-six and two-thirds, which they are legally bound to pay, and ought +to have in their vaults, every one knows there is no such amount of cash +in the United States, and what would be the course with what they really +have there? Their notes are refused. Cash is called for. The inhabitants +of the banking towns will get what is in the vaults, until a few banks +declare their insolvency; when, the general crush becoming evident, the +others will withdraw even the cash they have, declare their bankruptcy +at once, and leave an empty house and empty coffers for the holders of +their notes. In this scramble of creditors, the country gets nothing, +the towns but little. What are they to do? Bring suits? A million of +creditors bring a million of suits against John Nokes and Robert Styles, +wheresoever to be found? All nonsense. The loss is total. And a sum is +thus swindled from our citizens, of seven times the amount of the real +debt, and four times that of the factitious one of the United States, +at the close of the war. All this they will justly charge on their +legislatures; but this will be poor satisfaction for the two or three +hundred millions they will have lost. It is time, then, for the public +functionaries to look to this. Perhaps it may not be too late. Perhaps, +by giving time to the banks, they may call in and pay off their paper +by degrees. But no remedy is ever to be expected while it rests with +the State legislatures. Personal motives can be excited through so many +avenues to their will, that, in their hands, it will continue to go on +from bad to worse, until the catastrophe overwhelms us. I still +believe, however, that on proper representations of the subject, a great +proportion of these legislatures would cede to Congress their power of +establishing banks, saving the charter rights already granted. And this +should be asked, not by way of amendment to the constitution, because +until three fourths should consent, nothing could be done; but accepted +from them one by one, singly, as their consent might be obtained. Any +single State, even if no other should come into the measure, would find +its interest in arresting foreign bank-paper immediately, and its own +by degrees. Specie would flow in on them as paper disappeared. Their +own banks would call in and pay off their notes gradually, and their +constituents would thus be saved from the general wreck. Should the +greater part of the States concede, as is expected, their power over +banks to Congress, besides insuring their own safety, the paper of +the non-conceding States might be so checked and circumscribed, by +prohibiting its receipt in any of the conceding States, and even in the +non-conceding as to duties, taxes, judgments, or other demands of the +United States, or of the citizens of other States, that it would +soon die of itself, and the medium of gold and silver be universally +restored. This is what ought to be done. But it will not be done. +_Carthago non delebitur_. The overbearing clamor of merchants, +speculators, and projectors, will drive us before them with our eyes +open, until, as in France, under the Mississippi bubble, our citizens +will be overtaken by the crash of this baseless fabric, without +other satisfaction than that of execrations on the heads of those +functionaries, who, from ignorance, pusillanimity, or corruption, have +betrayed the fruits of their industry into the hands of projectors and +swindlers. + +When I speak comparatively of the paper emissions of the old Congress +and the present banks, let it not be imagined that I cover them under +the same mantle. The object of the former was a holy one; for if ever +there was a holy war, it was that which saved our liberties and gave us +independence. The object of the latter, is to enrich swindlers at the +expense of the honest and industrious part of the nation. + +The sum of what has been said is, that pretermitting the constitutional +question on the authority of Congress, and considering this application +on the grounds of reason alone, it would be best that our medium should +be so proportioned to our produce, as to be on a par with that of the +countries with which we trade, and whose medium is in a sound state: +that specie is the most perfect medium, because it will preserve its own +level; because, having intrinsic and universal value, it can never die +in our hands, and it is the surest resource of reliance in time of +war: that the trifling economy of paper, as a cheaper medium, or its +convenience for transmission, weighs nothing in opposition to the +advantages of the precious metals: that it is liable to be abused, has +been, is, and for ever will be abused, in every country in which it is +permitted; that it is already at a term of abuse in these States, which +has never been reached by any other nation, France excepted, whose +dreadful catastrophe should be a warning against the instrument which +produced it: that we are already at ten or twenty times the due quantity +of medium; insomuch, that no man knows what his property is now worth, +because it is bloating while he is calculating; and still less what +it will be worth when the medium shall be relieved from its present +dropsical state: and that it is a palpable falsehood to say we can have +specie for our paper whenever demanded. Instead, then, of yielding to +the cries of scarcity of medium set up by speculators, projectors, and +commercial gamblers, no endeavors should be spared to begin the work of +reducing it by such gradual means as may give time to private fortunes +to preserve their poise, and settle down with the subsiding medium; and +that, for this purpose, the States should be urged to concede to the +General Government, with a saving of chartered rights, the exclusive +power of establishing banks of discount for paper. + +To the existence of banks of discount for cash, as on the continent of +Europe, there can be no objection, because there can be no danger of +abuse, and they are a convenience both to merchants and individuals. +I think they should even be encouraged, by allowing them a larger than +legal, interest on short discounts, and tapering thence, in proportion +as the term of discount is lengthened, down to legal interest on those +of a year or more. Even banks of deposite, where cash should be lodged, +and a paper acknowledgment taken out as its representative, entitled +to a return of the cash on demand, would be convenient for remittances, +travelling persons, he. But, liable as its cash would be to be pilfered +and robbed, and its paper to be fraudulently re-issued, or issued +without deposite, it would require skilful and strict regulation. This +would differ from the bank of Amsterdam, in the circumstance that the +cash could be re-demanded on returning the note. + +When I commenced this letter to you, my dear Sir, on Mr. Law's memorial, +I expected a short one would have answered that. But as I advanced, the +subject branched itself before me into so many collateral questions, +that even the rapid views I have taken of each have swelled the volume +of my letter beyond my expectations, and, I fear, beyond your patience. +Yet on a revisal of it, I find no part which has not so much bearing on +the subject as to be worth merely the time of perusal. I leave it +then as it is; and will add only the assurances of my constant and +affectionate esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXIV.--TO JOHN ADAMS, October 13, 1813 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, October 13, 1813. + +Dear Sir, + +Since mine of August the 22nd, I have received your favors of August the +16th, September the 2nd, 14th, 15th, and, and Mrs. Adams's, of September +the 20th. I now send you, according to your request, a copy of the +syllabus. To fill up this skeleton with arteries, with veins, with +nerves, muscles, and flesh, is really beyond my time and information. +Whoever could undertake it, would find great aid in Enfield's judicious +abridgment of Brucker's History of Philosophy, in which he has reduced +five or six quarto volumes, of one thousand pages each of Latin closely +printed, to two moderate octavos of English open type. + +To compare the morals of the Old, with those of the New Testament, would +require an attentive study of the former, a search through all its books +for its precepts, and through all its history for its practices, and the +principles they prove. As commentaries, too, on these, the philosophy of +the Hebrews must be inquired into, their Mishna, their Gemara, +Cabbala, Jezirah, Sonar, Cosri, and their Talmud, must be examined and +understood, in order to do them full justice. Brucker, it would seem, +has gone deeply into these repositories of their ethics, and Enfield his +epitomizer, concludes in these words. 'Ethics were so little understood +among the Jews, that, in their whole compilation called the Talmud, +there is only one treatise on moral subjects. Their books of morals +chiefly consisted in a minute enumeration of duties. From the law of +Moses were deduced six hundred and thirteen precepts, which were divided +into two classes, affirmative and negative, two hundred and forty-eight +in the former, and three hundred and sixty-five in the latter. It may +serve to give the reader some idea of the low state of moral philosophy +among the Jews in the middle age, to add, that of the two hundred +and forty-eight affirmative precepts, only three were considered as +obligatory upon women; and that, in order to obtain salvation, it was +judged sufficient to fulfil any one single law in the hour of death; +the observance of the rest being deemed necessary, only to increase the +felicity of the future life. What a wretched depravity of sentiment +and manners must have prevailed, before such corrupt maxims could have +obtained credit! It is impossible to collect from these writings a +consistent series of moral doctrine. (Enfield, B. 4. chap. 3.) It +was the reformation of this wretched depravity of morals which Jesus +undertook. In extracting the pure principles which he taught, we should +have to strip off the artificial vestments in which they have been +muffled by priests who have travestied them into various forms, as +instruments of riches and power to themselves. We must dismiss the +Platonists and Plotinists, the Stagyrites and Gamalielites, the +Eclectics, the Gnostics and Scholastics, their essences and emanations, +their Logos and Demiurgos, AEons, and Daemons, male and female, with a +long train of &c. &c. &c. or, shall I say at once, of nonsense. We must +reduce our volume to the simple evangelists, select, even from them, the +very words only of Jesus, paring off the amphiboligisms into which +they have been led, by forgetting often, or not understanding, what had +fallen from him, by giving their own misconceptions as his dicta, +and expressing unintelligibly for others what they had not understood +themselves. There will be found remaining the most sublime and +benevolent code of morals which has ever been offered to man. I have +performed this operation for my own use, by cutting verse by verse out +of the printed book, and arranging the matter which is evidently his, +and which is as easily distinguishable as diamonds, in a dunghill. The +result is an octavo of forty-six pages, of pure and unsophisticated +doctrines, such as were professed and acted on by the unlettered +Apostles, the Apostolic Fathers, and the Christians, of the first +century. Their Platonizing successors, indeed, in after times, in order +to legitimate the corruptions which they had incorporated into the +doctrines of Jesus, found it necessary to disavow the primitive +Christians, who had taken their principles from the mouth of Jesus +himself, of his Apostles, and the Fathers cotemporary with them. They +excommunicated their followers as heretics, branding them with the +opprobrious name of Ebionites and Beggars. For a comparison of the +Grecian philosophy with that of Jesus, materials might be largely drawn +from the same source. Enfield gives a history and detailed account of +the opinions and principles of the different sects. These relate to +the Gods, their natures, grades, places, and powers; the demi-Gods and +Demons, and their agency with man; the universe, its structure, extent, +and duration; the origin of things from the elements of fire, water, +air, and earth; the human soul, its essence and derivation; the _summum +bonum_, and _finis bonorum_; with a thousand idle dreams and fancies on +these and other subjects, the knowledge of which is withheld from man; +leaving but a short chapter for his moral duties, and the principal +section of that given to what he owes himself, to precepts for +rendering him impassible, and unassailable by the evils of life, and for +preserving his mind in a state of constant serenity. + +Such a canvass is too broad for the age of seventy, and especially of +one whose chief occupations have been in the practical business of life. +We must leave, therefore, to others, younger and more learned than +we are, to prepare this euthanasia for Platonic Christianity, and its +restoration to the primitive simplicity of its founder. I think you give +a just outline of the theism of the three religions, when you say that +the principle of the Hebrew was the fear, of the Gentile the honor, and +of the Christian the love of God. + +An expression in your letter of September the 14th, that 'the human +understanding is a revelation from its maker,' gives the best solution +that I believe can be given of the question, 'What did Socrates mean by +his Daemon?' He was too wise to believe, and too honest to pretend, that +he had real and familiar converse with a superior and invisible being. +He probably considered the suggestions of his conscience, or reason, +as revelations, or inspirations from the Supreme mind, bestowed, on +important occasions, by a special superintending providence. + +I acknowledge all the merit of the hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter, which +you ascribe to it. It is as highly sublime as a chaste and correct +imagination can permit itself to go. Yet in the contemplation of a being +so superlative, the hyperbolic flights of the Psalmist may often be +followed with approbation, even with rapture; and I have no hesitation +in giving him the palm over all the hymnists of every language, and of +every time. Turn to the 148th psalm in Brady and Tate's version. Have +such conceptions been ever before expressed? Their version of the 15th +psalm is more to be esteemed for its pithiness than its poetry. Even +Sternhold, the leaden Sternhold, kindles, in a single instance, with the +sublimity of his original, and expresses the majesty of God descending +on the earth, in terms not unworthy of the subject. + +[Illustration: page225] + +The Latin versions of this passage by Buchanan and by Johnston, are but +mediocres. But the Greek of Duport is worthy of quotation. + +The best collection of these psalms is that of the Octagonian dissenters +of Liverpool, in their printed form of prayer; but they are not always +the best versions. Indeed, bad is the best of the English versions; not +a ray of poetical genius having ever been employed on them. And how much +depends on this, may be seen by comparing Brady and Tate's 15th psalm +with Blacklock's _Justum et tenacem propositi virum_ of Horace, quoted +in Hume's History, Car. 2. ch. 66. A translation of David in this style, +or in that of Pompei's Cleanthes, might give us some idea of the merit +of the original. The character, too, of the poetry of these hymns is +singular to us; written in monostichs, each divided into strophe +and antistrophe, the sentiment of the first member responded with +amplification or antithesis in the second. + +On the subject of the Postscript of yours of August the 16th and of Mrs. +Adams's letter, I am silent. I know the depth of the affliction it has +caused, and can sympathize with it the more sensibly, inasmuch as there +is no degree of affliction, produced by the loss of those dear to us, +which experience has not taught me to estimate. I have ever found time +and silence the only medicine, and these but assuage, they never can +suppress, the deep-drawn sigh which recollection for ever brings +up, until recollection and life are extinguished together. Ever +affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXV.--TO JOHN ADAMS, October 28, 1813 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, October 28, 1813. + +Dear Sir, + +According to the reservation between us, of taking up one of the +subjects of our correspondence at a time, I turn to your letters of +August the 16th and September the 2nd. + +The passage you quote from Theognis, I think has an ethical rather than +a political object. The whole piece is a moral exhortation, + +[Illustration: page226] + +and this passage particularly seems to be a reproof to man, who, +while with his domestic animals he is curious to improve the race, by +employing always the finest male, pays no attention to the improvement +of his own race, but intermarries with the vicious, the ugly, or the +old, for considerations of wealth or ambition. It is in conformity with +the principle adopted afterwards by the Pythagoreans, and expressed by +Ocellus in another form; + +[Illustration: page226a + +which, as literally as intelligibility will admit, may be thus +translated; 'Concerning the interprocreation of men, how, and of whom it +shall be, in a perfect manner, and according to the laws of modesty and +sanctity, conjointly, this is what I think right. First, to lay it down +that we do not commix for the sake of pleasure, but of the procreation +of children. For the powers, the organs, and desires for coition have +not been given by God to man for the sake of pleasure, but for the +procreation of the race. For as it were incongruous for a mortal born +to partake of divine life, the immortality of the race being taken away, +God fulfilled the purpose by making the generations uninterrupted +and continuous. This, therefore, we are especially to lay down as a +principle, that coition is not for the sake of pleasure.' But nature, +not trusting to this moral and abstract motive, seems to have provided +more securely for the perpetuation of the species, by making it the +effect of the _oestrum_ implanted in the constitution of both sexes. +And not only has the commerce of love been indulged on this unhallowed +impulse, but made subservient also to wealth and ambition by marriages, +without regard to the beauty, the healthiness, the understanding, or +virtue of the subject from which we are to breed. The selecting the best +male for a Haram of well chosen females, also, which Theognis seems +to recommend from the example of our sheep and asses, would doubtless +improve the human, as it does the brute animal, and produce a race of +veritable + +[Illustration: page227]. + +For experience proves, that the moral and physical qualities of man, +whether good or evil, are transmissible in a certain degree from father +to son. But I suspect that the equal rights of men will rise up against +this privileged Solomon and his Haram, and oblige us to continue +acquiescence under the + +[Illustration: page227a], + +which Theognis complains of, and to content ourselves with the +accidental _aristoi_ produced by the fortuitous concourse of breeders. +For I agree with you, that there is a natural aristocracy among men. +The grounds of this are virtue and talents. Formerly, bodily powers +gave place among the _aristoi_. But since the invention of gunpowder +has armed the weak as well as the strong with missile death, +bodily strength, like beauty, good humor, politeness, and other +accomplishments, has become but an auxiliary ground of distinction. +There is also an artificial aristocracy, founded on wealth and birth, +without either virtue or talents; for with these it would belong to the +first class. The natural aristocracy I consider as the most precious +gift of nature, for the instruction, the trusts, and government of +society. And, indeed, it would have been inconsistent in creation to +have formed man for the social state, and not to have provided virtue +and wisdom enough to manage the concerns of the society. May we not even +say, that that form of government is the best, which provides the most +effectually for a pure selection of these natural _aristoi_ into the +offices of government? The artificial aristocracy is a mischievous +ingredient in government, and provision should be made to prevent its +ascendancy. On the question, what is the best provision, you and I +differ; but we differ as rational friends, using the free exercise of +our own reason, and mutually indulging its errors. You think it best +to put the pseudo-aristoi into a separate chamber of legislation, where +they may be hindered from doing mischief by their co-ordinate branches, +and where, also, they may be a protection to wealth against the Agrarian +and plundering enterprises of the majority of the people. I think that +to give them power in order to prevent them from doing mischief, is +arming them for it, and increasing instead of remedying the evil. For +if the co-ordinate branches can arrest their action, so may they that of +the co-ordinates. Mischief may be done negatively as well as positively. +Of this, a cabal in the Senate of the United States has furnished many +proofs. Nor do I believe them necessary to protect the wealthy; +because enough of these will find their way into every branch of the +legislation, to protect themselves. From fifteen to twenty legislatures +of our own, in action for thirty years past, have proved that no fears +of an equalization of property are to be apprehended from them. I think +the best remedy is exactly that provided by all our constitutions, to +leave to the citizens the free election and separation of the _aristoi_ +from the _pseudo-aristoi_, of the wheat from the chaff. In general, +they will elect the really good and wise. In some instances, wealth may +corrupt, and birth blind them; but not in sufficient degree to endanger +the society. + +It is probable that our difference of opinion may, in some measure, be +produced by a difference of character in those among whom we live. From +what I have seen of Massachusetts and Connecticut myself, and still +more from what I have heard, and the character given of the former by +yourself, (Vol. I, page 111,) who know them so much better, there seems +to be in those two States a traditionary reverence for certain families, +which has rendered the offices of government nearly hereditary in those +families. I presume that from an early period of your history, members +of these families happening to possess virtue and talents, have honestly +exercised them for the good of the people, and by their services have +endeared their names to them. In coupling Connecticut with you, I mean +it politically only, not morally. For having made the Bible the common +law of their land, they seem to have modeled their morality on the story +of Jacob and Laban. But although this hereditary succession to office +with you may, in some degree, be founded in real family merit, yet in a +much higher degree, it has proceeded from your strict alliance of Church +and State. These families are canonized in the eyes of the people on the +common principle, 'You tickle me, and I will tickle you.' In Virginia, +we have nothing of this. Our clergy, before the revolution, having been +secured against rivalship by fixed salaries, did not give themselves the +trouble of acquiring influence over the people. Of wealth, there were +great accumulations in particular families, handed down from generation +to generation, under the English law of entails. But the only object +of ambition for the wealthy was a seat in the King's Council. All their +court then was paid to the crown and its creatures; and they Philipized +in all collisions between the King and the people. Hence they were +unpopular; and that unpopularity continues attached to their names. A +Randolph, a Carter, or a Burwell must have great personal superiority +over a common competitor, to be elected by the people, even at this +day. At the first session of our legislature after the Declaration of +Independence, we passed a law abolishing entails. And this was followed +by one abolishing the privilege of primogeniture, and dividing the +lands of intestates equally among all their children, or other +representatives. These laws, drawn by myself, laid the axe to the root +of pseudo-aristocracy. And had another which I prepared been adopted by +the legislature, our work would have been complete. It was a bill for +the more general diffusion of learning. This proposed to divide every +county into wards of five or six miles square, like your townships; to +establish in each ward a free school for reading, writing, and common +arithmetic; to provide for the annual selection of the best subjects +from these schools, who might receive, at the public expense, a higher +degree of education at a district school; and from these district +schools to select a certain number of the most promising subjects, to +be completed at an University, where all the useful sciences should +be taught. Worth and genius would thus have been sought out from every +condition of life, and completely prepared by education for defeating +the competition of wealth and birth for public trusts. My proposition +had, for a further object, to impart to these wards those portions of +self-government for which they are best qualified, by confiding to them +the care of their poor, their roads, police, elections, the nomination +of jurors, administration of justice in small cases, elementary +exercises of militia; in short, to have made them little republics, with +a warden at the head of each, for all those concerns which, being under +their eye, they would better manage than the larger republics of the +county or State. A general call of ward-meetings by their wardens on the +same day through the State, would at any time produce the genuine sense +of the people on any required point, and would enable the State to act +in mass, as your people have so often done, and with so much effect, by +their town-meetings. The law for religious freedom, which made a part of +this system, having put down the aristocracy of the clergy, and restored +to the citizen the freedom of the mind, and those of entails and +descents nurturing an equality of condition among them, this on +education would have raised the mass of the people to the high ground +of moral respectability necessary to their own safety, and to orderly +government; and would have completed the great object of qualifying them +to select the veritable aristoi, for the trusts of government, to the +exclusion of the pseudalists: and the same Theognis, who has furnished +the epigraphs of your two letters, assures us that + +[Illustration: page229] + +Although this law has not yet been acted on but in a small and +inefficient degree, it is still considered as before the legislature, +with other bills of the revised code, not yet taken up, and I have great +hope that some patriotic spirit will, at a favorable moment, call it up, +and make it the key-stone of the arch of our government. + +With respect to aristocracy, we should further consider, that before the +establishment of the American States, nothing was known to history +but the man of the old world, crowded within limits either small or +overcharged, and steeped in the vices which that situation generates. A +government adapted to such men would be one thing; but a very different +one, that for the man of these States. Here every one may have land to +labor for himself, if he chooses; or, preferring the exercise of any +other industry, may exact for it such compensation as not only to afford +a comfortable subsistence, but wherewith to provide for a cessation +from labor in old age. Every one, by his property or by his satisfactory +situation, is interested in the support of law and order. And such men +may safely and advantageously reserve to themselves a wholesome control +over their public affairs, and a degree of freedom, which, in the hands +of the canaille of the cities of Europe, would be instantly perverted +to the demolition and destruction of every thing public and private. The +history of the last twenty-five years of France, and of the last forty +years in America, nay, of its last two hundred years, proves the truth +of both parts of this observation. + +But even in Europe a change has sensibly taken place in the mind of man. +Science had liberated the ideas of those who read and reflect, and +the American example had kindled feelings of right in the people. An +insurrection has consequently begun, of science, talents, and courage, +against rank and birth, which have fallen into contempt. It has failed +in its first effort, because the mobs of the cities, the instrument used +for its accomplishment, debased by ignorance, poverty, and vice, could +not be restrained to rational action. But the world will recover from +the panic of this first catastrophe. Science is progressive, and talents +and enterprise on the alert. Resort may be had to the people of +the country, a more governable power from their principles and +subordination; and rank and birth and tinsel-aristocracy will finally +shrink into insignificance, even there. This, however, we have no right +to meddle with. It suffices for us, if the moral and physical condition +of our own citizens qualifies them to select the able and good for the +direction of their government, with a recurrence of elections at such +short periods as will enable them to displace an unfaithful servant, +before the mischief he meditates may be irremediable, I have thus +stated my opinion on a point on which we differ, not with a view to +controversy, for we are both too old to change opinions which are the +result of a long life of inquiry and reflection; but on the suggestion +of a former letter of yours, that we ought not to die before we have +explained ourselves to each other. We acted in perfect harmony, +through a long and perilous contest for our liberty and independence. +A constitution has been acquired, which, though neither of us thinks +perfect, yet both consider as competent to render our fellow-citizens +the happiest and the securest on whom the sun has ever shone. If we do +not think exactly alike as to its imperfections, it matters little to +our country, which, after devoting to it long lives of disinterested +labor we have delivered over to our successors in life, who will be able +to take care of it and of themselves. + +Of the pamphlet on aristocracy which has been sent to you, or who may be +its author, I have heard nothing but through your letter. If the person +you suspect, it may be known from the quaint, mystical, and hyperbolical +ideas, involved in affected, newfangled, and pedantic terms, which stamp +his writings. Whatever it be, I hope your quiet is not to be affected at +this day by the rudeness or intemperance of scribblers; but that you may +continue in tranquillity to live and to rejoice in the prosperity of +our country, until it shall be your own wish to take your seat among the +_aristoi_ who have gone before you. + +Ever and affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXVI.--TO THOMAS LIEPER, January 1, 1814 + + +TO THOMAS LIEPER. + +Monticello, January 1, 1814. + +Dear Sir, + +I had hoped, when I retired from the business of the world, that I +should have been permitted to pass the evening of life in tranquillity, +undisturbed by the peltings and passions of which the public papers +are the vehicles. I see, however, that I have been dragged into the +newspapers by the infidelity of one with whom I was formerly intimate, +but who has abandoned the American principles out of which that intimacy +grew, and become the bigoted partisan of England, and malcontent of his +own government. In a letter which he wrote me, he earnestly besought me +to avail our country of the good understanding which subsisted between +the executive and myself, by recommending an offer of such terms to +our enemy as might produce a peace, towards which he was confident that +enemy was disposed. In my answer, I stated the aggressions, the insults, +and injuries which England had been heaping on us for years, our long +forbearance in the hope she might be led by time and reflection to a +sounder view of her own interests, and of their connection with justice +to us, the repeated propositions for accommodation made by us, and +rejected by her, and at length her Prince Regent's solemn proclamation +to the world, that he would never repeal the orders in council as to +us, until France should have revoked her illegal decrees as to all +the world, and her minister's declaration to ours, that no admissible +precaution against the impressment of our seamen could be proposed: that +the unavoidable declaration of war which followed these was accompanied +by advances for peace, on terms which no American could dispense with, +made through various channels, and unnoticed and unanswered through +any: but that if he could suggest any other conditions which we ought +to accept, and which had not been repeatedly offered and rejected, I was +ready to be the channel of their conveyance to the government: and, to +show him that neither that attachment to Bonaparte nor French influence, +which they allege eternally without believing it, themselves, affected +my mind, I threw in the two little sentences, of the printed extract +enclosed in your friendly favor of the 9th ultimo, and exactly these two +little sentences, from a letter of two or three pages, he has thought +proper to publish, naked, alone, and with my name, although other parts +of the letter would have shown that I wished such limits only to the +successes of Bonaparte, as should not prevent his completely closing +Europe against British manufactures and commerce; and thereby reducing +her to just terms of peace with us. + +Thus am I situated. I receive letters from all quarters, some from known +friends, some from those who write like friends, on various subjects. +What am I to do? Am I to button myself up in Jesuitical reserve, rudely +declining any answer, or answering in terms so unmeaning, as only +to prove my distrust? Must I withdraw myself from all interchange of +sentiment with the world? I cannot do this. It is at war with my habits +and temper. I cannot act as if all men were unfaithful, because some are +so; nor believe that all will betray me, because some do. I had rather +be the victim of occasional infidelities, than relinquish my general +confidence in the honesty of man. + +So far as to the breach of confidence which has brought me into the +newspapers, with a view to embroil me with my friends, by a supposed +separation in opinion and principle from them. But it is impossible +there can be any difference of opinion among us on the two propositions +contained in these two little sentences, when explained, as they were +explained in the context from which they were insulated. That Bonaparte +is an unprincipled tyrant, who is deluging the continent of Europe with +blood, there is not a human being, not even the wife of his bosom, who +does not see: nor can there, I think, be a doubt as to the line we ought +to wish drawn between his successes and those of Alexander. Surely none +of us wish to see Bonaparte conquer Russia, and lay thus at his feet the +whole continent of Europe. This done, England would be but a breakfast: +and although I am free from the visionary fears which the votaries of +England have affected to entertain, because I believe he cannot effect +the conquest of Europe; yet put all Europe into his hands, and he might +spare such a force, to be sent in British ships, as I would as lieve +not have to encounter, when I see how much trouble a handful of British +soldiers in Canada has given us. No. It cannot be our interest that all +Europe should be reduced to a single monarchy. The true line of +interest for us is, that Bonaparte should be able to effect the complete +exclusion of England from the whole continent of Europe, in order, as +the same letter said, 'by this peaceable engine of constraint, to make +her renounce her views of dominion over the ocean, of permitting no +other nation to navigate it but with her license, and on tribute to her, +and her aggressions on the persons of our citizens who may choose to +exercise their right of passing over that element.' And this would be +effected by Bonaparte's succeeding so far as to close the Baltic against +her. This success I wished him the last year, this I wish him this +year; but were he again advanced to Moscow, I should again wish him +such disasters as would prevent his reaching Petersburg. And were the +consequences even to be the longer continuance of our war, I would +rather meet them, than see the whole force of Europe wielded by a single +hand. + +I have gone into this explanation, my friend, because I know you will +not carry my letter to the newspapers, and because I am willing +to entrust to your discretion the explaining me to our honest +fellow-laborers, and the bringing them to pause and reflect, if any of +them have not sufficiently reflected on the extent of the success we +ought to wish to Bonaparte, with a view to our own interests only; and +even were we not men, to whom nothing human should be indifferent. But +is our particular interest to make us insensible to all sentiments of +morality? Is it then become criminal, the moral wish that the torrents +of blood this man is shedding in Europe, the sufferings of so many human +beings, good as ourselves, on whose necks he is trampling, the burnings +of ancient cities, devastations of great countries, the destruction of +law and order, and demoralization of the world, should be arrested, even +if it should place our peace a little further distant? No. You and +I cannot differ in wishing that Russia, and Sweden, and Denmark, and +Germany, and Spain, and Portugal, and Italy, and even England, may +retain their independence. And if we differ in our opinions about Towers +and his four beasts and ten kingdoms, we differ as friends, indulging +mutual errors, and doing justice to mutual sincerity and honesty. In +this spirit of sincere confidence and affection, I pray God to bless you +here and hereafter. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXVII.--TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES, January 2,1814 + + +TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES. + +Monticello, January 2,1814. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of November the 25th reached this place December the 21st, +having been near a month on the way. How this could happen I know not, +as we have two mails a week both from Fredericksburg and Richmond. It +found me just returned from a long journey and absence, during which +so much business had accumulated, commanding the first attentions, that +another week has been added to the delay. + +I deplore, with you, the putrid state into which our newspapers have +passed, and the malignity, the vulgarity, and mendacious spirit of those +who write for them; and I enclose you a recent sample, the production of +a New England judge, as a proof of the abyss of degradation into which +we are fallen. These ordures are rapidly depraving the public taste, and +lessening its relish for sound food. As vehicles of information, and +a curb on our functionaries, they have rendered themselves useless, by +forfeiting all title to belief. That this has, in a great degree, been +produced by the violence and malignity of party spirit, I agree with +you; and I have read with great pleasure the paper you enclosed me on +that subject, which I now return. It is at the same time a perfect model +of the style of discussion which candor and decency should observe, +of the tone which renders difference of opinion even amiable, and a +succinct, correct, and dispassionate history of the origin and progress +of party among us. It might be incorporated, as it stands, and without +changing a word, into the history of the present epoch, and would give +to posterity a fairer view of the times than they will probably derive +from other sources. In reading it, with great satisfaction, there was +but a single passage where I wished a little more developement of a very +sound and catholic idea; a single intercalation to rest it solidly on +true bottom. It is near the end of the first page, where you make a +statement of genuine republican maxims; saying, 'that the people ought +to possess as much political power as can possibly consist with the +order and security of society.' Instead of this, I would say, 'that +the people, being the only safe depository of power, should exercise in +person every function which their qualifications enable them to exercise +consistently with the order and security of society; that we now find +them equal to the election of those who shall be invested with +their executive and legislative powers, and to act themselves in the +judiciary, as judges in questions of fact; that the range of their +powers ought to be enlarged,' &c. This gives both the reason and +exemplification of the maxim you express, 'that they ought to possess as +much political power,' &c. I see nothing to correct either in your facts +or principles. + +You say that in taking General Washington on your shoulders, to bear him +harmless through the federal coalition, you encounter a perilous topic. +I do not think so. You have given the genuine history of the course of +his mind through the trying scenes in which it was engaged, and of the +seductions by which it was deceived, but not depraved. I think I knew +General Washington intimately and thoroughly; and were I called on to +delineate his character, it should be in terms like these. + +His mind was great and powerful, without being of the very first order; +his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of a Newton, Bacon, +or Locke; and as far as he saw, no judgment was ever sounder. It was +slow in operation, being little aided by invention or imagination, but +sure in conclusion. Hence the common remark of his officers, of +the advantage he derived from councils of war, where, hearing all +suggestions, he selected whatever was best; and certainly no General +ever planned his battles more judiciously. But if deranged during the +course of the action, if any member of his plan was dislocated by sudden +circumstances, he was slow in a re-adjustment. The consequence was, that +he often failed in the field, and rarely against an enemy in station, as +at Boston and York. He was incapable of fear, meeting personal dangers +with the calmest unconcern. Perhaps the strongest feature in his +character was prudence, never acting until every circumstance, every +consideration, was maturely weighed; refraining if he saw a doubt, but, +when once decided, going through with his purpose, whatever obstacles +opposed. His integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible I +have ever known, no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendship +or hatred, being able to bias his decision. He was, indeed, in every +sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great man. His temper was +naturally irritable and high-toned; but reflection and resolution had +obtained a firm and habitual ascendancy over it. If ever, however, it +broke its bonds, he was most tremendous in his wrath. In his expenses he +was honorable, but exact; liberal in contributions to whatever promised +utility; but frowning and unyielding on all visionary projects, and all +unworthy calls on his charity. His heart was not warm in its affections; +but he exactly calculated every man's value, and gave him a solid esteem +proportioned to it. His person, you know, was fine, his stature exactly +what one would wish, his deportment easy, erect, and noble; the best +horseman of his age, and the most, graceful figure that could be seen +on horseback. Although in the circle of his friends, where he might +be unreserved with safety, he took a free share in conversation, +his colloquial talents were not above mediocrity, possessing neither +copiousness of ideas, nor fluency of words. In public, when called on +for a sudden opinion, he was unready, short, and embarrassed. Yet he +wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and correct style. This +he had acquired by conversation with the world, for his education +was merely reading, writing, and common arithmetic, to which he added +surveying at a later day. His time was employed in action chiefly, +reading little, and that only in agriculture and English history. His +correspondence became necessarily extensive, and, with journalizing +his agricultural proceedings, occupied most of his leisure hours within +doors. On the whole, his character was, in its mass, perfect, in nothing +bad, in few points indifferent; and it may truly be said, that never did +nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great, and to +place him in the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited +from man an everlasting remembrance. For his was the singular destiny +and merit, of leading the armies of his country successfully through an +arduous war, for the establishment of its independence; of conducting +its councils through the birth of a government, new in its forms and +principles, until it had settled down into a quiet and orderly train; +and of scrupulously obeying the laws through the whole of his career, +civil and military, of which the history of the world furnishes no other +example. How, then, can it be perilous for you to take such a man on +your shoulders? I am satisfied the great body of republicans think of +him as I do. We were, indeed, dissatisfied with him on his ratification +of the British treaty. But this was short-lived. We knew his honesty, +the wiles with which he was encompassed, and that age had already begun +to relax the firmness of his purposes; and I am convinced he is more +deeply seated in the love and gratitude of the republicans, than in the +Pharisaical homage of the federal monarchists. For he was no monarchist +from preference of his judgment. The soundness of that gave him correct +views of the rights of man, and his severe justice devoted him to them. +He has often declared to me that he considered our new constitution as +an experiment on the practicability of republican government, and with +what dose of liberty man could be trusted for his own good; that he was +determined the experiment should have a fair trial, and would lose +the last drop of his blood in support of it. And these declarations he +repeated to me the oftener and the more pointedly, because he knew my +suspicions of Colonel Hamilton's views, and probably had heard from +him the same declarations which I had, to wit, 'that the British +constitution, with its unequal representation, corruption, and other +existing abuses, was the most perfect government which had ever been +established on earth, and that a reformation of these abuses would make +it an impracticable government.' I do believe that General Washington +had not a firm confidence in the durability of our government. He was +naturally distrustful of men, and inclined to gloomy apprehensions: +and I was ever persuaded that a belief that we must at length end in +something like a British constitution, had some weight in his adoption +of the ceremonies of levees, birthdays, pompous meetings with Congress, +and other forms of the same character, calculated to prepare us +gradually for a change which he believed possible, and to let it come on +with as little shock as might be to the public mind. + +These are my opinions of General Washington, which I would vouch at the +judgment-seat of God, having been formed on an acquaintance of thirty +years. I served with him in the Virginia legislature from 1769 to the +Revolutionary war, and again, a short time in Congress, until he left us +to take command of the army. During the war and after it we corresponded +Occasionally, and in the four years of my continuance in the office +of Secretary of State, our intercourse was daily, confidential, and +cordial. After I retired from that office, great and malignant pains +were taken by our federal monarchists, and not entirely without +effect, to make him view me as a theorist, holding French principles of +government, which would lead infallibly to licentiousness and anarchy. +And to this he listened the more easily, from my known disapprobation +of the British treaty. I never saw him afterwards, or these malignant +insinuations should have been dissipated before his just judgment, as +mists before the sun. I felt on his death, with my countrymen, that +'verily a great man hath fallen this day in Israel.' + +More time and recollection would enable me to add many other traits of +his character; but why add them to you, who knew him well? And I cannot +justify to myself a longer detention of your paper. + +_Vale, proprieque tuum me esse tibi persuadeas_. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXVIII.--TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, January 31, 1814 + +TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. + +Monticello, January 31, 1814. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of the 23d is received. Say had come to hand safely. But I +regretted having asked the return of him; for I did not find in him one +new idea on the subject I had been contemplating; nothing more than a +succinct, judicious digest of the tedious pages of Smith. + +You ask my opinion on the question, whether the States can add any +qualifications to those which the constitution has prescribed for their +members of Congress? It is a question I had never before reflected on; +yet had taken up an off-hand opinion, agreeing with your first, +that they could not: that to add new qualifications to those of the +constitution, would be as much an alteration, as to detract from them. +And so I think the House of Representatives of Congress decided in some +case; I believe that of a member from Baltimore. But your letter having +induced me to look into the constitution, and to consider the question +a little, I am again in your predicament, of doubting the correctness of +my first opinion. Had the constitution been silent, nobody can doubt but +that the right to prescribe all the qualifications and disqualifications +of those they would send to represent them, would have belonged to the +State. So also the constitution might have prescribed the whole, and +excluded all others. It seems to have preferred the middle way. It has +exercised the power in part, by declaring some disqualifications, to +wit, those of not being twenty-five years of age, of not having been a +citizen seven years, and of not being an inhabitant of the State at the +time of election. But it does not declare, itself, that the member shall +not be a lunatic, a pauper, a convict of treason, of murder, of felony, +or other infamous crime, or a non-resident of his district; nor does +it prohibit to the State the power of declaring these, or any other +disqualifications which its particular circumstances may call for: and +these may be different in different States. Of course, then, by the +tenth amendment, the power is reserved to the State. If, wherever the +constitution assumes a single power out of many which belong to the same +subject, we should consider it as assuming the whole, it would vest +the General Government with a mass of powers never contemplated. On the +contrary, the assumption of particular powers seems an exclusion of all +not assumed. This reasoning appears to me to be sound; but, on so recent +a change of view, caution requires us not to be too confident, and that +we admit this to be one of the doubtful questions on which honest men +may differ with the purest motives; and the more readily, as we find we +have differed from ourselves on it. + +I have always thought, that where the line of demarcation between +the powers of the General and State governments was doubtfully or +indistinctly drawn, it would be prudent and praiseworthy in both +parties, never to approach it but under the most urgent necessity. +Is the necessity now urgent, to declare that no non-resident of his +district shall be eligible as a member of Congress? It seems to me that, +in practice, the partialities of the people are a sufficient security +against such an election; and that if, in any instance, they should +ever choose a non-resident, it must be in one of such eminent merit and +qualifications, as would make it a good, rather than an evil; and that, +in any event, the examples will be so rare, as never to amount to a +serious evil. If the case then be neither clear nor urgent, would it not +be better to let it lie undisturbed? Perhaps its decision may never +be called for. But if it be indispensable to establish this +disqualification now, would it not look better to declare such others, +at the same time, as may be proper? I frankly confide to yourself these +opinions, or rather no-opinions, of mine; but would not wish to have +them go any farther. I want to be quiet: and although some circumstances +now and then excite me to notice them, I feel safe, and happier in +leaving events to those whose turn it is to take care of them; and, in +general, to let it be understood, that I meddle little or not at all +with public affairs. There are two subjects, indeed, which I shall claim +a right to further as long as I breathe, the public education and the +subdivision of the counties into wards. I consider the continuance of +republican government as absolutely hanging on these two hooks. Of the +first, you will, I am sure, be an advocate, as having already +reflected on it, and of the last, when you shall have reflected. Ever +affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXIX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, July 5, 1814 + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, July 5, 1814 + +Dear Sir, + +Since mine of January the 24th, yours of March the 14th has been +received. It was not acknowledged in the short one of May the 18th, by +Mr. Rives, the only object of that having been to enable one of our most +promising young men to have the advantage of making his bow to you. I +learned with great regret the serious illness mentioned in your letter; +and I hope Mr. Rives will be able to tell me you are entirely restored. +But our machines have now been running seventy or eighty years, and we +must expect that, worn as they are, here a pivot, there a wheel, now +a pinion, next a spring, will be giving way; and however we may tinker +them up for a while, all will at length surcease motion. Our watches, +with works of brass and steel, wear out within that period. Shall you +and I last to see the course the seven-fold wonders of the times will +take? The Attila of the age dethroned, the ruthless destroyer of +ten millions of the human race, whose thirst for blood appeared +unquenchable, the great oppressor of the rights and liberties of +the world, shut up within the circuit of a little island of the +Mediterranean, and dwindled to the condition of an humble and degraded +pensioner on the bounty of those he has most injured. How miserably, how +meanly, has he closed his inflated career! What a sample of the bathos +will his history present! He should have perished on the swords of his +enemies, under the walls of Paris. + +[Illustration: page240] + +But Bonaparte was a lion in the field only. In civil life, a +cold-blooded, calculating, unprincipled usurper, without a virtue; no +statesman, knowing nothing of commerce, political economy, or civil +government, and supplying ignorance by bold presumption. I had supposed +him a great man until his entrance into the Assembly _des Cinq Cens_, +eighteenth _Brumaire_ (an 8.) From that date, however, I set him down as +a great scoundrel only. To the wonders of his rise and fall, we may add +that of a Czar of Muscovy, dictating, in Paris, laws and limits to all +the successors of the Caesars, and holding even the balance in which the +fortunes of this new world are suspended. I own, that while I rejoice, +for the good of mankind, in the deliverance of Europe from the havoc +which would have never ceased while Bonaparte should have lived in +power, I see with anxiety the tyrant of the ocean remaining in vigor, +and even participating in the merit of crushing his brother tyrant. +While the world is thus turned upside down, on which side of it are +we? All the strong reasons, indeed, place us on the side of peace; the +interests of the continent, their friendly dispositions, and even the +interests of England. Her passions alone are opposed to it. Peace would +seem now to be an easy work, the causes of the war being removed. Her +orders of council will no doubt be taken care of by the allied powers, +and, war ceasing, her impressment of our seamen ceases of course. But I +fear there is foundation for the design intimated in the public +papers, of demanding a cession of our right in the fisheries. What will +Massachusetts say to this? I mean her majority, which must be considered +as speaking through the organs it has appointed itself, as the index of +its will. She chose to sacrifice the liberty of our sea-faring citizens, +in which we were all interested, and with them her obligations to the +co-States, rather than war with England. Will she now sacrifice the +fisheries to the same partialities? This question is interesting to her +alone; for to the middle, the southern, and western States, they are +of no direct concern; of no more than the culture of tobacco, rice, and +cotton to Massachusetts. I am really at a loss to conjecture what our +refractory sister will say on this occasion. I know what, as a citizen +of the Union, I would say to her. 'Take this question ad referendum. It +concerns you alone. If you would rather, give up the fisheries than war +with England, we give them up. If you had rather fight for them, we will +defend your interests to the last drop of our blood, choosing rather to +set a good example than follow a bad one.' And I hope she will determine +to fight for them. With this, however, you and I shall have nothing +to do; ours being truly the case wherein '_Non tali auxilio, nec +defensoribus istis, tempus eget_.' Quitting this subject, therefore, I +will turn over another leaf. + +I am just returned from one of my long absences, having been at my +other home for five weeks past. Having more leisure there than here for +reading, I amused myself with reading seriously Plato's Republic. I +am wrong, however, in calling it amusement, for it was the heaviest +task-work I ever went through. I had occasionally before taken up some +of his other works, but scarcely ever had patience to go through a +whole dialogue. While wading through the whimsies, the puerilities, and +unintelligible jargon of this work, I laid it down often to ask myself, +how it could have been that the world should have so long consented to +give reputation to such nonsense as this. How the soi-disant Christian +world, indeed, should have done it, is a piece of historical curiosity. +But how could the Roman good sense do it? And particularly, how could +Cicero bestow such eulogies on Plato? Although Cicero did not wield +the dense logic of Demosthenes, yet he was able, learned, laborious, +practised in the business of the world and honest. He could not be the +dupe of mere style, of which he was himself the first master in the +world. With the moderns, I think, it is rather a matter of fashion and +authority. Education is chiefly in the hands of persons who, from their +profession, have an interest in the reputation and the dreams of Plato. +They give the tone while at school, and few in their after years have +occasion to revise their college opinions. But fashion and authority +apart, and bringing Plato to the test of reason, take from him, his +sophisms, futilities, and incomprehensibilities, and what remains? In +truth, he is one of the race of genuine sophists, who has escaped the +oblivion of his brethren, first, by the elegance of his diction, but +chiefly by the adoption and incorporation of his whimsies into the body +of artificial Christianity. His foggy mind is for ever presenting the +semblances of objects which, half seen through a mist, can be defined +neither in form nor dimension. Yet this, which should have consigned +him to early oblivion, really procured him immortality of fame and +reverence. The Christian priesthood, finding the doctrines of Christ +levelled to every understanding, and too plain to need explanation, saw +in the mysticisms of Plato materials with which they might build up +an artificial system, which might, from its indistinctness, admit +everlasting controversy, give employment for their order, and introduce +it to profit, power, and pre-eminence. The doctrines which flowed from +the lips of Jesus himself are within the comprehension of a child; but +thousands of volumes have not yet explained the Platonisms engrafted on +them: and for this obvious reason, that nonsense can never be explained. +Their purposes, however, are answered. Plato is canonized: and it is +now deemed as impious to question his merits as those of an Apostle of +Jesus. He is peculiarly appealed to as an advocate of the immortality +of the soul; and yet I will venture to say, that were there no better +arguments than his in proof of it, not a man in the world would believe +it. It is fortunate for us, that Platonic republicanism has not obtained +the same favor as Platonic Christianity; or we should now have been all +living, men, women, and children, pell-mell together, like the beasts +of the field or forest. Yet 'Plato is a great philosopher,' said La +Fontaine. But, says Fontenelle, 'Do you find his ideas very clear.' 'Oh, +no! he is of an obscurity impenetrable.' 'Do you not find him full +of contradictions?' 'Certainly,' replied La Fontaine, 'he is but a +sophist.' Yet immediately after, he exclaims again, 'Oh, Plato was a +great philosopher.' Socrates had reason, indeed, to complain of the +misrepresentations of Plato; for, in truth, his dialogues are libels on +Socrates. + +But why am I dosing you with these antediluvian topics? Because I +am glad to have some one to whom they are familiar, and who will not +receive them as if dropped from the moon. Our post-revolutionary youth +are born under happier stars than you and I were. They acquire all +learning in their mother's womb, and bring it into the world ready made. +The information of books is no longer necessary; and all knowledge which +is not innate is in contempt, or neglect at least. Every folly must +run its round; and so, I suppose, must that of self-learning and +self-sufficiency; of rejecting the knowledge acquired in past ages, and +starting on the new ground of intuition. When sobered by experience, +I hope our successors will turn their attention to the advantages of +education. I mean of education on the broad scale, and not that of the +petty academies, as they call themselves, which are starting up in every +neighborhood, and where one or two men, possessing Latin, and sometimes +Greek, a knowledge of the globes, and the first six books of Euclid, +imagine and communicate this as the sum of science. They commit their +pupils to the theatre of the world, with just taste enough of learning +to be alienated from industrious pursuits, and not enough to do service +in the ranks of science. We have some exceptions, indeed. I presented +one to you lately, and we have some others. But the terms I use are +general truths. I hope the necessity will, at length, be seen of +establishing institutions here, as in Europe, where every branch of +science, useful at this day, may be taught in its highest degree. Have +you ever turned your thoughts to the plan of such an institution? I +mean to a specification of the particular sciences of real use in +human affairs, and how they might be so grouped as to require so many +professors only, as might bring them within the views of a just but +enlightened economy? I should be happy in a communication of your ideas +on this problem, either loose or digested. But to avoid my being run +away with by another subject, and adding to the length and ennui of +the present letter, I will here present to Mrs. Adams and yourself, the +assurance of my constant and sincere friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXX.--TO COLONEL MONROE, January 1, 1815 + +TO COLONEL MONROE. + +Monticello, January 1, 1815. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letters of November the 30th and December the 21st have been +received with great pleasure. A truth now and then projecting into the +ocean of newspaper lies, serves like headlands to correct our course. +Indeed, my scepticism as to every thing I see in a newspaper, makes me +indifferent whether I ever see one. The embarrassments at Washington, in +August last, I expected would be great in any state of things; but they +proved greater than expected. I never doubted that the plans of the +President were wise and sufficient. Their failure we all impute, 1. +To the insubordinate temper of Armstrong: and, 2. To the indecision of +Winder. However, it ends well. It mortifies ourselves, and so may check, +perhaps, the silly boasting spirit of our newspapers, and it enlists the +feelings of the world on our side: and the advantage of public opinion +is like that of the weather-gage in a naval action. In Europe, the +transient possession of our Capital can be no disgrace. Nearly every +Capital there was in possession of its enemy some often and long. But +diabolical as they paint that enemy, he burnt neither public edifices +nor private dwellings. It was reserved for England to show that +Bonaparte, in atrocity, was an infant to their ministers and their +generals. They are taking his place in the eyes of Europe, and have +turned into our channel all its good will. This will be worth the +million of dollars the repairs of their conflagrations will cost us. +I hope that to preserve this weather-gage of public opinion, and to +counteract the slanders and falsehoods disseminated by the English +papers, the government will make it a standing instruction to +their ministers at foreign courts, to keep Europe truly informed of +occurrences here, by publishing in their papers the naked truth always, +whether favorable or unfavorable. For they will believe the good, if we +candidly tell them the bad also. + +But you have two more serious causes of uneasiness; the want of men and +money. For the former, nothing more wise or efficient could have been +imagined than what you proposed. It would have filled our ranks with +regulars, and that, too, by throwing a just share of the burthen on the +purses of those whose persons are exempt either by age or office; and it +would have rendered our militia, like those of the Greeks and Romans, +a nation of warriors. But the go-by seems to have been given to your +proposition, and longer sufferance is necessary to force us to what is +best. We seem equally incorrigible in our financial course. Although a +century of British experience has proved to what a wonderful extent the +funding on specific redeeming taxes enables a nation to anticipitate +in war the resources of peace, and although the other nations of Europe +have tried and trodden every path of force or folly in fruitless quest +of the same object, yet we still expect to find, in juggling tricks and +banking dreams, that money can be made out of nothing, and in sufficient +quantity to meet the expenses of a heavy war by sea and land. It is +said, indeed, that money cannot be borrowed from our merchants as from +those of England. But it can be borrowed from our people. They will give +you all the necessaries of war they produce, if, instead of the bankrupt +trash they now are obliged to receive for want of any other, you will +give them a paper-promise funded on a specific pledge, and of a size for +common circulation. But you say the merchants will not take this paper. +What the people take the merchants must take, or sell nothing. All these +doubts and fears prove only the extent of the dominion which the +banking institutions have obtained over the minds of our citizens, and +especially of those inhabiting cities or other banking places; and this +dominion must be broken, or it will break us. But here, as in the other +case, we must make up our mind to suffer yet longer before we can +get right. The misfortune is, that in the mean time, we shall plunge +ourselves into inextinguishable debt, and entail on our posterity an +inheritance of eternal taxes, which will bring our government and people +into the condition of those of England, a nation of pikes and gudgeons, +the latter bred merely as food for the former. But, however these two +difficulties of men and money may be disposed of, it is fortunate that +neither of them will affect our war by sea. Privateers will find their +own men and money. Let nothing be spared to encourage them. They are the +dagger which strikes at the heart of the enemy, their commerce. Frigates +and seventy-fours are a sacrifice we must make, heavy as it is, to the +prejudices of a part of our citizens. They have, indeed, rendered a +great moral service, which has delighted me as much as any one in the +United States. But they have had no physical effect sensible to the +enemy; and now, while we must fortify them in our harbors, and keep +armies to defend them, our privateers are bearding and blockading the +enemy in their own sea-ports. Encourage them to burn all their prizes, +and let the public pay for them. They will cheat us enormously. No +matter; they will make the merchants of England feel, and squeal, and +cry out for peace. + +I much regretted your acceptance of the war department. Not that I know +a person who I think would better conduct it. But, conduct it ever so +wisely, it will be a sacrifice of yourself. Were an angel from Heaven +to undertake that office, all our miscarriages would be ascribed to +him. Raw troops, no troops, insubordinate militia, want of arms, want of +money, want of provisions, all will be charged to want of management in +you. I speak from experience, when I was Governor of Virginia. Without a +regular in the State, and scarcely a musket to put into the hands of +the militia, invaded by two armies, Arnold's from the sea-board, and +Cornwallis's from the southward,--when we were driven from Richmond and +Charlottesville, and every member of my council fled to their homes, it +was not the total destitution of means, but the mismanagement of them, +which, in the querulous voice of the public, caused all our misfortunes. +It ended, indeed, in the capture of the whole hostile force, but not +till means were brought us by General Washington's army, and the French +fleet and army. And although the legislature, who were personally +intimate with both the means and measures, acquitted me with justice and +thanks, yet General Lee has put all those imputations among the +romances of his historical novel, for the amusement of credulous and +uninquisitive readers. Not that I have seen the least disposition to +censure you. On the contrary, your conduct on the attack of Washington +has met the praises of every one, and your plan for regulars and +militia, their approbation. But no campaign is as yet opened. No +generals have yet an interest in shifting their own incompetence on you, +no army agents, their rogueries. I sincerely pray you may never meet +censure where you will deserve most praise, and that your own happiness +and prosperity may be the result of your patriotic services. + +Ever and affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXI.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, February 14, 1815 + + +TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + +Monticello, February 14, 1815. + +Mr Dear Friend, + +Your letter of August the 14th has been received and read, again and +again, with extraordinary pleasure. It is the first glimpse which has +been furnished me of the interior workings of the late unexpected but +fortunate revolution of your country. The newspapers told us only that +the great beast was fallen; but what part in this the patriots acted, +and what the egoists, whether the former slept while the latter were +awake to their own interests only, the hireling scribblers of the +English press said little, and knew less. I see now the mortifying +alternative under which the patriot there is placed, of being either +silent, or disgraced by an association in opposition with the remains +of Bonaparteism. A full measure of liberty is not now perhaps to +be expected by your nation; nor am I confident they are prepared +to preserve it. More than a generation will be requisite, under the +administration of reasonable laws favoring the progress of knowledge in +the general mass of the people, and their habituation to an independent +security of person and property, before they will be capable of +estimating the value of freedom, and the necessity of a sacred adherence +to the principles on which it rests for preservation. Instead of that +liberty which takes root and growth in the progress of reason, if +recovered by mere force or accident, it becomes, with an unprepared +people, a tyranny still, of the many, the few, or the one. Possibly you +may remember, at the date of the _jeu de paume_, how earnestly I urged +yourself and the patriots of my acquaintance to enter then into a +compact with the King, securing freedom of religion, freedom of the +press, trial by jury, habeas corpus, and a national legislature, all of +which it was known he would then yield, to go home, and let these work +on the amelioration of the condition of the people, until they should +have rendered them capable of more, when occasions would not fail to +arise for communicating to them more. This was as much as I then thought +them able to bear, soberly and usefully for themselves. You thought +otherwise, and that the dose might still be larger. And I found you were +right; for subsequent events proved they were equal to the constitution +of 1791. Unfortunately, some of the most honest and enlightened of our +patriotic friends (but closet politicians merely, unpractised in the +knowledge of man) thought more could still be obtained and borne. They +did not weigh the hazards of a transition from one form of government to +another, the value of what they had already rescued from those hazards, +and might hold in security if they pleased, nor the imprudence of giving +up the certainty of such a degree of liberty, under a limited monarch, +for the uncertainty of a little more under the form of a republic. You +differed from them. You were for stopping there, and for securing the +constitution which the National Assembly had obtained. Here, too, you +were right; and from this fatal error of the republicans, from their +separation from yourself and the constitutionalists, in their councils, +flowed all the subsequent sufferings and crimes of the French nation. +The hazards of a second change fell upon them by the way. The foreigner +gained time to anarchize by gold the government he could not overthrow +by arms, to crush in their own councils the genuine republicans, by the +fraternal embraces of exaggerated and hired pretenders, and to turn the +machine of Jacobinism from the change to the destruction of order: and, +in the end, the limited monarchy they had secured was exchanged for +the unprincipled and bloody tyranny of Robespierre, and the equally +unprincipled and maniac tyranny of Bonaparte. You are now rid of him, +and I sincerely wish you may continue so. But this may depend on the +wisdom and moderation of the restored dynasty. It is for them now to +read a lesson in the fatal errors of the republicans; to be contented +with a certain portion of power, secured by formal compact with the +nation, rather than, grasping at more, hazard all upon uncertainty, and +risk meeting the fate of their predecessor, or a renewal of their own +exile. We are just informed, too, of an example which merits, if true, +their most profound contemplation. The gazettes say, that Ferdinand of +Spain is dethroned, and his father re-established on the basis of their +new constitution. This order of magistrates must, therefore, see, that +although the attempts at reformation have not succeeded in their whole +length, and some secession from the ultimate point has taken place, yet +that men have by no means fallen back to their former passiveness; but +on the contrary, that a sense of their rights, and a restlessness to +obtain them, remain deeply impressed on every mind, and, if not quieted +by reasonable relaxations of power, will break out like a volcano on +the first occasion, and overwhelm every thing again in its way. I always +thought the present King an honest and moderate man: and having +no issue, he is under a motive the less for yielding to personal +considerations. I cannot, therefore, but hope, that the patriots in and +out of your legislature, acting in phalanx, but temperately and wisely, +pressing unremittingly the principles omitted in the late capitulation +of the King, and watching the occasions which the course of events will +create, may get those principles engrafted into it, and sanctioned by +the solemnity of a national act. + +With us the affairs of war have taken the more favorable turn which +was to be expected. Our thirty years of peace had taken off, or +superannuated, all our revolutionary officers of experience and grade; +and our first draught in the lottery of untried characters had been +most unfortunate. The delivery of the fort and army of Detroit, by the +traitor Hull; the disgrace at Queenstown, under Van Rensellaer; the +massacre at Frenchtown, under Winchester; and surrender of Boerstler +in an open field to one third of his own numbers, were the inauspicious +beginnings of the first year of our warfare. The second witnessed but +the single miscarriage occasioned by the disagreement of Wilkinson and +Hampton, mentioned in my letter to you of November the 30th, 1813; while +it gave us the capture of York by Dearborn and Pike; the capture of Fort +George by Dearborn also; the capture of Proctor's army on the Thames by +Harrison, Shelby, and Johnson; and that of the whole British fleet +on Lake Erie by Perry. The third year has been a continued series of +victories; to wit, of Brown and Scott at Chippeway; of the same at +Niagara; of Gaines over Drummond at Fort Erie; that of Brown over +Drummond at the same place; the capture of another fleet on Lake +Champlain by M'Donough; the entire defeat of their army under Prevost, +on the same day, by M'Comb, and recently their defeats at New Orleans by +Jackson, Coffee, and Carroll, with the loss of four thousand men out of +nine thousand and six hundred, with their two Generals, Packingham and +Gibbs killed, and a third, Keane, wounded, mortally, as is said. + +This series of successes has been tarnished only by the conflagrations +at Washington, a _coup de main_ differing from that at Richmond, which +you remember, in the revolutionary war, in the circumstance only, that +we had, in that case, but forty-eight hour's notice that an enemy had +arrived within our capes; whereas at Washington there was abundant +previous notice. The force designated by the President was the double of +what was necessary; but failed, as is the general opinion, through +the insubordination of Armstrong, who would never believe the attack +intended until it was actually made, and the sluggishness of Winder +before the occasion, and his indecision during it. Still, in the end, +the transaction has helped rather than hurt us, by arousing the general +indignation of our country, and by marking to the world of Europe the +Vandalism and brutal character of the English government. It has merely +served to immortalize their infamy. And add further, that through the +whole period of the war, we have beaten them single-handed at sea, and +so thoroughly established our superiority over them with equal force, +that they retire from that kind of contest, and never suffer their +frigates to cruise singly. The Endymion would never have engaged the +frigate President, but knowing herself backed by three frigates and +a razee, who, though somewhat slower sailors, would get up before she +could be taken. The disclosure to the world of the fatal secret that +they can be beaten at sea with an equal force, the evidence furnished by +the military operations of the last year that experience is rearing us +officers, who, when our means shall be fully under way, will plant our +standard on the walls of Quebec and Halifax, their recent and signal +disaster at New Orleans, and the evaporation of their hopes from the +Hartford Convention, will probably raise a clamor in the British nation, +which will force their ministry into peace. I say force them; because, +willingly, they would never be at peace. The British ministers find in +a state of war rather than of peace, by riding the various contractors, +and receiving douceurs on the vast expenditures of the war supplies, +that they recruit their broken fortunes, or make new ones, and therefore +will not make peace, as long as by any delusions they can keep the +temper of the nation up to the war point. They found some hopes on +the state of our finances. It is true, that the excess of our banking +institutions, and their present discredit, have shut us out from the +best source of credit we could ever command with certainty. But the +foundations of credit still remain to us, and need but skill, which +experience will soon produce, to marshal them into an order which may +carry us through any length of war. But they have hoped more in their +Hartford Convention. Their fears of republican France being now done +away, they are directed to republican America, and they are playing the +same game for disorganization here, which they played in your country. +The Marats, the Dantons, and Robespierres of Massachusetts are in +the same pay, under the same orders, and making the same efforts to +anarchize us, that their prototypes in France did there. + +I do not say that all who met at Hartford were under the same motives of +money: nor were those of France. Some of them are Outs, and wish to +be Ins; some the mere dupes of the agitators, or of their own party +passions; while the Maratists alone are in the real secret: but they +have very different materials to work on. The yeomanry of the United +States are not the canaille of Paris. We might safely give them leave to +go through the United States recruiting their ranks, and I am satisfied +they could not raise one single regiment (gambling merchants and +silk-stocking clerks excepted), who would support them in any effort to +separate from the Union. The cement of this Union is in the heart-blood +of every American. I do not believe there is on earth a government +established on so immovable a basis. Let them, in any State, even in +Massachusetts itself, raise the standard of separation, and its citizens +will rise in mass, and do justice themselves on their own incendiaries. +If they could have induced the government to some effort of suppression, +or even to enter into discussion with them, it would have given them +some importance, have brought them into some notice. But they have not +been able to make themselves even a subject of conversation, either of +public or private societies. A silent contempt has been the sole notice +they could excite; consoled, indeed, some of them, by the palpable +favors of Philip. Have then no fears for us, my friend. The grounds +of these exist only in English newspapers, endited or endowed by the +Castlereaghs or the Cannings, or some other such models of pure and +uncorrupted virtue. Their military heroes, by land and sea, may sink our +oyster-boats, rob our hen-roosts, burn our negro-huts, and run off. But +a campaign or two more will relieve them from further trouble or expense +in defending their American possessions. + +You once gave me a copy of the journal of your campaign in Virginia, in +1781, which I must have lent to some one of the undertakers to write +the history of the revolutionary war, and forgot to reclaim. I conclude +this, because it is no longer among my papers, which I have very +diligently searched for it, but in vain. An author of real ability +is now writing that part of the history of Virginia. He does it in my +neighborhood, and I lay open to him all my papers. But I possess none, +nor has he any, which can enable him to do justice to your faithful and +able services in that campaign. If you could be so good as to send me +another copy, by the very first vessel bound to any port of the United +States, it might be here in time; for although he expects to begin +to print within a month or two, yet you know the delays of these +undertakings. At any rate, it might be got in as a supplement. The old +Count Rochambeau gave me also his memoire of the operations at York, +which is gone the same way, and I have no means of applying to his +family for it. Perhaps you could render them as well as us, the service +of procuring another copy. + +I learn, with real sorrow, the deaths of Monsieur and Madame de Tesse. +They made an interesting part in the idle reveries in which I have +sometimes indulged myself, of seeing all my friends of Paris once +more, for a month or two; a thing impossible, which, however, I never +permitted myself to despair of. The regrets, however, of seventy-three +at the loss of friends, may be the less, as the time is shorter within +which we are to meet again, according to the creed of our education. + +This letter will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman of +Boston, of great erudition, indefatigable industry, and preparation for +a life of distinction, in his own country. He passed a few days with +me here, brought high recommendations from Mr. Adams and others, and +appeared in every respect to merit them. He is well worthy of those +attentions which you so kindly bestow on our countrymen, and for those +he may receive I shall join him in acknowledging personal obligations. + +I salute you with assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship +and respect. + +Th; Jefferson. + + +P.S. February 26. My letter had not yet been sealed, when I received +news of our peace. I am glad of it, and especially that we closed our +war with the eclat of the action at New Orleans. But I consider it as an +armistice only, because no security is provided against the impressment +of our seamen. While this is unsettled we are in hostility of mind with +England, although actual deeds of arms may be suspended by a truce. If +she thinks the exercise of this outrage is worth eternal war, eternal +war it must be, or extermination of the one or the other party. The +first act of impressment she commits on an American, will be answered +by reprisal, or by a declaration of war here; and the interval must be +merely a state of preparation for it. In this we have much to do, +in further fortifying our seaport towns, providing military stores, +classing and disciplining our militia, arranging our financial, system, +and above all, pushing our domestic manufactures, which have taken such +root as never again can be shaken. Once more, God bless you. T.J. + + + + +LETTER CXXII.*--TO MR. WENDOVER, March 13, 1815 + + +TO MR. WENDOVER. + +Monticello, March 13, 1815. + + [* This is endorsed;' not sent.'] + +Sir, + +Your favor of January the 30th was received after long delay on the +road, and I have to thank you for the volume of Discourses which you +have been so kind as to send me. I have gone over them with great +satisfaction, and concur with the able preacher in his estimate of +the character of the belligerents in our late war, and lawfulness of +defensive war. I consider the war, with him, as 'made on good advice,' +that is, for just causes, and its dispensation as providential, +inasmuch, as it has exercised our patriotism and submission to order, +has planted and invigorated among us arts of urgent necessity, has +manifested the strong and the weak parts of our republican institutions, +and the excellence of a representative democracy compared with the +misrule of Kings, has rallied the opinions of mankind to the natural +rights of expatriation, and of a common property in the ocean, and +raised us to that grade in the scale of nations which the bravery and +liberality of our citizen soldiers, by land and by sea, the wisdom of +our institutions and their observance of justice, entitled us to in the +eyes of the world. All this Mr. McLeod has well proved, and from those +sources of argument particularly which belong to his profession. On one +question only I differ from him, and it is that which constitutes the +subject of his first discourse, the right of discussing public affairs +in the pulpit. I add the last words, because I admit the right in +general conversation and in writing; in which last form it has been +exercised in the valuable book you have now favored me with. + +The mass of human concerns, moral and physical, is so vast, the field of +knowledge requisite for man to conduct them to the best advantage is so +extensive, that no human being can acquire the whole himself, and much +less in that degree necessary for the instruction of others. It has of +necessity, then, been distributed into different departments, each +of which, singly, may give occupation enough to the whole time and +attention of a single individual. Thus we have teachers of Languages, +teachers of Mathematics, of Natural Philosophy, of Chemistry, of +Medicine, of Law, of History, of Government, &c. Religion, too, is a +separate department, and happens to be the only one deemed requisite +for all men, however high or low. Collections of men associate together, +under the name of congregations, and employ a religious teacher of the +particular sect of opinions of which they happen to be, and contribute +to make up a stipend as a compensation for the trouble of delivering +them, at such periods as they agree on, lessons in the religion they +profess. If they want instruction in other sciences or arts, they apply +to other instructers; and this is generally the business of early life. +But I suppose there is not an instance of a single congregation which +has employed their preacher for the mixt purpose of lecturing them +from the pulpit, in Chemistry, in Medicine, in Law, in the science and +principles of Government, or in any thing but Religion exclusively. +Whenever, therefore, preachers, instead of a lesson in religion, +put them off with a discourse on the Copernican system, on chemical +affinities, on the construction of government, or the characters or +conduct of those administering it, it is a breach of contract, depriving +their audience of the kind of service for which they are salaried, and +giving them, instead it, what they did not want, or if wanted, would +rather seek from better sources in that particular art or science. In +choosing our pastor we look to his religious qualifications, without +inquiring into his physical or political dogmas, with which we mean to +have nothing to do. I am aware that arguments may be found, which may +twist a thread of politics into the cord of religious duties. So may +they for every other branch of human art or science. Thus, for example, +it is a religious duty to obey the laws of our country: the teacher of +religion, therefore, must instruct us in those laws, that we may know +how to obey them. It is a religious duty to assist our sick neighbors: +the preacher must, therefore, teach us medicine, that we may do it +understandingly. It is a religious duty to preserve our own health: our +religious teacher, then, must tell us what dishes are wholesome, and +give us recipes in cookery, that we may learn how to prepare them. And +so ingenuity, by generalizing more and more, may amalgamate all the +branches of science into any one of them, and the physician who is +paid to visit the sick, may give a sermon instead of medicine; and +the merchant to whom money is sent for a hat, may send a handkerchief +instead of it. But not withstanding this possible confusion of all +sciences into one, common sense draws lines between them sufficiently +distinct for the general purposes of life, and no one is at a loss to +understand that a recipe in medicine or cookery, or a demonstration in +geometry, is not a lesson in religion. I do not deny that a congregation +may, if they please, agree with their preacher that he shall instruct +them in Medicine also, or Law, or Politics. Then, lectures in these, +from the pulpit, become not only a matter of right, but of duty also. +But this must be with the consent of every individual; because the +association being voluntary, the mere majority has no right to apply the +contributions of the minority to purposes unspecified in the agreement +of the congregation. I agree, too, that on all other occasions the +preacher has the right, equally with every other citizen, to express his +sentiments, in speaking or writing, on the subjects of Medicine, Law, +Politics, he, his leisure time being his own, and his congregation not +obliged to listen to his conversation, or to read his writings; and no +one would have regretted more than myself, had any scruple as to this +right, withheld from us the valuable discourses which have led to the +expression of an opinion as to the true limits of the right. I feel +my portion of indebtment to the reverend author, for the distinguished +learning, the logic, and the eloquence, with which he had proved that +religion, as well as reason, confirms the soundness of those principles +on which our government has been founded and its rights asserted. + +These are my views of this question. They are in opposition to those +of the highly respected and able preacher, and are therefore the more +doubtingly offered. Difference of opinion leads to inquiry, and inquiry +to truth; and that, I am sure, is the ultimate and sincere object of us +both. We both value too much the freedom of opinion sanctioned by our +constitution, not to cherish its exercise even where in opposition to +ourselves. + +Unaccustomed to reserve or mystery in the expression of my opinions, I +have opened myself frankly on a question suggested by your letter and +present. And although I have not the honor of your acquaintance, this +mark of attention, and still more the sentiments of esteem so kindly +expressed in your letter, are entitled to a confidence that observations +not intended for the public will not be ushered to their notice, as has +happened to me sometimes. Tranquillity, at my age, is the balm of life. +While I know I am safe in the honor and charity of a McLeod, I do not +wish to be cast forth to the Marats, the Dantons, and the Robespierres +of the priesthood: I mean the Parishes, the Osgoods, and the Gardiners +of Massachusetts. + +I pray you to accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXIII.--TO CAESAR A. RODNEY, March 16, 1815 + + +TO CAESAR A. RODNEY. + +Monticello, March 16, 1815. + +My Dear Friend and Ancient Colleague, + +Your letter of February the 19th has been received with very sincere +pleasure. It recalls to memory the sociability, the friendship, and the +harmony of action which united personal happiness with public duties, +during the portion of our lives in which we acted together. Indeed, +the affectionate harmony of our cabinet is among the sweetest of my +recollections. I have just received a letter of friendship from General +Dearborn. He writes me that he is now retiring from every species of +public occupation, to pass the remainder of life as a private citizen; +and he promises me a visit in the course of the summer. As you hold out +a hope of the same gratification, if chance or purpose could time your +visits together, it would make a real jubilee. But come as you will, or +as you can, it will always be joy enough to me. Only you must give me a +month's notice; because I go three or four times a year to a possession +ninety miles southwestward, and am absent a month at a time, and the +mortification would be indelible of losing such a visit by a mistimed +absence. You will find me in habitual good health, great contentedness, +enfeebled in body, impaired in memory, but without decay in my +friendships. + +Great, indeed, have been the revolutions in the world, since you and I +have had any thing to do with it. To me they have been like the howlings +of the winter storm over the battlements, while warm in my bed. The +unprincipled tyrant of the land is fallen, his power reduced to its +original nothingness, his person only not yet in the mad-house, where +it ought always to have been. His equally unprincipled competitor, the +tyrant of the ocean, in the mad-house indeed, in person, but his +power still stalking over the deep. '_Quem deus vult perdere, prius +dementat_.' The madness is acknowledged; the perdition of course +impending. Are we to be the instruments? A friendly, a just, and a +reasonable conduct on their part, might make us the main pillar of their +prosperity and existence. But their deep-rooted hatred to us seems to +be the means which Providence permits to lead them to their final +catastrophe. '_Nullam enim in terris gentem esse, nullum infestiorem +populum, nomini Romano_, said the General who erased Capua from the list +of powers. What nourishment and support would not England receive from +an hundred millions of industrious descendants, whom some of her people +now born will live to see here. What their energies are, she has lately +tried. And what has she not to fear from an hundred millions of such +men, if she continues her maniac course of hatred and hostility to them. +I hope in God she will change. There is not a nation on the globe +with whom I have more earnestly wished a friendly intercourse on equal +conditions. On no other would I hold out the hand of friendship to +any. I know that their creatures represent me as personally an enemy to +England. But fools only can believe this, or those who think me a +fool. I am an enemy to her insults and injuries. I am an enemy to the +flagitious principles of her administration, and to those which govern +her conduct towards other nations. But would she give to morality some +place in her political code, and especially would she exercise decency, +and at least neutral passions towards us, there is not, I repeat it, a +people on earth with whom I would sacrifice so much to be in friendship. +They can do us, as enemies, more harm than any other nation; and in +peace and in war, they have more means of disturbing us internally. +Their merchants established among us, the bonds by which our own are +chained to their feet, and the banking combinations interwoven with the +whole, have shown the extent of their control, even during a war with +her. They are the workers of all the embarrassments our finances have +experienced during the war. Declaring themselves bankrupt, they have +been able still to chain the government to a dependence on them; and +had the war continued, they would have reduced us to the inability to +command a single dollar. They dared to proclaim that they would not pay +their own paper obligations, yet our government could not venture to +avail themselves of this opportunity of sweeping their paper from the +circulation, and substituting their own notes bottomed on specific taxes +for redemption, which every one would have eagerly taken and trusted, +rather than the baseless trash of bankrupt companies; our government, +I say, have still been overawed from a contest with them, and have +even countenanced and strengthened their influence, by proposing new +establishments, with authority to swindle yet greater sums from our +citizens. This is the British influence to which I am an enemy, and +which we must subject to our government, or it will subject us to that +of Britain. + +***** + +Come and gratify, by seeing you once more, a friend, who assures you +with sincerity of his constant and affectionate attachment and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXIV.--TO GENERAL DEARBORN, March 17, 1815 + + +TO GENERAL DEARBORN. + +Monticello, March 17, 1815. + +My Dear General, Friend, and Ancient Colleague, + +I have received your favor of February the 27th, with very great +pleasure, and sincerely reciprocate congratulations on the late events. +Peace was indeed desirable; yet it would not have been as welcome +without the successes of New Orleans. These last have established +truths too important not to be valued; that the people of Louisiana are +sincerely attached to the Union; that their city can be defended; that +the western States make its defence their peculiar concern; that the +militia are brave; that their deadly aim countervails the manoeuvring +skill of their enemy; that we have officers of natural genius now +starting forward from the mass; and that, putting together all our +conflicts, we can beat the British, by sea and by land, with equal +numbers. All this being now proved, I am glad of the pacification of +Ghent, and shall still be more so, if, by a reasonable arrangement +against impressment, they will make it truly a treaty of peace, and not +a mere truce, as we must all consider it, until the principle of the +war is settled. Nor, among the incidents of the war, will we forget your +services. After the disasters produced by the treason or the cowardice, +or both, of Hull, and the follies of some others, your capture of York +and Fort George first turned the tide of success in our favor; and the +subsequent campaigns sufficiently wiped away the disgraces of the +first. If it were justifiable to look to your own happiness only, your +resolution to retire from all public business could not but be approved. +But you are too young to ask a discharge as yet, and the public counsels +too much needing the wisdom of our ablest citizens, to relinquish their +claim on you. And surely none needs your aid more than your own State. +Oh, Massachusetts! how have I lamented the degradation of your apostacy! +Massachusetts, with whom I went with pride in 1776, whose vote was +my vote on every public question, and whose principles were then the +standard of whatever was free or fearless. But then she was under the +counsels of the two Adamses; while Strong, her present leader, was +promoting petitions for submission to British power and British +usurpation. While under her present counsels, she must be contented to +be nothing; as having a vote, indeed, to be counted, but not respected. +But should the State once more buckle on her republican harness, we +shall receive her again as a sister, and recollect her wanderings among +the crimes only of the parricide party, which would have basely sold +what their fathers so bravely won from the same enemy. Let us look +forward, then, to the act of repentance, which, by dismissing her +venal traitors, shall be the signal of return to the bosom and to the +principles of her brethren; and if her late humiliation can just give +her modesty enough to suppose that her southern brethren are somewhat on +a par with her in wisdom, in information, in patriotism, in bravery, +and even in honesty, although not in psalm-singing, she will more +justly estimate her own relative momentum in the Union. With her ancient +principles, she would really be great, if she did not think herself the +whole. I should be pleased to hear that you go into her councils, +and assist in bringing her back to those principles, and to a sober +satisfaction with her proportionable share in the direction of our +affairs. + +Be so good as to lay my homage at the feet of Mrs. Dearborn, and to be +assured that I am ever and affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXV.--TO THE PRESIDENT, March 23,1815 + + +TO THE PRESIDENT. + +Monticello, March 23,1815. + +Deak Sir, + +I duly received your favor of the 12th, and with it the pamphlet on the +causes and conduct of the war, which I now return. I have read it +with great pleasure, but with irresistible desire that it should be +published. The reasons in favor of this are strong, and those against it +are so easily gotten over, that there appears to me no balance between +them. 1. We need it in Europe. They have totally mistaken our character. +Accustomed to rise at a feather themselves, and to be always fighting, +they will see in our conduct, fairly stated, that acquiescence under +wrong, to a certain degree, is wisdom, and not pusillanimity; and +that peace and happiness are preferable to that false honor, which, +by eternal wars, keeps their people in eternal labor, want, and +wretchedness. 2. It is necessary for the people of England, who have +been deceived as to the causes and conduct of the war, and do not +entertain a doubt, that it was entirely wanton and wicked on our part, +and under the order of Bonaparte. By rectifying their ideas, it will +tend to that conciliation which is absolutely necessary to the peace and +prosperity of both nations. 3. It is necessary for our own people, who, +although they have known the details as they went along, yet have been +so plied with false facts and false views by; the federalists, that some +impression has been left that all has not been right. It may be said +that it will be thought unfriendly. But truths necessary for our own +character, must not be suppressed out of tenderness to its calumniators. +Although written, generally, with great moderation, there may be some +things in the pamphlet which may perhaps irritate. The characterizing +every act, for example, by its appropriate epithet, is not necessary to +show its deformity to an intelligent reader. The naked narrative +will present it truly to his mind, and the more strongly, from its +moderation, as he will perceive that no exaggeration is aimed +at. Rubbing down these roughnesses (and they are neither many nor +prominent), and preserving the original date, might, I think, remove all +the offensiveness, and give more effect to the publication. Indeed, +I think that a soothing postscript, addressed to the interests, +the prospects, and the sober reason of both nations, would make it +acceptable to both. The trifling, expense of reprinting it ought not +to be considered a moment. Mr. Gallatin could have it translated into +French, and suffer it to get abroad in Europe without either avowal or +disavowal. But it would be useful to print some copies of an appendix, +containing all the documents referred to, to be preserved in libraries, +and to facilitate to the present and future writers of history, the +acquisition of the materials which test the truths it contains. + +I sincerely congratulate you on the peace, and more especially on the +eclat with which the war was closed. The affair of New Orleans was +fraught with useful lessons to ourselves, our enemies, and our friends, +and will powerfully influence our future relations with the nations of +Europe. It will show them we mean to take no part in their wars, and +count no odds when engaged in our own. I presume, that, having spared +to the pride of England her formal acknowledgment of the atrocity of +impressment in an article of the treaty, she will concur in a convention +for relinquishing it. Without this, she must understand that the present +is but a truce, determinable on the first act of impressment of an +American citizen, committed by any officer of hers. Would it not be +better that this convention should be a separate act, unconnected with +any treaty of commerce, and made an indispensable preliminary to all +other treaty? If blended with a treaty of commerce, she will make it the +price of injurious concessions. Indeed, we are infinitely better without +such treaties with any nation. We cannot too distinctly detach ourselves +from the European system, which is essentially belligerent, nor too +sedulously cultivate an American system, essentially pacific. But if we +go into commercial treaties at all, they should be with all, at the same +time, with whom we have important commercial relations. France, Spain, +Portugal, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Russia, all should proceed _pari +passu_. Our ministers marching in phalanx on the same line, and +intercommunicating freely, each will be supported by the weight of the +whole mass, and the facility with which the other nations will agree to +equal terms of intercourse, will discountenance the selfish higglings of +England, or justify our rejection of them. Perhaps with all of them +it would be best to have but the single article _gentis amicissimae_, +leaving every thing else to the usages and courtesies of civilized +nations. But all these things will occur to yourself, with their counter +considerations. + +Mr. Smith wrote to me on the transportation of the library, and +particularly, that it is submitted to your direction. He mentioned also, +that Dougherty would be engaged to superintend it. No one will more +carefully and faithfully execute all those duties which would belong to +a wagon-master. But it requires a character acquainted with books, to +receive the library. I am now employing as many hours of every day as my +strength will permit, in arranging the books, and putting every one in +its place on the shelves, corresponding with its order in the catalogue, +and shall have them numbered correspondently. This operation will employ +me a considerable time yet. Then I should wish a competent agent to +attend, and, with the catalogue in his hand, see that every book is on +the shelves, and have their lids nailed on, one by one, as he proceeds. +This would take such a person about two days; after which, Dougherty's +business would be the mere mechanical removal, at convenience. I enclose +you a letter from Mr. Milligan, offering his service, which would not +cost more than eight or ten days' reasonable compensation. This is +necessary for my safety, and your satisfaction, as a just caution for +the public. You know there are persons, both in and out of the public +councils, who will seize every occasion of imputation on either of us, +the more difficult to be repelled in this case, in which a negative +could not be proved. If you approve of it, therefore, as soon as I am +through the review, I will give notice to Mr. Milligan, or any other +person whom you will name, to come on immediately. Indeed it would be +well worth while to add to his duty, that of covering the books with a +little paper (the good bindings at least), and filling the vacancies +of the presses with paper-parings, to be brought from Washington. This +would add little more to the time, as he could carry on both operations +at once. + +Accept the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and +respect, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXVI.--TO JOHN ADAMS, June 10,1815 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, June 10,1815. + +Dear Sir, + +It is long since we have exchanged a letter, and yet what volumes might +have been written on the occurrences even of the last three months. In +the first place, peace, God bless it! has returned, to put us all +again into a course of lawful and laudable pursuits: a new trial of the +Bourbons has proved to the world their incompetence to the functions +of the station they have occupied: and the recall of the usurper has +clothed him with the semblance of a legitimate autocrat. If adversity +should have taught him wisdom, of which I have little expectation, +he may yet render some service to mankind, by teaching the ancient +dynasties that they can be changed for misrule, and by wearing down the +maritime power of England to limitable and safe dimensions. But it is +not possible he should love us; and of that our commerce had sufficient +proofs during his power. Our military achievements, indeed, which he +is capable of estimating, may in some degree moderate the effect of his +aversions; and he may perhaps fancy that we are to become the natural +enemies of England, as England herself has so steadily endeavored to +make us, and as some of our own over-zealous patriots would be willing +to proclaim; and in this view, he may admit a cold toleration of some +intercourse and commerce between the two nations. He has certainly +had time to see the folly of turning the industry of France from the +cultures for which nature has so highly endowed her, to those of sugar, +cotton, tobacco, and others, which the same creative power has given to +other climates: and, on the whole, if he can conquer the passions of his +tyrannical soul, if he has understanding enough to pursue from motives +of interest, what no moral motives lead him to, the tranquil happiness +and prosperity of his country, rather than a ravenous thirst for human +blood, his return may become of more advantage than injury to us. And if +again some great man could arise in England, who could see and correct +the follies of his nation in their conduct as to us, and by exercising +justice and comity towards ours, bring both into a state of temperate +and useful friendship, it is possible we might thus attain the place we +ought to occupy between these two nations, without being degraded to the +condition of mere partisans of either. + +A little time will now inform us, whether France, within its proper +limits, is big enough for its ruler, on the one hand, and whether, on +the other, the allied powers are either wicked or foolish enough to +attempt the forcing on the French, a ruler and government which they +refuse; whether they will risk their own thrones to re-establish that +of the Bourbons. If this is attempted, and the European world again +committed to war, will the jealousy of England at the commerce which +neutrality will give us, induce her again to add us to the number of +her enemies, rather than see us prosper in the pursuit of peace and +industry? And have our commercial citizens merited from their country +its encountering another war to protect their gambling enterprises? +That the persons of our citizens shall be safe in freely traversing the +ocean, that the transportation of our own produce, in our own vessels, +to the markets of our choice, and the return to us of the articles we +want for our own use, shall be unmolested, I hold to be fundamental, and +that the gauntlet must be for ever hurled at him who questions it. But +whether we shall engage in every war of Europe, to protect the mere +agency of our merchants and shipowners in carrying on the commerce of +other nations, even were those merchants and ship-owners to take the +side of their country in the contest, instead of that of the enemy, is a +question of deep and serious consideration, with which, however, you and +I shall have nothing to do; so we will leave it to those whom it will +concern. + +I thank you for making known to me Mr. Ticknor and Mr. Gray. They are +fine young men, indeed, and if Massachusetts can raise a few more such, +it is probable she would be better counselled as to social rights and +social duties. Mr. Ticknor is, particularly, the best bibliograph I +have met with, and very kindly and opportunely offered me the means of +reprocuring some part of the literary treasures which I have ceded +to Congress, to replace the devastations of British Vandalism at +Washington. I cannot live without books. But fewer will suffice, where +amusement, and not use, is the only future object. I am about sending +him a catalogue, to which less than his critical knowledge of books +would hardly be adequate. + +Present my high respects to Mrs. Adams, and accept yourself the +assurances of my affectionate attachment. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXVII.--TO MR. LEIPER, June 12, 1815 + + +TO MR. LEIPER. + +Monticello, June 12, 1815. + +Dear Sir, + +A journey soon after the receipt of your favor of April the 17th and +an absence from home of some continuance, have prevented my earlier +acknowledgment of it. In that came safely my letter of January the 2nd, +1814. In our principles of government we differ not at all; nor in the +general object and tenor of political measures. We concur in considering +the government of England as totally without morality, insolent beyond +bearing, inflated with vanity and ambition, aiming at the exclusive +dominion of the sea, lost in corruption, of deep-rooted hatred towards +us, hostile to liberty wherever it endeavors to show its head, and +the eternal disturber of the peace of the world. In our estimate of +Bonaparte, I suspect we differ. I view him as a political engine only, +and a very wicked one; you, I believe, as both political and religious, +and obeying, as an instrument, an unseen hand. I still deprecate his +becoming sole lord of the continent of Europe, which he would have been, +had he reached in triumph the gates of Petersburg. The establishment in +our day of another Roman. empire, spreading vassalage and depravity over +the face of the globe, is not, I hope, within the purposes of Heaven. +Nor does the return of Bonaparte give me pleasure unmixed; I see in his +expulsion of the Bourbons, a valuable lesson to the world, as showing +that its ancient dynasties may be changed for their misrule. Should the +allied powers presume to dictate a ruler and government to France, and +follow the example he had set of parcelling and usurping to themselves +their neighbor nations, I hope he will give them another lesson in +vindication of the rights of independence and self-government, which +himself had heretofore so much abused, and that in this contest he +will wear down the maritime power of England to limitable and safe +dimensions. So far, good. It cannot be denied, on the other hand, that +his successful perversion of the force (committed to him for vindicating +the rights and liberties of his country) to usurp its government, and +to enchain it under an hereditary despotism, is of baneful effect in +encouraging future usurpations, and deterring those under oppression +from rising to redress themselves. His restless spirit leaves no hope of +peace to the world; and his hatred of us is only a little less than that +he bears to England, and England to us. Our form of government is odious +to him, as a standing contrast between republican and despotic rule; and +as much from that hatred, as from ignorance in political economy, he had +excluded intercourse between us and his people, by prohibiting the only +articles they wanted from us, that is, cotton and tobacco. Whether the +war we have had with England, the achievements of that war, and the hope +that we may become his instruments and partisans against that enemy, may +induce him, in future, to tolerate our commercial intercourse with his +people, is still to be seen. For my part, I wish that all nations may +recover and retain their independence; that those which are overgrown +may not advance beyond safe measures of power, that a salutary balance +may be ever maintained among nations, and that our peace, commerce, and +friendship may be sought and cultivated by all. It is our business to +manufacture for ourselves whatever we can, to keep all markets open for +what we can spare or want; and the less we have to do with the amities +or enmities of Europe, the better. Not in our day, but at no distant +one, we may shake a rod over the heads of all, which may make the +stoutest of them tremble. But I hope our wisdom will grow with our +power, and teach us that the less we use our power, the greater it will +be. + +The federal misrepresentation of my sentiments, which occasioned my +former letter to you, was gross enough; but that and all others are +exceeded by the impudence and falsehood of the printed extract you sent +me from Ralph's paper. That a continuance of the embargo for two months +longer would have prevented our war; that the non-importation law +which succeeded it was a wise and powerful measure, I have constantly +maintained. My friendship for Mr. Madison, my confidence in his wisdom +and virtue, and my approbation of all his measures, and especially of +his taking up at length the gauntlet against England, is known to all +with whom I have ever conversed or corresponded on these measures. The +word federal, or its synonyme &c., may therefore be written under every +word of Mr. Ralph's paragraph. I have ransacked my memory to recollect +any incident which might have given countenance to any particle of it, +but I find none. For if you will except the bringing into power +and importance those who were enemies to himself as well as to the +principles of republican government, I do not recollect a single measure +of the President which I have not approved. Of those under him, and +of some very near him, there have been many acts of which we have all +disapproved, and he more than we. We have at times dissented from the +measures, and lamented the dilatoriness of Congress. I recollect an +instance the first winter of the war, when, from sloth of proceedings, +an embargo was permitted to run through the winter, while the enemy +could not cruise, nor consequently restrain the exportation of our whole +produce, and was taken off in the spring, as soon as they could resume +their stations. But this procrastination is unavoidable. How can +expedition be expected from a body which we have saddled with an hundred +lawyers, whose trade is talking? But lies, to sow divisions among +us, are so stale an artifice of the federal prints, and are so well +understood, that they need neither contradiction nor explanation. As to +myself, my confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the administration +is so entire, that I scarcely notice what is passing, and have almost +ceased to read newspapers. Mine remain in our post-office a week or ten +days, sometimes, unasked for. I find more amusement in studies to which +I was always more attached, and from which I was dragged by the events +of the times in which I have happened to live. + +I rejoice exceedingly that our war with England was single-handed. In +that of the Revolution, we had France, Spain, and Holland on our side, +and the credit of its success was given to them. On the late occasion, +unprepared and unexpecting war, we were compelled to declare it, and to +receive the attack of England, just issuing from a general war, fully +armed, and freed from all other enemies, and have not only made her +sick of it, but glad to prevent, by a peace, the capture of her adjacent +possessions, which one or two campaigns more would infallibly have made +ours. She has found that we can do her more injury than any other enemy +on earth, and henceforward will better estimate the value of our peace. +But whether her government has power, in opposition to the aristocracy +of her navy, to restrain their piracies within the limits of national +rights, may well be doubted. I pray, therefore, for peace, as best for +all the world, best for us, and best for me, who have already lived to +see three wars, and now pant for nothing more than to be permitted to +depart in peace. That you also, who have longer to live, may continue to +enjoy this blessing with health and prosperity, through as long a life +as you desire, is the prayer of yours affectionately. + +Th: Jefferson. + + +P. S. June the 14th. Before I had sent my letter to the post-office, I +received the new treaty of the allied powers, declaring that the French +nation shall not have Bonaparte, and shall have Louis XVIII for their +ruler. They are all then as great rascals, as Bonaparte himself. While +he was in the wrong, I wished him exactly as much success as would +answer our purposes, and no more. Now that they are wrong and he in +the right, he shall have all my prayers for success, and that he may +dethrone every man of them. + + + + +LETTER CXXVIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, August 10,1815 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, August 10,1815. + +Dear Sir, + +The simultaneous movements in our correspondence have been remarkable on +several occasions. It would seem as if the state of the air, or state of +the times, or some other unknown cause, produced a sympathetic effect on +our mutual recollections. I had sat down to answer your letters of June +the 19th, 20th, and 22nds with pen, ink, and paper, before me, when I +received from our mail that of July the 30th. You ask information on +the subject of Camus. All I recollect of him is, that he was one of the +deputies sent to arrest Dumourier at the head of his army, who were, +however, themselves arrested by Dumourier, and long detained as +prisoners. I presume, therefore, he was a Jacobin. You will find his +character in the most excellent revolutionary history of Toulongeon. I +believe also, he may be the same person who has given us a translation +of Aristotle's Natural History, from the Greek into French. Of his +report to the National Institute on the subject of the Bollandists, your +letter gives me the first information. I had supposed them defunct +with the society of Jesuits, of which they were: and that their works, +although above ground, were, from their bulk and insignificance, as +effectually entombed on their shelves, as if in the graves of their +authors. Fifty-two volumes in folio, of the _acta sanctorum_, in +dog-Latin, would be a formidable enterprise to the most laborious +German. I expect, with you, they are the most enormous mass of lies, +frauds, hypocrisy, and imposture, that ever was heaped together on this +globe. By what chemical process M. Camus supposed that an extract of +truth could be obtained from such a farrago of falsehood, I must leave +to the chemists and moralists of the age to divine. + +On the subject of the history of the American Revolution you ask who +shall write it? Who can write it? And who will ever be able to write it? +Nobody; except merely its external facts; all its councils, designs, and +discussions having been conducted by Congress with closed doors, and no +member, as far as I know, having even made notes of them. These, which +are the life and soul of history, must for ever be unknown. Botta, as +you observe, has put his own speculations and reasonings into the mouths +of persons whom he names, but who, you and I know, never made such +speeches. In this he has followed the example of the ancients, who made +their great men deliver long speeches, all of them in the same style, +and in that of the author himself. The work is nevertheless a good one, +more judicious, more chaste, more classical, and more true, than the +party diatribe of Marshall. Its greatest fault is in having taken too +much from him. I possessed the work, and often recurred to considerable +portions of it, although I never read it through. But a very judicious +and well informed neighbor of mine went through it with great attention, +and spoke very highly of it. I have said that no member of the old +Congress, as far as I knew, made notes of the discussions. I did not +knew of the speeches you mention of Dickinson and Witherspoon But on +the questions of Independence, and on the two articles of Confederation +respecting taxes and voting, I took minutes of the heads of the +arguments. On the first, I threw all into one mass, without ascribing +to the speakers their respective arguments; pretty much in the manner of +Hume's summary digests of the reasonings in parliament for and against +a measure. On the last, I stated the heads of arguments used by each +speaker. But the whole of my notes on the question of Independence does +not occupy more than five pages, such as of this letter: and on the +other questions, two such sheets. They have never been communicated to +any one. Do you know that there exists in manuscript the ablest work +of this kind ever yet executed, of the debates of the constitutional +convention of Philadelphia in 1788? The whole of every thing said and +done there was taken down by Mr. Madison, with a labor and exactness +beyond comprehension. + +I presume that our correspondence has been observed at the post-offices, +and thus has attracted notice. Would you believe, that a printer has had +the effrontery to propose to me the letting him publish it? These people +think they have a right to every thing, however secret or sacred. I had +not before heard of the Boston pamphlet with Priestley's Letters and +mine. + +At length Bonaparte has got on the right side of a question. From the +time of his entering the legislative hall to his retreat to Elba, no man +has execrated him more than myself. I will not except even the members +of the Essex Junto; although for very different reasons; I, because he +was warring against the liberty of his own country, and independence +of others; they, because he was the enemy of England, the Pope, and the +Inquisition. But at length, and as far as we can judge, he seems to have +become the choice of his nation. At least, he is defending the cause +of his nation, and that of all mankind, the rights of every people to +independence and self-government. He and the allies have now changed +sides. They are parcelling out among themselves Poland, Belgium, Saxony, +Italy, dictating a ruler and government to France, and looking askance +at our republic, the splendid libel on their governments, and he is +fighting for the principles of national independence, of which his whole +life hitherto has been a continued violation. He has promised a free +government to his own country, and to respect the rights of others; and +although his former conduct inspires little confidence in his promises, +yet we had better take the chance of his word for doing right, than the +certainty of the wrong which his adversaries are doing and avowing. If +they succeed, ours is only the boon of the Cyclops to Ulysses, of being +the last devoured. + +Present me affectionately and respectfully to Mrs. Adams, and Heaven +give you both as much more of life as you wish, and bless it with health +and happiness. + +Th: Jefferson. + +P. S. August the 11th. I had finished my letter yesterday, and this +morning receive the news of Bonaparte's second abdication. Very +well. For him personally, I have no feeling but reprobation. The +representatives of the nation have deposed him. They have taken the +allies at their word, that they had no object in the war but his +removal. The nation is now free to give itself a good government, either +with or without a Bourbon; and France unsubdued, will still be a bridle +on the enterprises of the combined powers, and a bulwark to others. T.J. + + + + +LETTER CXXIX.--TO DABNEY CARR, January 19, 1816 + + +TO DABNEY CARR. + +Monticello, January 19, 1816. + +Dear Sir, + +At the date of your letter of December the 1st, I was in Bedford, and +since my return, so many letters, accumulated during my absence, having +been pressing for answers, that this is the first moment I have been +able to attend to the subject of yours. While Mr. Girardin was in +this neighborhood writing his continuation of Burke's History, I had +suggested to him a proper notice of the establishment of the committee +of correspondence here in 1773, and of Mr. Carr, your father, who +introduced it. He has doubtless done this, and his work is now in the +press. My books, journals of the times, &c. being all gone, I have +nothing now but an impaired memory to resort to for the more particular +statement you wish. But I give it with the more confidence, as I find +that I remember old things better than new. The transaction took place +in the session of Assembly of March 1773. Patrick Henry, Richard Henry +Lee, Frank Lee, your father, and myself, met by agreement, one evening, +about the close of the session, at the Raleigh Tavern, to consult on +the measures which the circumstances of the times seemed to call for. +We agreed, in result, that concert in the operations of the several +Colonies was indispensable; and that to produce this, some channel of +correspondence between them must be opened: that, therefore, we would +propose to our House the appointment of a committee of correspondence, +which should be authorized and instructed to write to the Speakers of +the House of Representatives of the several Colonies, recommending the +appointment of similar committees on their part, who, by a communication +of sentiment on the transactions threatening us all, might promote +a harmony of action salutary to all. This was the substance, not +pretending to remember words. We proposed the resolution, and your +father was agreed on to make the motion. He did it the next day, March +the 12th, with great ability, reconciling all to it, not only by +the reasonings, but by the temper and moderation with which it was +developed. It was adopted by a very general vote. Peyton Randolph, some +of us who proposed it, and who else I do not remember, were appointed +of the committee. We immediately despatched letters by expresses, to +the Speakers of all the other Assemblies. I remember that Mr. Carr and +myself, returning home together, and conversing on the subject by the +way, concurred in the conclusion, that that measure must inevitably +beget the meeting of a Congress of Deputies from all the Colonies, for +the purpose of uniting all in the same principles and measures for the +maintenance of our rights. My memory cannot deceive me, when I affirm +that we did it in consequence of no such proposition from any other +Colony. No doubt, the resolution itself, and the journals of the day, +will show that ours was original, and not merely responsive to one from +any other quarter. Yet, I am certain I remember also, that a similar +proposition, and nearly cotemporary, was made by Massachusetts, and +that our northern messenger passed theirs on the road. This, too, may be +settled by recurrence to the records of Massachusetts. The proposition +was generally acceded to by the other Colonies, and the first effect, +as expected, was the meeting of a Congress at New York the ensuing year. +The committee of correspondence appointed by Massachusetts, as quoted by +you from Marshall, under the date of 1770, must have been for a special +purpose, and _functus officio_ before the date of 1773, or Massachusetts +herself would not then have proposed another. Records should be examined +to settle this accurately. I well remember the pleasure expressed in the +countenance and conversation of the members generally, on this _debut_ +of Mr. Carr, and the hopes they conceived as well from the talents as +the patriotism it manifested. But he died within two months after, and +in him we lost a powerful fellow-laborer. His character was of a high +order. A spotless integrity, sound judgment, handsome imagination, +enriched by education and reading, quick and clear in his conceptions, +of correct and ready elocution, impressing every hearer with the +sincerity of the heart from which it flowed. His firmness was inflexible +in whatever he thought was right: but when no moral principle stood +in the way, never had man more of the milk of human kindness, of +indulgence, of softness, of pleasantry in conversation and conduct. The +number of his friends, and the warmth of their affection, were proofs of +his worth, and of their estimate of it. To give to those now living, +an idea of the affliction produced by his death in the minds of all who +knew him, I liken it to that lately felt by themselves on the death of +his eldest son, Peter Carr, so like him in all his endowments and moral +qualities, and whose recollection can never recur without a deep-drawn +sigh from the bosom of any one who knew him. You mention that I showed +you an inscription I had proposed for the tomb-stone of your father. Did +I leave it in your hands to be copied? I ask the question, not that I +have any such recollection, but that I find it no longer in the place of +its deposite, and think I never took it out but on that occasion. Ever +and affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, April 8, 1816 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, April 8, 1816. + +Dear Sir, + +I have to acknowledge your two favors of February the 16th and March the +2nd, and to join sincerely in the sentiment of Mrs. Adams, and regret +that distance separates us so widely. An hour of conversation would be +worth a volume of letters. But we must take things as they come. + +You ask, if I would agree to live my seventy or rather seventy-three +years over again? To which I say, yea. I think with you that it is +a good world on the whole; that it has been framed on a principle of +benevolence, and more pleasure than pain dealt out to us. There are, +indeed, (who might say nay) gloomy and hypochondriac minds, inhabitants +of diseased bodies, disgusted with the present, and despairing of the +future; always counting that the worst will happen, because it may +happen. To these I say, how much pain have cost us the evils which have +never happened! My temperament is sanguine. I steer my bark with Hope in +the head, leaving Fear astern. My hopes, indeed, sometimes fail; but not +oftener than the forebodings of the gloomy. There are, I acknowledge, +even in the happiest life, some terrible convulsions, heavy set-offs +against the opposite page of the account. I have often wondered for +what good end the sensations of grief could be intended. All our +other passions, within proper bounds, have an useful object. And the +perfection of the moral character is, not in a stoical apathy, so +hypocritically vaunted, and so untruly too, because impossible, but in a +just equilibrium of all the passions. I wish the pathologists then would +tell us what is the use of grief in the economy, and of what good it is +the cause, proximate or remote. + +Did I know Baron Grimm while at Paris? Yes, most intimately. He was the +pleasantest and most conversable member of the diplomatic corps while I +was there; a man of good fancy, acuteness, irony, cunning, and egoism. +No heart, not much of any science, yet enough of every one to speak +its language: his forte was Belles-lettres, painting, and sculpture. +In these he was the oracle of the society, and as such, was the +Empress Catharine's private correspondent and factor, in all things not +diplomatic. It was through him I got her permission for poor Ledyard to +go to Kamschatka, and cross over thence to the western coast of America, +in order to penetrate across our continent in the opposite direction +to that afterwards adopted for Lewis and Clarke: which permission she +withdrew after he had got within two hundred miles of Kamschatka, had +him seized, brought back, and set down in Poland. Although I never heard +Grimm express the opinion directly, yet I always supposed him to be +of the school of Diderot, D'Alembert, D'Holbach; the first of whom +committed his system of atheism to writing in '_Le Bon Sens_,' and the +last in his '_Systeme de la Nature_? It was a numerous school in +the Catholic countries, while the infidelity of the Protestant took +generally the form of theism. The former always insisted that it was +a mere question of definition between them, the hypostasis of which on +both sides, was '_Nature_,' or 'the _Universe_': that both agreed in the +order of the existing system, but the one supposed it from eternity, +the other as having begun in time. And when the atheist descanted on +the unceasing motion and circulation of matter through the animal, +vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, never resting, never annihilated, +always changing form, and under all forms gifted with the power of +reproduction; the theist pointing 'to the heavens above, and to the +earth beneath, and to the waters under the earth,' asked, if these did +not proclaim a first cause, possessing intelligence and power; power +in the production, and intelligence in the design, and constant +preservation of the system; urged the palpable existence of final +causes; that the eye was made to see, and the ear to hear, and not that +we see because we have eyes, and hear because we have ears; an answer +obvious to the senses, as that of walking across the room, was to +the philosopher demonstrating the non-existence of motion. It was in +D'Holbach's conventicles that Rousseau imagined all the machinations +against him were contrived and he left, in his Confessions, the most +biting anecdotes of Grimm. These appeared after I left France; but I +have heard that poor Grimm was so much afflicted by them, that he kept +his bed several weeks. I have never seen the Memoirs of Grimm. Their +volume has kept them out of our market. + +I have been lately amusing myself with Levi's book, in answer to Dr. +Priestley. It is a curious and tough work. His style is inelegant and +incorrect, harsh and petulant to his adversary, and his reasoning flimsy +enough. Some of his doctrines were new to me, particularly that of his +two resurrections: the first, a particular one of all the dead, in body +as well as soul, who are to live over again, the Jews in a state of +perfect obedience to God, the other nations in a state of corporeal +punishment for the sufferings they have inflicted on the Jews. And he +explains this resurrection of bodies to be only of the original stamen +of Leibnitz, or the human _calus in semine masculino_, considering that +as a mathematical point, insusceptible of separation or division. The +second resurrection, a general one of souls and bodies, eternally to +enjoy divine glory in the presence of the Supreme Being. He alleges that +the Jews alone preserve the doctrine of the unity of God. Yet their God +would be deemed a very indifferent man with us: and it was to correct +their anamorphosis of the Deity, that Jesus preached, as well as to +establish the doctrine of a future state. However, Levi insists, that +that was taught in the Old Testament, and even by Moses himself and the +prophets. He agrees that an anointed prince was prophesied and promised: +but denies that the character and history of Jesus had any analogy with +that of the person promised. He must be fearfully embarrassing to the +Hierophants of fabricated Christianity; because it is their own armor in +which he clothes himself for the attack. For example, he takes passages +of scripture from their context (which would give them a very different +meaning), strings them together, and makes them point towards what +object he pleases; he interprets them figuratively, typically, +analogically, hyperbolically; he calls in the aid of emendation, +transposition, ellipsis, metonymy, and every other figure of rhetoric; +the name of one man is taken for another, one place for another, days +and weeks for months and years; and finally he avails himself of all his +advantage over his adversaries by his superior knowledge of the Hebrew, +speaking in the very language of the divine communication, while they +can only fumble on with conflicting and disputed translations. Such is +this war of giants. And how can such pigmies as you and I decide +between them? For myself, I confess, that my head is not formed _tantas +componere lites_. And as you began yours of March the 2nd, with a +declaration, that you were about to write me the most frivolous letter I +had ever read, so I will close mine by saying, I have written you a full +match for it, and by adding my affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and +the assurance of my constant attachment and consideration for yourself. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXI.--TO JOHN TAYLOR, May 28,1816 + + +TO JOHN TAYLOR. + +Monticello, May 28,1816. + +Dear Sir, + +On my return from a long journey and considerable absence from home, +I found here the copy of your 'Enquiry into the Principles of our +Government,' which you had been so kind as to send me; and for which I +pray you to accept my thanks. The difficulties of getting new works in +our situation, inland and without a single bookstore, are such as had +prevented my obtaining a copy before; and letters which had accumulated +during my absence, and were calling for answers, have not yet permitted +me to give to the whole a thorough reading: yet certain that you and I +could not think differently on the fundamentals of rightful government, +I was impatient, and availed myself of the intervals of repose from the +writing-table, to obtain a cursory idea of the body of the work. + +I see in it much matter for profound reflection; much which should +confirm our adhesion, in practice, to the good principles of our +constitution, and fix our attention on what is yet to be made good. The +sixth section on the good moral principles of our government, I found +so interesting and replete with sound principles, as to postpone my +letter-writing to its thorough perusal and consideration. Besides much +other good matter, it settles unanswerably the right of instructing +representatives, and their duty to obey. The system of banking we have +both equally and ever reprobated. I contemplate it as a blot left in all +our constitutions, which, if not covered, will end in their destruction, +which is already hit by the gamblers in corruption, and is sweeping +away in its progress the fortunes and morals of our citizens. Funding I +consider as limited, rightfully, to a redemption of the debt within the +lives of a majority of the generation contracting it; every generation +coming equally, by the laws of the Creator of the world, to the free +possession of the earth he made for their subsistence, unincumbered by +their predecessors, who, like them, were but tenants for life. You have +successfully and completely pulverized Mr. Adams's system of orders, +and his opening the mantle of republicanism to every government of +laws, whether consistent or not with natural right. Indeed, it must be +acknowledged, that the term republic is of very vague application +in every language. Witness the self-styled republics of Holland, +Switzerland, Genoa, Venice, Poland. Were I to assign to this term a +precise and definite idea, I would say, that, purely and simply, +it means a government by its citizens in mass, acting directly and +personally, according to rules established by the majority: and that +every other government is more or less republican, in proportion as it +has in its composition more or less of this ingredient of the direct +action of the citizens. Such a government is evidently restrained to +very narrow limits of space and population. I doubt if it would be +practicable beyond the extent of a New England township. The first +shade from this pure element, which, like that of pure vital air, cannot +sustain life of itself, would be where the powers of the government, +being divided, should be exercised each by representatives chosen by the +citizens either _pro hac vice_, or for such short terms as should render +secure the duty of expressing the will of their constituents. This I +should consider as the nearest approach to a pure republic, which is +practicable on a large scale of country or population. And we have +examples of it in some of our State constitutions, which, if not +poisoned by priestcraft, would prove its excellence over all mixtures +with other elements; and, with only equal doses of poison, would still +be the best. Other shades of republicanism may be found in other +forms of government, where the executive, judiciary, and legislative +functions, and the different branches of the latter, are chosen by the +people more or less directly, for longer terms of years, or for life, +or made hereditary; or where there are mixtures of authorities, some +dependent on, and others independent of the peopje. The further the +departure from direct and constant control by the citizens, the less has +the government of the ingredient of republicanism; evidently none +where the authorities are hereditary, as in France, Venice, &c. or +self-chosen, as in Holland; and little, where for life, in proportion as +the life continues in being after the act of election. + +The purest republican feature in the government of our own State, is the +House of Representatives. The Senate is equally so the first year, less +the second, and so on. The Executive still less, because not chosen by +the people directly. The Judiciary seriously anti-republican, because +for life; and the national arm wielded, as you observe, by military +leaders, irresponsible but to themselves. Add to this the vicious +constitution of our county courts (to whom the justice, the executive +administration, the taxation, police, the military appointments of the +county, and nearly all our daily concerns are confided), self-appointed, +self-continued, holding their authorities for life, and with an +impossibility of breaking in on the perpetual succession of any faction +once possessed of the bench. They are, in truth, the executive, the +judiciary, and the military of their respective counties, and the sum +of the counties makes the State. And add, also, that one half of our +brethren who fight and pay taxes, are excluded, like Helots, from the +rights of representation, as if society were instituted for the soil, +and not for the men inhabiting it; or one half of these could dispose of +the rights and the will of the other half, without their consent. + + What constitutes a State? + Not high-raised battlements, or lahor'd mound, + Thick wall, or moated gate; + Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown'd; + No: men, high-minded men; + Men, who their duties know; + But know their rights; and, knowing, dare maintain. + These constitute a State.' + +In the General Government, the House of Representatives is mainly +republican; the Senate scarcely so at all, as not elected by the people +directly, and so long secured even against those who do elect them; the +Executive more republican than the Senate, from its shorter term, its +election by the people, in practice (for they vote for A only on an +assurance that he will vote for B), and because, in practice, also, +a principle of rotation seems to be in a course of establishment; the +judiciary independent of the nation, their coercion by impeachment being +found nugatory. + +If, then, the control of the people over the organs of their government +be the measure of its republicanism (and I confess I know no other +measure), it must be agreed that our governments have much less of +republicanism than ought to have been expected; in other words, that the +people have less regular control over their agents, than their rights +and their interest require. And this I ascribe, not to any want of +republican dispositions in those who formed these constitutions, but to +a submission of true principle to European authorities, to speculators +on government, whose fears of the people have been inspired by the +populace of their own great cities, and were unjustly entertained +against the independent, the happy, and therefore orderly citizens of +the United States. Much I apprehend that the golden moment is past +for reforming these heresies. The functionaries of public power rarely +strengthen in their dispositions to abridge it, and an unorganized +call for timely amendment is not likely to prevail against an organized +opposition to it. We are always told that things are going on well; why +change them? '_Chi sta bene, non si muova_,' says the Italian, 'Let him +who stands well, stand still.' This is true; and I verily believe they +would go on well with us under an absolute monarch, while our +present character remains, of order, industry, and love of peace, and +restrained, as he would be, by the proper spirit of the people. But it +is while it remains such, we should provide against the consequences of +its deterioration. And let us rest in the hope that it will yet be done, +and spare ourselves the pain of evils which may never happen. + +On this view of the import of the term republic, instead of saying, as +has been said, 'that it may mean any thing or nothing,' we may say with +truth and meaning, that governments are more or less republican, as +they have more or less of the element of popular election and control in +their composition: and believing, as I do, that the mass of the citizens +is the safest depository of their own rights, and especially, that the +evils flowing from the duperies of the people, are less injurious than +those from the egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition +of government which has in it the most of this ingredient. And I +sincerely believe, with you, that banking establishments are more +dangerous than standing armies; and that the principle of spending money +to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling +futurity on a large scale. + +I salute you with constant friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXII.--TO FRANCIS W. GILMER, June 7,1816 + + +TO FRANCIS W. GILMER. + +Monticello, June 7,1816. + +Dear Sir, + +I received a few-days ago from Mr. Dupont the enclosed manuscript, with +permission to read it, and a request, when read, to forward it to +you, in expectation that you would translate it. It is well worthy of +publication for the instruction of our citizens, being profound, sound, +and short. Our legislators are not sufficiently apprized of the rightful +limits of their powers: that their true office is to declare and enforce +only our natural rights and duties, and to take none of them from us. +No man has a natural right to commit aggression on the equal rights +of another; and this is all from which the laws ought to restrain him: +every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities +of the society; and this is all the laws should enforce on him: and, no +man having a natural right to be the judge between himself and another, +it is his natural duty to submit to the umpirage of an impartial third. +When the laws have declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled +their functions, and the idea is quite unfounded, that on entering into +society we give up any natural right. The trial of every law by one +of these texts, would lessen much the labors of our legislators, and +lighten equally our municipal codes. There is a work of the first +order of merit now in the press at Washington, by Destutt Tracy, on the +subject of political economy, which he brings into the compass of three +hundred pages, octavo. In a preliminary discourse on the origin of the +right of property, he coincides much with the principles of the present +manuscript; but is more developed, more demonstrative. He promises a +future work on morals, in which I lament to see, that he will adopt the +principles of Hobbes, or humiliation to human nature; that the sense of +justice and injustice is not derived from our natural organization, +but founded on convention only. I lament this the more, as he is +unquestionably the ablest writer living, on abstract subjects. Assuming +the fact, that the earth has been created in time, and consequently the +dogma of final causes, we yield, of course, to this short syllogism. +Man was created for social intercourse; but social intercourse cannot be +maintained without a sense of justice; then man must have been created +with a sense of justice. There is an error into which most of the +speculators on government have fallen, and which the well known state +of society of our Indians ought, before now, to have corrected. In +their hypothesis of the origin of government, they suppose it to have +commenced in the patriarchal or monarchical form. Our Indians are +evidently in that state of nature which has passed the association of a +single family; and not yet submitted to the authority of positive laws, +or of any acknowledged magistrate. Every man, with them, is perfectly +free to follow his own inclinations. But if, in doing this, he violates +the rights of another, if the case be slight, he is punished by the +disesteem of his society, or, as we say, by public opinion; if serious, +he is tomahawked as a dangerous enemy. Their leaders conduct them by +the influence of their character only; and they follow, or not, as they +please, him of whose character for wisdom or war they have the highest +opinion. Hence the origin of the parties among them adhering to +different leaders, and governed by their advice, not by their +command. The Cherokees, the only tribe I know to be contemplating the +establishment of regular laws, magistrates, and government, propose +a government of representatives, elected from every town. But of all +things, they least think of subjecting themselves to the will of one +man. This, the only instance of actual fact within our knowledge, will +be then a beginning by republican, and not by patriarchal or monarchical +government, as speculative writers have generally conjectured. + +We have to join in mutual congratulations on the appointment of our +friend Correa, to be Minister or Envoy of Portugal, here. This, I hope, +will give him to us, for life. Nor will it at all interfere with +his botanical rambles or journeys. The government of Portugal is so +peaceable and inoffensive, that it has never any altercations with its +friends. If their minister abroad writes them once a quarter that all is +well, they desire no more. I learn (though not from Correa himself) that +he thinks of paying us a visit as soon as he is through his course +of lectures. Not to lose this happiness again by my absence, I have +informed him I shall set out for Poplar Forest the 20th instant, and +be back the first week of July. I wish you and he could concert +your movements so as to meet here, and that you would make this your +headquarters. It is a good central point from which to visit your +connections; and you know our practice of placing our guests at their +ease, by showing them we are so ourselves, and that we follow our +necessary vocations, instead of fatiguing them by hanging unremittingly +on their shoulders. + +I salute you with affectionate esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXIII.*--TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN, January 9, 1816 + + +TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN. + +Monticello, January 9, 1816. + + [* This letter was accidentally misplaced, and is now + inserted out of its regular order.] + +Dear Sir, + +I acknowledge with pleasure your letter of the 9th of December last. + +Your opinions on the events which have taken place in France, are +entirely just, so far as these events are yet developed. But we +have reason to suppose, that they have not reached their ultimate +termination. There is still an awful void between the present, and what +is to be the last chapter of that history; and I fear it is to be filled +with abominations, as frightful as those which have already disgraced +it. That nation is too high-minded, has too much innate force, +intelligence, and elasticity, to remain quiet under its present +compression. Samson will arise in his strength, and probably will ere +long burst asunder the cords and the webs of the Philistines. But what +are to be the scenes of havoc and horror, and how widely they may spread +between the brethren of one family, our ignorance of the interior feuds +and antipathies of the country places beyond our view. Whatever may be +the convulsions, we cannot but indulge the pleasing hope, they will +end in the permanent establishment of a representative government; +a government in which the will of the people will be an effective +ingredient. This important element has taken root in the European mind, +and will have its growth. Their rulers, sensible of this, are already +offering this modification of their governments, under the plausible +pretence that it is a voluntary concession on their part. Had Bonaparte +used his legitimate power honestly, for the establishment and support +of a free government, France would now have been in prosperity and rest, +and her example operating for the benefit of mankind, every nation in +Europe would eventually have founded a government over which the will +of the people would have had a powerful control. His improper conduct, +however, has checked the salutary progress of principle; but the +object is fixed in the eye of nations, and they will press to its +accomplishment, and to the general amelioration of the condition of +man. What a germ have the freemen of the United States planted, and +how faithfully should they cherish the parent tree at home. Chagrin and +mortification are the punishments our enemies receive. + +You tell me I am quoted by those who wish to continue our dependence +on England for manufactures. There was a time when I might have been so +quoted with more candor. But within the thirty years which have since +elapsed, how are circumstances changed! We were then in peace; our +independent place among nations was acknowledged. A commerce which +offered the raw material, in exchange for the same material after +receiving the last touch of industry, was worthy of welcome to all +nations. It was expected, that those especially to whom manufacturing +industry was important, would cherish the friendship of such customers +by every favor, and particularly cultivate their peace by every act +of justice and friendship. Under this prospect, the question seemed +legitimate, whether, with such an immensity of unimproved land, +courting the hand of husbandry, the industry of agriculture, or that of +manufactures, would add most to the national wealth. And the doubt +on the utility of the American manufactures was entertained on this +consideration, chiefly, that to the labor of the husbandman a vast +addition is made by the spontaneous energies of the earth on which it +is employed. For one grain of wheat committed to the earth, she renders +twenty, thirty, and even fifty fold; whereas to the labor of the +manufacturer nothing is added. Pounds of flax, in his hands, on the +contrary, yield but penny weights of lace. This exchange, too, laborious +as it might seem, what a field did it promise for the occupation of the +ocean; what a nursery for that class of citizens who were to exercise +and maintain our equal rights on that element! This was the state of +things in 1785, when the Notes on Virginia were first published; when, +the ocean being open to all nations, and their common right in it +acknowledged and exercised under regulations sanctioned by the assent +and usage of all, it was thought that the doubt might claim some +consideration. + +But who, in 1785, could foresee the rapid depravity which was to render +the close of that century a disgrace to the history of man? Who could +have imagined that the two most distinguished in the rank of nations, +for science and civilization, would have suddenly descended from +that honorable eminence, and setting at defiance all those moral laws +established by the Author of Nature between nation and nation, as +between man and man, would cover earth and sea with robberies and +piracies, merely because strong enough to do it with temporal impunity, +and that under this disbandment of nations from social order, we should +have been despoiled of a thousand ships, and have thousands of our +citizens reduced to Algerine slavery. Yet all this has taken place. The +British interdicted to our vessels all harbors of the globe, without +having first proceeded to some one of hers, there paid a tribute +proportioned to the cargo, and obtained her license to proceed to the +port of destination. The French declared them to be lawful prize if they +had touched at the port, or been visited by a ship of the enemy nation. +Thus were we completely excluded from the ocean. Compare this state +of things with that of '85, and say whether an opinion founded in +the circumstances of that day, can be fairly applied to those of the +present. We have experienced, what we did not then believe, that there +exist both profligacy and power enough to exclude us from the field of +interchange with other nations. That to be independent for the comforts +of life, we must fabricate them ourselves. We must now place the +manufacturer by the side of the agriculturalist. The former question +is suppressed, or rather assumes a new form. The grand inquiry now is, +Shall we make our own comforts, or go without them at the will of a +foreign nation? He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufacture, +must be for reducing us either to dependence on that foreign nation, +or to be clothed in skins, and to live like wild beasts in dens +and caverns. I am not one of these. Experience has taught me that +manufactures are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort; +and if those who quote me as of a different opinion, will keep pace with +me in purchasing nothing foreign, where an equivalent of domestic fabric +can be obtained, without regard to difference of price, it will not be +our fault if we do not soon have a supply at home equal to our demand, +and wrest that weapon of distress from the hand which has so long +wantonly wielded it. If it shall be proposed to go beyond our own +supply, the question of '85 will then recur, Will our surplus labor be +then more beneficially employed, in the culture of the earth, or in the +fabrications of art? We have time yet for consideration, before that +question will press upon us; and the axiom to be applied will depend +on the circumstances which shall then exist. For in so complicated a +science as political economy, no one axiom can be laid down as wise and +expedient for all times and circumstances. Inattention to this is what +has called for this explanation, which reflection would have rendered +unnecessary with the candid, while nothing will do it with those who +use the former opinion only as a stalking-horse to cover their disloyal +propensities to keep us in eternal vassalage to a foreign and unfriendly +people. + +I salute you with assurances of great respect and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXIV.--TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD, June 20, 1816 + + +TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD. + +Monticello, June 20, 1816. + +Dear Sir, + +I am about to sin against all discretion, and knowingly, by adding to +the drudgery of your letter-reading, this acknowledgment of the receipt +of your favor of May the 31st, with the papers it covered. I cannot, +however, deny myself the gratification of expressing the satisfaction I +have received, not only from the general statement of affairs at Paris, +in yours of December the 12th, 1814, (as a matter of history which I had +not before received,) but most especially and superlatively, from the +perusal of your letter of the 8th of the same month to Mr. Fisk, on the +subject of drawbacks. This most heterogeneous principle was transplanted +into ours from the British system, by a man whose mind was really +powerful, but chained by native partialities to every thing English; who +had formed exaggerated ideas of the superior perfection of the English +constitution, the superior wisdom of their government, and sincerely +believed it for the good of this country to make them their model in +every thing; without considering that what might be wise and good for a +nation essentially commercial, and entangled in complicated intercourse +with numerous and powerful neighbors, might not be so for one +essentially agricultural, and insulated by nature from the abusive +governments of the old world. + +The exercise, by our own citizens, of so much commerce as may suffice +to exchange our superfluities for our wants, may be advantageous for the +whole. But it does not follow, that, with a territory so boundless, it +is the interest of the whole to become a mere city of London, to carry +on the business of one half the world at the expense of eternal war with +the other half. The agricultural capacities of our country constitute +its distinguishing feature; and the adapting our policy and pursuits to +that, is more likely to make us a numerous and happy people, than the +mimicry of an Amsterdam, a Hamburgh, or a city of London. Every society +has a right to fix the fundamental principles of its association, and +to say to all individuals, that, if they contemplate pursuits beyond +the limits of these principles, and involving dangers which the society +chooses to avoid, they must go somewhere else for their exercise; that +we want no citizens, and still less ephemeral and pseudo-citizens, on +such terms. We may exclude them from our territory, as we do persons +infected with disease. Such is the situation of our country. We have +most abundant resources of happiness within ourselves, which we may +enjoy in peace and safety, without permitting a few citizens, infected +with the mania of rambling and gambling, to bring danger on the great +mass engaged in innocent and safe pursuits at home. In your letter to +Fisk, you have fairly stated the alternatives between which we are to +choose: 1. licentious commerce and gambling speculations for a few, with +eternal war for the many; or, 2. restricted commerce, peace, and steady +occupations for all. If any State in the Union will declare that it +prefers separation with the first alternative, to a continuance in union +without it, I have no hesitation in saying, 'Let us separate.' I would +rather the States should withdraw, which are for unlimited commerce +and war, and confederate with those alone which are for peace and +agriculture. I know that every nation in Europe would join in sincere +amity with the latter, and hold the former at arm's length, by +jealousies, prohibitions, restrictions, vexations, and war. No earthly +consideration could induce my consent to contract such a debt as England +has by her wars for commerce, to reduce our citizens by taxes to such +wretchedness, as that laboring sixteen of the twenty-four hours, they +are still unable to afford themselves bread, or barely to earn as much +oatmeal or potatoes as will keep soul and body together. And all this +to feed the avidity of a few millionary merchants, and to keep up +one thousand ships of war for the protection of their commercial +speculations. I returned from Europe after our government had got under +way, and had adopted from the British code the law of drawbacks. I early +saw its effects in the jealousies and vexations of Britain; and that, +retaining it, we must become, like her, an essentially warring nation, +and meet, in the end, the catastrophe impending over her. No one can +doubt that this alone produced the orders of council, the depredations +which preceded, and the war which followed them. Had we carried but our +own produce, and brought back but our own wants, no nation would have +troubled us. Our commercial dashers, then, have already cost us so many +thousand lives, so many millions of dollars, more than their persons +and all their commerce were worth. When war was declared, and especially +after Massachusetts, who had produced it, took side with the enemy +waging it, I pressed on some confidential friends in Congress to avail +us of the happy opportunity of repealing the drawback; and I do rejoice +to find that you are in that sentiment. You are young, and may be in the +way of bringing it into effect. Perhaps time, even yet, and change of +tone (for there are symptoms of that in Massachusetts), may not have +obliterated altogether the sense of our late feelings and sufferings; +may not have induced oblivion of the friends we have lost, the +depredations and conflagrations we have suffered, and the debts we have +incurred, and to have to labor for through the lives of the present +generation. The earlier the repeal is proposed, the more it will be +befriended by all these recollections and considerations. This is one of +three great measures necessary to insure us permanent prosperity. This +preserves our peace. A second should enable us to meet any war, by +adopting the report of the war department, for placing the force of +the nation at effectual command: and a third should insure resources +of money by the suppression of all paper circulation during peace, and +licensing that of the nation alone during war. The metallic medium of +which we should be possessed at the commencement of a war, would be +a sufficient fund for all the loans we should need through its +continuance; and if the national bills issued, be bottomed (as is +indispensable) on pledges of specific taxes for their redemption +within certain and moderate epochs, and be of proper denominations for +circulation, no interest on them would be necessary or just, because +they would answer to every one the purposes of the metallic money +withdrawn and replaced by them. But possibly these may be the dreams of +an old man, or that the occasions of realizing them may have passed away +without return. A government regulating itself by what is wise and just +for the many, uninfluenced by the local and selfish views of the few +who direct their affairs, has not been seen, perhaps, on earth. Or if it +existed, for a moment, at the birth of ours, it would not be easy to fix +the term of its continuance. Still, I believe it does exist here in a +greater degree than any where else; and for its growth and continuance, +as well as for your personal health and happiness, I offer sincere +prayers, with the homage of my respect and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXV.--TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL, July 12, 1816 + + +TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL. + +Monticello, July 12, 1816. + +Sir, + +I duly received your favor of June the 13th, with the copy of the +letters on the calling a convention, on which you are pleased to ask +my opinion. I have not been in the habit of mysterious reserve on any +subject, nor of buttoning up my opinions within my own doublet. On +the contrary, while in public service especially, I thought the public +entitled to frankness, and intimately to know whom they employed. But +I am now retired: I resign myself, as a passenger, with confidence to +those at present at the helm, and ask but for rest, peace, and good +will. The question you propose, on equal representation, has become a +party one, in which I wish to take no public share. Yet, if it be asked +for your own satisfaction only, and not to be quoted before the public, +I have no motive to withhold it, and the less from you, as it coincides +with your own. At the birth of our republic, I committed that opinion +to the world, in the draught of a constitution annexed to the Notes +on Virginia, in which a provision was inserted for a representation +permanently equal. The infancy of the subject at that moment, and our +inexperience of self-government, occasioned gross departures in that +draught from genuine republican canons. In truth, the abuses of monarchy +had so much filled all the space of political contemplation, that we +imagined every thing republican which was not monarchy. We had not yet +penetrated to the mother principle, that 'governments are republican +only in proportion as they embody the will of their people, and execute +it.' Hence, our first constitutions had really no leading principle in +them. But experience and reflection have but more and more confirmed me +in the particular importance of the equal representation then proposed. +On that point, then, I am entirely in sentiment with your letters; and +only lament that a copyright of your pamphlet prevents their appearance +in the newspapers, where alone they would be generally read, and produce +general effect. The present vacancy too, of other matter, would give +them place in every paper, and bring the question home to every man's +conscience. + +But inequality of representation in both Houses of our legislature, is +not the only republican heresy in this first essay of our revolutionary +patriots at forming a constitution. For let it be agreed that a +government is republican in proportion as every member composing it has +his equal voice in the direction of its concerns, (not indeed in person, +which would be impracticable beyond the limits of a city, or small +township, but) by representatives chosen by himself, and responsible to +him at short periods, and let us bring to the test of this canon every +branch of our constitution. + +In the legislature, the House of Representatives is chosen by less than +half the people, and not at all in proportion to those who do choose. +The Senate are still more disproportionate, and for long terms of +irresponsibility. In the Executive, the Governor is entirely independent +of the choice of the people, and of their control; his Council equally +so, and at best but a fifth wheel to a wagon. In the Judiciary, the +judges of the highest courts are dependent on none but themselves. +In England, where judges were named and removable at the will of an +hereditary executive, from which branch most misrule was feared, and has +flowed, it was a great point gained, by fixing them for life, to make +them independent of that executive. But in a government founded on +the public will, this principle operates in an opposite direction, +and against that will. There, too, they were still removable on a +concurrence of the executive and legislative branches. But we have made +them independent of the nation itself. They are irremovable, but by +their own body, for any depravities of conduct, and even by their own +body for the imbecilities of dotage. The justices of the inferior +courts are self-chosen, are for life, and perpetuate their own body in +succession for ever, so that a faction once possessing themselves of +the bench of a county, can never be broken up, but hold their county in +chains, for ever indissoluble. Yet these justices are the real executive +as well as judiciary, in all our minor and most ordinary concerns. They +tax us at will; fill the office of sheriff, the most important of all +the executive officers of the county; name nearly all our military +leaders, which leaders, once named, are removable but by themselves. The +juries, our judges of all fact, and of law when they choose it, are +not selected by the people, nor amenable to them. They are chosen by an +officer named by the court and executive. Chosen, did I say? Picked up +by the sheriff from the loungings of the court-yard, after every thing +respectable has retired from it. Where then is our republicanism to be +found? Not in our constitution certainly, but merely in the spirit of +our people. That would oblige even a despot to govern us republicanly. +Owing to this spirit, and to nothing in the form of our constitution, +all things have gone well. But this fact, so triumphantly misquoted by +the enemies of reformation, is not the fruit of our constitution, but +has prevailed in spite of it. Our functionaries have done well, because +generally honest men. If any were not so, they feared to show it. + +But it will be said, it is easier to find faults than to amend them. I +do not think their amendment so difficult as is pretended. Only lay down +true principles, and adhere to them inflexibly. Do not be frightened +into their surrender by the alarms of the timid, or the croakings of +wealth against the ascendancy of the people. If experience be called +for, appeal to that of our fifteen or twenty governments for forty +years, and show me where the people have done half the mischief in these +forty years, that a single despot would have done in a single year; +or show half the riots and rebellions, the crimes and the punishments, +which have taken place in any single nation, under Kingly government, +during the same period. The true foundation of republican government +is the equal right of every citizen, in his person and property, and +in their management. Try by this, as a tally, every provision of our +constitution, and see if it hangs directly on the will of the people. +Reduce your legislature to a convenient number for full, but orderly +discussion. Let every man who fights or pays, exercise his just and +equal right in their election. Submit them to approbation or rejection +at short intervals. Let the executive be chosen in the same way, and for +the same term, by those whose agent he is to be; and leave no screen of +a council behind which to skulk from responsibility. It has been thought +that the people are not competent electors of judges learned in the law. +But I do not know that this is true, and if doubtful, we should follow +principle. In this, as in many other elections, they would be guided by +reputation, which would not err oftener, perhaps, than the present mode +of appointment. In one State of the Union, at least, it has been long +tried, and with the most satisfactory success. The judges of Connecticut +have been chosen by the people every six months, for nearly two +centuries, and I believe there has hardly ever been an instance +of change; so powerful is the curb of incessant responsibility. If +prejudice, however, derived from a monarchical institution, is still +to prevail against the vital elective principle of our own, and if the +existing example among ourselves of periodical election of judges by +the people be still mistrusted, let us at least not adopt the evil, and +reject the good, of the English precedent; let us retain a movability +on the concurrence of the executive and legislative branches, and +nomination by the executive alone. Nomination to office is an executive +function. To give it to the legislature, as we do, is a violation of +the principle of the separation of powers. It swerves the members from +correctness, by temptations to intrigue for office themselves, and to +a corrupt barter of votes; and destroys responsibility by dividing it +among a multitude. By leaving nomination in its proper place, among +executive functions, the principle of the distribution of power is +preserved, and responsibility weighs with its heaviest force on a single +head. + +The organization of our county administrations may be thought more +difficult. But follow principle, and the knot unties itself. Divide the +counties into wards of such size as that every citizen can attend when +called on, and act in person. Ascribe to them the government of their +wards in all things relating to themselves exclusively. A justice, +chosen by themselves, in each, a constable, a military company, a +patrol, a school, the care of their own poor, their own portion of the +public roads, the choice of one or more jurors to serve in some court, +and the delivery, within their own wards, of their own votes for +all elective officers of higher sphere, will relieve the county +administration of nearly all its business, will have it better done, and +by making every citizen an acting member of the government, and in the +offices nearest and most interesting to him, will attach him by +his strongest feelings to the independence of his country, and its +republican constitution. The justices thus chosen by every ward, would +constitute the county court, would do its judiciary business, direct +roads and bridges, levy county and poor rates, and administer all the +matters of common interest to the whole county. These wards, called +townships in New England, are the vital principle of their governments, +and have proved themselves the wisest invention ever devised by the +wit of man for the perfect exercise of self-government, and for its +preservation. We should thus marshal our government into, 1. The general +federal republic, for all concerns foreign and federal; 2. That of the +State, for what relates to our own citizens exclusively; 3. The county +republics, for the duties and concerns of the county; and, 4. The ward +republics, for the small, and yet numerous and interesting concerns of +the neighborhood: and in government, as well as in every other business +of life, it is by division and sub-division of duties alone, that all +matters, great and small, can be managed to perfection. And the whole +is cemented by giving to every citizen, personally, a part in the +administration of the public affairs. + +The sum of these amendments is, 1. General suffrage. 2. Equal +representation in the legislature. 3. An executive chosen by the people. +4. Judges elective or amovable. 5. Justices, jurors, and sheriffs +elective. 6. Ward divisions. And, 7. Periodical amendments of the +constitution. + +I have thrown out these, as loose heads of amendment, for consideration +and correction: and their object is to secure self-government by the +republicanism of our constitution, as well as by the spirit of the +people; and to nourish and perpetuate that spirit. I am not among those +who fear the people. They, and not the rich, are our dependence for +continued freedom. And to preserve their independence, we must not +let our rulers load us with perpetual debt. We must make our election +between economy and liberty, or profusion and servitude. If we run into +such debts, as that we must be taxed in our meat and in our drink, in +our necessaries and our comforts, in our labors and our amusements, for +our callings and our creeds, as the people of England are, our people, +like them, must come to labor sixteen hours in the twenty-four, give the +earnings of fifteen of these to the government for their debts and daily +expenses; and the sixteenth being insufficient to afford us bread, we +must live, as they now do, on oatmeal and potatoes; have no time to +think, no means of calling the mismanagers to account; but be glad to +obtain subsistence by hiring ourselves to rivet their chains on the +necks of our fellow-sufferers. Our land-holders, too, like theirs, +retaining indeed the title and stewardship of estates called theirs, +but held really in trust for the treasury, must wander, like theirs, in +foreign countries, and be contented with penury, obscurity, exile, and +the glory of the nation. This example reads to us the salutary lesson +that private fortunes are destroyed by public, as well as by private +extravagance. And this is the tendency of all human governments. A +departure from principle in one instance, becomes a precedent for a +second; that second for a third; and so on, till the bulk of the society +is reduced to be mere automatons of misery, to have no sensibilities +left but for sinning and suffering. Then begins, indeed, the _bellum +omnium in omnia_, which some philosophers observing to be so general +in this world, have mistaken it for the natural, instead of the abusive +state of man. And the fore-horse of this frightful team is public debt. +Taxation follows that, and in its train wretchedness and oppression. + +Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem +them, like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They +ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and +suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well: I +belonged to it, and labored with it. It deserved well of its country. +It was very like the present, but without the experience of the present; +and forty years of experience in government is worth a century of +book-reading: and this they would say themselves, were they to rise +from the dead. I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried +changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had +better be borne with; because, when once known, we accommodate ourselves +to them, and find practical means of correcting their ill effects. But +I know, also, that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with +the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more +enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, +and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, +institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might +as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a +boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their +barbarous ancestors. It is this preposterous idea which has lately +deluged Europe in blood. Their monarchs, instead of wisely yielding +to the gradual changes of circumstances, of favoring progressive +accommodation to progressive improvement, have clung to old abuses, +entrenched themselves behind steady habits, and obliged their subjects +to seek through blood and violence rash and ruinous innovations, which, +had they been referred to the peaceful deliberations and collected +wisdom of the nation, would have been put into acceptable and salutary +forms. Let us follow no such examples, nor weakly believe that one +generation is not as capable as another of taking care of itself, and of +ordering its own affairs. Let us, as our sister States have done, avail +ourselves of our reason and experience, to correct the crude essays of +our first and unexperienced, although wise, virtuous, and well-meaning +councils. And, lastly, let us provide in our constitution for its +revision at stated periods. What these periods should be, nature herself +indicates. By the European tables of mortality, of the adults living at +any one moment of time, a majority will be dead in about nineteen years. +At the end of that period, then, a new majority is come into place; or, +in other words, a new generation. Each generation is as independent of +the one preceding, as that was of all which had gone before. It has, +then, like them, a right to choose for itself the form of government +it believes most promotive of its own happiness; consequently, to +accommodate to the circumstances in which it finds itself, that received +from its predecessors: and it is for the peace and good of mankind, +that a solemn opportunity of doing this every nineteen or twenty years, +should be provided by the constitution; so that it may be handed on, +with periodical repairs, from generation to generation, to the end of +time, if any thing human can so long endure. It is now forty years since +the constitution of Virginia was formed. The same tables inform us, +that, within that period, two thirds of the adults then living are now +dead. Have then the remaining third, even if they had the wish, the +right to hold in obedience to their will, and to laws heretofore made +by them, the other two thirds, who, with themselves, compose the present +mass of adults? If they have not, who has? The dead? But the dead have +no rights. They are nothing; and nothing cannot own something. Where +there is no substance, there can be no accident. This corporeal globe, +and every thing upon it, belong to its present corporeal inhabitants, +during their generation. They alone have a right to direct what is the +concern of themselves alone, and to declare the law of that direction: +and this declaration can only be made by their majority. That majority, +then, has a right to depute representatives to a convention, and to make +the constitution what they think will be best for themselves. But how +collect their voice? This is the real difficulty. If invited by private +authority to county or district meetings, these divisions are so large, +that few will attend; and their voice will be imperfectly or falsely +pronounced. Here, then, would be one of the advantages of the ward +divisions I have proposed. The mayor of every ward, on a question like +the present, would call his ward together, take the simple yea or nay of +its members, convey these to the county court, who would hand on those +of all its wards to the proper general authority; and the voice of +the whole people would be thus fairly, fully, and peaceably expressed, +discussed, and decided by the common reason of the society. If this +avenue be shut to the call of sufferance, it will make itself heard +through that of force, and we shall go on, as other nations are doing, +in the endless circle of oppression, rebellion, reformation; and +oppression, rebellion, reformation, again; and so on, for ever. + +These, Sir, are my opinions of the governments we see among men, and of +the principles by which alone we may prevent our own from falling into +the same dreadful track. I have given them at greater length than your +letter called for. But I cannot say things by halves; and I confide them +to your honor, so to use them as to preserve me from the gridiron of the +public papers. If you shall approve and enforce them, as you have done +that of equal representation, they may do some good. If not, keep them +to yourself as the effusions of withered age, and useless time. I +shall, with not the Less truth, assure you of my great respect and +consideration. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXVI.--TO JOHN TAYLOR, July 21, 1816 + + +TO JOHN TAYLOR. + +Monticello, July 21, 1816. + +Dear Sir, + +Yours of the 10th is received, and I have to acknowledge a copious +supply of the turnip-seed requested. Besides taking care myself, I +shall endeavor again to commit it to the depository of the neighborhood, +generally found to be the best precaution against losing a good thing. +I will add a word on the political part of our letters. I believe we do +not differ on either of the points you suppose. On education certainly +not; of which the proofs are my bill for the diffusion of knowledge, +proposed near forty years ago, and my uniform endeavors, to this day, +to get our counties divided into wards, one of the principal objects of +which is, the establishment of a primary school in each. But education +not being a branch of municipal government, but, like the other arts +and sciences, an accident only, I did not place it, with election, as a +fundamental member in the structure of government. Nor, I believe, do +we differ as to the county courts. I acknowledge the value of this +institution; that it is in truth our principal executive and judiciary, +and that it does much for little pecuniary reward. It is their +self-appointment I wish to correct; to find some means of breaking up +a cabal, when such a one gets possession of the bench. When this takes +place, it becomes the most afflicting of tyrannies, because its powers +are so various, and exercised on every thing most immediately around +us. And how many instances have you and I known of these monopolies of +county administration! I knew a county in which a particular family (a +numerous one) got possession of the bench, and for a whole generation. +never admitted a man on it who was not of its clan or connection. 1 know +a county now of one thousand and five hundred militia, of which sixty +are federalists. Its court is of thirty members, of whom twenty are +federalists, (every third man of the sect.) There are large and populous +districts in it without a justice, because without a federalist +for appointment: the militia are as disproportionably under federal +officers. And there is no authority on earth which can break up this +junto, short of a general convention. The remaining one thousand four +hundred and forty, free, fighting, and paying citizens, are governed +by men neither of their choice nor confidence, and without a hope +of relief. They are certainly excluded from the blessings of a free +government for life, and indefinitely, for aught the constitution has +provided. This solecism may be called any thing but republican, and +ought undoubtedly to be corrected. I salute you with constant friendship +and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXVII.--TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL, September 5, 1816 + +TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL. + +Monticello, September 5, 1816. + +Sir, + +Your letter of August the 16th is just received. That which I wrote to +you under the address of H. Tompkinson, was intended for the author +of the pamphlet you were so kind as to send me, and therefore, in your +hands, found its true destination. But I must beseech you, Sir, not to +admit a possibility of its being published. Many good people will revolt +from its doctrines, and my wish is to offend nobody; to leave to those +who are to live under it, the settlement of their own constitution, and +to pass in peace the remainder of my time. If those opinions are sound, +they will occur to others, and will prevail by their own weight, +without the aid of names. I am glad to see that the Staunton meeting has +rejected the idea of a limited convention. The article, however, nearest +my heart, is the division of the counties into wards. These will be pure +and elementary republics, the sum of all which, taken together, composes +the State, and will make of the whole a true democracy as to the +business of the wards, which is that of nearest and daily concern. +The affairs of the larger sections, of counties, of States, and of +the Union, not admitting personal transaction by the people, will be +delegated to agents elected by themselves; and representation will thus +be substituted, where personal action becomes impracticable. Yet, +even over these representative organs, should they become corrupt and +perverted, the division into wards constituting the people, in their +wards, a regularly organized power, enables them by that organization +to crush, regularly and peaceably, the usurpations of their unfaithful +agents, and rescues them from the dreadful necessity of doing it +insurrectionally. In this way we shall be as republican as a large +society can be; and secure the continuance of purity in our government, +by the salutary, peaceable, and regular control of the people. No other +depositories of power have ever yet been found, which did not end in +converting to their own profit the earnings of those committed to their +charge. George the III., in execution of the trust confided to him, has, +within his own day, loaded the inhabitants of Great Britain with debts +equal to the whole fee-simple value of their island, and under pretext +of governing it, has alienated its whole soil to creditors who could +lend money to be lavished on priests, pensions, plunder, and perpetual +war. This would not have been so, had the people retained organized +means of acting on their agents. In this example, then, let us read a +lesson for ourselves, and not 'go, and do likewise.' + +Since writing my letter of July the 12th, I have been told, that on the +question of equal representation, our fellow-citizens in some sections +of the State claim peremptorily a right of representation for their +slaves. Principle will, in this, as in most other cases, open the way +for us to correct conclusion. Were our State a pure democracy, in which +all its inhabitants should meet together to transact all their business, +there would yet be excluded from their deliberations, 1. Infants, until +arrived at years of discretion. 2. Women, who, to prevent depravation +of morals, and ambiguity of issue, could not mix promiscuously in the +public meetings of men. 3, Slaves, from whom the unfortunate state of +things with us takes away the rights of will and of property. Those, +then, who have no will, could be permitted to exercise none in the +popular assembly; and of course could delegate none to an agent in a +representative assembly. The business, in the first case, would be done +by qualified citizens only; and, in the second, by the representatives +of qualified citizens only. It is true, that in the general +constitution, our State is allowed a larger representation on account +of its slaves. But every one knows, that that constitution was a +matter of compromise; a capitulation between conflicting interests +and opinions. In truth, the condition of different descriptions of +inhabitants in any country is a matter of municipal arrangement, of +which no foreign country has a right to take notice. All its inhabitants +are men as to them. Thus, in the New England States, none have the +powers of citizens but those whom they call freemen; and none are +freemen Until admitted by a vote of the freemen of the town. Yet, in the +General Government, these non-freemen are counted in their quantum of +representation and of taxation. So, slaves with us have no powers as +citizens; yet, in representation in the General Government, they count +in the proportion of three to five; and so also in taxation. Whether +this is equal, is not here the question. It is a capitulation of +discordant sentiments and circumstances, and is obligatory on that +ground. But this view shows there is no inconsistency in claiming +representation for them from the other States, and refusing it within +our own. + +Accept the renewal of assurances of my respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXVIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, October 14, 1816 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS, + +Monticello, October 14, 1816. + +Your letter, dear Sir, of May the 6th, had already well explained the +uses of grief. That of September the 3rd, with equal truth, adduces +instances of its abuse; and when we put into the same scale these +abuses, with the afflictions of soul which even the uses of grief cost +us, we may consider its value in the economy of the human being, as +equivocal at least. Those afflictions cloud too great a portion of +life, to find a counterpoise in any benefits derived from its uses. For +setting aside its paroxyms on the occasions of special bereavements, all +the latter years of aged men are overshadowed with its gloom. Whither, +for instance, can you and I look without seeing the graves of those we +have known? And whom can we call up, of our early companions, who has +not left us to regret his loss? This, indeed, may be one of the salutary +effects of grief; inasmuch as it prepares us to loose ourselves also +without repugnance. Doctor Freeman's instances of female levity cured by +grief, are certainly to the point, and constitute an item of credit in +the account we examine. I was much mortified by the loss of the Doctor's +visit, by my absence from home. To have shown how much I feel indebted +to you for making good people known to me, would have been one pleasure; +and to have enjoyed that of his conversation, and the benefits of +his information, so favorably reported by my family, would have been +another. I returned home on the third day after his departure. The loss +of such visits is among the sacrifices which my divided residence costs +me. + +Your undertaking the twelve volumes of Dupuis, is a degree of heroism +to which I could not have aspired even in my younger days. I have been +contented with the humble achievement of reading the analysis of his +work by Destutt Tracy, in two hundred pages, octavo. I believe I should +have ventured on his own abridgment of the work, in one octavo volume, +had it ever come to my hands; but the marrow of it in Tracy has +satisfied my appetite: and even in that, the preliminary discourse of +the analyzer himself, and his conclusion, are worth more in my eye than +the body of the work. For the object of that seems to be to smother all +history under the mantle of allegory. If histories so unlike as those +of Hercules and Jesus, can, by a fertile imagination and allegorical +interpretations, be brought to the same tally, no line of distinction +remains between fact and fancy. As this pithy morsel will not +overburthen the mail in passing and repassing between Quincy and +Monticello, I send it for your perusal. Perhaps it will satisfy you, as +it has me; and may save you the labor of reading twenty-four times its +volume. I have said to you that it was written by Tracy; and I had so +entered it on the title-page, as I usually do on anonymous works whose +authors are known to me. But Tracy requested me not to betray his +anonyme, for reasons which may not yet, perhaps, have ceased to weigh. I +am bound, then, to make the same reserve with you. Destutt-Tracy is, in +my judgment, the ablest writer living on intellectual subjects, or the +operations of the understanding. His three octavo volumes on Ideology, +which constitute the foundation of what he has since written, I have not +entirely read; because I am not fond of reading what is merely abstract, +and unapplied immediately to some useful science. Bonaparte, with his +repeated derisions of Ideologists (squinting at this author) has by +this time felt that true wisdom does not lie in mere practice without +principle. The next work Tracy wrote was the Commentary on Montesquieu, +never published in the original, because not safe; but translated and +published in Philadelphia, yet without the author's name. He has since +permitted his name to be mentioned. Although called a Commentary, it is, +in truth, an elementary work on the principles of government, comprised +in about three hundred pages octavo. He has lately published a third +work on Political Economy, comprising the whole subject within about +the same compass; in which all its principles are demonstrated with +the severity of Euclid, and, like him, without ever using a superfluous +word. I have procured this to be translated, and have been four years +endeavoring to get it printed: but, as yet, without success. In the mean +time, the author has published the original in France, which he thought +unsafe while Bonaparte was in power. No printed copy, I believe, has yet +reached this country. He has his fourth and last work now in the press +at Paris, closing, as he conceives, the circle of metaphysical sciences. +This work, which is on Ethics, I have not seen, but suspect I shall +differ from it in its foundation, although not in its deductions. I +gather from his other works that he adopts the principle of Hobbes, +that justice is founded in contract solely, and does not result from the +constitution of man. I believe, on the contrary, that it is instinct and +innate, that the moral sense is as much a part of our constitution as +that of feeling, seeing, or hearing; as a wise creator must have seen to +be necessary in an animal destined to live in society: that every human +mind feels pleasure in doing good to another: that the non-existence of +justice is not to be inferred from the fact that the same act is deemed +virtuous and right in one society which is held vicious and wrong +in another; because, as the circumstances and opinions of different +societies vary, so the acts which may do them right or wrong must vary +also; for virtue does not consist in the act we do, but in the end it +is to effect. If it is to effect the happiness of him to whom it +is directed, it is virtuous, while, in a society under different +circumstances and opinions, the same act might produce pain, and would +be vicious. The essence of virtue is in doing good to others, while what +is good may be one thing in one society, and its contrary in another. +Yet, however we may differ as to the foundation of morals (and as +many foundations have been assumed as there are writers on the subject +nearly), so correct a thinker as Tracy will give us a sound system of +morals. And, indeed, it is remarkable, that so many writers, setting out +from so many different premises, yet meet all in the same conclusions. +This looks as if they were guided unconsciously, by the unerring-hand of +instinct. + +Your history of the Jesuits, by what name of the author or other +description is it to be inquired for? + +What do you think of the present situation of England? Is not this the +great and fatal crush of their funding system, which, like death, has +been foreseen by all, but its hour, like that of death, hidden from +mortal prescience? It appears to me that all the circumstances now exist +which render recovery desperate. The interest of the national debt is +now equal to such a portion of the profits of all the land and the labor +of the island, as not to leave enough for the subsistence of those +who labor. Hence the owners of the land abandon it and retire to other +countries, and the laborer has not enough of his earnings left to him +to cover his back and to fill his belly. The local insurrections, now +almost general, are of the hungry and the naked, who cannot be quieted +but by food and raiment. But where are the means of feeding and clothing +them? The landholder has nothing of his own to give; he is but the +fiduciary of those who have lent him money; the lender is so taxed in +his meat, drink, and clothing, that he has but a bare subsistence left. +The landholder, then, must give up his land, or the lender his debt, +or they must compromise by giving up each one half. But will either +consent, peaceably, to such an abandonment of property? Or must it not +be settled by civil conflict? If peaceably compromised, will they agree +to risk another ruin under the same government unreformed? I think not; +but I would rather know what you think; because you have lived with +John Bull, and know better than I do the character of his herd. I salute +Mrs. Adams and yourself with every sentiment of affectionate cordiality +and respect; + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXXXIX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, TO JOHN ADAMS + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, January 11, 1817. + +Dear Sir, + +Forty-three volumes read in one year, and twelve of them quarto! Dear +Sir, how I envy you! Half a dozen octavos in that space of time are as +much as I am allowed. I can read by candlelight only, and stealing long +hours from my rest: nor would that time be indulged to me, could I by +that light see to write. From sunrise to one or two o'clock, and often +from dinner to dark, I am drudging at the writing-table. And all this +to answer letters into which neither interest nor inclination on my part +enters; and often from persons whose names I have never before heard. +Yet, writing civilly, it is hard to refuse them civil answers. This is +the burthen of my life, a very grievous one indeed, and one which I must +get rid of. Delaplaine lately requested me to give him a line on the +subject of his book; meaning, as I well knew, to publish it. This I +constantly refuse; but in this instance yielded, that in saying a +word for him, I might say two for myself. I expressed in it freely +my sufferings from this source; hoping it would have the effect of an +indirect appeal to the discretion of those, strangers and others, who, +in the most friendly dispositions, oppress me with their concerns, +their pursuits, their projects, inventions, and speculations, political, +moral, religious, mechanical, mathematical, historical, &c. &c. &c. +I hope the appeal will bring me relief, and that I shall be left to, +exercise and enjoy correspondence with the friends I love, and on +subjects which they, or my own inclinations, present. In that case, your +letters shall not be so long on my files unanswered, as sometimes they +have been to my great mortification. + +To advert now to the subjects of those of December the 12th and 16th. +Tracy's Commentaries on Montesquieu have never been published in the +original. Duane printed a translation from the original manuscript a few +years ago. It sold, I believe, readily, and whether a copy can now +be had, I doubt. If it can, you will receive it from my bookseller in +Philadelphia, to whom I now write for that purpose. Tracy comprehends, +under the word 'Ideology' all the subjects which the French term +_Morale_, as the correlative to _Physique_, His works on Logic, +Government, Political Economy, and Morality, he considers as making up +the circle of ideological subjects, or of those which are within the +scope of the understanding, and not of the senses. His Logic occupies +exactly the ground of Locke's work on the Understanding. The translation +of that on Political Economy is now printing; but it is no translation +of mine. I have only had the correction of it, which was, indeed, very +laborious. _Le premier jet_ having been by some one who understood +neither French nor English, it was impossible to make it more than +faithful. But it is a valuable work. + +The result of your fifty or sixty years of religious reading in the four +words, 'Be just and good,' is that in which all our inquiries must end; +as the riddles of all the priesthoods end in four more, '_Ubi panis, ibi +deus_.' What all agree in, is probably right; what no two agree in, most +probably wrong. One of our fan-coloring biographers, who paints small +men as very great, inquired of me lately, with real affection too, +whether he might consider as authentic, the change in my religion much +spoken of in some circles. Now this supposed that they knew what had +been my religion before, taking for it the word of their priests, whom +I certainly never made the confidants of my creed. My answer was, 'Say +nothing of my religion. It is known to my God and myself alone. Its +evidence before the world is to be sought in my life; if that has been +honest and dutiful to society, the religion which has regulated it +cannot be a bad one.' Affectionately adieu. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXL.--TO JOHN ADAMS, May 5, 1817 + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, May 5, 1817. + +Dear Sir, + +Absences and avocations had prevented my acknowledging your favor of +February the 2nd, when that of April the 19th arrived. I had not the +pleasure of receiving the former by the hands of Mr. Lyman. His business +probably carried him in another direction; for I am far inland, and +distant from the great line of communication between the trading cities. +Your recommendations are always welcome, for, indeed, the subjects of +them always merit that welcome, and some of them in an extraordinary +degree. They make us acquainted with what there is excellent in our +ancient sister State of Massachusetts, once venerated and beloved, +and still hanging on our hopes, for what need we despair of after the +resurrection of Connecticut to light and liberality. I had believed that +the last retreat of monkish darkness, bigotry, and abhorrence of those +advances of the mind which had carried the other States a century ahead +of them. They seemed still to be exactly where their forefathers were +when they schismatized from the covenant of works, and to consider as +dangerous heresies all innovations good or bad. I join you, therefore, +in sincere congratulations that this den of the priesthood is at length +broken up, and that a Protestant Popedom is no longer to disgrace the +American history and character. If by religion, we are to understand +sectarian dogmas, in which no two of them agree, then your exclamation +on that hypothesis is just, 'that this would be the best of all possible +worlds, if there were no religion in it.' But if the moral precepts, +innate in man, and made a part of his physical constitution, as +necessary for a social being, if the sublime doctrines of philanthropism +and deism taught us by Jesus of Nazareth, in which all agree, constitute +true religion, then, without it, this would be, as you again say, +'something not fit to be named, even indeed, a hell.' + +You certainly acted wisely in taking no notice of what the malice of +Pickering could say of you. Were such things to be answered, our lives +would be wasted in the filth of fendings and provings, instead of +being employed in promoting the happiness and prosperity of our +fellow-citizens. The tenor of your life is the proper and sufficient +answer. It is fortunate for those in public trust, that posterity will +judge them by their works, and not by the malignant vituperations and +invectives of the Pickerings and Gardiners of their age. After all, men +of energy of character must have enemies; because there are two sides +to every question, and taking one with decision, and acting on it with +effect, those who take the other will of course be hostile in proportion +as they feel that effect. Thus, in the Revolution, Hancock and the +Adamses were the raw-head and bloody bones of tories and traitors; who +yet knew nothing of you personally but what was good. I do not entertain +your apprehensions for the happiness of our brother Madison in a state +of retirement. Such a mind as his, fraught with information and with +matter for reflection, can never know _ennui_. Besides, there will +always be work enough cut out for him to continue his active usefulness +to his country. For example, he and Monroe (the President) are now +here on the work of a collegiate institution to be established in our +neighborhood, of which they and myself are three of six Visitors. This, +if it succeeds, will raise up children for Mr. Madison to employ his +attention through life. I say, if it succeeds; for we have two very +essential wants in our way: 1. means to compass our views; and 2. men +qualified to fulfil them. And these you will agree are essential wants +indeed. + +I am glad to find you have a copy of Sismondi, because his is a field +familiar to you, and on which you can judge him. His work is highly +praised, but I have not yet read it. I have been occupied and delighted +with reading another work, the title of which did not promise much +useful information or amusement, '_L'Italia avanti il Dominio del +Romani, dal Micali_. It has often, you know, been a subject of regret +that Carthage had no writer to give her side of her own history, +while her wealth, power, and splendor prove she must have had a very +distinguished policy and government. Micali has given the counterpart +of the Roman history, for the nations over which they extended their +dominion. For this he has gleaned up matter from every quarter, and +furnished materials for reflection and digestion to those who, thinking +as they read, have perceived that there was a great deal of matter +behind the curtain, could that be fully withdrawn. He certainly gives +new views of a nation whose splendor has masked and palliated their +barbarous ambition. I am now reading Botta's History of our own +Revolution. Bating the ancient practice which he has adopted, of putting +speeches into mouths which never made them, and fancying motives of +action which we never felt, he has given that history with more detail, +precision, and candor, than any writer I have yet met with. It is, to be +sure, compiled from those writers; but it is a good secretion of their +matter, the pure from the impure, and presented in a just sense of +right, in opposition to usurpation. + +Accept assurances for Mrs. Adams and yourself of my affectionate esteem +and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLI.--TO MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, May 14, 1817 + + +TO MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + +Monticello, May 14, 1817. + +Although, Dear Sir, much retired from the world, and meddling little in +its concerns, yet I think it almost a religious duty to salute at times +my old friends, were it only to say and to know that 'all's well.' +Our hobby has been politics; but all here is so quiet, and with you so +desperate, that little matter is furnished us for active attention. With +you too, it has long been forbidden ground, and therefore imprudent +for a foreign friend to tread, in writing to you. But although our +speculations might be intrusive, our prayers cannot but be acceptable, +and mine are sincerely offered for the well-being of France. What +government she can bear, depends not on the state of science, however +exalted, in a select band of enlightened men, but on the condition of +the general mind. That, I am sure, is advanced and will advance, and +the last change of government was fortunate, inasmuch as the new will be +less obstructive to the effects of that advancement. For I consider your +foreign military oppression as an ephemeral obstacle only. + +Here all is quiet. The British war has left us in debt; but that is +a cheap price for the good it has done us. The establishment of the +necessary manufactures among ourselves, the proof that our government is +solid, can stand the shock of war, and is superior even to civil schism, +are precious facts for us; and of these the strongest proofs were +furnished, when, with four eastern States tied to us, as dead to living +bodies, all doubt was removed as to the achievements of the war, had +it continued. But its best effect has been the complete suppression of +party. The federalists who were truly American, and their great mass was +so, have separated from their brethren who were mere Anglomen, and are +received with cordiality into the republican ranks. Even Connecticut, +as a State, and the last one expected to yield its steady habits (which +were essentially bigoted in politics as well as religion), has chosen +a republican governor, and republican legislature. Massachusetts indeed +still lags; because most deeply involved in the parricide crimes and +treasons of the war. But her gangrene is contracting, the sound flesh +advancing on it, and all there will be well. I mentioned Connecticut +as the most hopeless of our States. Little Delaware had escaped my +attention. That is essentially a Quaker State, the fragment of a +religious sect which, there, in the other States, in England, are a +homogeneous mass, acting with one mind, and that directed by the mother +society in England. Dispersed, as the Jews, they still form, as those +do, one nation, foreign to the land they live in. They are Protestant +Jesuits, implicitly devoted to the will of their superior, and +forgetting all duties to their country in the execution of the policy +of their order. When war is proposed with England, they have religious +scruples; but when with France, these are laid by, and they become +clamorous for it. They are, however, silent, passive, and give no other +trouble than of whipping them along. Nor is the election of Monroe an +inefficient circumstance in our felicities. Four and twenty years, +which he will accomplish, of administration in republican forms and +principles, will so consecrate them in the eyes of the people as +to secure them against the danger of change. The evanition of party +dissensions has harmonized intercourse, and sweetened society beyond +imagination. The war then has done us all this good, and the further one +of assuring the world, that although attached to peace from a sense of +its blessings, we will meet war when it is made necessary. + +I wish I could give better hopes of our southern brethren. The +achievement of their independence of Spain is no longer a question. But +it is a very serious one, what will then become of them. Ignorance and +bigotry, like other insanities, are incapable of self-government. They +will fall under military despotisms, and become the murderous tools of +the ambition of their respective Bonapartes; and whether this will be +for their greater happiness, the rule of one only has taught you to +judge. No one, I hope, can doubt my wish to see them and all mankind +exercising self-government, and capable of exercising it. But the +question is not what we wish, but what is practicable. As their sincere +friend and brother, then, I do believe the best thing for them, would be +for themselves to come to an accord with Spain, under the guarantee +of France, Russia, Holland, and the United States, allowing to Spain +a nominal supremacy, with authority only to keep the peace among them, +leaving them otherwise all the powers of self-government, until +their experience in them, their emancipation from their priests, +and advancement in information, shall prepare them for complete +independence. I exclude England from this confederacy, because her +selfish principles render her incapable of honorable patronage or +disinterested co-operation: unless, indeed, what seems now probable, a +revolution, should restore to her an honest government, one which will +permit the world to live in peace. Portugal grasping at an extension +of her dominion in the south, has lost her great northern province of +Pernambuco, and I shall not wonder if Brazil should revolt in mass, and +send their royal family back to Portugal, Brazil is more populous, more +wealthy, more energetic, and as wise as Portugal. I have been insensibly +led, my dear friend, while writing to you, to indulge in that line of +sentiment in which we have been always associated, forgetting that these +are matters not belonging to my time. Not so with you, who have still +many years to be a spectator of these events. That these years may +indeed be many and happy, is the sincere prayer of your affectionate +friend. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLII.--TO ALBERT GALLATIN, June 16, 1817 + + +TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + +Monticello, June 16, 1817. + +Dear Sir, + +The importance that the enclosed letters should safely reach their +destination, impels me to avail myself of the protection of your cover. +This is an inconvenience to which your situation exposes you, while it +adds to the opportunities of exercising yourself in works of charity. + +According to the opinion I hazarded to you a little before your +departure, we have had almost an entire change in the body of Congress. +The unpopularity of the compensation law was completed, by the manner of +repealing it as to all the world except themselves. In some States, it +is said, every member is changed; in all, many. What opposition there +was to the original law, was chiefly from southern members. Yet many of +those have been left out, because they received the advanced wages. I +have never known so unanimous a sentiment of disapprobation; and what +is remarkable, is, that it was spontaneous. The newspapers were almost +entirely silent, and the people not only unled by their leaders, but in +opposition to them. I confess I was highly pleased with this proof +of the innate good sense, the vigilance, and the determination of the +people to act for themselves. + +Among the laws of the late Congress, some were of note: a navigation +act, particularly, applicable to those nations only who have navigation +acts; pinching one of them especially, not only in the general way, but +in the intercourse with her foreign possessions. This part may re-act +on us, and it remains for trial which may bear longest. A law respecting +our conduct as a neutral between Spain and her contending colonies, +was passed by a majority of one only, I believe, and against the +very general sentiment of our country. It is thought to strain our +complaisance to Spain beyond her right or merit, and almost against the +right of the other party, and certainly against the claims they have to +our good wishes and neighborly relations. That we should wish to see +the people of other countries free, is as natural, and at least as +justifiable, as that one King should wish to see the Kings of other +countries maintained in their despotism. Right to both parties, innocent +favor to the juster cause, is our proper sentiment. + +You will have learned that an act for internal improvement, after +passing both houses, was negatived by the President. The act was +founded, avowedly, on the principle that the phrase in the constitution, +which authorizes Congress 'to lay taxes, to pay the debts and provide +for the general welfare,' was an extension of the powers specifically +enumerated to whatever would promote the general welfare; and this, +you know, was the federal doctrine. Whereas, our tenet ever was, +and, indeed, it is almost the only land-mark which now divides the +federalists from the republicans, that Congress had not unlimited +powers to provide for the general welfare, but were restrained to those +specifically enumerated; and that, as it was never meant they should +provide for that welfare but by the exercise of the enumerated powers, +so it could not have been meant they should raise money for purposes +which the enumeration did not place under their action: consequently, +that the specification of powers is a limitation of the purposes for +which they may raise money. I think the passage and rejection of this +bill a fortunate incident. Every State will certainly concede the power; +and this will be a national confirmation of the grounds of appeal to +them, and will settle for ever the meaning of this phrase, which, by a +mere grammatical quibble, has countenanced the General Government in a +claim of universal power. For in the phrase, 'to lay taxes, to pay the +debts and provide for the general welfare,' it is a mere question of +syntax, whether the two last infinitives are governed by the first, or +are distinct and co-ordinate powers; a question unequivocally decided +by the exact definition of powers immediately following. It is fortunate +for another reason, as the States, in conceding the power, will modify +it, either by requiring the federal ratio of expense in each State, or +otherwise, so as to secure us against its partial exercise. Without this +caution, intrigue, negotiation, and the barter of votes might become as +habitual in Congress, as they are in those legislatures which have the +appointment of officers, and which, with us, is called 'logging,' the +term of the farmers for their exchanges of aid in rolling together the +logs of their newly cleared grounds. Three of our papers have presented +us the copy of an act of the legislature of New York, which, if it has +really passed, will carry us back to the times of the darkest bigotry +and barbarism to find a parallel. Its purport is, that all those who +shall hereafter join in communion with the religious sect of Shaking +Quakers, shall be deemed civilly dead, their marriages dissolved, and +all their children and property taken out of their hands. This act being +published nakedly in the papers, without the usual signatures, or any +history of the circumstances of its passage, I am not without a hope it +may have been a mere abortive attempt. It contrasts singularly with a +cotemporary vote of the Pennsylvania legislature, who, on a proposition +to make the belief in a God a necessary qualification for office, +rejected it by a great majority, although assuredly there was not a +single atheist in their body. And you remember to have heard, that, when +the act for religious freedom was before the Virginia Assembly, a motion +to insert the name of Jesus Christ before the phrase, 'the author of our +holy religion,' which stood in the bill, was rejected, although that was +the creed of a great majority of them. + +I have been charmed to see that a Presidential election now produces +scarcely any agitation. On Mr. Madison's election there was little, on +Monroe's all but none. In Mr. Adams's time and mine, parties were so +nearly balanced as to make the struggle fearful for our peace. But since +the decided ascendancy of the republican body, federalism has looked +on with silent but unresisting anguish. In the middle, southern, and +western States, it is as low as it ever can be; for nature has made some +men monarchists and tories by their constitution, and some, of course, +there always will be. + +***** + +We have had a remarkably cold winter. At Hallowell, in Maine, the +mercury was at thirty-four degrees below zero, of Fahrenheit, which is +sixteen degrees lower than it was in Paris in 1788-9. Here it was at six +degrees above zero, which is our greatest degree of cold. + +Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gallatin, and be assured of my constant +and affectionate friendship. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, May 17, 1818 + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, May 17, 1818. + +Dear Sir, + +I was so unfortunate as not to receive from Mr. Holly's own hand your +favor of January the 28th, being then at my other home. He dined only +with my family, and left them with an impression which has filled me +with regret that I did not partake of the pleasure his visit gave them. +I am glad he is gone to Kentucky. Rational Christianity will thrive more +rapidly there than here. They are freer from prejudices than we are, and +bolder in grasping at truth. The time is not distant, though neither you +nor I shall see it, when we shall be but a secondary people to them. Our +greediness for wealth, and fantastical expense have degraded, and will +degrade, the minds of our maritime citizens. These are the peculiar +vices of commerce. + +I had been long without hearing from you, but I had heard of you +through a letter from Doctor Waterhouse. He wrote to reclaim against +an expression of Mr. Wirt's, as to the commencement of motion in +the revolutionary ball. The lawyers say that words are always to be +expounded _secundum subjectam materiem_, which, in Mr. Wirt's case, was +Virginia. It would, moreover, be as difficult to say at what moment +the Revolution began, and what incident set it in motion, as to fix the +moment that the embryo becomes an animal, or the act which gives him +a beginning. But the most agreeable part of his letter was that which +informed me of your health, your activity, and strength of memory; +and the most wonderful, that which assured me that you retained your +industry and promptness in epistolary correspondence. Here you have +entire advantage over me. My repugnance to the writing-table becomes +daily and hourly more deadly and insurmountable. In place of this has +come on a canine appetite for reading. And I indulge it, because I see +in it a relief against the _taedium senectutis_; a lamp to lighten my +path through the dreary wilderness of time before me, whose bourne I see +not. Losing daily all interest in the things around us, something else +is necessary to fill the void. With me it is reading, which occupies the +mind without the labor of producing ideas from my own stock. + +I enter into all your doubts as to the event of the revolution of South +America. They will succeed against Spain. But the dangerous enemy is +within their own breasts. Ignorance and superstition will chain their +minds and bodies under religious and military despotism. I do believe it +would be better for them to obtain freedom by degrees only; because that +would by degrees bring on light and information, and qualify them to +take charge of themselves understanding; with more certainty, if, in +the mean time, under so much control as may keep them at peace with +one another. Surely, it is our duty to wish them independence and +self-government, because they wish it themselves, and they have the +right, and we none, to choose for themselves: and I wish, moreover, that +our ideas may be erroneous, and theirs prove well-founded. But these are +speculations, my friend, which we may as well deliver over to those who +are to see their developement. We shall only be lookers on, from the +clouds above, as now we look down on the labors, the hurry, and bustle +of the ants and bees. Perhaps, in that super-mundane region, we may +be amused with seeing the fallacy of our own guesses, and even the +nothingness of those labors which have filled and agitated our own time +here. + +_En attendant_, with sincere affections to Mrs. Adams and yourself, I +salute you both cordially. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLIV.--TO JOHN ADAMS, November 13, 1818 + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, November 13, 1818. + +The public papers, my dear friend, announce the fatal event of which +your letter of October the 20th had given me ominous foreboding. +Tried myself in the school of affliction, by the loss of every form of +connection which can rive the human heart, I know well, and feel what +you have lost, what you have suffered, are suffering, and have yet to +endure. The same trials have taught me that, for ills so immeasurable, +time and silence are the only medicine. I will not, therefore, by +useless condolences, open afresh the sluices of your grief, nor, +although mingling sincerely my tears with yours, will I say a word more +where words are vain, but that it is of some comfort to us both, that +the term is not very distant, at which we are to deposit in the same +cerement our sorrows and suffering bodies, and to ascend in essence to +an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved and lost, and whom we +shall still love, and never lose again. God bless you, and support you +under your heavy affliction. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLV.--TO ROBERT WALSH, December 4, 1818 + + +TO ROBERT WALSH. + +Monticello, December 4, 1818. + +Dear Sir, + +Yours of November the 8th has been some time received; but it is in my +power to give little satisfaction as to its inquiries. Dr. Franklin had +many political enemies, as every character must, which, with decision +enough to have opinions, has energy and talent to give them effect on +the feelings of the adversary opinion. These enmities were chiefly in +Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. In the former, they were merely of +the proprietary party. In the latter, they did not commence till the +Revolution, and then sprung chiefly from personal animosities, which, +spreading by little and little, became at length of some extent. Dr. +Lee was his principal calumniator, a man of much malignity, who, besides +enlisting his whole family in the same hostility, was enabled, as the +agent of Massachusetts with the British government, to infuse it into +that State with considerable effect. Mr. Izard, the Doctor's enemy +also, but from a pecuniary transaction, never countenanced these charges +against him. Mr. Jay, Silas Deane, Mr. Laurens, his colleagues also, +ever maintained towards him unlimited confidence and respect. That he +would have waived the formal recognition of our independence, I never +heard on any authority worthy notice. As to the fisheries, England was +urgent to retain them exclusively, France neutral, and I believe, that +had they been ultimately made a _sine qua non_, our commissioners (Mr. +Adams excepted) would have relinquished them, rather than have broken +off the treaty. To Mr. Adams's perseverance alone, on that point, I +have always understood we were indebted for their reservation. As to the +charge of subservience to France, besides the evidence of his friendly +colleagues before named, two years of my own service with him at Paris, +daily visits, and the most friendly and confidential conversations, +convince me it had not a shadow of foundation. He possessed the +confidence of that government in the highest degree, insomuch, that +it may truly be said, that they were more under his influence, than +he under theirs. The fact is, that his temper was so amiable and +conciliatory, his conduct so rational, never urging impossibilities, or +even things unreasonably inconvenient to them, in short, so moderate +and attentive to their difficulties, as well as our own, that what his +enemies called subserviency, I saw was only that reasonable disposition, +which, sensible that advantages are not all to be on one side, yielding +what is just and liberal, is the more certain of obtaining liberality +and justice. Mutual confidence produces, of course, mutual influence, +and this was all which subsisted between Dr. Franklin and the government +of France. + +I state a few anecdotes of Dr. Franklin, within my own knowledge, too +much in detail for the scale of Delaplaine's work, but which may find a +cadre in some of the more particular views you contemplate. My health is +in a great measure restored, and our family join with me in affectionate +recollections and assurances of respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLVI.--TO M. DE NEUVILLE, December 13, 1818 + + +TO M. DE NEUVILLE. + +Monticello, December 13, 1818. + +I thank your Excellency for the notice with which your letters favor me, +of the liberation of France from the occupation of the allied powers. To +no one, not a native, will it give more pleasure. In the desolation of +Europe, to gratify the atrocious caprices of Bonaparte, France sinned +much: but she has suffered more than retaliation. Once relieved from +the incubus of her late oppression, she will rise like a giant from +her slumbers. Her soil and climate, her arts and eminent science, her +central position and free constitution, will soon make her greater than +she ever was. And I am a false prophet if she does not, at some future +day, remind of her sufferings those who have inflicted them the most +eagerly. I hope, however, she will be quiet for the present, and risk +no new troubles. Her constitution, as now amended, gives as much of +self-government as perhaps she can yet bear, and will give more, when +the habits of order shall have prepared her to receive more. Besides the +gratitude which every American owes her, as our sole ally during the +war of independence, I am additionally affectioned by the friendships +I contracted there, by the good dispositions I witnessed, and by the +courtesies I received. + +I rejoice, as a moralist, at the prospect of a reduction of the duties +on wine, by our national legislature. It is an error to view a tax on +that liquor as merely a tax on the rich. It is a prohibition of its use +to the middling class of our citizens, and a condemnation of them to +the poison of whiskey, which is desolating their houses. No nation is +drunken where wine is cheap; and none sober, where the dearness of wine +substitutes ardent spirits as the common beverage. It is, in truth, the +only antidote to the bane of whiskey. Fix but the duty at the rate of +other merchandise, and we can drink wine here as cheap as we do grog: +and who will not prefer it? Its extended use will carry health and +comfort to a much enlarged circle. Every one in easy circumstances (as +the bulk of our citizens are) will prefer it to the poison to which they +are now driven by their government. And the treasury itself will find +that a penny a piece from a dozen, is more than a groat from a single +one. This reformation, however, will require time. Our merchants know +nothing of the infinite variety of cheap and good wines to be had in +Europe; and particularly in France, in Italy, and the Grecian islands: +as they know little, also, of the variety of excellent manufactures and +comforts to be had any where out of England. Nor will these things be +known, nor of course called for here, until the native merchants of +those countries, to whom they are known, shall bring them forward, +exhibit, and vend them at the moderate profits they can afford. This +alone will procure them familiarity with us, and the preference they +merit in competition with corresponding articles now in use. + +Our family renew with pleasure their recollections of your kind visit +to Monticello, and join me in tendering sincere assurances of the +gratification it afforded us, and of our great esteem and respectful +consideration. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLVII.--TO DOCTOR VINE UTLEY, March 21, 1819 + + +TO DOCTOR VINE UTLEY. + +Monticello, March 21, 1819. + +Sir, + +Your letter of February the 18th came to hand on the 1st instant; and +the request of the history of my physical habits would have puzzled me +not a little, had it not been for the model with which you accompanied +it, of Doctor Rush's answer to a similar inquiry. I live so much like +other people, that I might refer to ordinary life as the history of my +own. Like my friend the Doctor, I have lived temperately, eating little +animal food, and that not as an aliment, so much as a condiment for the +vegetables, which constitute my principal diet. I double, however, the +Doctor's glass and a half of wine, and even treble it with a friend; +but halve its effect by drinking the weak wines only. The ardent wines I +cannot drink, nor do I use ardent spirits in any form. Malt liquors +and cider are my table drinks, and my breakfast, like that also of +my friend, is of tea and coffee. I have been blest with organs of +digestion, which accept and concoct, without ever murmuring, whatever +the palate chooses to consign to them, and I have not yet lost a tooth +by age. I was a hard student until I entered on the business of life, +the duties of which leave no idle time to those disposed to fulfil +them; and now, retired, and at the age of seventy-six, I am again a hard +student. Indeed my fondness for reading and study revolts me from the +drudgery of letter-writing. And a stiff wrist, the consequence of an +early dislocation, makes writing both slow and painful. I am not so +regular in my sleep as the Doctor says he was, devoting to it from +five to eight hours, according as my company or the book I am reading +interests me; and I never go to bed without an hour, or half hour's +previous reading of something moral, whereon to ruminate in the +intervals of sleep. But whether I retire to bed early or late, I rise +with the sun. I use spectacles at night, but not necessarily in the +day, unless in reading small print. My hearing is distinct in particular +conversation, but confused when several voices cross each other, which +unfits me for the society of the table. I have been more fortunate than +my friend in the article of health. So free from catarrhs that I have +not had one (in the breast, I mean) on an average of eight or ten years +through life. I ascribe this exemption partly to the habit of bathing my +feet in cold water every morning for sixty years past. A fever of more +than twenty-four hours I have not had above two or three times in my +life. A periodical headache has afflicted me occasionally, once, perhaps, +in six or eight years, for two or three weeks at a time, which seems +now to have left me; and, except on a late occasion of indisposition, I +enjoy good health; too feeble, indeed, to walk much, but riding without +fatigue six or eight miles a day, and sometimes thirty or forty. I may +end these egotisms, therefore, as I began, by saying that my life has +been so much like that of other people, that I might say with Horace, +to every one, '_Nomine mutato, narratur fabula de te_.' I must not end, +however, without due thanks for the kind sentiments of regard you are +so good as to express towards myself; and with my acknowledgments for +these, be pleased to accept the assurances of my respect and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLVIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, July 9, 1819 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, July 9, 1819. + +Dear Sir, + +I am in debt to you for your letters of May the 21st, 27th, and June +the 22nd. The first, delivered me by Mr. Greenwood, gave me the +gratification of his acquaintance; and a gratification it always is, to +be made acquainted with gentlemen of candor, worth, and information, as +I found Mr. Greenwood to be. That, on the subject of Mr. Samuel Adams +Wells, shall not be forgotten in time and place, when it can be used to +his advantage. + +But what has attracted my peculiar notice, is the paper from Mecklenburg +county, of North Carolina, published in the Essex Register, which you +were so kind as to enclose in your last, of June the 22nd. And you +seem to think it genuine. I believe it spurious. I deem it to be a very +unjustifiable quiz, like that of the volcano, so minutely related to us +as having broken out in North Carolina, some half dozen years ago, +in that part of the country, and perhaps in that very county of +Mecklenburg, for I do not remember its precise locality. If this paper +be really taken from the Raleigh Register, as quoted, I wonder it should +have escaped Ritchie, who culls what is good from every paper, as the +bee from every flower; and the National Intelligencer, too, which is +edited by a North-Carolinian: and that the fire should blaze out all at +once in Essex, one thousand miles from where the spark is said to +have fallen. But if really taken from the Raleigh Register, who is the +narrator, and is the name subscribed real, or is it as fictitious as the +paper itself? It appeals, too, to an original book, which is burnt, to +Mr. Alexander, who is dead, to a joint letter from Caswell, Hughes, and +Hooper, all dead, to a copy sent to the dead Caswell, and another sent +to Doctor Williamson, now probably dead, whose memory did not recollect, +in the history he has written of North Carolina, this gigantic step +of its county of Mecklenburg. Horry, too, is silent in his history of +Marion, whose scene of action was the country bordering On Mecklenburg. +Ramsay, Marshall, Jones, Girardin, Wirt, historians of the adjacent +States, all silent. When Mr. Henry's resolutions, far short of +independence, flew like lightning through every paper, and kindled both +sides of the Atlantic, this flaming declaration of the same date, of the +independence of Mecklenburg county, of North Carolina, absolving it from +the British allegiance, and abjuring all political connection with that +nation, although sent to Congress, too, is never heard of. It is not +known even a twelvemonth after, when a similar proposition is first made +in that body. Armed with this bold example, would not you have addressed +our timid brethren in peals of thunder, on their tardy fears? Would +not every advocate of independence have rung the glories of Mecklenburg +county, in North Carolina, in the ears of the doubting Dickinson and +others, who hung so heavily on us? Yet the example of independent +Mecklenburg county, in North Carolina, was never once quoted. The paper +speaks, too, of the continued exertions of their delegation (Caswell, +Hooper, Hughes,) 'in the cause of liberty and independence.' Now, you +remember as well as I do, that we had not a greater tory in Congress +than Hooper; that Hughes was very wavering, sometimes firm, sometimes +feeble, according as the day was clear or cloudy; that Caswell, indeed, +was a good whig, and kept these gentlemen to the notch, while he was +present; but that he left us soon, and their line of conduct became then +uncertain until Penn came, who fixed Hughes, and the vote of the State. +I must not be understood as suggesting any doubtfulness in the State +of North Carolina. No State was more fixed or forward. Nor do I affirm, +positively, that this paper is a fabrication: because the proof of a +negative can only be presumptive. But I shall believe it such until +positive and solemn proof of its authenticity shall be produced. And if +the name of McKnitt be real, and not a part of the fabrication, it needs +a vindication by the production of such proof. For the present, I must +be an unbeliever in the apocryphal gospel. + +I am glad to learn that Mr. Ticknor has safely returned to his friends; +but should have been much more pleased had he accepted the Professorship +in our University, which we should have offered him in form. Mr. +Bowditch, too, refuses us; so fascinating is the _vinculum_ of the +_dulce natale solum_. Our wish is to procure natives, where they can be +found, like these gentlemen, of the first order of acquirement in +their respective lines; but preferring foreigners of the first order to +natives of the second, we shall certainly have to go, for several of our +Professors, to countries more advanced in science than we are. + +I set out within three or four days for my other home, the distance +of which, and its cross mails, are great impediments to epistolary +communications. I shall remain there about two months; and there, +here, and every where, I am and shall always be, affectionately and +respectfully yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXLIX.--TO JUDGE ROANE, September 6,1819 + + +TO JUDGE ROANE. + +Poplar Forest, September 6,1819. + +Dear Sir, + +I had read in the Enquirer, and with great approbation, the pieces +signed Hampden, and have read them again with redoubled approbation in +the copies you have been so kind as to send me. I subscribe to every +tittle of them. They contain the true principles of the revolution +of 1800, for that was as real a revolution in the principles of our +government as that of 1776 was in its form; not effected indeed by the +sword, as that, but by the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, +the suffrage of the people. The nation declared its will by dismissing +functionaries of one principle, and electing those of another, in the +two branches, executive and legislative, submitted to their election. +Over the judiciary department, the constitution had deprived them of +their control. That, therefore, has continued the reprobated system: and +although new matter has been occasionally incorporated into the old, yet +the leaven of the old mass seems to assimilate to itself the new; and +after twenty years' confirmation of the federated system by the voice +of the nation, declared through the medium of elections, we find the +judiciary, on every occasion, still driving us into consolidation. + +In denying the right they usurp of exclusively explaining the +constitution, I go further than you do, if I understand rightly your +quotation from the Federalist, of an opinion that 'the judiciary is the +last resort in relation _to the other departments of the government_, +but not in relation to the rights of the parties to the compact under +which the judiciary is derived.' If this opinion be sound, then indeed +is our constitution a complete _felo de se_. For intending to establish +three departments, co-ordinate and independent, that they might check +and balance one another, it has given, according to this opinion, to one +of them alone, the right to prescribe rules for the government of the +others, and to that one too, which is unelected by, and independent of +the nation. For experience has already shown that the impeachment it +has provided is not even a scare-crow; that such opinions as the one +you combat, sent cautiously out, as you observe also, by detachment, not +belonging to the case often, but sought for out of it, as if to rally +the public opinion beforehand to their views, and to indicate the line +they are to walk in, have been so quietly passed over as never to have +excited animadversion, even in a speech of any one of the body entrusted +with impeachment. The constitution, on this hypothesis, is a mere thing +of wax in the hands of the judiciary, which they may twist and shape +into any form they please. It should be remembered, as an axiom of +eternal truth in politics, that whatever power in any government is +independent, is absolute also; in theory only, at first, while the +spirit of the people is up, but in practice, as fast as that relaxes. +Independence can be trusted no where but with the people in mass. They +are inherently independent of all but moral law. My construction of +the constitution is very different from that you quote. It is that each +department is truly independent of the others, and has an equal right to +decide for itself what is the meaning of the constitution in the cases +submitted to its action; and especially, where it is to act ultimately +and without appeal. I will explain myself by examples, which, having +occurred while I was in office, are better known to me, and the +principles which governed them. + +A legislature had passed the sedition-law. The federal courts +had subjected certain individuals to its penalties, of fine and +imprisonment. On coming into office, I released these individuals by the +power of pardon committed to executive discretion, which could never be +more properly exercised than where citizens were suffering without the +authority of law, or, which was equivalent, under a law unauthorized +by the constitution, and therefore null. In the case of Marbury and +Madison, the federal judges declared that commissions, signed and sealed +by the President, were valid, although not delivered. I deemed delivery +essential to complete a deed, which, as long as it remains in the hands +of the party, is as yet no deed, it is in posse only, but not in +esse, and I withheld delivery of the commissions. They cannot issue a +mandamus* to the President or legislature, or to any of their officers. +When the British treaty of 180- arrived, without any provision against +the impressment of our seamen, I determined not to ratify it. The Senate +thought I should ask their advice. I thought that would be a mockery of +them, when I was predetermined against following it, should they advise +its ratification. The constitution had made their advice necessary to +confirm a treaty, but not to reject it. This has been blamed by some; +but I have never doubted its soundness. In the cases of two persons, +antenati, under exactly similar circumstances, the federal court had +determined that one of them (Duane) was not a citizen; the House of +Representatives nevertheless determined that the other (Smith of South +Carolina) was a citizen, and admitted him to his seat in their body. +Duane was a republican, and Smith a federalist, and these decisions were +during the federal ascendancy. + + * The constitution controlling the common law in this + particular. + +These are examples of my position, that each of the three departments +has equally the right to decide for itself what is its duty under the +constitution, without any regard to what the others may have decided +for themselves under a similar question. But you intimate a wish that my +opinion should be known on this subject. No, dear Sir, I withdraw +from all contests of opinion, and resign every thing cheerfully to +the generation now in place. They are wiser than we were, and their +successors will be wiser than they, from the progressive advance of +science. Tranquillity is the _summum bonum_ of age. I wish, therefore, +to offend no man's opinions, nor to draw disquieting animadversions +on my own. While duty required it, I met opposition with a firm and +fearless step. But, loving mankind in my individual relations with +them, I pray to be permitted to depart in their peace; and like the +superannuated soldier, '_quadragenis stipendiis emeritis_'to hang my +arms on the post. I have unwisely, I fear, embarked in an enterprise of +great public concern, but not to be accomplished within my term, without +their liberal and prompt support. A severe illness the last year and +another from which I am just emerged, admonish me that repetitions may +be expected, against which a declining frame cannot long bear up. I am +anxious therefore to get our University so far advanced as may encourage +the public to persevere to its final accomplishment. That secured, I +shall sing my _Nunc demittas_. I hope your labors will be long continued +in the spirit in which they have always been exercised, in maintenance +of those principles on which I verily believe the future happiness of +our country essentially depends. I salute you with affectionate and +great respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CL.--TO JOHN ADAMS, December 10, 1819 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, December 10, 1819. + +Dear Sir, + +I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of November the 23rd. +The banks, bankrupt-law, manufacturers, Spanish treaty, are nothing. +These are occurrences which, like waves in a storm, will pass under +the ship. But the Missouri question is a breaker on which we lose the +Missouri country by revolt, and what more, God only knows. From the +battle of Bunker's Hill to the treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous +a question. It even damps the joy with which I hear of your high health, +and welcomes to me the consequences of my want of it. I thank God that I +shall not live to witness its issue. _Sed haec hactenus_. + +I have been amusing myself latterly with reading the voluminous letters +of Cicero. They certainly breathe the purest effusions of an exalted +patriot, while the parricide Caesar is lost in odious contrast. When the +enthusiasm, however, kindled by Cicero's pen and principles, subsides +into cool reflection, I ask myself, What was that government which the +virtues of Cicero were so zealous to restore, and the ambition of Caesar +to subvert? And if Caesar had been as virtuous as he was daring and +sagacious, what could he, even in the plenitude of his usurped power, +have done to lead his fellow-citizens into good government? I do not say +to restore it, because they never had it, from the rape of the Sabines +to the ravages of the Caesars. If their people indeed had been, like +ourselves, enlightened, peaceable, and really free, the answer would be +obvious. 'Restore independence to all your foreign conquests, relieve +Italy from the government of the rabble of Rome, consult it as a +nation entitled to self-government, and do its will.' But steeped in +corruption, vice, and venality, as the whole nation was, (and nobody +had done more than Caesar to corrupt it,) what could even Cicero, Cato, +Brutus, have done, had it been referred to them to establish a +good government for their country? They had no ideas of government +themselves, but of their degenerate Senate, nor the people of liberty, +but of the factious opposition of their tribunes. They had afterwards +their Tituses, their Trajans, and Antoninuses, who had the will to make +them happy, and the power to mould their government into a good and +permanent form. But it would seem as if they could not see their way +clearly to do it. No government can continue good, but under the control +of the people; and their people were so demoralized and depraved, as to +be incapable of exercising a wholesome control. Their reformation then +was to be taken up _ab incunabulis_. Their minds were to be informed by +education what is right and what wrong; to be encouraged in habits of +virtue, and deterred from those of vice, by the dread of punishments, +proportioned indeed, but irremissible; in all cases, to follow truth +as the only safe guide, and to eschew error, which bewilders us in one +false consequence after another, in endless succession. These are +the inculcations necessary to render the people a sure basis for the +structure of order and good government. But this would have been an +operation of a generation or two, at least, within which period would +have succeeded many Neros and Commoduses, who would have quashed the +whole process. I confess then, I can neither see what Cicero, Cato, and +Brutus, united and uncontrolled, could have devised to lead their people +into good government, nor how this enigma can be solved, nor how further +shown why it has been the fate of that delightful country never to have +known, to this day, and through a course of five and twenty hundred +years, the history of which we possess, one single day of free and +rational government. Your intimacy with their history, ancient, middle, +and modern, your familiarity with the improvements in the science of +government at this time, will enable you, if any body, to go back with +our principles and opinions to the limes of Cicero, Cato, and Brutus, +and tell us by what process these great and virtuous men could have led +so unenlightened and vitiated a people into freedom and good government, +_et eris mihi magnus Apollo. Cura ut valeas, et tibi persuadeas +carissimum te mihi esse_. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLI.--TO WILLIAM SHORT, April 13, 1820 + + +TO WILLIAM SHORT. + +Monticello, April 13, 1820. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of March the 27th is received, and, as you request, a copy of +the syllabus is now enclosed. It was originally written to Dr. Rush. On +his death, fearing that the inquisition of the public might get hold of +it, I asked the return of it from the family, which they kindly complied +with. At the request of another friend, I had given him a copy. He lent +it to his friend to read, who copied it, and in a few months it appeared +in the Theological Magazine of London. Happily that repository is +scarcely known in this country; and the syllabus, therefore, is still a +secret, and in your hands I am sure it will continue so. + +But while this syllabus is meant to place the character of Jesus in its +true and high light, as no impostor himself, but a great reformer of the +Hebrew code of religion, it is not to be understood that I am with +him in all his doctrines. I am a Materialist; he takes the side of +Spiritualism: he preaches the efficacy of repentance towards forgiveness +of sin; I require a counterpoise of good works to redeem it, &c. &c. It +is the innocence of his character, the purity and sublimity of his moral +precepts, the eloquence of his inculcations, the beauty of the apologues +in which he conveys them, that I so much admire; sometimes, indeed, +needing indulgence to eastern hyperbolism. My eulogies, too, may be +founded on a postulate which all may not be ready to grant. Among the +sayings and discourses imputed to him by his biographers, I find many +passages of fine imagination, correct morality, and of the most lovely +benevolence; and others again, of so much ignorance, so much absurdity, +so much untruth, charlatanism, and imposture, as to pronounce it +impossible that such contradictions should have proceeded from the same +being. I separate, therefore, the gold from the dross; restore to him +the former, and leave the latter to the stupidity of some, and roguery +of others of his disciples. Of this band of dupes and impostors, Paul +was the great Coryphaeus, and first corrupter of the doctrines of Jesus. +These palpable interpolations and falsifications of his doctrines led me +to try to sift them apart. I found the work obvious and easy, and that +his part composed the most beautiful morsel of morality which has been +given to us by man. The syllabus is therefore of his doctrine, not +all of mine: I read them as I do those of other ancient and modern +moralists, with a mixture of approbation and dissent. + +I rejoice, with you, to see an encouraging spirit of internal +improvement prevailing in the States. The opinion I have ever expressed +of the advantages of a western communication through the James River, I +still entertain; and that the Cayuga is the most promising of the links +of communication. + +The history of our University you know so far. Seven of the ten +pavilions destined for the Professors, and about thirty dormitories, +will be completed this year, and three others, with six hotels for +boarding, and seventy other dormitories, will be completed the next +year, and the whole be in readiness then to receive those who are to +occupy them. But means to bring these into place, and to set the machine +into motion, must come from the legislature. An opposition, in the mean +time, has been got up. That of our alma mater, William and Mary, is not +of much weight. She must descend into the secondary rank of academies of +preparation for the University. The serious enemies are the priests of +the different religious sects, to whose spells on the human mind +its improvement is ominous. Their pulpits are now resounding with +denunciations against the appointment of Doctor Cooper, whom they charge +as a monotheist in opposition to their tritheism. Hostile as these sects +are, in every other point, to one another, they unite in maintaining +their mystical theogony against those who believe there is one God only. +The Presbyterian clergy are loudest; the most intolerant of all sects, +the most tyrannical and ambitious; ready at the word of the lawgiver, if +such a word could be now obtained, to put the torch to the pile, and +to rekindle in this virgin hemisphere the flames in which their oracle +Calvin consumed the poor Servetus, because, he could not find in his +Euclid the proposition which has demonstrated that three are one, and +one is three, nor subscribe to that of Calvin, that magistrates have +a right to exterminate all heretics to Calvinistic creed. They pant to +re-establish, by law, that holy inquisition, which they can now only +infuse into public opinion. We have most unwisely committed to the +hierophants of our particular superstition the direction of public +opinion, that lord of the universe. We have given them stated and +privileged days to collect and catechize us, opportunities of delivering +their oracles to the people in mass, and of moulding their minds as +wax in the hollow of their hands. But in despite of their fulminations +against endeavors to enlighten the general mind, to improve the reason +of the people, and encourage them in the use of it, the liberality of +this State will support this institution, and give fair play to the +cultivation of reason. Can you ever find a more eligible occasion of +visiting once more your native country, than that of accompanying Mr. +Correa, and of seeing with him this beautiful and hopeful institution +_in ovo_. + +Although I had laid down as a law to myself, never to write, talk, or +even think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and therefore +had ceased to read newspapers, yet the Missouri question aroused +and filled me with alarm. The old schism of federal and republican +threatened nothing, because it existed in every State, and united them +together by the fraternism of party. But the coincidence of a marked +principle, moral and political, with a geographical line, once +conceived, I feared would never more be obliterated from the mind; that +it would be recurring on every occasion, and renewing irritations, until +it would kindle such mutual and mortal hatred, as to render separation +preferable to eternal discord. I have been among the most sanguine in +believing that our Union would be of long duration. I now doubt it much, +and see the event at no great distance, and the direct consequence of +this question: not by the line which has been so confidently counted on; +the laws of nature control this; but by the Potomac, Ohio, and Missouri, +or more probably, the Mississippi upwards to our northern boundary. My +only comfort and confidence is, that I shall not live to see this; and I +envy not the present generation the glory of throwing away the fruits of +their fathers' sacrifices of life and fortune, and of rendering desperate +the experiment which was to decide ultimately whether man is capable of +self-government. This treason against human hope will signalize their +epoch in future history, as the counterpart of the medal of their +predecessors. + +You kindly inquire after my health. There is nothing in it immediately +threatening, but swelled legs, which are kept down mechanically, by +bandages from the toe to the knee. These I have worn for six months. But +the tendency to turgidity may proceed from debility alone. I can walk +the round of my garden; not more. But I ride six or eight miles a day +without fatigue. I shall set out for Poplar Forest within three or four +days; a journey from which my physician augurs much good. + +I salute you with constant and affectionate friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLII.--TO JOHN HOLMES, April 22, 1820 + + +TO JOHN HOLMES. + +Monticello, April 22, 1820. + +I thank you, dear Sir, for the copy you have been so kind as to send +me of the letter to your constituents on the Missouri question. It is +a perfect justification to them. I had for a long time ceased to read +newspapers, or pay any attention to public affairs, confident they were +in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore +from which I am not distant. But this momentous question, like a +fire-bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered +it at once as the knell of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for +the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A +geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and +political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will +never be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and +deeper. I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not a man on +earth who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve us from this +heavy reproach, in any practicable way. The cession of that kind of +property (for so it is misnamed) is a bagatelle which would not cost +me a second thought, if, in that way, a general emancipation and +expatriation could be effected: and, gradually, and with due sacrifices, +I think it might be. But as it is, we have the wolf by the ears, and we +can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, +and self-preservation in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that as +the passage of slaves from one State to another, would not make a +slave of a single human being who would not be so without it, so their +diffusion over a greater surface would make them individually happier, +and proportionally facilitate the accomplishment of their emancipation, +by dividing the burthen on a greater number of coadjutors. An +abstinence, too, from this act of power, would remove the jealousy +excited by the undertaking of Congress to regulate the condition of the +different descriptions of men composing a State. This certainly is the +exclusive right of every State, which nothing in the constitution has +taken from them, and given to the General Government. Could Congress, +for example, say, that the non-freemen of Connecticut shall be freemen, +or that they shall not emigrate into any other State? + +I regret that I am now to die in the belief, that the useless sacrifice +of themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire self-government +and happiness to their country, is to be thrown away by the unwise and +unworthy passions of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be, +that I live not to weep over it. If they would but dispassionately weigh +the blessings they will throw away, against an abstract principle more +likely to be effected by union than by scission, they would pause before +they would perpetrate this act of suicide on themselves, and of treason +against the hopes of the world. To yourself, as the faithful advocate of +the Union, I tender the offering of my high esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLIII.--TO WILLIAM SHORT, August 4, 1820 + + +TO WILLIAM SHORT. + +Monticello, August 4, 1820. + +Dear Sir, + +I owe you a letter for your favor of June the 29th, which was received +in due time; and there being no subject of the day, of particular +interest, I will make this a supplement to mine of April the 13th. My +aim in that was, to justify the character of Jesus against the fictions +of his pseudo-followers, which have exposed him to the inference of +being an impostor. For if we could believe that he really countenanced +the follies, the falsehoods, and the charlatanisms which his biographers +father on him, and admit the misconstructions, interpolations, and +theorizations of the fathers of the early, and fanatics of the latter +ages, the conclusion would be irresistible by every sound mind, that he +was an impostor. I give no credit to their falsifications of his actions +and doctrines, and to rescue his character, the postulate in my letter +asked only what is granted in reading every other historian. When +Livy and Siculus, for example, tell us things which coincide with our +experience of the order of nature, we credit them on their word, and +place their narrations among the records of credible history. But when +they tell us of calves speaking, of statues sweating blood, and other +things against the course of nature, we reject these as fables not +belonging to history. In like manner, when an historian, speaking of a +character well known and established on satisfactory testimony, imputes +to it things incompatible with that character, we reject them without +hesitation, and assent to that only of which we have better evidence. +Had Plutarch informed us that Caesar and Cicero passed their whole lives +in religious exercises, and abstinence from the affairs of the world, +we should reject what was so inconsistent with their established +characters, still crediting what he relates in conformity with our ideas +of them. So again, the superlative wisdom of Socrates is testified +by all antiquity, and placed on ground not to be questioned. When, +therefore, Plato puts into his mouth such paralogisms, such quibbles on +words, and sophisms, as a school-boy would be ashamed of, we conclude +they were the whimsies of Plato's own foggy brain, and acquit Socrates +of puerilities so unlike his character. (Speaking of Plato, I will add, +that no writer, ancient or modern, has bewildered the world with more +_ignes fatui_, than this renowned philosopher, in Ethics, in Politics, +and Physics. In the latter, to specify a single example, compare his +views of the animal economy, in his Timasus, with those of Mrs. Bryan in +her Conversations on Chemistry, and weigh the science of the canonized +philosopher against the good sense of the unassuming lady. But Plato's +visions have furnished a basis for endless systems of mystical theology, +and he is therefore all but adopted as a Christian saint. It is surely +time for men to think for themselves, and to throw off the authority of +names so artificially magnified. But to return from this parenthesis.) I +say, that this free exercise of reason is all I ask for the vindication +of the character of Jesus. We find in the writings of his biographers +matter of two distinct descriptions. First, a ground-work of vulgar +ignorance, of things impossible, of superstitions, fanaticisms, and +fabrications. Intermixed with these, again, are sublime ideas of the +Supreme Being, aphorisms, and precepts of the purest morality and +benevolence, sanctioned by a life of humility, innocence, and simplicity +of manners, neglect of riches, absence of worldly ambition and honors, +with an eloquence and persuasiveness which have not been surpassed. +These could not be inventions of the grovelling authors who relate them. +They are far beyond the powers of their feeble minds. They show that +there was a character, the subject of their history, whose splendid +conceptions were above all suspicion of being interpolations from their +hands. Can we be at a loss in separating such materials, and ascribing +each to its genuine author? The difference is obvious to the eye and +to the understanding, and we may read as we run to each his part; and I +will venture to affirm, that he who, as I have done, will undertake to +winnow this grain from its chaff, will find it not to require a moment's +consideration. The parts fall asunder of themselves, as would those of +an image of metal and clay. + +There are, I acknowledge, passages not free from objection, which we +may, with probability, ascribe to Jesus himself; but claiming indulgence +from the circumstances under which he acted. His object was the +reformation of some articles in the religion of the Jews, as taught by +Moses. That sect had presented for the object of their worship, a being +of terrific character, cruel, vindictive, capricious, and unjust. Jesus, +taking for his type the best qualities of the human head and heart, +wisdom, justice, goodness, and adding to them power, ascribed all of +these, but in infinite perfection, to the Supreme Being, and formed him +really worthy of their adoration. Moses had either not believed in +a future state of existence, or had not thought it essential to be +explicitly taught to his people. Jesus inculcated that doctrine +with emphasis and precision. Moses had bound the Jews to many idle +ceremonies, mummeries, and observances, of no effect towards producing +the social utilities which constitute the essence of virtue; Jesus +exposed their futility and insignificance. The one instilled into his +people the most anti-social spirit towards other nations; the other +preached philanthropy and universal charity and benevolence. The office +of reformer of the superstitions of a nation, is ever dangerous. Jesus +had to walk on the perilous confines of reason and religion: and a step +to right or left might place him within the gripe of the priests of +the superstition, a blood-thirsty race, as cruel and remorseless as the +being whom they represented as the family God of Abraham, of Isaac, +and of Jacob, and the local God of Israel. They were constantly laying +snares, too, to entangle him in the web of the law. He was +justifiable, therefore, in avoiding these by evasions, by sophisms, by +misconstructions, and misapplications of scraps of the prophets, and +in defending himself with these their own weapons, as sufficient, _ad +homines_, at least. That Jesus did not mean to impose himself on mankind +as the Son of God, physically speaking, I have been convinced by the +writings of men more learned than myself in that lore. But that he might +conscientiously believe himself inspired from above, is very possible. +The whole religion of the Jews, inculcated on him from his infancy, +was founded in the belief of divine inspiration. The fumes of the +most disordered imaginations were recorded in their religious code, +as special communications of the Deity; and as it could not but happen +that, in the course of ages events would now and then turn up to which +some of these vague rhapsodies might be accommodated by the aid of +allegories, figures, types, and other tricks upon words, they have not +only preserved their credit with the Jews of all subsequent times, +but are the foundation of much of the religions of those who have +schismatized from them. Elevated by the enthusiasm of a warm and pure +heart, conscious of the high strains of an eloquence which had not been +taught him, he might readily mistake the coruscations of his own fine +genius for inspirations of an higher order. This belief, carried, +therefore, no more personal imputation, than the belief of Socrates, +that himself was under the care and admonitions of a guardian Daemon. +And how many of our wisest men still believe in the reality of these +inspirations, while perfectly sane on all other subjects. Excusing, +therefore, on these considerations, those passages in the gospels which +seem to bear marks of weakness in Jesus, ascribing to him what alone is +consistent with the great and pure character of which the same writings +furnish proofs, and to their proper authors their own trivialities +and imbecilities, I think myself authorized to conclude the purity and +distinction of his character, in opposition to the impostures which +those authors would fix upon him; and that the postulate of my former +letter is no more than is granted in all other historical works. + +Mr. Correa is here, on his farewell visit to us. He has been much +pleased with the plan and progress of our University, and has given some +valuable hints to its botanical branch. He goes to do, I hope, much good +in his new country; the public instruction there, as I understand, +being within the department destined for him. He is not without +dissatisfaction, and reasonable dissatisfaction, too, with the piracies +of Baltimore; but his justice and friendly dispositions will, I am sure, +distinguish between the iniquities of a few plunderers, and the sound +principles of our country at large, and of our government especially. +From many conversations with him, I hope he sees, and will promote, in +his new situation, the advantages of a cordial fraternization among +all the American nations, and the importance of their coalescing in an +American system of policy, totally independent of, and unconnected with +that of Europe. The day is not distant, when we may formally require +a meridian of partition through the ocean which separates the two +hemispheres, on the hither side of which no European gun shall ever be +heard, nor an American on the other; and when, during the rage of the +eternal wars of Europe, the lion and the lamb, within our regions, shall +lie down together in peace. The excess of population in Europe, and +want of room, render war, in their opinion, necessary to keep down that +excess of numbers. Here, room is abundant, population scanty, and peace +the necessary means for producing men, to whom the redundant soil is +offering the means of life and happiness. The principles of society +there and here, then, are radically different, and I hope no American +patriot will ever lose sight of the essential policy of interdicting in +the seas and territories of both Americas, the ferocious and sanguinary +contests of Europe. I wish to see this coalition begun. I am earnest for +an agreement with the maritime powers of Europe, assigning them the task +of keeping down the piracies of their seas and the cannibalisms of +the African coasts, and, to us, the suppression of the same enormities +within our seas: and for this purpose, I should rejoice to see the +fleets of Brazil and the United States riding together as brethren of +the same family, and pursuing the same object. And indeed it would be +of happy augury to begin at once this concert of action here, on the +invitation of either to the other government, while the way might be +preparing for withdrawing our cruisers from Europe, and preventing naval +collisions there which daily endanger our peace. + +***** + +Accept assurances of the sincerity of my friendship and respect for you. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLIV.--TO JOHN ADAMS, August 15, 1820 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, August 15, 1820. + +I am a great defaulter, my Dear Sir, in our correspondence, but +prostrate health rarely permits me to write; and when it does, matters +of business imperiously press their claims. I am getting better however, +slowly, swelled legs being now the only serious symptom, and these, I +believe, proceed from extreme debility. I can walk but little; but I +ride six or eight miles a day without fatigue; and within a few days, +I shall endeavor to visit my other home, after a twelvemonth's absence +from it. Our University, four miles distant, gives me frequent exercise, +and the oftener, as I direct its architecture. Its plan is unique, and +it is becoming an object of curiosity for the traveller. I have lately +had an opportunity of reading a critique on this institution in your +North American Review of January last, having been not without anxiety +to see what that able work would say of us: and I was relieved on +finding in it much coincidence of opinion, and even where criticisms +where indulged, I found they would have been obviated had the +developements of our plan been fuller. But these were restrained by the +character of the paper reviewed, being merely a report of outlines, +not a detailed treatise, and addressed to a legislative body, not to +a learned academy. For example, as an inducement to introduce the +Anglo-Saxon into our plan, it was said that it would reward amply +the few weeks of attention which alone would be requisite for its +attainment; leaving both term and degree under an indefinite expression, +because I know that not much time is necessary to attain it to an useful +degree, sufficient to give such instruction in the etymologies of our +language as may satisfy ordinary students, while more time would be +requisite for those who should propose to attain a critical knowledge +of it. In a letter which I had occasion to write to Mr. Crofts who sent +you, I believe, as well as myself, a copy of his treatise on the English +and German languages, as preliminary to an etymological dictionary he +meditated, I went into explanations with him of an easy process for +simplifying the study of the Anglo-Saxon, and lessening the terrors and +difficulties presented by it's rude alphabet, and unformed orthography. +But this is a subject beyond the bounds of a letter, as it was beyond +the bounds of a report to the legislature. Mr. Crofts died, I believe, +before any progress was made in the work he had projected. + +The reviewer expresses doubt, rather than decision, on our placing +military and naval architecture in the department of pure mathematics. +Military architecture embraces fortification and field works, which, +with their bastions, curtains, hornworks, redoubts, &c. are based on a +technical combination of lines and angles. These are adapted to offence +and defence, with and against the effects of bombs, balls, escalades, +he. But lines and angles make the sum of elementary geometry, a branch +of pure mathematics: and the direction of the bombs, balls, and other +projectiles, the necessary appendages of military works, although no +part of their architecture, belong to the conic sections, a branch of +transcendental geometry. Diderot and D'Alembert, therefore, in their +_Arbor scienciae_, have placed military architecture in the department +of elementary geometry. Naval architecture teaches the best form and +construction of vessels; for which best form it has recourse to the +question of the solid of least resistance; a problem of transcendental +geometry. And its appurtenant projectiles belong to the same branch as +in the preceding case. It is true, that so far as respects the action of +the water on the rudder and oars, and of the wind on the sails, it may +be placed in the department of mechanics, as Diderot and D'Alembert +have done; but belonging quite as much to geometry, and allied in its +military character to military architecture, it simplified our plan to +place both under the same head. These views are so obvious, that I am +sure they would have required but a second thought to reconcile the +reviewer to their location under the head of pure mathematics. For +this word location, see Bailey, Johnson, Sheridan, Walker, &c. But if +dictionaries are to be the arbiters of language, in which of them shall +we find neologism? No matter. It is a good word, well sounding, obvious, +and expresses an idea, which would otherwise require circumlocution. The +reviewer was justifiable, therefore, in using it; although he noted +at the same time, as unauthoritative, _centrality, grade, sparse_; all +which have been long used in common speech and writing. I am a friend +to neology. It is the only way to give to a language copiousness and +euphony. Without it we should still be held to the vocabulary of Alfred +or of Ulphilas; and held to their state of science also: for I am +sure they had no words which could have conveyed the ideas of oxygen, +cotyledons, zoophytes, magnetism, electricity, hyaline, and thousands of +others expressing ideas not then existing, nor of possible communication +in the state of their language. What a language has the French become +since the date of their revolution, by the free introduction of new +words! The most copious and eloquent in the living world; and equal to +the Greek, had not that been regularly modifiable almost _ad infinitum_. +Their rule was, that whenever their language furnished or adopted a +root, all its branches in every part of speech, were legitimated by +giving them their appropriate terminations: + +[Illustration: page331] + +And this should be the law of every language. Thus, having adopted the +adjective fraternal, it is a root which should legitimate fraternity, +fraternation, fraternization, fraternism, to fratenate, fraternize, +fraternally. And give the word neologism to our language, as a root, +and it should give us its fellow substantives, neology, neologist, +neologization; its adjectives, neologous, neological, neologistical; +its verb, neologize; and adverb neologically. Dictionaries are but +the depositories of words already legitimated by usage. Society is the +work-shop in which new ones are elaborated. When an individual uses +a new word, if ill formed, it is rejected in society, if well formed, +adopted, and after due time, laid up in the depository of dictionaries. +And if, in this process of sound neologization, our trans-Atlantic +brethren shall not choose to accompany us, we may furnish, after +the Ionians, a second example of a colonial dialect improving on its +primitive. + +But enough of criticism: let me turn to your puzzling letter of May the +12th, on matter, spirit, motion, &c. Its crowd of scepticisms kept me +from sleep. I read it, and laid it down: read it, and laid it down, +again and again: and to give rest to my mind, I was obliged to recur +ultimately to my habitual anodyne, 'I feel, therefore I exist.' I feel +bodies which are not myself: there are other existences then. I call +them matter. I feel them changing place. This gives me motion. Where +there is an absence of matter, I call it void, or nothing, or immaterial +space. On the basis of sensation, of matter and motion, we may erect +the fabric of all the certainties we can have or need. I can conceive +thought to be an action of a particular organization of matter, formed +for that purpose by its creator, as well as that attraction is an action +of matter, or magnetism of loadstone. When he who denies to the Creator +the power of endowing matter with the mode of action called thinking, +shall show how he could endow the sun with the mode of action called +attraction, which reins the planets in the track of their orbits, or how +an absence of matter can have a will, and by that will put matter into +motion, then the Materialist may be lawfully required to explain the +process by which matter exercises the faculty of thinking. When once we +quit the basis of sensation, all is in the wind. To talk of immaterial +existences, is to talk of nothings. To say that the human soul, angels, +God, are immaterial, is to say, they are nothings, or that there is no +God, no angels, no soul. I cannot reason otherwise: but I believe I am +supported in my creed of materialism by the Lockes, the Tracys, and +the Stewarts. At what age* of the Christian church this heresy of +immaterialism, or masked atheism, crept in, I do not exactly know. But a +heresy it certainly is. Jesus taught nothing of it. He told us, indeed, +that 'God is a spirit,' but he has not defined what a spirit is, nor +said that it is not matter. And the ancient fathers generally, of the +three first centuries, held it to be matter, light and thin indeed, an +ethereal gas; but still matter. Origen says. '_Deus reapse corporalis +est; sed graviorum tantum ratione corporum incorporeus_.' Tertullian,' +_Quid enim Deus nisi corpus?_' And again, '_Quis negabit Deum esse +corpus? Etsi Deus spiritus, spiritus etiam corpus est, sui generis in +sua effigie_. St. Justin Martyr, + +[Illustration: 332] + +And St. Macarius, speaking of angels, says, '_Quamvis enim subtilia +sint, tamen in substantia, forma, et figura, secundum tenuitatem naturas +eorum, corpora sunt tenuia_.' And St. Austin, St. Basil, Lactantius, +Tatian, Athenagoras, and others, with whose writings I pretend not a +familiarity, are said by those who are better acquainted with them, +to deliver the same doctrine. (Enfield x. 3. 1.) Turn to your Ocellus +d'Argens, 97, 105. and to his Timseus 17. for these quotations. In +England, these Immaterialists might have been burnt until the 29 Car. 2. +when the writ _de haeretico comburendo_ was abolished; and here until the +Revolution, that statute not having extended to us. All heresies being +now done away with us, these schismatists are merely atheists, differing +from the material atheist only in their belief, that 'nothing made +something,' and from the material deist, who believes that matter alone +can operate on matter. + + [* That of Athanasius and the Council of Nicasa, anno 324] + +Rejecting all organs of information, therefore, but my senses, I rid +myself of the pyrrhonisms with which an indulgence in speculations +hyperphysical and antiphysical, so uselessly occupy and disquiet the +mind. A single sense may indeed be sometimes deceived, but rarely; and +never all our senses together, with their faculty of reasoning. They +evidence realities, and there are enough of these for all the purposes +of life, without plunging into the fathomless abyss of dreams and +phantasms. I am satisfied, and sufficiently occupied with the things +which are, without tormenting or troubling myself about those which may +indeed be, but of which I have no evidence. I am sure that I really know +many, many things, and none more surely than that I love you with all +my heart, and pray for the continuance of your life until you shall be +tired of it yourself. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLV.--TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, November 28, 1820 + + +TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. + +Poplar Forest, November 28, 1820. + +Dear Sir, + +I sent in due time the Report of the Visitors to the Governor, with a +request that he would endeavor to convene the Literary Board in time to +lay it before the legislature on the second day of their session. It +was enclosed in a letter which will explain itself to you. If delivered +before the crowd of other business presses on them, they may act on +it immediately, and before there will have been time for unfriendly +combinations and manoeuvres by the enemies of the institution. I enclose +you now a paper presenting some views which may be useful to you in +conversations, to rebut exaggerated estimates of what our institution +is to cost, and reproaches of deceptive estimates. One hundred and +sixty-two thousand three hundred and sixty-four dollars will be about +the cost of the whole establishment, when completed. Not an office +at Washington has cost less. The single building of the courthouse of +Henrico has cost nearly that: and the massive walls of the millions of +bricks of William and Mary could not now be built for a less sum. + +Surely Governor Clinton's display of the gigantic efforts of New York +towards the education of her citizens, will stimulate the pride as well +as the patriotism of our legislature, to look to the reputation and +safety of their own country, to rescue it from the degradation of +becoming the Barbary of the Union, and of falling into the ranks of our +own negroes. To that condition it is fast sinking. We shall be in the +hands of the other States, what our indigenous predecessors were when +invaded by the science and arts of Europe. The mass of education in +Virginia, before the Revolution, placed her with the foremost of her +sister colonies. What is her education now? Where is it? The little +we have, we import, like beggars, from other States; or import their +beggars to bestow on us their miserable crumbs. And what is wanting to +restore us to our station among our confederates? Not more money from +the people. Enough has been raised by them, and appropriated to this +very object. It is that it should be employed understandingly, and for +their greatest good. That good requires, that while they are instructed +in general, competently to the common business of life, others should +employ their genius with necessary information to the useful arts, to +inventions for saving labor and increasing our comforts, to nourishing +our health, to civil government, military science, &c. + +Would it not have a good effect for the friends of the University +to take the lead in proposing and effecting a practical scheme of +elementary schools? to assume the character of the friends, rather than +the opponents of that object? The present plan has appropriated to the +primary schools forty-five thousand dollars for three years, making one +hundred and thirty-five thousand dollars. I should be glad to know if +this sum has educated one hundred and thirty-five poor children? I doubt +it much. And if it has, they have cost us one thousand dollars a +piece for what might have been done with thirty dollars. Supposing the +literary revenue to be sixty thousand dollars, I think it demonstrable, +that this sum, equally divided between the two objects, would amply +suffice for both. One hundred counties, divided into about twelve wards +each, on an average, and a school in each ward of perhaps ten +children, would be one thousand and two hundred schools, distributed +proportionably over the surface of the State. The inhabitants of each +ward, meeting together (as when they work on the roads), building +good log-houses for their school and teacher, and contributing for his +provisions, rations of pork, beef, and corn, in the proportion, each of +his other taxes, would thus lodge and feed him without feeling it; +and those of them who are able, paying for the tuition of their own +children, would leave no call on the public fund but for the tuition +fee of, here and there, an accidental pauper, who would still be fed and +lodged with his parents. Suppose this fee ten dollars, and three +hundred dollars apportioned to a county on an average (more or less duly +proportioned), would there be thirty such paupers for every county? I +think not. The truth is, that the want of common education with us is +not from our poverty, but from want of an orderly system. More money is +now paid for the education of a part, than would be paid for that of the +whole, if systematically arranged. Six thousand common schools in New +York, fifty pupils in each, three hundred thousand in all; one +hundred and sixty thousand dollars annually paid to the masters; forty +established academies, with two thousand two hundred and eighteen +pupils; and five colleges, with seven hundred and eighteen students; +to which last classes of institutions seven hundred and twenty thousand +dollars have been given; and the whole appropriations for education +estimated at two and a half millions of dollars! What a pigmy to this is +Virginia become, with a population almost equal to that of New York! +And whence this difference? From the difference their rulers set on +the value of knowledge, and the prosperity it produces. But still, if a +pigmy, let her do what a pigmy may do. If among fifty children in each +of the six thousand schools of New York, there are only paupers enough +to employ twenty-five dollars of public money to each school, surely +among the ten children of each of our one thousand and two hundred +schools, the same sum of twenty-five dollars to each school will teach +its paupers (five times as much as to the same number in New York), and +will amount for the whole to thirty thousand dollars a year, the one +half only of our literary revenue. + +Do then, Dear Sir, think of this, and engage our friends to take in +hand the whole subject. It will reconcile the friends of the elementary +schools, and none are more warmly so than myself, lighten the +difficulties of the University, and promote in every order of men the +degree of instruction proportioned to their condition, and to their +views in life. It will combine with the mass of our force, a wise +direction of it, which will insure to our country its future prosperity +and safety. I had formerly thought that visitors of the schools might +be chosen by the county, and charged to provide teachers for every ward, +and to superintend them. I now think it would be better for every ward +to choose its own resident visitor, whose business it would be to keep a +teacher in the ward, to superintend the school, and to call meetings of +the ward for all purposes relating to it: their accounts to be settled, +and wards laid off by the courts. I think ward elections better for +many reasons, one of which is sufficient, that it will keep elementary +education out of the hands of fanaticizing preachers, who, in county +elections, would be universally chosen, and the predominant sect of the +county would possess itself of all its schools. + +A wrist stiffened by an ancient accident, now more so by the effect of +age, renders writing a slow and irksome operation with me. I cannot, +therefore, present these views by separate letters to each of our +colleagues in the legislature, but must pray you to communicate them to +Mr. Johnson and General Breckenridge, and to request them to +consider this as equally meant for them. Mr. Gordon, being the local +representative of the University and among its most zealous friends, +would be a more useful second to General Breckenridge in the House of +Delegates, by a free communication of what concerns the University, with +which he has had little opportunity of becoming acquainted. So also, +would it be as to Mr. Rives, who would be a friendly advocate. + +Accept the assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLVI.--TO THOMAS RITCHIE, December, 25, 1820 + +TO THOMAS RITCHIE. + +Monticello, December, 25, 1820. + +Dear Sir, + +On my return home after a long absence, I find here your favor of +November the 23rd, with Colonel Taylor's 'Construction Construed,' which +you have been so kind as to send me, in the name of the author as well +as yourself. Permit me, if you please, to use the same channel +for conveying to him the thanks I render you also for this mark of +attention. I shall read it, I know, with edification, as I did his +Enquiry, to which I acknowledge myself indebted for many valuable ideas, +and for the correction of some errors of early opinion, never seen in +a correct light until presented to me in that work. That the present +volume is equally orthodox I know before reading it, because I know +that Colonel Taylor and myself have rarely, if ever, differed in any +political principle of importance. Every act of his life, and every word +he ever wrote, satisfies me of this. So, also, as to the two Presidents, +late and now in office, I know them both to be of principles as truly +republican as any men living. If there be any thing amiss, therefore, +in the present state of our affairs, as the formidable deficit lately +unfolded to us indicates, I ascribe it to the inattention of Congress +to their duties, to their unwise dissipation and waste of the public +contributions. They seemed, some little while ago, to be at a loss +for objects whereon to throw away the supposed fathomless funds of the +treasury. I had feared the result, because I saw among them some of my +old fellow-laborers, of tried and known principles, yet often in their +minorities. I am aware that in one of their most ruinous vagaries, +the people were themselves betrayed into the same phrenzy with their +Representatives. The deficit produced, and a heavy tax to supply it, +will, I trust, bring both to their sober senses. + +But it is not from this branch of government we have most to fear. Taxes +and short elections will keep them right. The judiciary of the United +States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners constantly working +under ground to undermine the foundations of our confederated fabric. +They are construing our constitution from a co-ordination of a general +and special government to a general and supreme one alone. This will lay +all things at their feet, and they are too well versed in English law to +forget the maxim, '_Boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem._' We shall +see if they are bold enough to take the daring stride their five lawyers +have lately taken. If they do, then, with the editor of our book in his +address to the public, I will say, that against this every man should +raise his voice, and more, should uplift his arm. Who wrote this +admirable address? Sound, luminous, strong, not a word too much, nor one +which can be changed but for the worse. That pen should go on, lay bare +these wounds of our constitution, expose these _decisions seriatim_, +and arouse, as it is able, the attention of the nation to these bold +speculators on its patience. Having found, from experience, that +impeachment is an impracticable thing, a mere scare-crow, they consider +themselves secure for life; they skulk from responsibility to public +opinion, the only remaining hold on them, under a practice first +introduced into England by Lord Mansfield. An opinion is huddled up in +conclave, perhaps by a majority of one, delivered as if unanimous and +with the silent acquiescence of lazy or timid associates, by a crafty +chief judge, who sophisticates the law to his mind, by the turn of his +own reasoning. A judiciary law was once reported by the Attorney General +to Congress, requiring each judge to deliver his opinion _seriatim_ and +openly, and then to give it in writing to the clerk to be entered in the +record. A judiciary independent of a King or executive alone, is a good +thing; but independence of the will of the nation is a solecism, at +least in a republican government. + +But to return to your letter; you ask for my opinion of the work you +send me, and to let it go out to the public. This I have ever made a +point of declining (one or two instances only excepted). Complimentary +thanks to writers who have sent me their works, have betrayed me +sometimes before the public, without my consent having been asked. But +I am far from presuming to direct the reading of my fellow-citizens, who +are good enough judges themselves of what is worthy their reading. I am, +also, too desirous of quiet to place myself in the way of contention. +Against this I am admonished by bodily decay, which cannot be +unaccompanied by corresponding wane of the mind. Of this I am as yet +sensible sufficiently to be unwilling to trust myself before the public, +and when I cease to be so, I hope that my friends will be too careful +of me to draw me forth and present me, like a Priam in armor, as a +spectacle for public compassion. I hope our political bark will ride +through all its dangers; but I can in future be but an inert passenger. + +I salute you with sentiments of great friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLVII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, January 22, 1821 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, January 22, 1821. + +I was quite rejoiced, dear Sir, to see that you had health and spirits +enough to take part in the late convention of your State, for revising +its constitution, and to bear your share in its debates and labors. +The amendments of which we have as yet heard, prove the advance of +liberalism in the intervening period; and encourage a hope that the +human mind will some day get back to the freedom it enjoyed two thousand +years ago. This country, which has given to the world the example of +physical liberty, owes to it that of moral emancipation also, for as yet +it is but nominal with us. The inquisition of public opinion overwhelms, +in practice, the freedom asserted by the laws in theory. + +Our anxieties in this quarter are all concentrated in the question, what +does the Holy Alliance in and out of Congress mean to do with us on the +Missouri question? And this, by the bye, is but the name of the case, it +is only the John Doe or Richard Roe of the ejectment. The real question, +as seen in the States afflicted with this unfortunate population, +is, Are our slaves to be presented with freedom and a dagger? For if +Congress has the power to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants of +the States, within the States, it will be but another exercise of that +power, to declare that all shall be free. Are we then to see again +Athenian and Lacedaemonian confederacies? To wage another Peloponnesian +war to settle the ascendancy between them? Or is this the tocsin of +merely a servile war? That remains to be seen: but not, I hope, by you +or me. Surely, they will parley awhile, and give us time to get out +of the way. What a Bedlamite is man? But let us turn from our own +uneasiness to the miseries of our southern friends. Bolivar and Morillo, +it seems, have come to a parley, with dispositions at length to stop +the useless effusion of human blood in that quarter. I feared from the +beginning, that these people were not yet sufficiently enlightened for +self-government; and that after wading through blood and slaughter, +they would end in military tyrannies, more or less numerous. Yet as they +wished to try the experiment, I wished them success in it: they have +now tried it, and will possibly find that their safest road will be an +accommodation with the mother country, which shall hold them together +by the single link of the same chief magistrate, leaving to him power +enough to keep them in peace with one another, and to themselves the +essential power of self-government and self-improvement, until they +shall be sufficiently trained by education and habits of freedom, +to walk safely by themselves. Representative government, native +functionaries, a qualified negative on their laws, with a previous +security by compact for freedom of commerce, freedom of the press, +habeas corpus, and trial by jury, would make a good beginning. This +last would be the school in which their people might begin to learn the +exercise of civic duties as well as rights. For freedom of religion they +are not yet prepared. The scales of bigotry have not sufficiently fallen +from their eyes, to accept it for themselves individually, much less to +trust others with it. But that will come in time, as well as a general +ripeness to break entirely from the parent stem. You see, my dear Sir, +how easily we prescribe for others a cure for their difficulties, while +we cannot cure our own. We must leave both, I believe, to Heaven, and +wrap ourselves up in the mantle of resignation, and of that friendship +of which I tender to you the most sincere assurances. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLVIII.--TO JOSEPH C CABELL, January 31, 1821 + + +TO JOSEPH C CABELL. + +Monticello, January 31, 1821. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favors of the 18th and 25th came together, three days ago. They +fill me with gloom as to the dispositions of our legislature towards +the University. I perceive that I am not to live to see it opened. As +to what had better be done within the limits of their will, I trust +with entire confidence to what yourself, General Breckenridge, and Mr. +Johnson shall think best. You will see what is practicable, and give it +such shape as you think best. If a loan is to be resorted to, I think +sixty thousand dollars will be necessary, including the library. +Its instalments cannot begin until those of the former loan are +accomplished; and they should not begin later, nor be less than thirteen +thousand dollars a year. (I think it safe to retain two thousand dollars +a year for care of the buildings, improvement of the grounds, and +unavoidable contingencies.) To extinguish the second loan, will require +between five and six instalments, which will carry us to the end of +1833, or thirteen years from this time. My individual opinion is, that +we had better not open the institution until the buildings, library, and +all, are finished, and our funds cleared of incumbrance. These buildings +once erected, will secure the full object infallibly at the end of +thirteen years, and as much earlier as the legislature shall choose. And +if we were to begin sooner, with half funds only, it would satisfy the +common mind, prevent their aid beyond that point, and our institution, +remaining at that for ever, would be no more than the paltry academies +we now have. Even with the whole funds we shall be reduced to six +Professors. While Harvard will still prime it over us with her twenty +Professors. How many of our youths she now has, learning the lessons of +anti-Missourianism, I know not; but a gentleman lately from Princeton +told me he saw there the list of the students at that place, and that +more than half were Virginians. These will return home, no doubt, +deeply impressed with the sacred principles of our Holy Alliance of +restrictionists. + +But the gloomiest of all prospects, is in the desertion of the best +friends of the institution, for desertion I must call it. I know not the +necessities which may force this on you. General Cocke, you say, will +explain them to me; but I cannot conceive them, nor persuade myself +they are uncontrollable. I have ever hoped, that yourself, General +Breckenridge, and Mr. Johnson, would stand at your posts in the +legislature, until every thing was effected, and the institution opened. +If it is so difficult to get along with all the energy and influence of +our present colleagues in the legislature, how can we expect to proceed +at all, reducing our moving power? I know well your devotion to your +country, and your foresight of the awful scenes coming on her, sooner or +later. With this foresight, what service can we ever render her equal +to this? What object of our lives can we propose so important? What +interest of our own which ought not to be postponed to this? Health, +time, labor, on what in the single life which nature has given us, can +these be better bestowed than on this immortal boon to our country? The +exertions and the mortifications are temporary; the benefit eternal. If +any member of our college of Visitors could justifiably withdraw from +this sacred duty, it would be myself, who _quadragenis stipendiis +jamdudum peractis_, have neither vigor of body nor mind left to keep +the field: but I will die in the last ditch, and so I hope you will, +my friend, as well as our firm-breasted brothers and colleagues, Mr. +Johnson and General Breckenridge. Nature will not give you a second life +wherein to atone for the omissions of this. Pray then, dear and very +dear Sir, do not think of deserting us, but view the sacrifices which +seem to stand in your way, as the lesser duties, and such as ought to be +postponed to this, the greatest of all. Continue with us in these holy +labors, until, having seen their accomplishment, we may say with old +Simeon, '_Nunc dimittas, Domine_. Under all circumstances, however, of +praise or blame, I shall be affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLIX.--TO GENERAL BRECKENRIDGE, February 15, 1821 + + +TO GENERAL BRECKENRIDGE. + +Monticello, February 15, 1821. + +Dear Sir, + +I learn with deep affliction, that nothing is likely to be done for our +University this year. So near as it is to the shore that one shove more +would land it there, I had hoped that would be given; and that we should +open with the next year an institution on which the fortunes of our +country may depend more than may meet the general eye. The reflections +that the boys of this age are to be the men of the next; that they +should be prepared to receive the holy charge which we are cherishing to +deliver over to them; that in establishing an institution of wisdom for +them, we secure it to all our future generations; that in fulfilling +this duty, we bring home to our own bosoms the sweet consolation of +seeing our sons rising under a luminous tuition, to destinies of high +promise; these are considerations which will occur to all; but all, I +fear, do not see the speck in our horizon which is to burst on us as a +tornado, sooner or later. The line of division lately marked out between +different portions of our confederacy, is such as will never, I fear, +be obliterated, and we are now trusting to those who are against us +in position and principle, to fashion to their own form the minds +and affections of our youth. If, as has been estimated, we send three +hundred thousand dollars a year to the northern seminaries, for the +instruction of our own sons, then we must have there five hundred of our +sons, imbibing opinions and principles in discord with those of their +own country. This canker is eating on the vitals of our existence, and +if not arrested at once, will be beyond remedy. We are now certainly +furnishing recruits to their school. If it be asked what are we to do, +or said we cannot give the last lift to the University without stopping +our primary schools, and these we think most important; I answer, I know +their importance. Nobody can doubt my zeal for the general instruction +of the people. Who first started that idea? I may surely say, Myself. +Turn to the bill in the revised code, which I drew more than forty +years ago, and before which the idea of a plan for the education of the +people, generally, had never been suggested in this State. There you +will see developed the first rudiments of the whole system of general +education we are now urging and acting on: and it is well known to those +With whom I have acted on this subject, that I never have proposed a +sacrifice of the primary to the ultimate grade of instruction. Let us +keep our eye steadily on the whole system. If we cannot do every +thing at once, let us do one at a time. The primary schools need +no preliminary expense; the ultimate grade requires a considerable +expenditure in advance. A suspension of proceeding for a year or two on +the primary schools, and an application of the whole income, during that +time, to the completion of the buildings necessary for the University, +would enable us then to start both institutions at the same time. The +intermediate branch, of colleges, academies, and private classical +schools, for the middle grade, may hereafter receive any necessary aids +when the funds shall become competent. In the mean time, they are going +on sufficiently, as they have ever yet gone on, at the private expense +of those who use them, and who in numbers and means are competent to +their own exigencies. The experience of three years has, I presume, left +no doubt, that the present plan of primary schools, of putting money +into the hands of twelve hundred persons acting for nothing, and under +no responsibility, is entirely inefficient. Some other must be thought +of; and during this pause, if it be only for a year, the whole revenue +of that year, with that of the last three years which has not been +already thrown away, would place our University in readiness to start +with a better organization of primary schools, and both may then go on, +hand in hand, for ever. No diminution of the capital will in this way +have been incurred; a principle which ought to be deemed sacred. A +relinquishment of interest on the late loan of sixty thousand dollars, +would so far, also, forward the University without lessening the +capital. + +But what may be best done I leave with entire confidence to yourself and +your colleagues in legislation, who know better than I do the conditions +of the literary fund and its wisest application; and I shall acquiesce +with perfect resignation to their will. I have brooded, perhaps with +fondness, over this establishment, as it held up to me the hope of +continuing to be useful while I continued to live. I had believed that +the course and circumstances of my life had placed within my power some +services favorable to the outset of the institution. But this may be +egoism; pardonable, perhaps, when I express a consciousness that my +colleagues and successors will do as well, whatever the legislature +shall enable them to do. + +I have thus, my dear Sir, opened my bosom, with all its anxieties, +freely to you. I blame nobody for seeing things in a different light. I +am sure that all act conscientiously, and that all will be done honestly +and wisely which can be done. I yield the concerns of the world with +cheerfulness to those who are appointed in the order of nature to +succeed to them; and for yourself, for our colleagues, and for all in +charge of our country's future fame and fortune, I offer up sincere +prayers. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLX.--TO --------- NICHOLAS, December 11,1821 + + +TO --------- NICHOLAS. + +Monticello, December 11,1821, + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter of December the 19th places me under a dilemma, which I +cannot solve but by an exposition of the naked truth. I would have +wished this rather to have remained as hitherto, without inquiry; but +your inquiries have a right to be answered. I will do it as exactly +as the great lapse of time and a waning memory will enable me. I may +misremember indifferent circumstances, but can be right in substance. + +At the time when the republicans of our country were so much alarmed at +the proceedings of the federal ascendancy in Congress, in the +executive and the judiciary departments, it became a matter of serious +consideration how head could be made against their enterprises on the +constitution. The leading republicans in Congress found themselves of +no use there, browbeaten, as they were, by a bold and overwhelming +majority. They concluded to retire from that field, take a stand in the +State legislatures, and endeavor there to arrest their progress. The +alien and sedition laws furnished the particular occasion. The sympathy +between Virginia and Kentucky was more cordial, and more intimately +confidential, than between any other two States of republican policy. +Mr. Madison came into the Virginia legislature. 1 was then in the +Vice-Presidency, and could not leave my station. But your father, +Colonel W. C. Nicholas, and myself happening to be together, the +engaging the co-operation of Kentucky in an energetic protestation +against the constitutionality of those laws, became a subject of +consultation. Those gentlemen pressed me strongly to sketch resolutions +for that purpose, your father undertaking to introduce them to that +legislature, with a solemn assurance, which I strictly required, that +it should not be known from what quarter they came. I drew and delivered +them to him, and, in keeping their origin secret, he fulfilled his +pledge of honor. Some years after this, Colonel Nicholas asked me if +I would have any objection to its being known that I had drawn them. +I pointedly enjoined that it should not. Whether he had unguardedly +intimated it before to any one, I know not: but I afterwards observed in +the papers repeated imputations of them to me; on which, as has been my +practice on all occasions of imputation, I have observed entire silence. +The question, indeed, has never before been put to me, nor should I +answer it to any other than yourself; seeing no good end to be proposed +by it, and the desire of tranquillity inducing with me a wish to be +withdrawn from public notice. Your father's zeal and talents were too +well known, to derive any additional distinction from the penning these +resolutions. That circumstance, surely, was of far less merit than the, +proposing and carrying them through the legislature of his State. The +only fact in this statement, on which my memory is not distinct, is +the time and occasion of the consultation with your father and Colonel +Nicholas. It took place here I know; but whether any other person was +present, or communicated with, is my doubt. I think Mr. Madison was +either with us, or consulted, but my memory is uncertain as to minute +details. + +I fear, Dear Sir, we are now in such another crisis, with this +difference only, that the judiciary branch is alone and single-handed in +the present assaults on the constitution. But its assaults are more sure +and deadly, as from an agent seemingly passive and unassuming. May you +and your cotemporaries meet them with the same determination and effect, +as your father and his did the alien and sedition laws, and preserve +inviolate a constitution, which, cherished in all its chastity and +purity, will prove in the end a blessing to all the nations of the +earth. With these prayers, accept those for your own happiness and +prosperity. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXI.--TO JEDIDIAH MORSE, March 6, 1822 + + +TO JEDIDIAH MORSE. + +Monticello, March 6, 1822. + +Sir, + +I have duly received your letter of February the 16th, and have now to +express my sense of the honorable station proposed to my ex-brethren +and myself, in the constitution of the society for the civilization and +improvement of the Indian tribes. The object, too, expressed, as that of +the association, is one which I have ever had much at heart, and never +omitted an occasion of promoting, while I have been in situations to +do it with effect, and nothing, even now, in the calm of age and +retirement, would excite in me a more lively interest than an approvable +plan of raising that respectable and unfortunate people from the state +of physical and moral abjection, to which they have been reduced by +circumstances foreign to them. That the plan now proposed is entitled +to unmixed approbation, I am not prepared to say, after mature +consideration, and with all the partialities which its professed object +would rightfully claim from me. + +I shall not undertake to draw the line of demarcation between private +associations of laudable views and unimposing numbers, and those whose +magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the march of regular government. +Yet such a line does exist. I have seen the days, they were those which +preceded the Revolution, when even this last and perilous engine became +necessary; but they were days which no man would wish to see a second +time. That was the case where the regular authorities of the government +had combined against the rights of the people, and no means of +correction remained to them, but to organize a collateral power, which, +with their support, might rescue and secure their violated rights. But +such is not the case with our government. We need hazard no collateral +power, which, by a change of its original views, and assumption of +others we know not how virtuous or how mischievous, would be ready +organized, and in force sufficient to shake the established foundations +of society, and endanger its peace and the principles on which it is +based. Is not the machine now proposed of this gigantic stature? It +is to consist of the ex-Presidents of the United States, the +Vice-President, the Heads of all the executive departments, the members +of the supreme judiciary, the Governors of the several States and +Territories, all the members of both Houses of Congress, all the general +officers of the army, the commissioners of the navy, all Presidents and +Professors of colleges and theological seminaries, all the clergy of +the United States, the. Presidents and Secretaries of all associations +having relation to Indians, all commanding officers within or near +Indian territories, all Indian superintendants and agents; all these ex +officio; and as many private individuals as will pay a certain price +for membership. Observe, too, that the clergy will constitute * nineteen +twentieths of this association, and, by the law of the majority, may +command the twentieth part, which, composed of all the high authorities +of the United States, civil and military, may be outvoted and wielded +by the nineteen parts with uncontrollable power, both as to purpose and +process. . Can this formidable array be reviewed without dismay? + + * The clergy of the United States may probably be estimated + at eight thousand. The residue of this society at four + hundred; but if the former number be halved, the reasoning + will be the same. + +It will be said, that in this association will be all the confidential +officers of the government; the choice of the people themselves. No man +on earth has more implicit confidence than myself in the integrity +and discretion of this chosen band of servants. But is confidence or +discretion, or is strict limit, the principle of our constitution? It +will comprehend, indeed, all the functionaries of the government: but +seceded from their consitutional stations as guardians of the nation, +and acting not by the laws of their station, but by those of a voluntary +society, having no limit to their purposes but the same will which +constitutes their existence. It will be the authorities of the people, +and all influential characters from among them, arrayed on one side, and +on the other, the people themselves deserted by their leaders. It is a +fearful array. It will be said, that these are imaginary fears. I know +they are so at present. I know it is as impossible for these agents of +our choice and unbounded confidence, to harbor machinations against +the adored principles of our constitution, as for gravity to change +its direction, and gravid bodies to mount upwards. The fears are indeed +imaginary: but the example is real. Under its authority, as a precedent, +future associations will arise with objects at which we should +shudder at this time. The society of Jacobins, in another country, +was instituted on principles and views as virtuous as ever kindled the +hearts of patriots. It was the pure patriotism of their purposes which +extended their association to the limits of the nation, and rendered +their power within it boundless; and it was this power which degenerated +their principles and practices to such enormities, as never before could +have been imagined. Yet these were men; and we and our descendants +will be no more. The present is a case where, if ever, we are to guard +against ourselves; not against ourselves as we are, but as we may be; +for who can now imagine what we may become under circumstances not now +imaginable? The object, too, of this institution, seems to require +so hazardous an example as little as any which could be proposed. The +government is, at this time, going on with the process of civilizing +the Indians, on a plan probably as promising as any one of us is able +to devise, and with resources more competent than we could expect to +command by voluntary taxation. Is it that the new characters called into +association with those of the government, are wiser than these? Is it +that a plan originated by a meeting of private individuals, is better +than that prepared by the concentrated wisdom of the nation, of men not +self-chosen, but clothed with the full confidence of the people? Is it +that there is no danger that a new authority, marching independently +along side of the government, in the same line and to the same object, +may not produce collision, may not thwart and obstruct the operations of +the government, or wrest the object entirely from their hands? Might we +not as well appoint a committee for each department of the government, +to counsel and direct its head separately, as volunteer ourselves to +counsel and direct the whole, in mass? And might we not do it as well +for their foreign, their fiscal, and their military, as for their Indian +affairs? And how many societies, auxiliary to the government, may we +expect to see spring up, in imitation of this, offering to associate +themselves in this and that of its functions? In a word, why not take +the government out of its constitutional hands, associate them indeed +with us, to preserve a semblance that the acts are theirs, but insuring +them to be our own by allowing them a minor vote only? + +These considerations have impressed my mind with a force so +irrresistible, that (in duty bound to answer your polite letter, without +which I should not have obtruded an opinion) I have not been able to +withhold the expression of them. Not knowing the individuals who have +proposed this plan, I cannot be conceived as entertaining personal +disrespect for them. On the contrary, I see in the printed list persons +for whom I cherish sentiments of sincere friendship; and others, for +whose opinions and purity of purpose I have the highest respect. Yet +thinking, as I do, that this association is unnecessary; that the +government is proceeding to the same object under control of the law; +that they are competent to it in wisdom, in means, and inclination; that +this association, this wheel within a wheel, is more likely to produce +collision than aid; and that it is, in its magnitude, of dangerous +example; I am bound to say, that, as a dutiful citizen, I cannot in +conscience become a member of this society, possessing as it does my +entire confidence in the integrity of its views. I feel with awe the +weight of opinion to which I may be opposed, and that, for myself, I +have need to ask the indulgence of a belief, that the opinion I have +given is the best result I can deduce from my own reason and experience, +and that it is sincerely conscientious. Repeating, therefore, my just +acknowledgments for the honor proposed to me, I beg leave to add the +assurances to the society and yourself of my highest confidence and +consideration. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXII.--TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE, June 26, 1822 + +TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. + +Monticello, June 26, 1822. + +Dear Sir, + +I have received and read with thankfulness and pleasure your +denunciation of the abuses of tobacco and wine. Yet, however sound in +its principles, I expect it will be but a sermon to the wind. You will +find it is as difficult to inculcate these sanative precepts on the +sensualities of the present day, as to convince an Athanasian that there +is but one God. I wish success to both attempts, and am happy to learn +from you that the latter, at least, is making progress, and the more +rapidly in proportion as our Platonizing Christians make more stir and +noise about it. The doctrines of Jesus are simple, and tend all to the +happiness of man. + +1. That there is one only God, and he all perfect. + +2. That there is a future state of rewards and punishments. + +3. That to love God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thyself, is +the sum of religion. These are the great points on which he endeavored +to reform the religion of the Jews. But compare with these the +demoralizing dogmas of Calvin. + +1. That there are three Gods. + +2. That good works, or the love of our neighbor, are nothing. + +3. That faith is everything, and the more incomprehensible the +proposition, the more merit in its faith. + +4. That reason in religion is of unlawful use. + +5. That God, from the beginning, elected certain individuals to be +saved, and certain others to be damned; and that no crimes of the former +can damn them; no virtues of the latter, save. + +Now, which of these is the true and charitable Christian? He who +believes and acts on the simple doctrines of Jesus; or the impious +dogmatists, as Athanasius and Calvin? Verily I say these are the false +shepherds foretold as to enter not by the door into the sheepfold, but +to climb up some other way. They are mere usurpers of the Christian +name, teaching a counter-religion made up of the deliria of crazy +imaginations, as foreign from Christianity as is that of Mahomet. Their +blasphemies have driven thinking men into infidelity, who have too +hastily rejected the supposed author himself, with the horrors so +falsely imputed to him. Had the doctrines of Jesus been preached always +as pure as they came from his lips, the whole civilized world would +now have been Christian. I rejoice that in this blessed country of free +inquiry and belief, which has surrendered its creed and conscience +to neither kings nor priests, the genuine doctrine of one only God is +reviving, and I trust that there is not a young man now living in the +United States, who will not die an Unitarian. + +But much I fear, that when this great truth shall be re-established, its +votaries will fall into the fatal error of fabricating formulas of +creed and confessions of faith, the engines which so soon destroyed the +religion of Jesus, and made of Christendom a mere Aceldama; that they +will give up morals for mysteries, and Jesus for Plato. How much wiser +are the Quakers, who, agreeing in the fundamental doctrines of the +Gospel, schismatize about no mysteries, and, keeping within the pale +of common sense, suffer no speculative differences of opinion, any +more than of feature, to impair the love of their brethren. Be this the +wisdom of Unitarians, this the holy mantle which shall cover within its +charitable circumference all who believe in one God, and who love their +neighbor! I conclude my sermon with sincere assurances of my friendly +esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, June 27, 1822. + +Dear Sir, + +Your kind letter of the 11th has given me great satisfaction. For +although I could not doubt but that the hand of age was pressing heavily +on you, as on myself, yet we like to know the particulars and the +degree of that pressure. Much reflection, too, has been produced by +your suggestion of lending my letter of the 1st, to a printer. I have +generally great aversion to the insertion of my letters in the public +papers; because of my passion for quiet retirement, and never to be +exhibited in scene on the public stage. Nor am I unmindful of the +precept of Horace, '_Solve senescentem, mature sanus, equum, ne +peccet ad extremum ridendus_.' In the present case, however, I see a +possibility that this might aid in producing the very quiet after +which I pant. I do not know how far you may suffer, as I do, under the +persecution of letters, of which every mail brings a fresh load. +They are letters of inquiry, for the most part, always of good will, +sometimes from friends whom I esteem, but much oftener from persons +whose names are unknown to me, but written kindly and civilly, and to +which, therefore, civility requires answers. Perhaps, the better known +failure of your hand in its function of writing, may shield you in +greater degree from this distress, and so far qualify the misfortune of +its disability. I happened to turn to my letter-list some time ago, and +a curiosity was excited to count those received in a single year. It +was the year before the last. I found the number to be one thousand two +hundred and sixty-seven, many of them requiring answers of elaborate +research, and all to be answered with due attention and consideration. +Take an average of this number for a week or a day, and I will repeat +the question suggested by other considerations in mine of the 1st. Is +this life? At best it is but the life of a mill-horse, who sees no +end to his circle but in death. To such a life, that of a cabbage is +paradise. It occurs, then, that my condition of existence, truly stated +in that letter, if better known, might check the kind indiscretions +which are so heavily oppressing the departing hours of life. Such a +relief would, to me, be an ineffable blessing. But yours of the 11th, +equally interesting and affecting, should accompany that to which it is +an answer. The two, taken together, would excite a joint interest, and +place before our fellow-citizens the present condition of two ancient +servants, who, having faithfully performed their forty or fifty +campaigns, _stipendiis omnibus expletis_, have a reasonable claim +to repose from all disturbance in the sanctuary of invalids and +superannuates. But some device should be thought of for their getting +before the public otherwise than by our own publication. Your printer, +perhaps, could frame something plausible, ------'s name, should be left +blank, as his picture, should it meet his eye, might give him pain. I +consign, however, the whole subject to your consideration, to do in it +whatever your own judgment shall approve, and repeat always, with truth, +the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXIV.--TO WILLIAM T. BARRY, July 2, 1822 + + +TO WILLIAM T. BARRY. + +Monticello, July 2, 1822. + +Sir, + +Your favor of the 15th of June is received, and I am very thankful for +the kindness of its expressions respecting myself. But it ascribes to me +merits which I do not claim. I was only of a band devoted to the cause +of independence, all of whom exerted equally their best endeavors for +its success, and have a common right to the merits of its acquisition. +So also in the civil revolution of 1801. Very many and very meritorious +were the worthy patriots who assisted in bringing back our government +to its republican tack. To preserve it in that will require unremitting +vigilance. Whether the surrender of our opponents, their reception into +our camp, their assumption of our name, and apparent accession to +our objects, may strengthen or weaken the genuine principles of +republicanism, may be a good or an evil, is yet to be seen. I consider +the party division of whig and tory the most wholesome which can exist +in any government, and well worthy of being nourished, to keep out those +of a more dangerous character. We already see the power, installed +for life, responsible to no authority (for impeachment is not even a +scare-crow), advancing with a noiseless and steady pace to the great +object of consolidation. The foundations are already deeply laid by +their decisions, for the annihilation of constitutional State rights, +and the removal of every check, every counterpoise to the ingulphing* +power of which themselves are to make a sovereign part. If ever this +vast country is brought under a single government, it will be one of the +most extensive corruption, indifferent and incapable of a wholesome care +over so wide a spread of surface. This will not be borne, and you will +have to choose between reformation and revolution. If I know the spirit +of this country, the one or the other is inevitable. Before the canker +is become inveterate, before its venom has reached so much of the body +politic as to get beyond control, remedy should be applied. Let the +future appointments of judges be for four or six years, and renewable +by the President and Senate. This will bring their conduct, at regular +periods, under revision and probation, and may keep them in equipoise +between the general and special governments. We have erred in this +point, by copying England, where certainly it is a good thing to have +the judges independent of the King. But we have omitted to copy their +caution also, which makes a judge removable on the address of +both legislative Houses. That there should be public functionaries +independent of the nation, whatever may be their demerit, is a solecism +in a republic, of the first order of absurdity and inconsistency. + +To the printed inquiries respecting our schools, it is not in my +power to give an answer. Age, debility, an ancient dislocated, and now +stiffened wrist, render writing so slow and painful, that I am obliged +to decline every thing possible requiring writing. An act of our +legislature will inform you of our plan of primary schools, and the +annual reports show that it is becoming completely abortive, and must +be abandoned very shortly, after costing us to this day one hundred and +eighty thousand dollars, and yet to cost us forty-five thousand dollars +a year more until it shall be discontinued; and if a single boy has +received the elements of common education, it must be in some part of +the country not known to me. Experience has but too fully confirmed the +early predictions of its fate. But on this subject I must refer you +to others more able than I am to go into the necessary details; and I +conclude with the assurances of my great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXV.--TO DOCTOR WATERHOUSE, July 19, 1822 + + +TO DOCTOR WATERHOUSE. + +Monticello, July 19, 1822. + +Dear Sir, + +An anciently dislocated, and now stiffening wrist, makes writing an +operation so slow and painful to me, that I should not so soon have +troubled you with an acknowledgment of your favor of the 8th, but for +the request it contained of my consent to the publication of my letter +of June the 26th. No, my dear Sir, not for the world. Into what a nest +of hornets would it thrust my head! the _genus irritabile vatum_, on +whom argument is lost, and reason is, by themselves, disclaimed in +matters of religion. Don Quixote undertook to redress the bodily +wrongs of the world, but the redressment of mental vagaries would be an +enterprise more than Quixotic. I should as soon undertake to bring the +crazy skulls of Bedlam to sound understanding, as inculcate reason into +that of an Athanasian. I am old, and tranquillity is now my _summum +bonum_. Keep me, therefore, from the fire and faggots of Calvin and his +victim Servetus. Happy in the prospect of a restoration of primitive +Christianity, I must leave to younger athletes to encounter and lop off +the false branches which have been engrafted into it by the mycologists +of the middle and modern ages. I am not aware of the peculiar resistance +to Unitarianism, which you ascribe to Pennsylvania. When I lived in +Philadelphia there was a respectable congregation of that sect, with a +meeting-house and regular service which I attended, and in which Doctor +Priestley officiated to numerous audiences. Baltimore has one or two +churches, and their pastor, author of an inestimable book on this +subject, was elected chaplain to the late Congress. That doctrine has +not yet been preached to us: but the breeze begins to be felt which +precedes the storm; and fanaticism is all in a bustle, shutting its +doors and windows to keep it out. But it will come, and drive before it +the foggy mists of Platonism which have so long obscured our atmosphere. +I am in hopes that some of the disciples of your institution will become +missionaries to us, of these doctrines truly evangelical, and open our +eyes to what has been so long hidden from them. A bold and eloquent +preacher would be no where listened to with more freedom than in this +State, nor with more firmness of mind. They might need a preparatory +discourse on the text of 'Prove all things, hold fast that which is +good,' in order to unlearn the lesson that reason is an unlawful guide +in religion. They might startle on being first awaked from the dreams of +the night, but they would rub their eyes at once, and look the spectres +boldly in the face. The preacher might be excluded by our hierophants +from their churches and meeting-houses, but would be attended in +the fields by whole acres of hearers and thinkers. Missionaries from +Cambridge would soon be greeted with more welcome, than from the +tritheistical school of Andover. Such are my wishes, such would be my +welcomes, warm and cordial as the assurances of my esteem and respect +for you. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXVI.--TO JOHN ADAMS + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, November 1, 1822. + +Dear Sir, + +I have racked my memory and ransacked my papers, to enable myself to +answer the inquiries of your favor of October the 15th; but to little +purpose. My papers furnish me nothing, my memory, generalities only. +I know that while I was in Europe, and anxious about the fate of our +seafaring men, for some of whom, then in captivity in Algiers, we were +treating, and all were in like danger, I formed, undoubtingly, the +opinion that our government, as soon as practicable, should provide a +naval force sufficient to keep the Barbary States in order; and on this +subject we communicated together, as you observe. When I returned to +the United States and took part in the administration under General +Washington, I constantly maintained that opinion; and in December, 1790, +took advantage of a reference to me from the first Congress which met +after I was in office, to report in favor of a force sufficient for +the protection of our Mediterranean commerce; and I laid before them +an accurate statement of the whole Barbary force, public and private. +I think General Washington approved of building vessels of war to that +extent. General Knox, I know, did. But what was Colonel Hamilton's +opinion, I do not in the least remember. Your recollections on that +subject are certainly corroborated by his known anxieties for a close +connection with Great Britain, to which he might apprehend danger from +collisions between their vessels and ours. Randolph was then Attorney +General; but his opinion on the question I also entirely forget. Some +vessels of war were accordingly built and sent into the Mediterranean. +The additions to these in your time, I need not note to you, who +are well known to have ever been an advocate for the wooden walls +of Themistocles. Some of those you added, were sold under an act of +Congress passed while you were in office. I thought, afterwards, that +the public safety might require some additional vessels of strength, +to be prepared and in readiness for the first moment of a war, provided +they could be preserved against the decay which is unavoidable if kept +in the water, and clear of the expense of officers and men. With this +view I proposed that they should be built in dry docks, above the level +of the tide waters, and covered with roofs. I further advised, that +places for these docks should be selected where there was a command of +water on a high level, as that of the Tiber at Washington, by which +the vessels might be floated out, on the principle of a lock. But the +majority of the legislature was against any addition to the navy, +and the minority, although for it in judgment, voted against it on a +principle of opposition. We are now, I understand, building vessels to +remain on the stocks, under shelter, until wanted, when they will be +launched and finished. On my plan they could be in service at an hour's +notice. On this, the finishing, after launching, will be a work of time. + +This is all I recollect about the origin and progress of our navy. That +of the late war, certainly raised our rank and character among nations. +Yet a navy is a very expensive engine. It is admitted, that in ten or +twelve years a vessel goes to entire decay; or, if kept in repair, costs +as much as would build a new one: and that a nation who could count on +twelve or fifteen years' of peace, would gain by burning its navy and +building a new one in time. Its extent, therefore, must be governed by +circumstances. Since my proposition for a force adequate to the piracies +of the Mediterranean, a similar necessity has arisen in our own seas +for considerable addition to that force. Indeed, I wish we could have +a convention with the naval powers of Europe, for them to keep down +the pirates of the Mediterranean, and the slave ships on the coast of +Africa, and for us to perform the same duties for the society of nations +in our seas. In this way, those collisions would be avoided between the +vessels of war of different nations, which beget wars and constitute the +weightiest objection to navies. I salute you with constant affection and +respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + [The annexed is the letter to which the foregoing is a reply.] + +TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. + +Montezillo, October 15, 1822. Dear Sir, + +I have long entertained scruples about writing this letter, upon a +subject of some delicacy. But old age has overcome them at last. + +You remember the four ships ordered by Congress to be built, and the +four captains appointed by Washington, Talbot, and Truxton, and Barry, +&c, to carry an ambassador to Algiers, and protect our commerce in the +Mediterranean. I have always imputed this measure to you; for several +reasons. First, because you frequently proposed it to me while we +were at Paris, negotiating together for peace with the Barbary powers. +Secondly, because I knew that Washington and Hamilton were not only +indifferent about a navy, but averse to it. There was no Secretary of +the Navy; only four Heads of department. You were Secretary of State; +Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury; Knox, Secretary of War; and I +believe Bradford was Attorney General. I have always suspected that you +and Knox were in favor of a navy. If Bradford was so, the majority was +clear. But Washington, I am confident, was against it in his judgment. +But his attachment to Knox, and his deference to your opinion, for I +know he had a great regard for you, might induce him to decide in favor +of you and Knox, even though Bradford united with Hamilton in opposition +to you. That Hamilton was averse to the measure, I have personal +evidence; for while it was pending, he came in a hurry and a fit of +impatience to make a visit to me. He said, he was likely to be called +upon for a large sum of money to build ships of war, to fight the +Algerines, and he asked my opinion of the measure. I answered him that +I was clearly in favor of it. For I had always been of opinion, from the +commencement of the Revolution, that a navy was the most powerful, the +safest, and the cheapest national defence for this country. My advice, +therefore, was, that as much of the revenue as could possibly be +spared, should be applied to the building and equipping of ships. The +conversation was of some length, but it was manifest in his looks and in +his air, that he was disgusted at the measure, as well as at the opinion +that I had expressed. + +Mrs. Knox not long since wrote a letter to Doctor Waterhouse, requesting +him to procure a commision for her son, in the navy; 'that navy,' says +her ladyship, 'of which his father was the parent.' 'For,' says she, 'I +have frequently heard General Washington say to my husband, the navy was +your child.' I have always believed it to be Jefferson's child, though +Knox may have assisted in ushering it into the world. Hamilton's hobby +was the army. That Washington was averse to a navy, I had full proof +from his own lips, in many different conversations, some of them of +length, in which he always insisted that it was only building and +arming ships for the English. '_Si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus +imperii; si non, his utere mecum_.' + +If I am in error in any particular, pray correct your humble servant. + +John Adams. + + + + +LETTER CLXVII.--TO DOCTOR COOPER, November 2, 1822 + + +TO DOCTOR COOPER. + +Monticello, November 2, 1822. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of October the 18th came to hand yesterday. The atmosphere +of our country is unquestionably charged with a threatening cloud of +fanaticism, lighter in some parts, denser in others, but too heavy +in all. I had no idea, however, that in Pennsylvania, the cradle of +toleration and freedom of religion, it could have arisen to the height +you describe. This must be owing to the growth of Presbyterianism. +The blasphemy and absurdity of the five points of Calvin, and the +impossibility of defending them, render their advocates impatient of +reasoning, irritable, and prone to denunciation. In Boston, however, and +its neighborhood, Unitarianism has advanced to so great strength, as now +to humble this haughtiest of all religious sects; insomuch, that they +condescend to interchange with them and the other sects, the civilities +of preaching freely and frequently in each other's meeting-houses. In +Rhode Island, on the other hand, no sectarian preacher will permit an +Unitarian to pollute his desk. In our Richmond there is much fanaticism, +but chiefly among the women. They have their night meetings and praying +parties, where, attended by their priests, and sometimes by a hen-pecked +husband, they pour forth the effusions of their love to Jesus, in terms +as amatory and carnal, as their modesty would permit them to use to a +mere earthly lover. In our village of Charlottesville, there is a good +degree of religion, with a small spice only of fanaticism. We have four +sects, but without either church or meeting-house. The court-house is +the common temple, one Sunday in the month to each. Here, Episcopalian +and Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist, meet together, join in +hymning their Maker, listen with attention and devotion to each others' +preachers, and all mix in society with perfect harmony. It is not so in +the districts where Presbyterianism prevails undividedly. Their ambition +and tyranny would tolerate no rival, if they had power. Systematical +in grasping at an ascendancy over all other sects, they aim, like the +Jesuits, at engrossing the education of the country, are hostile to +every institution which they do not direct, and jealous at seeing others +begin to attend at all to that object. The diffusion of instruction, to +which there is now so growing an attention, will be the remote remedy +to this fever of fanaticism; while the more proximate one will be the +progress of Unitarianism. That this will, ere long, be the religion of +the majority from north to south, I have no doubt. + +In our University you know there is no professorship of Divinity. A +handle has been made of this, to disseminate an idea that this is +an institution, not merely of no religion, but against all religion. +Occasion was taken at the last meeting of the Visitors, to bring forward +an idea that might silence this calumny, which weighed on the minds +of some honest friends to the institution. In our annual report to the +legislature, after stating the constitutional reasons against a public +establishment of any religious instruction, we suggest the expediency of +encouraging the different religious sects to establish, each for itself, +a professorship of their own tenets, on the confines of the University, +so near as that the students may attend the lectures there, and have +the free use our own library, and every other accommodation we can give +them; preserving, however, their independence of us and of each other. +This fills the chasm objected to ours, as a defect in an institution +professing to give instruction in all useful sciences. I think the +invitation will be accepted, by some sects from candid intentions, +and by others from jealousy and rivalship. And by bringing the sects +together, and mixing them with the mass of other students, we shall +soften their asperities, liberalize and neutralize their prejudices, and +make the general religion, a religion of peace, reason, and morality. + +The time of opening our University is still as uncertain as ever. All +the pavilions, boarding-houses, and dormitories are done. Nothing is +now wanting but the central building for a library and other general +purposes. For this we have no funds, and the last legislature refused +all aid. We have better hopes of the next. But all is uncertain. I have +heard with regret of disturbances on the part of the students in your +seminary. The article of discipline is the most difficult in American +education. Premature ideas of independence, too little repressed by +parents, beget a spirit of insubordination, which is the great obstacle +to science with us, and a principal cause of its decay since the +Revolution. I look to it with dismay in our institution, as a breaker +ahead, which I am far from being confident we shall be able to weather. +The advance of age, and tardy pace of the public patronage, may probably +spare me the pain of witnessing consequences. + +I salute you with constant friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXVIII.--TO JAMES SMITH, December 8, 1822 + + +TO JAMES SMITH. + +Monticello, December 8, 1822. + +Sir, + +I have to thank you for your pamphlets on the subject of Unitarianism, +and to express my gratification with your efforts for the revival of +primitive Christianity in your quarter. No historical fact is better +established, than that the doctrine of one God, pure and uncompounded, +was that of the early ages of Christianity; and was amoung the +efficacious doctrines which gave it triumph over the polytheism of the +ancients, sickened with the absurdities of their own theology. Nor was +the unity of the Supreme Being ousted from the Christian creed by the +force of reason, but by the sword of civil government, wielded at the +will of the fanatic Athanasius. The hocus-pocus phantasm of a God like +another Cerberus, with one body and three heads, had its birth and +growth in the blood of thousands and thousands of martyrs. And a strong +proof of the solidity of the primitive faith, is its restoration, +as soon as a nation arises which vindicates to itself the freedom of +religious opinion, and its external divorce from the civil authority. +The pure and simple unity of the Creator of the universe, is now all +but ascendant in the eastern States; it is dawning in the west, and +advancing towards the south; and I confidently expect that the present +generation will see Unitarianism become the general religion of the +United States. The eastern presses are giving us many excellent pieces +on the subject, and Priestley's learned writings on it are, or should +be, in every hand. In fact, the Athanasian paradox that one is three, +and three but one, is so incomprehensible to the human mind, that no +candid man can say he has any idea of it, and how can he believe what +presents no idea? He who thinks he does, only deceives himself. He +proves, also, that man, once surrendering his reason, has no remaining +guard against absurdities the most monstrous, and like a ship without +rudder, is the sport of every wind. With such persons, gullability, +which they call faith, takes the helm from the hand of reason, and the +mind becomes a wreck. + +I write with freedom, because, while I claim a right to believe in +one God, if so my reason tells me, I yield as freely to others that of +believing in three. Both religions, I find, make honest men, and that +is the only point society has any right to look to. Although this mutual +freedom should produce mutual indulgence, yet I wish not to be brought +in question before the public on this or any other subject, and I +pray you to consider me as writing under that trust. I take no part +in controversies, religious or political. At the age of eighty, +tranquillity is the greatest good of life, and the strongest of our +desires that of dying in the good-will of all mankind. And with the +assurances of all my good-will to Unitarian and Trinitarian, to Whig and +Tory, accept for yourself that of my entire respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER, CLXIX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, February 25, 1823 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS, + +Monticello, February 25, 1823. + +Dear Sir, + +I received, in due time, your two favors of December the 2nd and +February the 10th, and have to acknowledge for the ladies of my native +State their obligations to you for the encomiums which you are so kind +as to bestow on them. They certainly claim no advantages over those of +their sister States, and are sensible of more favorable circumstances +existing with many of them, and happily availed, which our situation +does not offer. But the paper respecting Monticello, to which you +allude, was not written by a Virginian, but a visitant from another +State; and written by memory at least a dozen years after the visit. +This has occasioned some lapses of recollection, and a confusion of some +things in the mind of our friend, and particularly as to the volume of +slanders supposed to have been cut out of newspapers and preserved. It +would not, indeed, have been a single volume, but an Encyclopaedia in +bulk. But I never had such a volume; indeed, I rarely thought those +libels worth reading, much less preserving and remembering. At the end +of every year, I generally sorted all my pamphlets, and had them bound +according to their subjects. One of these volumes consisted of personal +altercations between individuals, and calumnies on each other. This +was lettered on the back, 'Personalities,' and is now in the library of +Congress. I was in the habit, also, while living apart from my family, +of cutting out of the newspapers such morsels of poetry, or tales, as +I thought would please, and of sending them to my grandchildren, who +pasted them on leaves of blank paper and formed them into a book. These +two volumes have been confounded into one in the recollection of our +friend. Her poetical imagination, too, has heightened the scenes she +visited, as well as the merits of the inhabitants, to whom her society +was a delightful gratification. + +I have just finished reading O'Meara's Bonaparte. It places him in a +higher scale of understanding than I had allotted him. I had thought him +the greatest of all military captains, but an indifferent statesman, and +misled by unworthy passions. The flashes, however, which escaped +from him in these conversations with O'Meara, prove a mind of great +expansion, although not of distinct developement and reasoning. He +seizes results with rapidity and penetration, but never explains +logically the process of reasoning by which he arrives at them. This +book, too, makes us forget his atrocities for a moment, in commiseration +of his sufferings. I will not say that the authorities of the world, +charged with the care of their country and people, had not a right +to confine him for life, as a lion or tiger, on the principles of +self-preservation. There was no safety to nations while he was permitted +to roam at large. But the putting him to death in cold blood, by +lingering tortures of mind, by vexations, insults, and deprivations, was +a degree of inhumanity to which the poisonings and assassinations of the +school of Borgia and the den of Marat never attained. The book proves, +also, that nature had denied him the moral sense, the first excellence +of well-organized man. If he could seriously and repeatedly affirm, that +he had raised himself to power without ever having committed a crime, it +proves that he wanted totally the sense of right and wrong. If he could +consider the millions of human lives which he had destroyed or caused to +be destroyed, the desolations of countries by plunderings, burnings, +and famine, the destitutions of lawful rulers of the world without the +consent of their constituents, to place his brothers and sisters on +their thrones, the cutting up of established societies of men and +jumbling them discordantly together again at his caprice, the demolition +of the fairest hopes of mankind for the recovery of their rights and +amelioration of their condition, and all the numberless train of his +other enormities; the man, I say, who could consider all these as no +crimes, must have been a moral monster, against whom every hand should +have been lifted to slay him. + +You are so kind as to inquire after my health. The bone of my arm is +well knitted, but my hand and fingers are in a discouraging condition, +kept entirely useless by an oedematous swelling of slow amendment. + +God bless you and continue your good health of body and mind. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, April 11, 1823 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, April 11, 1823. + +Dear Sir, + +The wishes expressed in your last favor, that I may continue in life and +health until I become a Calvinist, at least in his exclamation of, '_Mon +Dieu! jusqu'a quand?_' would make me immortal. I can never join Calvin +in addressing his God. He was indeed an atheist, which I can never be; +or rather his religion was daemonism. If ever man worshipped a false +God, he did. The being described in his five points, is not the God whom +you and I acknowledge and adore, the Creator and benevolent Governor of +the world; but a daemon of malignant spirit. It would be more pardonable +to believe in no God at all, than to blaspheme him by the atrocious +attributes of Calvin. Indeed, I think that every Christian sect gives +a great handle to atheism by their general dogma, that, without a +revelation, there would not be sufficient proof of the being of a God. +Now one sixth of mankind only are supposed to be Christians: the +other five sixths then, who do not believe in the Jewish and Christian +revelation, are without a knowledge of the existence of a God! This +gives completely a _gain de cause_ to the disciples of Ocellus, Timasus, +Spinosa, Diderot, and D'Holbach. The argument which they rest on as +triumphant and unanswerable is, that in every hypothesis of cosmogony, +you must admit an eternal pre-existence of something; and according to +the rule of sound philosophy, you are never to employ two principles to +solve a difficulty when one will suffice. They say then, that it is more +simple to believe at once in the eternal pre-existence of the world, +as it is now going on, and may for ever go on by the principle of +reproduction which we see and witness, than to believe in the eternal +pre-existence of an ulterior cause, or creator of the world, a being +whom we see not and know not, of whose form, substance, and mode, or +place of existence, or of action, no sense informs us, no power of the +mind enables us to delineate or comprehend. On the contrary, I hold +(without appeal to revelation), that when we take a view of the +universe, in its parts, general or particular, it is impossible for the +human mind not to perceive and feel a conviction of design, consummate +skill, and indefinite power in every atom of its composition. The +movements of the heavenly bodies, so exactly held in their course by +the balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces; the structure of our +earth itself, with its distribution of lands, waters, and atmosphere; +animal and vegetable bodies, examined in all their minutest particles; +insects, mere atoms of life, yet as perfectly organized as man or +mammoth; the mineral substances, their generation and uses; it is +impossible, I say, for the human mind not to believe, that there is +in all this, design, cause, and effect, up to an ultimate cause, a +fabricator of all things from matter and motion, their preserver and +regulator while permitted to exist in their present forms, and their +regenerator into new and other forms. We see, too, evident proofs of +the necessity of a superintending power, to maintain the universe in +its course and order. Stars, well known, have disappeared, new ones have +come into view; comets, in their incalculable courses, may run foul of +suns and planets, and require renovation under other laws; certain races +of animals are become extinct; and were there no restoring power, all +existences might extinguish successively, one by one, until all should +be reduced to a shapeless chaos. So irresistible are these evidences of +an intelligent and powerful agent, that, of the infinite numbers of men +who have existed through all time, they have believed, in the proportion +of a million at least to unit, in the hypothesis of an eternal +pre-existence of a creator, rather than in that of a self-existent +universe. Surely this unanimous sentiment renders this more probable, +than that of the few in the other hypothesis. Some early Christians, +indeed, have believed in the co-eternal pre-existence of both the +creator and the world, without changing their relation of cause and +effect. That this was the opinion of St. Thomas, we are informed by +Cardinal Toleta, in these words; '_Deus ab terno fuit jam omnipotens, +si cut cum produxit mundum. Ah aternopotuit producers mundum. Si sol ah +czterno esset, lumen ah aeterno esset; et si pes, similiter vestigium. +At lumen et vestigium effectus sunt efficients solis et pedis; potuit +ergo cum causa aeterna effectus coaternus esse. Cujus sententia, est S. +Thomas, theologorum primus_.'--Cardinal Toleta. + +[Illustration: page364] + +[Illustration: page365] + +Of the nature of this being we know nothing. Jesus tells us, that 'God +is a spirit'(John iv. 24.), but without defining what a spirit is: +[Greek phrase] Down to the third century, we know that it was still +deemed material but of a lighter, subtler matter than our gross bodies. +So says Origen; _Deus igitur, cui anima similis est, juxta Originem, +reapte corporalis est; sed graviorum tantum ratione corporum +incorporeus_.' These are the words of Huet in his commentary on Origen. +Origen himself says, [Greek and Latin phrase] + +These two fathers were of the third century. Calvin's character of +this Supreme Being seems chiefly copied from that of the Jews. But the +reformation of these blasphemous attributes, and substitution of those +more worthy, pure, and sublime, seems to have been the chief object of +Jesus in his discourses to the Jews: and his doctrine of the cosmogony +of the world is very clearly laid down in the three first verses of +the first chapter of John, in these words: [Greek phrase] Which, truly +translated, means, 'In the beginning God existed, and reason [or mind] +was with God, and that mind was God. This was in the beginning with God. +All things were created by it, and without it was made not one thing +which was made.' Yet this text, so plainly declaring the doctrine of +Jesus, that the world was created by the supreme intelligent being, has +been perverted by modern Christians to build up a second person of their +tritheism, by a mistranslation of the word _Xoyog_. One of its legitimate +meanings, indeed, is 'a word.' But in that sense it makes an unmeaning +jargon: while the other meaning, 'reason,' equally legitimate, explains +rationally the eternal pre-existence of God, and his creation of, the +world. Knowing how incomprehensible it was that 'a word,' the mere +action or articulation of the organs of speech could create a world, +they undertook to make of this articulation a second pre-existing being, +and ascribe to him, and not to God, the creation of the universe. The +atheist here plumes himself on the uselessness of such a God, and the +simpler hypothesis of a self-existent universe. The truth is, that the +greatest enemies to the doctrines of Jesus are those calling themselves +the expositors of them, who have perverted them for the structure of a +system of fancy absolutely incomprehensible, and without any foundation +in his genuine words. And the day will come, when the mystical +generation of Jesus, by the Supreme Being as his father, in the womb of +a virgin, will be classed with the fable of the generation of Minerva +in the brain of Jupiter. But we may hope that the dawn of reason, +and freedom of thought, in these United States, will do away all this +artificial scaffolding, and restore to us the primitive and genuine +doctrines of this the most venerated reformer of human errors. + +So much for your quotation of Calvin's '_Mon Dieu! jusqu'a quand_'in +which, when addressed to the God of Jesus, and our God, I join you +cordially, and await his time and will with more readiness than +reluctance. May we meet there again, in Congress, with our ancient +colleagues, and receive with them the seal of approbation, 'Well done, +good and faithful servants.' + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXI.--TO THE PRESIDENT, June 11, 1823 + + +TO THE PRESIDENT. + +Monticello, June 11, 1823. + +Dear Sir, + +Considering that I had not been to Bedford for a twelvemonth before, +I thought myself singularly unfortunate in so timing my journey, as +to have been absent exactly at the moment of your late visit to our +neighborhood. The loss, indeed, was all my own; for in these short +interviews with you. I generally get my political compass rectified, +learn from you whereabouts we are, and correct my course again. In +exchange for this, I can give you but newspaper ideas, and little indeed +of these, for I read but a single paper, and that hastily. I find Horace +and Tacitus so much better writers than the champions of the gazettes, +that I lay those down, to take up these, with great reluctance. And on +the question you propose, whether we can, in any form, take a bolder +attitude than formerly in favor of liberty, I can give you but +commonplace ideas. They will be but the widow's mite, and offered only +because requested. The matter which now embroils Europe, the presumption +of dictating to an independent nation the form of its government, is so +arrogant, so atrocious, that indignation, as well as moral sentiment, +enlists all our partialities and prayers in favor of one, and our +equal execrations against the other. I do not know, indeed, whether all +nations do not owe to one another a bold and open declaration of their +sympathies with the one party, and their detestation of the conduct of +the other. But farther than this we are not bound to go; and indeed, for +the sake of the world, we ought not to increase the jealousies, or draw +on ourselves the power, of this formidable confederacy. I have ever +deemed it fundamental for the United States, never to take active +part in the quarrels of Europe. Their political interests are entirely +distinct from ours. Their mutual jealousies, their balance of power, +their complicated alliances, their forms and principles of government, +are all foreign to us. They are nations of eternal war. All their +energies are expended in the destruction of the labor, property, and +lives of their people. On our part, never had a people so favorable +a chance of trying the opposite system, of peace and fraternity with +mankind, and the direction of all our means and faculties to the +purposes of improvement instead of destruction. With Europe we have +few occasions of collision, and these, with a little prudence and +forbearance, may be generally accommodated. Of the brethren of our own +hemisphere, none are yet, or for an age to come will be, in a shape, +condition, or disposition to war against us. And the foothold, which the +nations of Europe had in either America, is slipping from under them, +so that we shall soon be rid of their neighborhood. Cuba alone seems at +present to hold up a speck of war to us. Its possession by Great Britain +would indeed be a great calamity to us. Could we induce her to join us +in guarantying its independence against all the world, except Spain, it +would be nearly as valuable to us as if it were our own. But should she +take it, I would not immediately go to war for it; because the first war +on other accounts will give it to us; or the island will give itself to +us, when, able to do so. While no duty, therefore, calls on us to take +part in the present war of Europe, and a golden harvest offers itself in +reward for doing nothing, peace and neutrality seem to be our duty and +interest. We may gratify ourselves, indeed, with a neutrality as partial +to Spain as would be justifiable without giving cause of war to her +adversary; we might and ought to avail ourselves of the happy occasion +of procuring and cementing a cordial reconciliation with her, by +giving assurance of every friendly office which neutrality admits, and +especially, against all apprehension of our intermeddling in the quarrel +with her colonies. And I expect daily and confidently to hear of a spark +kindled in France, which will employ her at home, and relieve Spain from +all further apprehensions of danger. + +That England is playing false with Spain cannot be doubted. Her +government is looking one way and rowing another. It is curious to look +back a little on past events. During the ascendancy of Bonaparte, the +word among the herd of Kings was, '_Sauve qui peut_.' Each shifted +for himself, and left his brethren to squander and do the same as they +could. After the battle of Waterloo, and the military possession of +France, they rallied and combined in common cause, to maintain each +other against any similar and future danger. And in this alliance, +Louis, now avowedly, and George, secretly but solidly, were of the +contracting parties; and there can be no doubt that the allies are bound +by treaty to aid England with their armies, should insurrection take +place among her people. The coquetry she is now playing off between +her people and her allies is perfectly understood by the latter, +and accordingly gives no apprehensions to France, to whom it is all +explained. The diplomatic correspondence she is now displaying, these +double papers fabricated merely for exhibition, in which she makes +herself talk of morals and principle, as if her qualms of conscience +would not permit her to go all lengths with her Holy Allies, are all to +gull her own people. It is a theatrical farce, in which the five powers +are the actors, England the Tartuffe, and her people the dupes. Playing +thus so dextrously into each other's hands, and their own persons +seeming secured, they are now looking to their privileged orders. +These faithful auxiliaries, or accomplices, must be saved. This war is +evidently that of the general body of the aristocracy, in which England +is also acting her part. 'Save but the Nobles, and there shall be no +war,' says she, masking her measures at the same time under the form of +friendship and mediation, and hypocritically, while a party, offering +herself as a judge, to betray those whom she is not permitted openly to +oppose. A fraudulent neutrality, if neutrality at all, is all Spain will +get from her. And Spain, probably, perceives this, and willingly winks +at it rather than have her weight thrown openly into the other scale. + +But I am going beyond my text, and sinning against the adage of carrying +coals to Newcastle. In hazarding to you my crude and uninformed notions +of things beyond my cognizance, only be so good as to remember that it +is at your request, and with as little confidence on my part as profit +on yours. You will do what is right, leaving the people of Europe to act +their follies and crimes among themselves, while we pursue in good faith +the paths of peace and prosperity. To your judgment we are willingly +resigned, with sincere assurances of affectionate esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXII.--TO JUDGE JOHNSON, June 12, 1823 + + +TO JUDGE JOHNSON. + +Monticello, June 12, 1823. + +Dear Sir, + +Our correspondence is of that accommodating character, which admits of +suspension at the convenience of either party, without inconvenience to +the other. Hence this tardy acknowledgment of your favor of April the +11th. I learn from that with great pleasure, that you have resolved on +continuing your history of parties. Our opponents are far ahead of us in +preparations for placing their cause favorably before posterity. Yet +I hope even from some of them the escape of precious truths, in angry +explosions or effusions of vanity, which will betray the genuine +monarchism of their principles. They do not themselves believe what +they endeavor to inculcate, that we were an opposition party, not on +principle, but merely seeking for office. The fact is, that at the +formation of our government, many had formed their political opinions +on European writings and practices, believing the experience of old +countries, and especially of England, abusive as it was, to be a safer +guide than mere theory. The doctrines of Europe were, that men in +numerous associations cannot be restrained within the limits of order +and justice, but by forces physical and moral, wielded over them by +authorities independent of their will. Hence their organization of +kings, hereditary nobles, and priests. Still further to constrain the +brute force of the people, they deem it necessary to keep them down by +hard labor, poverty, and ignorance, and to take from them, as from bees, +so much of their earnings, as that unremitting labor shall be necessary +to obtain a sufficient surplus barely to sustain a scanty and miserable +life. And these earnings they apply to maintain their privileged orders +in splendor and idleness, to fascinate the eyes of the people, and +excite in them an humble adoration and submission, as to an order of +superior beings. Although few among us had gone all these lengths of +opinion, yet many had advanced, some more, some less, on the way. And in +the convention which formed our government, they endeavored to draw +the cords of power as tight as they could obtain them, to lessen the +dependence of the general functionaries on their constituents, to +subject to them those of the States, and to weaken their means of +maintaining the steady equilibrium which the majority of the convention +had deemed salutary for both branches, general and local. To recover, +therefore, in practice, the powers which the nation had refused, and to +warp to their own wishes those actually given, was the steady object of +the federal party. Ours, on the contrary, was to maintain the will +of the majority of the convention, and of the people themselves. We +believed, with them, that man was a rational animal, endowed by nature +with rights, and with an innate sense of justice; and that he could +be restrained from wrong and protected in right, by moderate powers, +confided to persons of his own choice, and held to their duties +by dependence on his own will. We believed that the complicated +organization of kings, nobles, and priests, was not the wisest nor best +to effect the happiness of associated man; that wisdom and virtue were +not hereditary; that the trappings of such a machinery consumed, by +their expense, those earnings of industry they were meant to protect, +and, by the inequalities they produced, exposed liberty to sufferance. +We believed that men, enjoying in ease and security the full fruits of +their own industry, enlisted by all their interests on the side of +law and order, habituated to think for themselves, and to follow their +reason as their guide, would be more easily and safely governed, than +with minds nourished in error, and vitiated and debased, as in Europe, +by ignorance, indigence, and oppression. The cherishment of the people +then was our principle, the fear and distrust of them, that of the other +party. Composed, as we were, of the landed and laboring interests of the +country, we could not be less anxious for a government of law and order +than were the inhabitants of the cities, the strong holds of federalism. +And whether our efforts to save the principles and form of our +constitution have not been salutary, let the present republican freedom, +order, and prosperity of our country determine. History may distort +truth, and will distort it for a time, by the superior efforts at +justification of those who are conscious of needing it most. Nor will +the opening scenes of our present government be seen in their true +aspect, until the letters of the day, now held in private hoards, shall +be broken up and laid open to public view. What a treasure will be found +in General Washington's cabinet, when it shall pass into the hands of +as candid a friend to truth as he was himself! When no longer, like +Caesar's notes and memorandums in the hands of Anthony, it shall be open +to the high priests of federalism only, and garbled to say so much, and +no more, as suits their views. + +With respect to his Farewell Address, to the authorship of which, it +seems, there are conflicting claims, I can state to you some facts. He +had determined to decline a re-election at the end of his first term, +and so far determined, that he had requested Mr. Madison to prepare for +him something valedictory, to be addressed to his constituents on his +retirement. This was done: but he was finally persuaded to acquiesce +in a second election, to which no one more strenuously pressed him than +myself, from a conviction of the importance of strengthening, by longer +habit, the respect necessary for that office, which the weight of his +character only could effect. When, at the end of this second term, his +Valedictory came out, Mr. Madison recognised in it several passages of +his draught; several others we were both satisfied were from the pen +of Hamilton, and others from that of the President himself. These he +probably put into the hands of Hamilton to form into a whole, and hence +it may all appear in Hamilton's hand-writing, as if it were all of his +composition. + +I have stated above, that the original objects of the federalists were, +1. To warp our government more to the form and principles of monarchy, +and 2. To weaken the barriers of the State governments as co-ordinate +powers. In the first they have been so completely foiled by the +universal spirit of the nation, that they have abandoned the enterprise, +shrunk from the odium of their old appellation, taken to themselves a +participation of ours, and under the pseudo-republican mask, are now +aiming at their second object, and strengthened by unsuspecting +or apostate recruits from our ranks, are advancing fast towards an +ascendancy. I have been blamed for saying, that a prevalence of the +doctrines of consolidation would one day call for reformation or +revolution. I answer by asking, if a single State of the Union would +have agreed to the constitution, had it given all powers to the General +Government? If the whole opposition to it did not proceed from the +jealousy and fear of every State, of being subjected to the other +States, in matters merely its own? And if there is any reason to believe +the States more disposed now than then, to acquiesce in this general +surrender of all their rights and powers to a consolidated government, +one and undivided? + +You request me confidentially, to examine the question, whether the +Supreme Court has advanced beyond its constitutional limits, and +trespassed on those of the State authorities? I do not undertake it, my +dear Sir, because I am unable. Age, and the wane of mind consequent on +it, have disqualified me from investigations so severe, and researches +so laborious. And it is the less necessary in this case, as having been +already done by others with a logic and learning to which I could +add nothing. On the decision of the case of Cohens vs. The State of +Virginia, in the Supreme Court of the United States, in March, 1821, +Judge Roane, under the signature of Algernon Sidney, wrote for the +Enquirer, a series of papers on the law of that case. I considered these +papers maturely as they came out, and confess, that they appeared to me +to pulverize every word which had been delivered by Judge Marshall, +of the extra-judicial part of his opinion; and all was extra-judicial, +except the decision that the act of Congress had not purported to +give to the corporation of Washington the authority claimed by their +lottery-law, of controlling the laws of the States within the States +themselves. But unable to claim that case, he could not let it go +entirely, but went on gratuitously to prove, that notwithstanding the +eleventh amendment of the constitution, a State could be brought, as +a defendant, to the bar of his court; and again, that Congress might +authorize a corporation of its territory to exercise legislation within +a State, and paramount to the laws of that State. I cite the sum and +result only of his doctrines, according to the impression made on my +mind at the time, and still remaining. If not strictly accurate in +circumstance, it is so in substance. This doctrine was so completely +refuted by Roane, that if he can be answered, I surrender human reason +as a vain and useless faculty, given to bewilder, and not to guide us. +And I mention this particular case as one only of several, because it +gave occasion to that thorough examination of the constitutional limits +between the General and State jurisdictions, which you have asked for. +There were two other writers in the same paper, under the signatures of +Fletcher of Saltoun, and Somers, who in a few essays presented some very +luminous and striking views of the question. And there was a particular +paper which recapitulated all the cases in which it was thought the +federal court had usurped on the State jurisdictions. These essays will +be found in the Enquirers of 1821, from May the 10th to July the 13th. +It is not in my present power to send them to you, but if Ritchie can +furnish them, I will procure and forward them. If they had been read in +the other States, as they were here, I think they would have left, there +as here, no dissentients from their doctrine. The subject was taken up +by our legislature of 1821-22, and two draughts of remonstrances were +prepared and discussed. As well as I remember, there was no difference +of opinion as to the matter of right; but there was as to the expediency +of a remonstrance at that time, the general mind of the States being +then under extraordinary excitement by the Missouri question; and it +was dropped on that consideration. But this case is not dead; it only +sleepeth. The Indian Chief said, he did not go to war for every petty +injury by itself, but put it into his pouch, and when that was full, +he then made war. Thank Heaven, we have provided a more peaceable and +rational mode of redress. + +This practice of Judge Marshall, of travelling out of his case to +prescribe what the law would be in a moot case not before the court, is +very irregular and very censurable. 1 recollect another instance, and +the more particularly, perhaps, because it in some measure bore on +myself. Among the midnight appointments of Mr. Adams, were commissions +to some federal justices of the peace for Alexandria. These were signed +and sealed by him, but not delivered. I found them on the table of the +department of State, on my entrance into office, and 1 forbade their +delivery. Marbury, named in one of them, applied to the Supreme Court +for a Mandamus to the Secretary of State (Mr. Madison), to deliver the +commission intended for him. The Court determined at once, that being an +original process, they had no cognizance of it; and there the question +before them was ended. But the Chief Justice went on to lay down what +the law would be, had they jurisdiction of the case; to wit, that they +should command the delivery. + +The object was clearly to instruct any other court having the +jurisdiction, what they should do, if Marbury should apply to them. +Besides the impropriety of this gratuitous interference, could any thing +exceed the perversion of law? For if there is any principle of law never +yet contradicted, it is that delivery is one of the essentials to +the validity of a deed. Although signed and sealed, yet as long as it +remains in the hands of the party himself, it is in fieri only, it is +not a deed, and can be made so only by its delivery. In the hands of a +third person it may be made an escrow. But whatever is in the executive +offices is certainly deemed to be in the hands of the President; and, in +this case, was actually in my hands, because, when I countermanded them, +there was as yet no Secretary of State. Yet this case of Marbury and +Madison is continually cited by bench and bar, as if it were +settled law, without any animadversion on its being merely an obiter +dissertation of the Chief Justice. + +It may be impracticable to lay down any general formula of words which +shall decide at once, and with precision, in every case, this limit of +jurisdiction. But there are two canons which will guide us safely in +most of the cases. 1. The capital and leading object of the constitution +was, to leave with the States all authorities which respected their +own citizens only, and to transfer to the United States those which +respected citizens of foreign or other States: to make us several as +to ourselves, but one as to all others. In the latter case, then, +constructions should lean to the general jurisdiction, if the words will +bear it; and in favor of the States in the former, if possible to be so +construed. And indeed, between citizens and citizens of the same +State, and under their own laws, I know but a single case in which a +jurisdiction is given to the General Government. That is, where any +thing but gold or silver is made a lawful tender, or the obligation of +contracts is any otherwise impaired. The separate legislatures had so +often abused that power, that the citizens themselves chose to trust +it to the general, rather than to their own special authorities. 2. On +every question of construction, carry ourselves back to the time when +the constitution was adopted, recollect the spirit manifested in the +debates, and instead of trying what meaning may be squeezed out of the +text, or invented against it, conform to the probable one in which it +was passed. Let us try Cohen's case by these canons only, referring +always however, for full argument, to the essays before cited. + +1. It was between a citizen and his own State, and under a law of his +State. It was a domestic case therefore, and not a foreign one. + +2. Can it be believed, that under the jealousies prevailing against +the General Government, at the adoption of the constitution, the States +meant to surrender the authority of preserving order, of enforcing moral +duties, and restraining vice, within their own territory? And this is +the present case, that of Cohen being under the ancient and general law +of gaming. Can any good be effected, by taking from the States the moral +rule of their citizens, and subordinating it to the general authority, +or to one of their corporations, which may justify forcing the meaning +of words, hunting after possible constructions, and hanging inference on +inference, from heaven to earth, like Jacob's ladder? Such an intention +was impossible, and such a licentiousness of construction and inference, +if exercised by, both governments, as may be done with equal right, +would equally authorize both to claim all powers, general and +particular, and break up the foundations of the Union. Laws are made for +men of ordinary understanding, and should, therefore, be construed by +the ordinary rules of common sense. Their meaning is not to be sought +for in metaphysical subtleties, which may make any thing mean every +thing or nothing, at pleasure. It should be left to the sophisms of +advocates, whose trade it is, to prove that a defendant is a plaintiff, +though dragged into court, torto collo, like Bonaparte's volunteers into +the field in chains, or that a power has been given, because it ought +to have been given, et alia talia. The States supposed, that, by their +tenth amendment, they had secured themselves against constructive +powers. They were not lessoned yet by Cohen's case, nor aware of the +slipperiness of the eels of the law. I ask for no straining of words +against the General Government nor yet against the States. I believe the +States can best govern our home concerns, and the General Government +our foreign ones. I wish, therefore, to see maintained that wholesome +distribution of powers, established by the constitution for the +limitation of both; and never to see all offices transferred to +Washington, where, further withdrawn from the eyes of the people, they +may more secretly be bought and sold, as at market. + +But the Chief Justice says, 'there must be an ultimate arbiter +somewhere.' True, there must; but does that prove it is either party? +The ultimate arbiter is the people of the Union, assembled by their +deputies in convention, at the call of Congress, or of two thirds of the +States. Let them decide to which they mean to give an authority claimed +by two of their organs. And it has been the peculiar wisdom and felicity +of our constitution, to have provided this peaceable appeal, where that +of other nations is at once to force. + +I rejoice in the example you set of _seriatim_ opinions. I have heard it +often noticed, and always with high approbation. Some of your brethren +will be encouraged to follow it occasionally, and in time, it may be +felt by all as a duty, and the sound practice of the primitive court +be again restored. Why should not every judge be asked his opinion, and +give it from the bench, if only by yea or nay? Besides ascertaining the +fact of his opinion, which the public have a right to know, in order +to judge whether it is impeachable or not, it would show whether the +opinions were unanimous or not, and thus settle more exactly the weight +of their authority. + +The close of my second sheet warns me that it is time now to relieve +you from this letter of unmerciful length. Indeed, I wonder how I have +accomplished it, with two crippled wrists, the one scarcely able to move +my pen, the other to hold my paper. But I am hurried sometimes beyond +the sense of pain, when unbosoming myself to friends who harmonize with +me in principle. You and I may differ occasionally in details of minor +consequence, as no two minds, more than two faces, are the same in +every feature. But our general objects are the same; to preserve the +republican form and principles of our constitution, and cleave to the +salutary distribution of powers which that has established. These are +the two sheet anchors of our Union. If driven from either, we shall be +in danger of foundering. To my prayers for its safety and perpetuity, I +add those for the continuation of your health, happiness, and usefulness +to your country. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, August 30,1823 + + +TO JAMES MADISON. + +Monticello, August 30,1823. + +Dear Sir, + +I received the enclosed letters from the President, with a request that +after perusal I would forward them to you, for perusal by yourself also, +and to be returned then to him. + +You have doubtless seen Timothy Pickering's fourth of July observations +on the Declaration of Independence. If his principles and prejudices, +personal and political, gave us no reason to doubt whether he had truly +quoted the information he alleges to have received from Mr. Adams, I +should then say, that in some of the particulars, Mr. Adams's memory +has led him into unquestionable error. At the age of eighty-eight, and +forty-seven years after the transactions of Independence, this is not +wonderful. Nor should I, at the age of eighty, on the small advantage +of that difference only, venture to oppose my memory to his, were it +not supported by written notes, taken by myself at the moment and on the +spot. He says, 'The committee of five, to wit, Doctor Franklin, +Sherman, Livingston, and ourselves, met, discussed the subject, and +then appointed him and myself to make the draught; that, we, as a +sub-committee, met, and after the urgencies of each on the other, I +consented to undertake the task; that, the draught being made, we, the +sub-committee, met, and conned the paper over, and he does not remember +that he made or suggested a single alteration.' Now these details +are quite incorrect. The committee of five met; no such thing as a +sub-committee was proposed, but they unanimously pressed on myself alone +to undertake the draught. I consented; I drew it: but before I reported +it to the committee, I communicated it separately to Doctor Franklin +and Mr. Adams, requesting their corrections, because they were the two +members of whose judgments and amendments I wished most to have the +benefit, before presenting it to the committee: and you have seen the +original paper now in my hands, with the corrections of Doctor Franklin +and Mr. Adams interlined in their own hand-writings. Their alterations +were two or three only, and merely verbal. I then wrote a fair copy, +reported it to the committee, and from them, unaltered, to Congress. +This personal communication and consultation with Mr. Adams, he +has misremembered into the actings of a sub-committee. Pickering's +observations, and Mr. Adams's in addition, 'that it contained no new +ideas, that it is a common-place compilation, its sentiments hacknied +in Congress for two years before, and its essence contained in Otis's +pamphlet,' may all be true. Of that I am not to be the judge. Richard +Henry Lee charged it as copied from Locke's Treatise on Government. +Otis's pamphlet I never saw, and whether I had gathered my ideas from +reading or reflection I do not know. I know only that I turned to +neither book nor pamphlet while writing it. I did not consider it as +any part of my charge to invent new ideas altogether, and to offer no +sentiment which had ever been expressed before. Had Mr. Adams been +so restrained, Congress would have lost the benefit of his bold and +impressive advocations of the rights of Revolution. For no man's +confident and fervid addresses, more than Mr. Adams's, encouraged and +supported us through the difficulties surrounding us, which, like the +ceaseless action of gravity, weighed on us by night and by day. Yet, on +the same ground, we may ask what of these elevated thoughts was new, or +can be affirmed never before to have entered the conceptions of man? + +Whether, also, the sentiments of Independence, and the reasons for +declaring it, which makes so great a portion of the instrument, had been +hacknied in Congress for two years before the 4th of July, '76, or this +dictum also of Mr. Adams be another slip of memory, let history +say. This, however, I will say for Mr. Adams, that he supported the +Declaration with zeal and ability, fighting fearlessly for every word of +it. As to myself, I thought it a duty to be, on that occasion, a passive +auditor of the opinions of others, more impartial judges than I could +be, of its merits or demerits. During the debate I was sitting by +Doctor Franklin, and he observed that I was writhing a little under +the acrimonious criticisms on some of its parts; and it was on that +occasion, that by way of comfort, he told me the story of John Thomson, +the hatter, and his new sign. + +Timothy thinks the instrument the better for having a fourth of it +expunged. He would have thought it still better, had the other three +fourths gone out also, all but the single sentiment (the only one he +approves), which recommends friendship to his dear England, whenever she +is willing to be at peace with us. His insinuations are, that although +'the high tone of the instrument was in unison with the warm feelings of +the times, this sentiment of habitual friendship to England should never +be forgotten, and that the duties it enjoins should especially be borne +in mind on every celebration of this anniversary.' In other words, that +the Declaration, as being a libel on the government of England, composed +in times of passion, should now be buried in utter oblivion, to spare +the feelings of our English friends and Angloman fellow-citizens. But it +is not to wound them that we wish to keep it in mind; but to cherish the +principles of the instrument in the besoms of our own citizens: and it +is a heavenly comfort to see that these principles are yet so strongly +felt, as to render a circumstance so trifling as this little lapse of +memory of Mr. Adams's, worthy of being solemnly announced and supported +at an anniversary assemblage of the nation on its birth-day. In +opposition, however, to Mr. Pickering, I pray God that these principles +may be eternal, and close the prayer with my affectionate wishes for +yourself of long life, health, and happiness. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXIV.--TO JOHN ADAMS, September 4, 1823 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, September 4, 1823. + +Dear Sir, + +Your letter of August the 15th was received in due time, and with the +welcome of every thing which comes from you. With its opinions on the +difficulties of revolutions from despotism to freedom, I very much +concur. The generation which commences a revolution rarely completes it. +Habituated from their infancy to passive submission of body fend mind +to their kings and priests, they are not qualified, when called on, +to think and provide for themselves; and their inexperience, their +ignorance and bigotry, make them instruments often, in the hands of the +Bonapartes and Iturbides, to defeat their own rights and purposes. This +is the present situation of Europe and Spanish America. But it is +not desperate. The light which has been shed on mankind by the art of +printing, has eminently changed the condition of the world. As yet, that +light has dawned on the middling classes only of the men in Europe. +The kings and the rabble, of equal ignorance, have not yet received its +rays; but it continues to spread, and while printing is preserved, it +can no more recede than the sun return on his course. A first attempt to +recover the right of self-government may fail, so may a second, a third, +&c. But as a younger and more instructed race comes on, the sentiment +becomes more and more intuitive, and a fourth, a fifth, or some +subsequent one of the ever-renewed attempts will ultimately succeed. +In France, the first effort was defeated by Robespierre, the second by +Bonaparte, the third by Louis XVIII., and his holy allies; another is +yet to come, and all Europe, Russia excepted, has caught the spirit; and +all will attain representative government, more or less perfect. This +is now well understood to be a necessary check on Kings, whom they will +probably think it more prudent to chain and tame, than to exterminate. +To attain all this, however, rivers of blood must yet flow, and years of +desolation pass over; yet the object is worth rivers of blood, and years +of desolation. For what inheritance so valuable, can man leave to his +posterity? The spirit of the Spaniard, and his deadly and eternal hatred +to a Frenchman, give me much confidence that he will never submit, but +finally defeat this atrocious violation of the laws of God and man, +under which he is suffering; and the wisdom and firmness of the Cortes, +afford reasonable hope, that that nation will settle down in a temperate +representative government, with an executive properly subordinated to +that. Portugal, Italy, Prussia, Germany, Greece, will follow suit. You +and I shall look down from another world on these glorious achievements +to man, which will add to the joys even of heaven. + +I observe your toast of Mr. Jay on the 4th of July, wherein you say that +the omission of his signature to the Declaration of Independence was by +accident. Our impressions as to this fact being different, I shall +be glad to have mine corrected, if wrong. Jay, you know, had been in +constant opposition to our laboring majority. Our estimate at the time +was, that he, Dickinson, and Johnson of Maryland, by their ingenuity, +perseverance, and partiality to our English connection, had constantly +kept us a year behind where we ought to have been, in our preparations +and proceedings. From about the date of the Virginia instructions of May +the 15th, 1776, to declare Independence, Mr. Jay absented himself from +Congress, and never came there again until December, 1778. Of course, +he had no part in the discussions or decision of that question. The +instructions to their Delegates by the convention of New York, then +sitting, to sign the Declaration, were presented to Congress on the 15th +of July only, and on that day the journals show the absence of Mr. Jay, +by a letter received from him, as they had done as early as the 29th +of May, by another letter. And I think he had been omitted by the +convention on a new election of Delegates, when they changed their +instructions. Of this last fact, however, having no evidence but an +ancient impression, I shall not affirm it. But whether so or not, no +agency of accident appears in the case. This error of fact, however, +whether yours or mine, is of little consequence to the public. But +truth being as cheap as error, it is as well to rectify it for our own +satisfaction. + +I have had a fever of about three weeks, during the last and preceding +month, from which I am entirely recovered except as to strength. + +Ever affectionately yours. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXV.--TO JOHN ADAMS, October 12, 1823 + + +TO JOHN ADAMS. + +Monticello, October 12, 1823. + +Dear Sir, + +I do not write with the ease which your letter of September the 18th +supposes. Crippled wrists and fingers make writing slow and laborious. +But while writing to you, I lose the sense of these things in the +recollection of ancient times, when youth and health made happiness out +of every thing. I forget for a while the hoary winter of age, when we +can think of nothing but how to keep ourselves warm, and how to get rid +of our heavy hours until the friendly hand of death shall rid us of all +at once. Against this _tedium vita_, however, I am fortunately mounted +on a hobby, which, indeed, I should have better managed some thirty +or forty years ago; but whose easy amble is still sufficient to give +exercise and amusement to an octogenary rider. This is the establishment +of a University, on a scale more comprehensive, and in a country more +healthy and central than our old William and Mary, which these obstacles +have long kept in a state of languor and inefficiency. But the tardiness +with which such works proceed, may render it doubtful whether I shall +live to see it go into action. + +Putting aside these things, however, for the present, I write this +letter as due to a friendship coeval with our government, and now +attempted to be poisoned, when too late in life to be replaced by new +affections. I had for some time observed, in the public papers, dark +hints and mysterious innuendoes of a correspondence of yours with a +friend, to whom you had opened your bosom without reserve, and which was +to be made public by that friend or his representative. And now it is +said to be actually published. It has not yet reached us, but extracts +have been given, and such as seemed most likely to draw a curtain of +separation between you and myself. Were there no other motive than that +of indignation against the author of this outrage on private confidence, +whose shaft seems to have been aimed at yourself more particularly, this +would make it the duty of every honorable mind to disappoint that +aim, by opposing to its impression a seven-fold shield of apathy +and insensibility. With me, however, no such armor is needed. The +circumstances of the times in which we have happened to live, and the +partiality of our friends at a particular period, placed us in a state +of apparent opposition, which some might suppose to be personal also: +and there might, not be wanting those who wished to make it so, by +filling our ears with malignant falsehoods, by dressing up hideous +phantoms of their own creation, presenting them to you under my name, +to me under yours, and endeavoring to instil into our minds things +concerning each other the most destitute of truth. And if there had +been, at any time, a moment when we were off our guard, and in a temper +to let the whispers of these people make us forget what we had known of +each other for so many years, and years of so much trial, yet all men, +who have attended to the workings of the human mind, who have seen +the false colors under which passion sometimes dresses the actions and +motives of others, have seen also those passions subsiding with time and +reflection, dissipating like mists before the rising sun, and restoring +to us the sight of all things in their true shape and colors. It would +be strange, indeed, if, at our years, we were to go an age back to hunt +up imaginary or forgotten facts, to disturb the repose of affections so +sweetening to the evening of our lives. Be assured, my dear Sir, that I +am incapable of receiving the slightest impression from the effort now +made to plant thorns on the pillow of age, worth, and wisdom, and to +sow tares between friends who have been such for near half a century. +Beseeching you, then, not to suffer your mind to be disquieted by this +wicked attempt to poison its peace, and praying you to throw it by among +the things which have never happened, I add sincere assurances of my +unabated and constant attachment, friendship, and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXVI.--TO THE PRESIDENT, October 24,1823 + + +TO THE PRESIDENT. + +Monticello, October 24,1823. + +Dear Sir, + +The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most +momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of +Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass, and points +the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on +us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious. +Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves +in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to +intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a +set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. + +She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from +that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of +despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of +freedom. One nation, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; +she now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her +proposition, we detach her from the band of despots, bring her mighty +weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at +one stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty. +Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most harm of any one, +or all, on earth; and with her on our side we need not fear the whole +world. With her, then, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial +friendship; and nothing would tend more to knit our affections, than to +be fighting once more, side by side, in the same cause. Not that I would +purchase even her amity at the price of taking part in her wars. But the +war in which the present proposition might engage us, should that be its +consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce and +establish the American system, of keeping out of our land all foreign +powers, of never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with the +affairs of our nations. It is to maintain our own principle, not to +depart from it. And if, to facilitate this, we can effect a division +in the body of the European powers, and draw over to our side its +most powerful member, surely we should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. +Canning's opinion, that it will prevent instead of provoking war. With +Great Britain withdrawn from their scale, and shifted into that of our +two continents, all Europe combined would not undertake such a war. For +how would they propose to get at either enemy without superior fleets? +Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this proposition offers, of +declaring our protest against the atrocious violations of the rights +of nations, by the interference of any one in the internal affairs of +another, so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the +equally lawless Alliance, calling itself Holy. + +But we have first to ask ourselves a question. Do we wish to acquire to +our own confederacy any one or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly +confess, that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting +addition which could ever be made to our system of States. The control +which, with Florida Point, this island would give us over the Gulf of +Mexico, and the countries and isthmus bordering on it, as well as +all those whose waters flow into it, would fill up the measure of our +political well-being. Yet, as I am sensible that this can never be +obtained, even with her own consent, but by war; and its independence, +which is our second interest (and especially its independence of +England), can be secured without it, I have no hesitation in abandoning +my first wish to future chances, and accepting its independence, with +peace and the friendship of England, rather than its association, at the +expense of war and her enmity. + +I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration proposed, that we +aim not at the acquisition of any of those possessions, that we will not +stand in the way of any amicable arrangement between them and the mother +country; but that we will oppose, with all our means, the forcible +interposition of any other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or under +any other form or pretext, and most especially, their transfer to any +power by conquest, cession, or acquisition in any other way. I should +think it, therefore, advisable, that the Executive should encourage the +British government to a continuance in the dispositions expressed in +these letters, by an assurance of his concurrence with them as far as +his authority goes; and that as it may lead to war, the declaration of +which requires an act of Congress, the case shall be laid before them +for consideration at their first meeting, and under the reasonable +aspect in which it is seen by himself. + +I have been so long weaned from political subjects, and have so long +ceased to take any interest in them, that I am sensible I am not +qualified to offer opinions on them worthy of any attention. But the +question now proposed involves consequences so lasting, and effects so +decisive of our future destinies, as to re-kindle all the interest I +have heretofore felt on such occasions, and to induce me to the hazard +of opinions, which will prove only my wish to contribute still my mite +towards any thing which may be useful to our country. And praying you to +accept it at only what it is worth, I add the assurance of my constant +and affectionate friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXVII.--TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, November 4, 1823 + + +TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + +Monticello, November 4, 1823. + +My Dear Friend, + +Two dislocated wrists and crippled fingers have rendered writing so +slow and laborious, as to oblige me to withdraw from nearly all +correspondence: not, however, from yours, while I can make a stroke with +a pen. We have gone through too many trying scenes together, to forget +the sympathies and affections they nourished. + +Your trials have indeed been long and severe. When they will end, is yet +unknown, but where they will end, cannot be doubted. Alliances, Holy or +Hellish, may be formed, and retard the epoch of deliverance, may swell +the rivers of blood which are yet to flow, but their own will close the +scene, and leave to mankind the right of self-government. I trust that +Spain will prove, that a nation cannot be conquered which determines +not to be so, and that her success will be the turning of the tide of +liberty, no more to be arrested by human efforts. Whether the state of +society in Europe can bear a republican government, I doubted, you know +when with you, and I do now. A hereditary chief, strictly limited, the +right of war vested in the legislative body, a rigid economy of the +public contributions, and absolute interdiction of all useless expenses, +will go far towards keeping the government honest and unoppressive. +But the only security oL all, is in a free press. The force of public +opinion cannot be resisted, when permitted freely to be expressed. The +agitation it produces must be submitted to. It is necessary to keep the +waters pure. + +We are all, for example, in agitation even in our peaceful country. For +in peace as well as in war, the mind must be kept in motion. Who is +to be the next President, is the topic here of every conversation. My +opinion on that subject is what I expressed to you in my last letter. +The question will be ultimately reduced to the northernmost and +southernmost candidates. The former will get every federal vote in the +Union, and many republicans; the latter, all those denominated of +the old school; for you are not to believe that these two parties are +amalgamated, that the lion and the lamb are lying down together. +The Hartford convention, the victory of Orleans, the peace of Ghent, +prostrated the name of federalism. Its votaries abandoned it through +shame and mortification; and now call themselves republicans. But the +name alone is changed, the principles are the same. For in truth, +the parties of Whig and Tory are those of nature. They exist in all +countries, whether called by these names, or by those of Aristocrats and +Democrats, Cote Droite and Cote Gauche, Ultras and Radicals, Serviles +and Liberals. The sickly, weakly, timid man, fears the people, and is +a tory by nature. The healthy, strong, and bold, cherishes them, and is +formed a whig by nature. On the eclipse of federalism with us, although +not its extinction, its leaders got up the Missouri question, under the +false front of lessening the measure of slavery, but with the real view +of producing a geographical division of parties, which might insure +them the next President. The people of the north went blindfold into the +snare, followed their leaders for a while with a zeal truly moral and +laudable, until they became sensible that they were injuring instead of +aiding the real interests of the slaves, that they had been used, merely +as tools for electioneering purposes; and that trick of hypocrisy then +fell as quickly as it had been got up. To that is now succeeding a +distinction, which, like that of republican and federal, or whig and +tory, being equally intermixed through every State, threatens none of +those geographical schisms which go immediately to a separation. The +line of division now is the preservation of State rights as reserved in +the constitution, or by strained constructions of that instrument, +to merge all into a consolidated government. The tories are for +strengthening the executive and General Government; the whigs cherish +the representative branch, and the rights reserved by the States, as the +bulwark against consolidation, which must immediately generate monarchy. +And although this division excites, as yet, no warmth, yet it exists, +is well understood, and will be a principle of voting at the ensuing +election, with the reflecting men of both parties. + +I thank you much for the two books you were so kind as to send me by Mr. +Gallatin. Miss Wright had before favored me with the first edition of +her American work: but her 'Few Days in Athens,' was entirely new, and +has been a treat to me of the highest order. The matter and manner +of the dialogue is strictly ancient; the principles of the sects are +beautifully and candidly explained and contrasted; and the scenery and +portraiture of the interlocutors are of higher finish than any thing in +that line left us by the ancients; and like Ossian, if not ancient, it +is equal to the best morsels of antiquity. I augur, from this instance, +that Herculaneum is likely to furnish better specimens of modern than of +ancient genius; and may we not hope more from the same pen? + +After much sickness, and the accident of a broken and disabled arm, I +am again in tolerable health, but extremely debilitated, so as to be +scarcely able to walk into my garden. The hebitude of age too, and +extinguishment of interest in the things around me, are weaning me from +them, and dispose me with cheerfulness to resign them to the existing +generation, satisfied that the daily advance of science will enable them +to administer the commonwealth with increased wisdom. You have still +many valuable years to give to your country, and with my prayers that, +they may be years of health and happiness, and especially that they may +see the establishment of the principles of government which you have +cherished through life, accept the assurance of my affectionate and +constant friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXVIII.--TO JOSEPH C CABELL, February 3, 1824 + + +TO JOSEPH C CABELL. + +Monticello, February 3, 1824. + +Dear Sir, + +I am favored with your two letters of January the 26th and 29th, and +am glad that yourself and the friends of the University are so well +satisfied, that the provisos amendatory of the University Act are mere +nullities. I had not been able to put out of my head the Algebraical +equation, which was among the first of my college lessons, that a--a = 0. +Yet I cheerfully arrange myself to your opinions. I did not suppose, nor +do I now suppose it possible, that both Houses of the legislature should +ever consent, for an additional fifteen thousand dollars of revenue, +to set all the Professors and students of the University adrift: and +if foreigners will have the same confidence which we have in our +legislature, no harm will have been done by the provisos. + +You recollect that we had agreed that the Visitors who are of the +legislature should fix on a certain day of meeting, after the rising of +the Assembly, to put into immediate motion the measures which this act +was expected to call for. You will of course remind the Governor that +a re-appointment of Visitors is to be made on the day following Sunday, +the 29th of this month; and as he is to appoint the day of their first +meeting, it would be well to recommend to him that which our brethren +there shall fix on. It may be designated by the Governor as the third, +fourth, &c. day after the rising of the legislature, which will give it +certainty enough. + +You ask what sum would be desirable for the purchase of books and +apparatus. Certainly the largest you can obtain. Forty or fifty thousand +dollars would enable us to purchase the most essential books of text +and reference for the schools, and such an apparatus for Mathematics, +Astronomy, and Chemistry, as may enable us to set out with tolerable +competence, if we can, through the banks and otherwise, anticipate the +whole sum at once. + +I remark what you say on the subject of committing ourselves to any one +for the Law appointment. Your caution is perfectly just. I hope, and am +certain, that this will be the standing law of discretion and duty with +every member of our board, in this and all cases. You know we have +all, from the beginning, considered the high qualifications of our +Professors, as the only means by which we can give to our institution +splendor and pre-eminence over all its sister seminaries. The only +question, therefore, we can ever ask ourselves, as to any candidate, +will be, Is he the most highly qualified? The college of Philadelphia +has lost its character of primacy by indulging motives of favoritism and +nepotism, and by conferring the appointments as if the professorships +were entrusted to them as provisions for their friends. And even that +of Edinburgh, you know, is also much lowered from the same cause. We are +next to observe, that a man is not qualified for a Professor, knowing +nothing but merely his own profession. He should be otherwise well +educated as to the sciences generally; able to converse understandingly +with the scientific men with whom he is associated, and to assist in the +councils of the Faculty on any subject of science on which they may have +occasion to deliberate. Without this, he will incur their contempt, +and bring disreputation on the institution. With respect to the +professorship you mention, I scarcely know any of our judges personally; +but I will name, for example, the late Judge Roane, who, I believe, was +generally admitted to be among the ablest of them. His knowledge was +confined to the common law chiefly, which does not constitute one half +of the qualification of a really learned lawyer, much less that of a +Professor of law for an University. And as to any other branches +of science, he must have stood mute in the presence of his literary +associates, or of any learned strangers or others visiting the +University. Would this constitute the splendid stand we propose to take? + +In the course of the trusts I have exercised through life with powers of +appointment, I can say with truth, and with unspeakable comfort, that I +never did appoint a relation to office, and that merely because I +never saw the case in which some one did not offer, or occur, better +qualified; and I have the most unlimited confidence, that in the +appointment of Professors to our nursling institution, every individual +of my associates will look with a single eye to the sublimation of its +character, and adopt, as our sacred motto, '_Detur digniori_? In this +way it will honor us, and bless our country. + +I perceive that I have permitted my reflections to run into generalities +beyond the scope of the particular intimation in your letter I will let +them go, however, as a general confession of faith, not belonging merely +to the present case. + +Name me affectionately to our brethren with you, and be assured yourself +of my constant friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXIX.--TO JARED SPARKS, February 4, 1824 + + +TO JARED SPARKS. + +Monticello, February 4, 1824. + +Dear Sir, + +I duly received your favor of the 3th, and with it the last number of +the North American Review. This has anticipated the one I should receive +in course, but have not yet received, under my subscription to the new +series. The article on the African colonization of the people of color, +to which you invite my attention, I have read with great consideration. +It is, indeed, a fine one, and will do much good. I learn from it more, +too, than I had before known, of the degree of success and promise of +that colony. + +In the disposition of these unfortunate people, there are two rational +objects to be distinctly kept in view. 1. The establishment of a colony +on the coast of Africa, which may introduce among the aborigines the +arts of cultivated life, and the blessings of civilization and science. +By doing this, we may make to them some retribution for the long course +of injuries we have been committing on their population. And considering +that these blessings will descend to the '_nati natorum, et qui +nascentur ab illis_,' we shall in the long run have rendered them +perhaps more good than evil. To fulfil this object, the colony of +Sierra Leone promises well, and that of Mesurado adds to our prospect of +success. Under this view, the Colonization Society is to be considered +as a missionary society, having in view, however, objects more humane, +more justifiable, and less aggressive on the peace of other nations, +than the others of that appellation. + +The second object, and the most interesting to us, as coming home to +our physical and moral characters, to our happiness and safety, is to +provide an asylum to which we can, by degrees, send the whole of that +population from among us, and establish them under our patronage and +protection, as a separate, free, and independent people, in some country +and climate friendly to human life and happiness. That any place on the +coast of Africa should answer the latter purpose, I have ever deemed +entirely impossible. And without repeating the other arguments which +have been urged by others, I will appeal to figures only, which admit +no controversy. I shall speak in round numbers, not absolutely accurate, +yet not so wide from truth as to vary the result materially. There are +in the United States a million and a half of people of color in +slavery. To send off the whole of these at once, nobody conceives to be +practicable for us, or expedient for them. Let us take twenty-five years +for its accomplishment, within which time they will be doubled. Their +estimated value as property, in the first place, (for actual property +has been lawfully vested in that form, and who can lawfully take it from +the possessors?) at an average of two hundred dollars each, young and +old, would amount to six hundred millions of dollars, which must be paid +or lost by somebody. To this, add the cost of their transportation +by land and sea to Mesurado, a year's provision of food and clothing, +implements of husbandry and of their trades, which will amount to three +hundred millions more, making thirty-six millions of dollars a year +for twenty-five years, with insurance of peace all that time, and it is +impossible to look at the question a second time. I am aware that at +the end of about sixteen years, a gradual detraction from this sum will +commence, from the gradual diminution of breeders, and go on during +the remaining nine years. Calculate this deduction, and it is still +impossible to look at the enterprise a second time. I do not say this to +induce an inference that the getting rid of them is for ever impossible. +For that is neither my opinion nor my hope. But only that it cannot be +done in this way. There is, I think, a way in which it can be done; that +is, by emancipating the after born, leaving them, on due compensation, +with their mothers, until their services are worth their maintenance, +and then putting them to industrious occupations, until a proper age for +deportation. This was the result of my reflections on the subject five +and forty years ago, and I have never yet been able to conceive any +other practicable plan. It was sketched in the Notes on Virginia, under +the fourteenth query. The estimated value of the new-born infant is +so low (say twelve dollars and fifty cents), that it would probably +be yielded by the owner gratis, and would thus reduce the six hundred +millions of dollars, the first head of expense, to thirty-seven millions +and a half: leaving only the expenses of nourishment while with the +mother, and of transportation. And from what fund are these expenses to +be furnished? Why not from that of the lands which have been ceded by +the very States now needing this relief? And ceded on no consideration, +for the most part, but that of the general good of the whole. These +cessions already constitute one fourth of the States of the Union. It +may be said that these lands have been sold; are now the property of +the citizens composing those States; and the money long ago received and +expended. But an equivalent of lands in the territories since acquired +may be appropriated to that object, or so much at least, as may be +sufficient; and the object, although more important to the slave States, +is highly so to the others also, if they were serious in their arguments +on the Missouri question. The slave States, too, if more interested, +would also contribute more by their gratuitous liberation, thus taking +on themselves alone the first and heaviest item of expense. + +In the plan sketched in the Notes on Virginia, no particular place +of asylum was specified; because it was thought possible, that in the +revolutionary state of America, then commenced, events might open to us +some one within practicable distance. This has now happened. St. Domingo +has become independent, and with a population of that color only; and +if the public papers are to be credited, their Chief offers to pay +their passage, to receive them as free citizens, and to provide them +employment. This leaves, then, for the general confederacy, no expense +but of nurture with the mother a few years, and would call, of course, +for a very moderate appropriation of the vacant lands. Suppose the whole +annual increase to be of sixty thousand effective births, fifty vessels, +of four hundred tons burthen each, constantly employed in that short +run, would carry off the increase of every year, and the old stock +would die off in the ordinary course of nature, lessening from the +commencement until its final disappearance. In this way no violation of +private rights is proposed. Voluntary surrenders would probably come in +as fast as the means to be provided for their care would be competent +to it. Looking at my own State only, (and I presume not to speak for +the others,) I verily believe that this surrender of property would +not amount to more, annually, than half our present direct taxes, to be +continued fully about twenty or twenty-five years, and then gradually +diminishing for as many more until their final extinction; and even this +half tax would not be paid in cash, but by the delivery of an object +which they have never yet known or counted as part of their property: +and those not possessing the object will be called on for nothing. I +do not go into all the details of the burthens and benefits of this +operation. And who could estimate its blessed effects? I leave this +to those who will live to see their accomplishment, and to enjoy a +beatitude forbidden to my age. But I leave it with this admonition, to +rise and be doing. A million and a half are within their control; +but six millions (which a majority of those now living will see them +attain), and one million of these fighting men, will say, 'We will not +go.' + +I am aware that this subject involves some constitutional scruples. +But a liberal construction, justified by the object, may go far, and +an amendment of the constitution, the whole length necessary. The +separation of infants from their mothers, too, would produce some +scruples of humanity. But this would be straining at a gnat, and +swallowing a camel. + +I am much pleased to see that you have taken up the subject of the duty +on imported books. I hope a crusade will be kept up against it, until +those in power shall become sensible of this stain on our legislation +and shall wipe it from their code, and from the remembrance of man, if +possible. + +I salute you with assurances of high respect and esteem. + +Th: Jefferson" + + + + +LETTER CLXXX.--TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON, April 4, 1824 + + +TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON. + +Monticello, April 4, 1824. + +Dear Sir, + +It was with great pleasure I learned that the good people of New Orleans +had restored you again to the councils of our country. I did not doubt +the aid it would bring to the remains of our old school in Congress, in +which your early labors had been so useful. You will find, I suppose, +on revisiting our maritime States, the names of things more changed than +the things themselves; that though our old opponents have given up their +appellation, they have not, in assuming ours, abandoned their views, and +that they are as strong nearly as they ever were. These cares, however, +are no longer mine. I resign myself cheerfully to the managers of the +ship, and the more contentedly, as I am near the end of my voyage. I +have learned to be less confident in the conclusions of human reason, +and give more credit to the honesty of contrary opinions. The radical +idea of the character of the constitution of our government, which I +have adopted as a key in cases of doubtful construction, is, that the +whole field of government is divided into two departments, domestic and +foreign, (the States in their mutual relations being of the latter) that +the former department is reserved exclusively to the respective States +within their own limits, and the latter assigned to a separate set of +functionaries, constituting what may be called the, foreign branch, +which, instead of a federal basis, is established as a distinct +government _quo ad hoc_, acting as the domestic branch does on the +citizens directly and coercively; that these departments have distinct +directories, co-ordinate, and equally independent and supreme, each +within its own sphere of action. Whenever a doubt arises to which of +these branches a power belongs, I try it by this test. I recollect no +case where a question simply between citizens of the same State has been +transferred to the foreign department, except that of inhibiting tenders +but of metallic money, and _ex post facto_ legislation. The causes of +these singularities are well remembered. + +I thank you for the copy of your speech on the question of national +improvement, which I have read with great pleasure, and recognise in it +those powers of reasoning and persuasion of which I had formerly seen +from you so many proofs. Yet, in candor, I must say it has not removed, +in my mind, all the difficulties of the question. And I should really be +alarmed at a difference of opinion with you, and suspicious of my own, +were it not that I have, as companions in sentiment, the Madisons, the +Monroes, the Randolphs, the Macons, all good men and true, of primitive +principles. In one sentiment of the speech I particularly concur. 'If we +have a doubt relative to any power, we ought not to exercise it.' When +we consider the extensive and deep-seated opposition to this assumption, +the conviction entertained by so many, that this deduction of powers by +elaborate construction prostrates the rights reserved to the States, the +difficulties with which it will rub along in the course of its exercise; +that changes of majorities will be changing the system backwards and +forwards, so that no undertaking under it will be safe; that there is +not a State in the Union which would not give the power willingly, by +way of amendment, with some little guard, perhaps, against abuse; I +cannot but think it would be the wisest course to ask an express grant +of the power. A government held together by the bands of reason only, +requires much compromise of opinion; that things even salutary should +not be crammed down the throats of dissenting brethren, especially when +they may be put into a form to be willingly swallowed, and that a great +deal of indulgence is necessary to strengthen habits of harmony and +fraternity. In such a case, it seems to me it would be safer and wiser +to ask an express grant of the power. This would render its exercise +smooth and acceptable to all, and insure to it all the facilities which +the could contribute, to prevent that kind of abuse which all will fear, +because all know it is so much practised in public bodies, I mean the +bartering of votes. It would reconcile every one, if limited by the +proviso, that the federal proportion of each State should be expended +within the State. With this single security against partiality and +corrupt bargaining, I suppose there is not a State, perhaps not a man +in the Union, who would not consent to add this to the powers of the +General Government. But age has weaned me from questions of this kind. +My delight is now in the passive occupation of reading; and it is +with great reluctance I permit my mind ever to encounter subjects of +difficult investigation. You have many years yet to come of vigorous +activity, and I confidently trust they will be employed in cherishing +every measure which may foster our brotherly union, and perpetuate a +constitution of government destined to be the primitive and precious +model of what is to change the condition of man over the globe. With +this confidence, equally strong in your powers and purposes, I pray you +to accept the assurance of my cordial esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXI.--TO MAJOR JOHN CARTWRIGHT, June 5,1824 + + +TO MAJOR JOHN CARTWRIGHT. + +Monticello, June 5,1824. + +Dear and Venerable Sir, + +I am much indebted for your kind letter of February the 29th, and for +your valuable volume on the English constitution. I have, read this with +pleasure and much approbation, and think it has deduced the constitution +of the English nation from its rightful root, the Anglo-Saxon, it is +really wonderful, that so many able and learned men should have failed +in their attempts to define it with correctness. No wonder then, that +Paine, who thought more than he read, should have credited the great +authorities who have declared, that the will of Parliament is the +constitution of England. So Marbois, before the French revolution, +observed to me, that the Almanac Royal was the constitution of France. +Your derivation of it from the Anglo-Saxons, seems to be made on +legitimate principles. Having driven out the former inhabitants of that +part of the island called England, they became aborigines as to you, and +your lineal ancestors. They doubtless had a constitution; and although +they have not left it in a written formula, to the precise text of which +you may always appeal, yet they have left fragments of their history +and laws, from which it may be inferred with considerable certainty. +Whatever their history and laws show to have been practised with +approbation, we may presume was permitted by their constitution; +whatever was not so practised, was not permitted. And although this +constitution was violated and set at nought by Norman force, yet force +cannot change right. A perpetual claim was kept up by the nation, by +their perpetual demand of a restoration of their Saxon laws; which shows +they were never relinquished by the will of the nation. In the pullings +and haulings for these ancient rights, between the nation, and its kings +of the races of Plantagenets, Tudors, and Stuarts, there was sometimes +gain, and sometimes loss, until the final re-conquest of their rights +from the Stuarts. The destitution and expulsion of this race broke the +thread of pretended inheritance extinguished all regal usurpations, and +the nation reentered into all its rights; and although in their bill of +rights they specifically reclaimed some only, yet the omission of the +others was no renunciation of the right to assume their exercise also, +whenever occasion should occur. The new King received no rights or +powers, but those expressly granted to him. It has ever appeared to me, +that the difference between the whig and the tory of England is, that +the whig deduces his rights from the Anglo-Saxon source, and the tory +from the Norman. And Hume, the great apostle of toryism, says in so many +words, (note AA to chapter 42,) that, in the reign of the Stuarts, 'it +was the people who encroached upon the sovereign, not the sovereign who +attempted, as is pretended, to usurp upon the people.' This supposes the +Norman usurpations to be rights in his successors. And again, (C. 159,) +'the Commons established a principle, which is noble in itself, and +seems specious, but is belied by all history and experience, that the +people are the origin of all just power.' And where else will this +degenerate son of science, this traitor to his fellow-men, find the +origin of just powers, if not in the majority of the society? Will it be +in the minority? Or in an individual of that minority? + +Our revolution commenced on more favorable ground. It presented us an +album on which we were free to write what we pleased. We had no occasion +to search into musty records, to hunt up royal parchments, or to +investigate the laws and institutions of a semi-barbarous ancestry. We +appealed to those of nature, and found them engraved on our hearts. Yet +we did not avail ourselves of all the advantages of our position. We had +never been permitted to exercise self-government. When forced to assume +it, we were novices in its science. Its principles and forms had entered +little into our former education. We established however some, although +not all its important principles. The constitutions of most of our +States assert, that all power is inherent in the people; that they may +exercise it by themselves, in all cases to which they think themselves +competent (as in electing their functionaries, executive and +legislative, and deciding by a jury of themselves, in all +judiciary cases in which any fact is involved), or they may act by +representatives, freely and equally chosen; that it is their right and +duty to be at all times armed; that they are entitled to freedom of +person, freedom of religion, freedom of property, and freedom of the +press. In the structure of our legislatures, we think experience has +proved the benefit of subjecting questions to two separate bodies of +deliberants; but in constituting these, natural right has been mistaken, +some making one of these bodies, and some both, the representatives of +property instead of persons; whereas the double deliberation might be +as well obtained without any violation of true principle, either by +requiring a greater age in one of the bodies, or by electing a proper +number of representatives of persons, dividing them by lots into two +chambers, and renewing the division at frequent intervals, in order +to break up all cabals. Virginia, of which I am myself a native and +resident, was not only the first of the States, but, I believe I may +say, the first of the nations of the earth, which assembled its wise men +peaceably together to form a fundamental constitution, to commit it to +writing, and place it among their archives, where every one should be +free to appeal to its text. But this act was very imperfect. The other +States, as they proceeded successively to the same work, made +successive improvements; and several of them, still further corrected +by experience, have, by conventions, still further amended their first +forms. My own State has gone on so far with its _premiere ebauch_; but +it is now proposing to call a convention for amendment. Among other +improvements, I hope they will adopt the subdivision of our counties +into wards. The former may be estimated at an average of twenty-four +miles square; the latter should be about six miles square each, and +would answer to the hundreds of your Saxon Alfred. In each of these +might be, 1. An elementary school. 2. A company of militia, with its +officers. 3. A justice of the peace and constable. 4. Each ward should +take care of their own poor. 5. Their own roads. 6. Their own police. +7. Elect within themselves one or more jurors to attend the courts +of justice. And, 8. Give in at their Folk-house, their votes for all +functionaries reserved to their election. Each ward would thus be a +small republic within itself, and every man in the State would thus +become an acting member of the common government, transacting in person +a great portion of its rights and duties, subordinate indeed, yet +important and entirely within his competence. The wit of man cannot +devise a more solid basis for a free, durable, and well-administered +republic. + +With respect to our State and federal governments, I do not think their +relations correctly understood by foreigners. They generally suppose +the former subordinate to the latter. But this is not the case. They are +co-ordinate departments of one simple and integral whole. To the State +governments, are reserved all legislation and administration, in affairs +which concern their own citizens only, and to the federal government +is given whatever concerns foreigners, or the citizens of other States; +these functions alone being made federal. The one is the domestic, the +other the foreign branch of the same government; neither having control +over the other, but within its own department. There are one or two +exceptions only to this partition of power. But you may ask, if the two +departments should claim each the same subject of power, where is the +common umpire to decide ultimately between them? In cases of little +importance or urgency, the prudence of both parties will keep them +aloof from the questionable ground: but if it can neither be avoided nor +compromised, a convention of the States must be called, to ascribe the +doubtful power to that department which they may think best. You will +perceive by these details, that we have not yet so far perfected our +constitutions as to venture to make them unchangeable. But still, in +their present state, we consider them not otherwise changeable than by +the authority of the people, on a special election of representatives +for that purpose expressly: they are until then the _lex legum_. + +But can they be made unchangeable? Can one generation bind another, and +all others, in succession for ever? I think not. The Creator has made +the earth for the living, not the dead. Rights and powrers can only +belong to persons, not to things, not to mere matter, unendowed with +will. The dead are not even things. The particles of matter which +composed their bodies, make part now of the bodies of other animals, +vegetables, or minerals, of a thousand forms. To what then are attached +the rights and powers they held while in the form of men? A generation +may bind itself as long as its majority continues in life; when that +has disappeared, another majority is in place, holds all the rights +and powers their predecessors once held, and may change their laws and +institutions to suit themselves. Nothing then is unchangeable but the +inherent and unalienable rights of man. + +I was glad to find in your book a formal contradiction, at length, of +the judiciary usurpation of legislative powers; for such the judges have +usurped in their repeated decisions, that Christianity is a part of +the common law. The proof of the contrary, which you have adduced, +is incontrovertible; to wit, that the common law existed while the +Anglo-Saxons were yet Pagans, at a time when they had never yet heard +the name of Christ pronounced, or knew that such a character had ever +existed. But it may amuse you, to show when, and by what means, +they stole this law in upon us. In a case of _quare impedit_ in the +Year-book, 34. H. 6. folio 38. (anno 1458,) a question was made, how far +the ecclesiastical law was to be respected in a common law court. And +Prisot, Chief Justice, gives his opinion in these words. '_A tiel leis +qu'ils de seint eglise ont enancien scripture, covient a nous a donner +credence; car ceo common ley stir quels touts manners leis sont fondes. +Et auxy, Sir, nous sumus obliges de conustre lour ley de saint eglise: +et semblablement ils sont obliges de conustre nostre ley. Et, Sir, si +poit apperer or a nous que Pevesque ad fait come un ordinary fera en +tiel cas, adong nous devons ceo adju-ger bon,ou auterment nemy_,' &c. +See S. C. Fitzh.Abr. Qu. imp. 89. Bro. Abr. Qu. imp. 12. Finch in his +first book, c. 3. is the first afterwards who quotes this case, and +mistakes it thus. 'To such laws of the church as have warrant in holy +scripture, our law giveth credence.' And cites Prisot; mistranslating +'ancien scripture' into 'holy scripture.' Whereas, Prisot palpably says, +'to such laws as those of holy church have in ancient writing, it is +proper for us to give credence;' to wit, to their ancient written laws. +This was in 1613, a century and a half after the dictum of Prisot. +Wingate, in 1658, erects this false translation into a maxim of the +common law, copying the words of Finch, but citing Prisot. Wing. Max. +3. and Sheppard, title, 'Religion,' in 1675, copies the same +mistranslation, quoting the Y. B. Finch and Win-gate. Hale expresses +it in these words; 'Christianity is parcel of the laws of England.' 1 +Ventr. 293, 3 Keb. 607. But he quotes no authority. By these echoings +and re-echoings from one to another, it had become so established in +1728, that in the case of the King vs. Woolston, 2 Stra. 834, the court +would not suffer it to be debated, whether to write against Christianity +was punishable in the temporal court at common law. Wood, therefore, +409, ventures still to vary the phrase and say, that all blasphemy +and profaneness are offences by the common law; and cites 2 Stra. +Then Blackstone, in 1763, IV. 59, repeats the words of Hale, that +'Christianity is part of the laws of England,' citing Ventris and +Strange. And finally, Lord Mansfield, with a little qualification, in +Evans's case, in 1767, says, that 'the essential principles of revealed +religion are part of the common law.' Thus ingulphing Bible, Testament, +and all into the common law, without citing any authority. And thus we +find this chain of authorities hanging link by link, one upon another, +and all ultimately on one and the same hook, and that a mistranslation +of the words 'ancien scripture,' used by Prisot. Finch quotes Prisot; +Wingate does the same. Sheppard quotes Prisot, Finch, and Wingate. +Hale cites nobody. The court, in Woolston's case, cite Hale. Wood cites +Woolston's case. Blackstone quotes Woolston's case and Hale. And Lord +Mansfield, like Hale, ventures it on his own authority. Here I might +defy the best read lawyer to produce another scrip of authority for this +judiciary forgery; and I might go on further to show, how some of the +Anglo-Saxon priests interpolated into the text of Alfred's laws, the +20th, 21st, 22nd, and 23rd chapters of Exodus, and the 15th of the Acts +of the Apostles, from the 23rd to the 29th verses. But this would lead +my pen and your patience too far. What a conspiracy this, between Church +and State! Sing Tantarara, rogues all, rogues all, Sing Tantarara, +rogues all! + +I must still add to this long and rambling letter, my acknowledgments +for your good wishes to the University we are now establishing in this +State. There are some novelties in it. Of that of a professorship of +the principles of government, you express your approbation. They will be +founded in the rights of man. That of agriculture, I am sure, you will +approve: and that also of Anglo-Saxon. As the histories and laws left us +in that type and dialect, must be the text-books of the reading of the +learners, they will imbibe with the language their free principles +of government. The volumes you have been so kind as to send, shall be +placed in the library of the University. Having at this time in England +a person sent for the purpose of selecting some Professors, a Mr. +Gilmer of my neighborhood, I cannot but recommend him to your patronage, +counsel, and guardianship, against imposition, misinformation, and the +deceptions of partial and false recommendations, in the selection +of characters. He is a gentleman of great worth and correctness, my +particular friend, well educated in various branches of science, and +worthy of entire confidence. + +Your age of eighty-four and mine of eighty-one years, insure us a speedy +meeting. We may then commune at leisure, and more fully, on the good and +evil, which in the course of our long lives, we have.both witnessed; and +in the mean time, I pray you to accept assurances of my high veneration +and esteem for your person and character. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXII.--TO MARTIN VAN BUREN, June 29, 1824 + + +TO MARTIN VAN BUREN. + +Monticello, June 29, 1824. + +Dear Sir, + +I have to thank you for Mr. Pickering's elaborate philippic against Mr. +Adams, Gerry, Smith, and myself; and I have delayed the acknowledgment +until I could read it and make some observations on it. + +I could not have believed, that for so many years, and to such a period +of advanced age, he could have nourished passions so vehement and +viperous. It appears, that for thirty years past, he has been +industriously collecting materials for vituperating the characters he +had marked for his hatred; some of whom certainly, if enmities towards +him had ever existed, had forgotten them all, or buried them in the +grave with themselves. As to myself, there never had been any thing +personal between us, nothing but the general opposition of party +sentiment; and our personal intercourse had been that of urbanity, as +himself says. But it seems he has been all this time brooding over an +enmity which I had never felt, and that with respect to myself, as well +as others, he has been writing far and near, and in every direction, to +get hold of original letters, where he could, copies, where he could +not, certificates and journals, catching at every gossipping story he +could hear of in any quarter, supplying by suspicions what he could find +no where else, and then arguing on this motley farrago, as if +established on gospel evidence. And while expressing his wonder, +'at the age of eighty-eight, the strong passions of Mr. Adams should not +have cooled '; that on the contrary, 'they had acquired the mastery of +his soul,' (p. 100 ;) that 'where these were enlisted, no reliance +could be placed on his statements,' (p. 104 ;) the facility and little +truth with which he could represent facts and occurrences, concerning +persons who were the objects of his hatred, (p. 3 ;) that 'he is +capable of making the grossest misrepresentations, and, from detached +facts, and often from bare suspicions, of drawing unwarrantable +inferences,' if suited to his purpose at the instant,' (p. 174;) while +making such charges, I say, on Mr. Adams, instead of his '_ecce homo_,' +(p. 100;) how justly might we say to him, '_Mutato nomine, de te fabula +narratur_.' For the assiduity and industry he has employed in his +benevolent researches after matter of crimination against us, I refer to +his pages 13, 14, 34, 36, 46, 71, 79, 90, bis. 92, 93, bis. 101, ter. +104, 116, 118, 141, 143, 146,150,151,153, 168, 171, 172. That Mr. +Adams's strictures on him, written and pointed, should have excited some +notice on his part, was not perhaps to be wondered at. But the +sufficiency of his motive for the large attack on me may be more +questionable. He says, (p. 4) 'of Mr. Jefferson I should have said +nothing, but for his letter to Mr. Adams, of October the 12th, 1823.' +Now the object of that letter was to soothe the feelings of a friend, +wounded by a publication which I thought an 'outrage on private +confidence.' Not a word or allusion in it respecting Mr. Pickering, nor +was it suspected that it would draw forth his pen in justification of +this infidelity, which he has, however, undertaken in the course of his +pamphlet, but more particularly in its conclusion. + +He arraigns me on two grounds, my actions, and my motives. The very +actions, however, which he arraigns, have been such as the great +majority of my fellow-citizens have approved. The approbation of Mr. +Pickering, and of those who thought with him, I had no right to expect. +My motives he chooses to ascribe to hypocrisy, to ambition, and a +passion for popularity. Of these the world must judge between us. It +is no office of his or mine. To that tribunal I have ever submitted +my actions and motives, without ransacking the Union for certificates, +letters, journals, and gossiping tales, to justify myself and weary +them. Nor shall I do this on the present occasion, but leave still to +them these antiquated party diatribes, now newly revamped and paraded, +as if they had not been already a thousand times repeated, refuted, and +adjudged against him, by the nation itself. If no action is to be deemed +virtuous for which malice can imagine a sinister motive, then there +never was a virtuous action; no, not even in the life of our Savior +himself. But he has taught us to judge the tree by its fruit, and to +leave motives to him who can alone see into them. + +But whilst I leave to its fate the libel of Mr. Pickering, with the +thousands of others like it, to which I have given no other answer than +a steady course of similar action, there are two facts or fancies of +his which I must set to rights. The one respects Mr. Adams, the +other myself. He observes, that my letter of October the 12th, 1823, +acknowledges the receipt of one from Mr. Adams, of September the 18th, +which, having been written a few days after Cunningham's publication, he +says was no doubt written to apologize to me for the pointed reproaches +he had uttered against me in his confidential letters to Cunningham. +And thus having 'no doubt' of his conjecture, he considers it as proven, +goes on to suppose the contents of the letter (19, 22), makes it place +Mr. Adams at my feet suing for pardon, and continues to rant upon it, +as an undoubted fact. Now I do most solemnly declare, that so far from +being a letter of apology, as Mr. Pickering so undoubtingly assumes, +there was not a word or allusion in it respecting Cunningham's +publication. + +The other allegation respecting myself, is equally false. In page 34, +he quotes Doctor Stuart, as having, twenty years ago, informed him that +General Washington, 'when he became a private citizen,' called me to +account for expressions in a letter to Mazzei, requiring, in a tone of +unusual severity, an explanation of that letter. He adds of himself, 'in +what manner the latter humbled himself, and appeased the just resentment +of Washington, will never be known, as some time after his death, the +correspondence was not to be found, and a diary for an important period +of his Presidency was also missing.' The diary being of transactions +during his Presidency, the letter to Mazzei not known here until some +time after he became a private citizen, and the pretended correspondence +of course after that, I know not why this lost diary and supposed +correspondence are brought together here, unless for insinuations worthy +of the letter itself. The correspondence could not be found, indeed, +because it had never existed. I do affirm, that there never passed +a word, written or verbal, directly or indirectly, between General +Washington and myself on the subject of that letter. He would never have +degraded himself so far as to take to himself the imputation in that +letter on the 'Samsons in combat.' The whole story is a fabrication, and +I defy the framers of it, and all mankind, to produce a scrip of a +pen between General Washington and myself on the subject, or any other +evidence more worthy of credit than the suspicions, suppositions, and +presumptions of the two persons here quoting and quoted for it. With +Doctor Stuart I had not much acquaintance. I supposed him to be an +honest man, knew him to be a very weak one, and, like Mr. Pickering, +very prone to antipathies, boiling with party passions, and, under the +dominion of these, readily welcoming fancies for facts. But, come the +story from whomsoever it might, it is an unqualified falsehood. + +This letter to Mazzei has been a precious theme of crimination for +federal malice. It was a long letter of business, in which was inserted +a single paragraph only of political information as to the state of our +country. In this information there was not one word which would not +then have been, or would not now be approved by every republican in +the United States, looking back to those times, as you will see by a +faithful copy now enclosed of the whole of what that letter said on +the subject of the United States, or of its government. This paragraph, +extracted and translated, got into a Paris paper at a time when the +persons in power there were laboring under very general disfavor, and +their friends were eager to catch even at straws to buoy them up. 'To +them, therefore, I have always imputed the interpolation of an entire +paragraph additional to mine, which makes me charge my own country with +ingratitude and injustice to France. There was not a word in my letter +respecting France, or any of the proceedings or relations between this +country and that. Yet this interpolated paragraph has been the burden of +federal calumny, has been constantly quoted by them, made the subject +of unceasing and virulent abuse, and is still quoted, as you see, by Mr. +Pickering, (page 33,) as if it were genuine, and really written by me. +And even Judge Marshall makes history descend from its dignity, and the +ermine from its sanctity, to exaggerate, to record, and to sanction this +forgery. In the very last note of his book, he says, 'A letter from +Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Mazzei, an Italian, was published in Florence, and +republished in the Moniteur, with very severe strictures on the conduct +of the United States.' And instead of the letter itself, he copies +what he says are the remarks of the editor, which are an exaggerated +commentary on the fabricated paragraph itself, and silently leaves to +his reader to make the ready inference that these were the sentiments of +the letter. Proof is the duty of the affirmative side. A negative cannot +be possibly proved. But, in defect of impossible proof of what was not +in the original letter, I have its press-copy still in my possession. It +has been shown to several, and is open to any one who wishes to see it. +I have presumed only that the interpolation was done in Paris. But I +never saw the letter in either its Italian or French dress, and it may +have been done here, with the commentary handed down to posterity by the +judge. The genuine paragraph, re-translated through Italian and French +into English, as it appeared here in a federal paper, besides the +mutilated hue which these translations and re-translations of it +produced generally, gave a mistranslation of a single word, which +entirely perverted its meaning, and made it a pliant and fertile text of +misrepresentation of my political principles. The original, speaking of +an Anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party, which had sprung +up since he had left us, states their object to be 'to draw over us +the substance, as they had already done the forms of the British +government.' Now the 'forms' here meant, were the levees, birth-days, +the pompous cavalcade to the State House on the meeting of Congress, the +formal speech from the throne, the procession of Congress in a body to +re-echo the speech in an answer, &c. &c. But the translator here, by +substituting form in the singular number, for forms in the plural, made +it mean the frame or organization of our government, or its form of +legislative, executive, and judiciary authorities, co-ordinate and +independent: to which form it was to be inferred that I was an enemy. In +this sense they always quoted it, and in this sense Mr. Pickering still +quotes, it (pages 34, 35, 38), and countenances the inference. Now +General Washington perfectly understood what I meant by these forms, +as they were frequent subjects of conversation between us. When, on my +return from Europe, I joined the government in March, 1790, at New York, +I was much astonished, indeed, at the mimicry I found established +of royal forms and ceremonies, and more alarmed at the unexpected +phenomenon, by the monarchical sentiments I heard expressed and openly +maintained in every company, and among others by the high members of the +government, executive and judiciary (General Washington alone excepted), +and by a great part of the legislature, save only some members who had +been of the old Congress, and a very few of recent introduction. I +took occasion, at various times, of expressing to General Washington my +disappointment at these symptoms of a change of principle, and that +I thought them encouraged by the forms and ceremonies, which I found +prevailing, not at all in character with the simplicity of republican +government, and looking as if wishfully to those of European courts. +His general explanations to me were, that when he arrived at New York +to enter on the executive administration of the new government, he +observed to those who were to assist him, that placed as he was in an +office entirely new to him, unacquainted with the forms and ceremonies +of other governments, still less apprized of those which might be +properly established here, and himself perfectly indifferent to all +forms, he wished them to consider and prescribe what they should be; and +the task was assigned particularly to General Knox, a man of parade, +and to Colonel Humphreys, who had resided some time at a foreign court. +They, he said, were the author's of the present regulations, and that +others were proposed so highly strained, that he absolutely rejected +them. Attentive to the difference of opinion prevailing on this subject, +when the term of his second election arrived, he called the Heads of +departments together, observed to them the situation in which he had +been at the commencement of the government, the advice he had taken, and +the course he had observed in compliance with it; that a proper occasion +had now arrived of revising that course, of correcting in it any +particulars not approved in experience; and he desired us to consult +together, agree on any changes we should think for the better, and +that he should willingly conform to what we should advise. We met at +my office. Hamilton and myself agreed at once that there was too much +ceremony for the character of our government, and, particularly, that +the parade of the installation at New York ought not to be copied on the +present occasion, that the President should desire the Chief Justice to +attend him at his chambers, that he should administer the oath of office +to him in the presence of the higher officers of the government, and +that the certificate of the fact should be delivered to the Secretary +of State to be recorded. Randolph and Knox differed from us, the +latter vehemently: they thought it not advisable to change any of the +established forms, and we authorized Randolph to report our opinions to +the President. As these opinions were divided, and no positive advice +given as to any change, no change was made. Thus the forms, which I had +censured in my letter to Mazzei, were perfectly understood by General +Washington, and were those which he himself but barely tolerated. He had +furnished me a proper occasion for proposing their reformation, and, my +opinion not prevailing, he knew I could not have meant any part of the +censure for him. + +Mr. Pickering quotes too (page 34) the expression in the letter, of 'the +men who were Samsons in the field, and Solomons in the council, but who +had had their heads shorn by the harlot England' or, as expressed in +their re-translation, the men who were Solomons in council, and Samsons +in combat, but whose hair had been cut off by the whore England.' Now +this expression also was perfectly understood by General Washington. He +knew that I meant it for the Cincinnati generally, and that, from what +had passed between us at the commencement of that institution, I could +not mean to include him. When the first meeting was called for its +establishment, I was a member of the Congress then sitting at Annapolis. +General Washington wrote to me, asking my opinion on that proposition, +and the course, if any, which I thought Congress would observe +respecting it. I wrote him frankly my own disapprobation of it; that I +found the members of Congress generally in the same sentiment; that +I thought they would take no express notice of it, but that in all +appointments of trust, honor, or profit, they would silently pass by all +candidates of that order, and give an uniform preference to others. On +his way to the first meeting in Philadelphia, which I think was in the +spring of 1784, he called on me at Annapolis. It was a little after +candle-light, and he sat with me till after midnight, conversing, almost +exclusively, on that subject. While he was feelingly indulgent to the +motives which might induce the officers to promote it, he concurred with +me entirely in condemning it; and when I expressed an idea that, if the +hereditary quality were suppressed, the institution might perhaps +be indulged during the lives of the officers now living, and who had +actually served; 'No,' he said, 'not a fibre of it ought, to be left, to +be an eye-sore to the public, a ground of dissatisfaction, and a line +of separation between them and their country': and he left me with a +determination to use all his influence for its entire suppression. On +his return from the meeting, he called on me again, and related to me +the course the thing had taken. He. said, that, from the beginning, +he had used every endeavor to prevail on the officers to renounce the +project altogether, urging the many considerations which would render +it odious to their fellow-citizens, and disreputable and injurious to +themselves; that he had at length prevailed on most of the old officers +to reject it, although with great and warm opposition from others, and +especially the younger ones, among whom he named Colonel W. S. Smith +as particularly intemperate. But that in this state of things, when he +thought the question safe, and the meeting drawing to a close, Major +L'Enfant arrived from France with a bundle of eagles, for which he had +been sent there, with letters from the French officers who had served +in. America, praying for admission into the order, and a solemn act of +their King permitting them to wear its ensign. This, he said, changed +the face of matters at once, produced an entire revolution of sentiment, +and turned the torrent so strongly in an opposite direction, that +it could be no longer withstood: all he could then obtain, was a +suppression of the hereditary quality. He added, that it was the French +applications, and respect for the approbation of the King, which saved +the establishment in its modified and temporary form. Disapproving thus +of the institution as much as I did, and conscious that I knew him to do +so, he could never suppose that I meant to include him among the Samsons +in the field, whose object was to draw over us the form, as they +made the letter say, of the British government, and especially its +aristocractic member, an hereditary House of Lords. Add to this, that +the letter saying, 'that two out of the three branches of legislature +were against us,' was an obvious exception of him; it being well known +that the majorities in the two branches of Senate and Representatives +were the very instruments which carried, in opposition to the old and +real republicans, the measures which were the subjects of condemnation +in this letter. General Washington, then, understanding perfectly what +and whom I meant to designate, in both phrases, and that they could not +have any application or view to himself, could find in neither any cause +of offence to himself; and therefore neither needed, nor ever asked any +explanation of them from me. Had it even been otherwise, they must know +very little of General Washington, who should believe to be within the +laws of his character what Doctor Stuart is said to have imputed to +him. Be this, however, as it may, the story is infamously false in +every article of it. My last parting with General Washington was at the +inauguration of Mr. Adams, in March, 1797, and was warmly affectionate; +and I never had any reason to believe any change on his part, as there +certainly was none on mine. But one session of Congress intervened +between that and his death, the year following, in my passage to and +from which, as it happened to be not convenient to call on him, I never +had another opportunity; and as to the cessation of correspondence +observed during that short interval, no particular circumstance occurred +for epistolary communication, and both of us were too much oppressed +with letter-writing, to trouble either the other, with a letter about +nothing. + +The truth is, that the federalists, pretending to be the exclusive +friends of General Washington, have ever done what they could to sink +his character, by hanging theirs on it, and by representing as the enemy +of republicans him, who, of all men, is best entitled to the appellation +of the father of that republic which they were endeavoring to subvert, +and the republicans to maintain. They cannot deny, because the elections +proclaimed the truth, that the great body of the nation approved the +republican measures. General Washington was himself sincerely a friend +to the republican principles of our constitution. His faith, perhaps, +in its duration, might not have been as confident as mine; but he +repeatedly declared to me, that he was determined it should have a fair +chance for success, and that he would lose the last drop of his blood in +its support, against any attempt which, might be made to change it from +its republican form. He made these declarations the oftener, because he +knew my suspicions that Hamilton had other views, and he wished to quiet +my jealousies on this subject. For Hamilton frankly avowed, that he +considered the British constitution, with all the corruptions of its +administration, as the most perfect model of government which had ever +been devised by the wit of man; professing, however, at the same time, +that the spirit of this country was so fundamentally republican, that +it would be visionary to think of introducing monarchy here, and that, +therefore, it was the duty of its administrators to conduct it on the +principles their constituents had elected. + +General Washington, after the retirement of his first cabinet, and the +composition of his second, entirely federal, and at the head of which +was Mr. Pickering himself, had no opportunity of hearing both sides of +any question. His measures, consequently, took more the hue of the party +in whose hands he was. These measures were certainly not approved by the +republicans; yet were they not imputed, to him, but to the counsellors +around him; and his prudence so far restrained their impassioned course +and bias, that no act of strong mark, during the remainder of his +administration, excited much dissatisfaction. He lived too short a time +after, and too much withdrawn from information, to correct the views +into which he had been deluded; and the continued assiduities of the +party drew him into the vortex of their intemperate career; separated +him still farther from his real friends, and excited him to actions and +expressions of dissatisfaction, which grieved them, but could not +loosen their affections from him. They would not suffer the temporary +aberration to weigh against the immeasurable merits of his life; and +although they tumbled his seducers from their places, they preserved his +memory embalmed in their hearts, with undiminished love and devotion; +and there it for ever will remain embalmed, in entire oblivion of every +temporary thing which might cloud the glories of his splendid life. It +is vain, then, for Mr. Pickering and his friends to endeavor to falsify +his character, by representing him as an enemy to republicans and +republican principles, and as exclusively the friend of those who were +so; and had he lived longer, he would have returned to his ancient and +unbiassed opinions, would have replaced his confidence in those whom the +people approved and supported, and would have seen that they were only +restoring and acting on the principles of his own first administration. + +I find, my dear Sir, that I have written you a very long letter +or rather a history. The civility of having sent me a copy of Mr. +Pickering's diatribe, would scarcely justify its address to you. I do +not publish these things, because my rule of life has been never to +harass the public with fendings and provings of personal slanders; +and least of all would I descend into the arena of slander with such +a champion as Mr. Pickering. I have ever trusted to the justice and +consideration of my fellow-citizens, and have no reason to repent it, +or to change my course. At this time of life, too, tranquillity is the +_summum bonum_. But although I decline all newspaper controversy, yet +when falsehoods have been advanced, within the knowledge of no one so +much as myself, I have sometimes deposited a contradiction in the hands +of a friend, which, if worth preservation, may, when I am no more, nor +those whom I might offend, throw light on history, and recall that into +the path of truth. And if of no other value, the present communication +may amuse you with anecdotes not known to every one. + +I had meant to have added some views on the amalgamation of parties, to +which your favor of the 8th has some allusion; an amalgamation of name, +but not of principle. Tories are tories still, by whatever name they may +be called. But my letter is already too unmercifully long, and I close +it here with assurances of my great esteem and respectful consideration. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXIII.--TO EDWARD EVERETT, October 15, 1824 + +TO EDWARD EVERETT. + +Monticello, October 15, 1824. + +Dear Sir, + +I have yet to thank you for your O. B. K. oration, delivered in presence +of General la Fayette. It is all excellent, much of it sublimely so, +well worthy of its author and his subject, of whom we may truly say, as +was said of Germanicus, '_Fruitur fama sui_.' + +Your letter of September the 10th gave me the first information that +mine to Major Cartwright had got into the newspapers; and the first +notice, indeed, that he had received it. I was a stranger to his person, +but not to his respectable and patriotic character. I received from him +a long and interesting letter, and answered it with frankness, going +without reserve into several subjects, to which his letter had led, +but on which I did not suppose I was writing for the newspapers. The +publication of a letter in such a case, without the consent of the +writer, is not a fair practice. + +The part which you quote, may draw on me the host of judges and divines. +They may cavil, but cannot refute it. Those who read Prisot's opinion +with a candid view to understand, and not to chicane it, cannot mistake +its meaning. The reports in the Year-books were taken very short. The +opinions of the judges were written down sententiously, as notes or +memoranda, and not with all the developement which they probably used in +delivering them. Prisot's opinion, to be fully expressed, should be thus +paraphrased. 'To such laws as those of holy church have recorded, and +preserved in their ancient books and writings, it is proper for us to +give credence; for so is, or so says, the common law, or law of the +land, on which all manner of other laws rest for their authority, or are +founded; that is to say, the common law, or the law of the land common +to us all, and established by the authority of us all, is that from +which is derived the authority of all other special and subordinate +branches of law, such as the canon law, law merchant, law maritime, +law of Gavelkind, Borough English, corporation laws, local customs and +usages, to all of which the common law requires its judges to permit +authority in the special or local cases belonging to them. The evidence +of these laws is preserved in their ancient treatises, books, and +writings, in like manner as our own common law itself is known, the +text-of its original enactments having been long lost, and its substance +only preserved in ancient and traditionary writings. And if it appears, +from their ancient books, writings, and records, that the bishop, in +this case, according to the rules prescribed by these authorities, has +done what an ordinary would have done, in such case, then we should +adjudge it good, otherwise not.' To decide this question, they would +have to turn to the ancient writings and records of the canon law, +in which they would find evidence of the laws of advowsons, _quare +impedit_, the duties of bishops and ordinaries, for which terms Prisot +could never have meant to refer them to the Old or New Testament, _les +saincts scriptures_, where surely they would not be found. A license +which should permit 'ancien scripture' to be translated 'holy +scripture,' annihilates at once all the evidence of language. With such +a license, we might reverse the sixth commandment into 'Thou shalt not +omit murder.' It would be the more extraordinary in this case, where +the mistranslation was to effect the adoption of the whole code of the +Jewish and Christian laws into the text of our statutes, to convert +religious offences into temporal crimes, to make the breach of every +religious precept a subject of indictment, submit the question of +idolatry, for example, to the trial of a jury, and to a court, its +punishment, to the third and fourth generation of the offender. Do we +allow to our judges this lumping legislation? + +The term 'common law,' although it has more than one meaning, is +perfectly definite, _secundum subjectam materiem_. Its most probable +origin was on the conquest of the Heptarchy by Alfred, and the +amalgamation of their several codes of law into one, which became +common to them all. The authentic text of these enactments has not been +preserved; but their substance has been committed to many ancient +books and writings, so faithfully as to have been deemed genuine from +generation to generation, and obeyed as such by all. We have some +fragments of them collected by Lambard, Wilkins, and others, but +abounding with proofs of their spurious authenticity. Magna Charta +is the earliest statute, the text of which has come down to us in an +authentic form, and thence downward we have them entire. We do not know +exactly when the common law and statute law, the _lex scripta et non +scripta_, began to be contra-distinguished, so as to give a second +acceptation to the former term; whether before or after Prisot's day, at +which time we know that nearly two centuries and a half of statutes were +in preservation. In later times, on the introduction of the chancery +branch of law, the term common law began to be used in a third sense, as +the correlative of chancery law. This, however, having been long after +Prisot's time, could not have been the sense in which he used the term. +He must have meant the ancient _lex, non scripta_, because, had he used +it as inclusive of the _lex scripta_, he would have put his finger on +the statute which had enjoined on the judges a deference to the laws of +holy church. But no such statute existing, he must have referred to the +common law in the sense of a _lex non scripta_. Whenever, then, the term +common law is used in either of these senses, and it is never employed +in any other, it is readily known in which of them by the context and +subject matter under consideration; which, in the present case, leave no +room for doubt. I do not remember the occasion which led me to take up +this subject, while a practitioner of the law. But I know I went into +it with all the research which a very copious law library enabled me to +indulge; and I fear not for the accuracy of any of my quotations. +The doctrine might be disproved by many other and different topics of +reasoning; but having satisfied myself of the origin of the forgery, and +found how, like a rolling snow-ball, it had gathered volume, I leave +its further pursuit to those who need further proof, and perhaps I have +already gone further than the feeble doubt you expressed might require, +I salute you with great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXIV.--TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, January 11, 1825 + + +TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. + +Monticello, January 11, 1825. + +Dear Sir, + +We are dreadfully nonplussed here by the non-arrival of our three +Professors. We apprehend that the idea of our opening on the 1st of +February prevails so much abroad (although we have always mentioned +it doubtfully), as that the students will assemble on that day without +awaiting the further notice which was promised. To send them away +will be discouraging, and to open an University without Mathematics or +Natural Philosophy would bring on us ridicule and disgrace. We +therefore publish an advertisement, stating that on the arrival of these +Professors, notice will be given of the day of opening the institution. + +Governor Barbour writes me hopefully of getting our fifty thousand +dollars from Congress. The proposition has been originated in the House +of Representatives, referred to the committee of claims, the chairman +of which has prepared a very favorable report, and a bill conformable, +assuming the repayment of all interest which the State has actually +paid. The legislature will certainly owe to us the recovery of this +money; for had they not given it in some measure the reverenced +character of a donation for the promotion of learning, it would never +have been paid. It is to be hoped, therefore, that the displeasure +incurred by wringing it from them at the last session, will now give +way to a contrary feeling, and even place us on a ground of some merit. +Should this sentiment take place, and the arrival of our Professors, and +filling our dormitories with students on the 1st of February, encourage +them to look more favorably towards us, perhaps it might dispose them to +enlarge somewhat their order on the same fund. You observe the Proctor +has stated in a letter accompanying our Report, that it will take about +twenty-five thousand dollars more than we have to finish the Rotunda. +Besides this, an Anatomical theatre (costing about as much as one of our +hotels, say about five thousand dollars,) is indispensable to the school +of Anatomy. There cannot be a single dissection until a proper theatre +is prepared, giving an advantageous view of the operation to those +within, and effectually excluding observation from without. Either the +additional sums, therefore, of twenty-five thousand and five thousand +dollars will be wanting, or we must be permitted to appropriate a part +of the fifty thousand to a theatre, leaving the Rotunda unfinished for +the present. Yet I should think neither of these objects an equivalent +for renewing the displeasure of the legislature. Unless we can carry +their hearty patronage with us, the institution can never flourish. +I would not, therefore, hint at this additional aid, unless it were +agreeable to our friends generally, and tolerably sure of being carried +without irritation. + +In your letter of December the 31st, you say my 'hand-writing and my +letters have great effect there,' i.e. at Richmond. I am sensible, my +dear Sir, of the kindness with which this encouragement is held up to +me. But my views of their effect are very different. When I retired from +the administration of public affairs, I thought I saw some evidence that +I retired with a good degree of public favor, and that my conduct in +office had been considered, by the one party at least, with approbation, +and with acquiescence by the other. But the attempt, in which I have +embarked so earnestly, to procure an improvement in the moral condition +of my native State, although, perhaps, in other States it may have +strengthened good dispositions, it has assuredly weakened them within +our own. The attempt ran foul of so many local interests, of so many +personal views, and so much ignorance, and I have been considered as +so particularly its promoter, that I see evidently a great change of +sentiment towards myself. I cannot doubt its having dissatisfied +with myself a respectable minority, if not a majority of the House of +Delegates. I feel it deeply, and very discouragingly. Yet I shall not +give way. I have ever found in my progress through life, that, acting +for the public, if we do always what is right, the approbation denied in +the beginning will surely follow us in the end. It is from posterity we +are to expect remuneration for the sacrifices we are making for their +service, of time, quiet, and good will. And I fear not the appeal. The +multitude of fine young men whom we shall redeem from ignorance, who +will feel that they owe to us the elevation of mind, of character, and +station they will be able to attain from the result of our efforts, will +insure their remembering us with gratitude. We will not, then, be 'weary +in well-doing.' _Usque ad aras amicus tuus_, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXV.--TO THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH, February 21, 1825 + + +THOMAS JEFFERSON TO THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH. + +This letter will, to you, be as one from the dead. The writer will be +in the grave before you can weigh its counsels. Your affectionate and +excellent father has requested that I would address to you something +which might possibly have a favorable influence on the course of life +you have to run, and I too, as a namesake, feel an interest in that +course. Few words will be necessary, with good dispositions on your +part. Adore God. Reverence and cherish your parents. Love your neighbor +as yourself, and your country more than yourself. Be just. Be true. +Murmur not at the ways of Providence. So shall the life, into which you +have entered, be the portal to one of eternal and ineffable bliss. And +if to the dead it is permitted to care for the things of this world, +every action of your life will be under my regard. Farewell. + +Monticello, February 21, 1825. + + +_The Portrait of a Good Man, by the most sublime of Poets, for your +imitation_. + + Lord, who's the happy man that may to thy blest courts repair; + Not stranger-like to visit them, but to inhabit there? + 'Tis he, whose every thought and deed by rules of virtue moves; + Whose generous tongue disdains to speak the thing his heart + disproves. + Who never did a slander forge, his neighbor's fame to wound; + Nor hearken to a false report, by malice whispered round. + Who vice, in all its pomp and power, can treat with just neglect; + And piety, though clothed in rags, religiously respect. + Who to his plighted vows and trust has ever firmly stood; + And though he promise to his loss, he makes his promise good. + Whose soul in usury disdains his treasure to employ; + Whom no rewards can ever bribe the guiltless to destroy. + The man, who, by this steady course, has happiness insured, + When earth's foundations shake, shall stand, by Providence secured. + +A Decalogue of Canons for observation in practical life. + +1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day. + +2. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself. + +3. Never spend your money before you have it. + +4. Never buy what you do not want, because it is cheap; it will be dear +to you. + +5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst, and cold. + +6. We never repent of having eaten too little. + +7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly. + +8. How much pain have cost us the evils which have never happened. + +9. Take things always by their smooth handle. + +10. When angry, count ten before you speak; if very angry, an hundred. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXVI.--TO JAMES MADISON, December 24, 1825 + + +TO JAMES MADISON. + +Monticello, December 24, 1825. + +Dear Sir, + +I have for sometime considered the question of internal improvement as +desperate. The torrent of general opinion sets so strongly in favor +of it as to be irresistible. And I suppose that even the opposition in +Congress will hereafter be feeble and formal, unless something can be +done which may give a gleam of encouragement to our friends, or alarm +their opponents in their fancied security. I learn from Richmond, that +those who think with us there are in a state of perfect dismay, not +knowing what to do, or what to propose. Mr. Gordon, our representative, +particularly, has written to me in very desponding terms, not disposed +to yield, indeed, but pressing for opinions and advice on the subject. +I have no doubt you are pressed in the same way, and I hope you have +devised and recommended something to them. If you have, stop here and +read no more, but consider all that follows as _non avenue_. I shall +be better satisfied to adopt implicitly any thing which you may have +advised, than any thing occurring to myself. For I have long ceased +to think on subjects of this kind, and pay little attention to public +proceedings. But if you have done nothing in it, then I risk for your +consideration what has occurred to me, and is expressed in the enclosed +paper. Bailey's propositions, which came to hand since I wrote the +paper, and which I suppose to have come from the President himself, show +a little hesitation in the purposes of his party; and in that state of +mind, a bolt shot critically may decide the contest, by its effect on +the less bold. The olive-branch held out to them at this moment may be +accepted, and the constitution thus saved at a moderate sacrifice. I say +nothing of the paper, which will explain itself. The following heads of +consideration, or some of them, may weigh in its favor. + +It may intimidate the wavering. It may break the western coalition, +by offering the same thing in a different form. It will be viewed with +favor in contrast with the Georgia opposition and fear of strengthening +that. It will be an example of a temperate mode of opposition in future +and similar cases. It will delay the measure a year at least. It will +give us the chance of better times and of intervening accidents; and in +no way place us in a worse than our present situation. I do not dwell on +these topics; your mind will develope them. + +The first question is, whether you approve of doing any thing of the +kind. If not, send it back to me, and it shall be suppressed; for I +would not hazard so important a measure against your opinion, nor even +without its support. If you think it may be a canvass on which to put +something good, make what alterations you please, and I will forward it +to Gordon, under the most sacred injunctions that it shall be so used as +that not a shadow of suspicion shall fall on you or myself, that it +has come from either of us. But what you do, do as promptly as your +convenience will admit, lest it should be anticipated by something +worse. Ever and affectionately yours, + +Th: Jefferson. + + +_The solemn Declaration and Protest of the Commonwealth of Virginia, on +the Principles of the Constitution of the United, States of America, and +on the Violations of them_. + +We, the General Assembly of Virginia, on behalf and in the name of the +people thereof, do declare as follows. + +The States in North America which confederated to establish their +independence on the government of Great Britain, of which Virginia was +one, became, on that acquisition, free and independent States, and, as +such, authorized to constitute governments, each for itself, in such +form as it thought best. + +They entered into a compact (which is called the Constitution of the +United States of America), by which they agreed to unite in a single +government as to their relations with each other, and with foreign +nations, and as to certain other articles particularly specified. +They retained at the same time, each to itself, the other rights of +independent government, comprehending mainly their domestic interests. + +For the administration of their federal branch, they agreed to appoint, +in conjunction, a distinct set of functionaries, legislative, executive, +and judiciary, in the manner settled in that compact: while to each, +severally and of course, remained its original right of appointing, each +for itself, a separate set of functionaries, legislative, executive, +and judiciary, also, for administering the domestic branch of their +respective governments. + +These two sets of officers, each independent of the other, constitute +thus a whole of government, for each State separately; the powers +ascribed to the one, as specifically made federal, exercised over +the whole, the residuary powers, retained to the other, exercisable +exclusively over its particular State, foreign herein, each to the +others, as they were before the original compact. + +To this construction of government and distribution of its powers, the +Commonwealth of Virginia does religiously and affectionately adhere, +opposing, with equal fidelity and firmness, the usurpation of either set +of functionaries on the rightful powers of the other. + +But the federal branch has assumed in some cases, and claimed in others, +a right of enlarging its own powers by constructions, inferences, and +indefinite deductions from those directly given, which this Assembly +does declare to be usurpations of the powers retained to the independent +branches, mere interpolations into the compact, and direct infractions +of it. + +They claim, for example, and have commenced the exercise of a right to +construct roads, open canals, and effect other internal improvements +within the territories and jurisdictions exclusively belonging to the +several States, which this Assembly does declare has not been given to +that branch by the constitutional compact, but remains to each State +among its domestic and unalienated powers, exercisable within itself and +by its domestic authorities alone. + +This Assembly does further disavow, and declare to be most false and +unfounded, the doctrine, that the compact, in authorizing its federal +branch to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises to pay +the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the +United States, has given them thereby a power to do whatever they may +think, or pretend, would promote the general welfare, which construction +would make that, of itself, a complete government, without limitation +of powers; but that the plain sense and obvious meaning were, that they +might levy the taxes necessary to provide for the general welfare, by +the various acts of power therein specified and delegated to them, and +by no others. + +Nor is it admitted, as has been said, that the people of these States, +by not investing their federal branch with all the means of bettering +their condition, have denied to themselves any which may effect that +purpose; since, in the distribution of these means, they have given to +that branch those which belong to its department, and to the States have +reserved separately the residue which belong to them separately: and +thus by the organization of the two branches taken together, have +completely secured the first object of human association, the full +improvement of their condition, and reserved to themselves all the +faculties of multiplying their own blessings. + +Whilst the General Assembly thus declares the rights retained by the +States, rights which they have never yielded, and which this State +will never voluntarily yield, they do not mean to raise the banner of +disaffection, or of separation from their sister States, co-parties with +themselves to this compact. They know and value too highly the blessings +of their Union, as to foreign nations and questions arising among +themselves, to consider every infraction as to be met by actual +resistance. They respect too affectionately the opinions of those +possessing the same rights, under the same instrument, to make every +difference of construction a ground of immediate rupture. They would, +indeed, consider such a rupture as among the greatest calamities which +could befall them; but not the greatest. There is yet one greater, +submission to a government of unlimited powers. It is only when the +hope of avoiding this shall become absolutely desperate, that further +forbearance could not be indulged. Should a majority of the co-parties, +therefore, contrary to the expectation and hope of this Assembly, +prefer, at this time, acquiescence in these assumptions of power by the +federal member of the government, we will be patient and suffer much, +under the confidence that time, ere it be too late, will prove to them +also the bitter consequences in which that usurpation will involve us +all. In the mean while, we will breast with them, rather than separate +from them, every misfortune, save that only of living under a government +of unlimited powers. We owe every other sacrifice to ourselves, to our +federal brethren, and to the world at large, to pursue with temper and +perseverance the great experiment which shall prove that man is capable +of living in society, governing itself by laws self-imposed, and +securing to its members the enjoyment of life, liberty, property, and +peace; and further to show, that even when the government of its choice +shall manifest a tendency to degeneracy, we are not at once to despair +but that the will and the watchfulness of its sounder parts will reform +its aberrations, recall it to original and legitimate principles, and +restrain it within the rightful limits of self-government. And these are +the objects of this Declaration and Protest. + +Supposing then, that it might be for the good of the whole, as some of +its co-States seem to think, that the power of making roads and canals +should be added to those directly given to the federal branch, as more +likely to be systematically and beneficially directed, than by the +independent action of the several States, this Commonwealth, from +respect to these opinions, and a desire of conciliation with its +co-States, will consent, in concurrence with them, to make this +addition, provided it be done regularly by an amendment of the compact, +in the way established by that instrument, and provided also, it be +sufficiently guarded against abuses, compromises, and corrupt practices, +not only of possible, but of probable occurrence. + +And as a further pledge of the sincere and cordial attachment of this +Commonwealth to the union of the whole, so far as has been consented +to by the compact called 'The Constitution of the United States of +America,' (construed according to the plain and ordinary meaning of its +language, to the common intendment of the time, and of those who framed +it;) to give also to all parties and authorities, time for reflection +and for consideration, whether, under a temperate view of the possible +consequences, and especially of the constant obstructions which an +equivocal majority must ever expect to meet, they will still prefer the +assumption of this power rather than its acceptance from the free will +of their constituents; and to preserve peace in the mean while, we +proceed to make it the duty of our citizens, until the legislature shall +otherwise and ultimately decide, to acquiesce under those acts of +the federal branch of our government which we have declared to be +usurpations, and against which, in point of right, we do protest as null +and void, and never to be quoted as precedents of right. + +We therefore do enact, and be it enacted by the General Assembly of +Virginia, that all citizens of this Commonwealth, and persons and +authorities within the same, shall pay full obedience at all times to +the acts which may be passed by the Congress of the United States, the +object of which shall be the construction of post-roads, making canals +of navigation, and maintaining the same, in any part of the United +States, in like manner as if the said acts were, _totidem verbis_, +passed by the legislature of this Commonwealth. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXVII.--TO WILLIAM B. GILES, December 25, 1825 + + +TO WILLIAM B. GILES. + +Monticello, December 25, 1825. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of the 15th was received four days ago. It found me engaged +in what I could not lay aside till this day. + +Far advanced in my eighty-third year, worn down with infirmities which +have confined me almost entirely to the house for seven or eight +months past, it afflicts me much to receive appeals to my memory for +transactions so far back as that which is the subject of your letter. +My memory is indeed become almost a blank, of which no better proof can +probably be given you than by my solemn protestation, that I have not +the least recollection of your intervention between Mr. John Q. Adams +and myself, in what passed on the subject of the embargo. Not the +slightest trace of it remains in my mind. Yet I have no doubt of the +exactitude of the statement in your letter. And the less, as I recollect +the interview with Mr. Adams, to which the previous communications which +had passed between him and yourself were probably and naturally the +preliminary. That interview I remember well; not indeed in the very +words which passed between us, but in their substance, which was of a +character too awful, too deeply engraved in my mind, and influencing too +materially the course I had to pursue, ever to be forgotten. Mr. Adams +called on me pending the embargo, and while endeavors were making to +obtain its repeal. He made some apologies for the call, on the ground of +our not being then in the habit of confidential communications, but that +that which he had then to make, involved too seriously the interest of +our country not to overrule all other considerations with him, and make +it his duty to reveal it to myself particularly. I assured him there was +no occasion for any apology for his visit; that, on the contrary, +his communications would be thankfully received, and would add a +confirmation the more to my entire confidence in the rectitude +and patriotism of his conduct and principles. He spoke then of the +dissatisfaction of the eastern portion of our confederacy with the +restraints of the embargo then existing, and their restlessness +under it. That there was nothing which might not be attempted, to rid +themselves of it. That he had information of the most unquestionable +certainty, that certain citizens of the Eastern States (I think he +named Massachusetts particularly) were in negotiation with agents of the +British government, the object of which was an agreement that the New +England States should take no further part in the war then going on; +that, without formally declaring their separation from the Union of the +States, they should withdraw from all aid and obedience to them, +that their navigation and commerce should be free from restraint and +interruption by the British; that they should be considered and treated +by them as neutrals, and as such might conduct themselves towards both +parties; and, at the close of the war, be at liberty to rejoin the +confederacy. He assured me that there was imminent danger that the +convention would take place; that the temptations were such as might +debauch many from their fidelity to the Union; and that, to enable +its friends to make head against it, the repeal of the embargo was +absolutely necessary. I expressed a just sense of the merit of this +information, and of the importance of the disclosure to the safety +and even the salvation of our country: and however reluctant I was to +abandon the measure (a measure which persevered in a little longer, we +had subsequent and satisfactory assurance would have effected its object +completely), from that moment, and influenced by that information, I saw +the necessity of abandoning it, and instead of effecting our purpose by +this peaceful weapon, we must fight it out, or break the Union. I then +recommended to my friends to yield to the necessity of a repeal of the +embargo, and to endeavor to supply its place by the best substitute, in +which they could procure a general concurrence. + +I cannot too often repeat, that this statement is not pretended to be +in the very words which passed; that it only gives faithfully the +impression remaining on my mind. The very words of a conversation are +too transient and fugitive to be so long retained in remembrance. But +the substance was too important to be forgotten, not only from the +revolution of measures it obliged me to adopt, but also from the +renewals of it in my memory on the frequent occasions I have had of +doing justice to Mr. Adams, by repeating this proof of his fidelity to +his country, and of his superiority over all ordinary considerations +when the safety of that was brought into question. + +With this best exertion of a waning memory which I can command, accept +assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXVIII.--TO WILLIAM B. GILES, December 26, 1825 + + +TO WILLIAM B. GILES. + +Monticello, December 26, 1825. + +Dear Sir, + +I wrote you a letter yesterday, of which you will be free to make what +use you please. This will contain matters not intended for the public +eye. I see, as you do, and with the deepest affliction, the rapid +strides with which the federal branch of our government is advancing +towards the usurpation of all the rights reserved to the States, and the +consolidation in itself of all powers, foreign and domestic; and that +too, by constructions which, if legitimate, leave no limits to their +power. Take together the decisions of the federal court, the doctrines +of the President, and the misconstructions of the constitutional compact +acted on by the legislature of the federal branch, and it is but too +evident, that the three ruling branches of that department are in +combination to strip their colleagues, the State authorities, of the +powers reserved by them, and to exercise themselves all functions, +foreign and domestic. Under the power to regulate commerce, they assume +indefinitely that also over agriculture and manufactures, and call it +regulation to take the earnings of one of these branches of industry, +and that too the most depressed, and put them into the pockets of the +other, the most flourishing of all. Under the authority to establish +post-roads, they claim that of cutting down mountains for the +construction of roads, of digging canals, and aided by a little +sophistry on the words 'general welfare,' a right to do, not only the +acts to effect that, which are specifically enumerated and permitted, +but whatsoever they shall think or pretend will be for the general +welfare. And what is our resource for the preservation of the +constitution? Reason and argument? You might as well reason and argue +with the marble columns encircling them. The representatives chosen by +ourselves? They are joined in the combination, some from incorrect views +of government, some from corrupt ones, sufficient, voting together, +to outnumber the sound parts; and with majorities only of one, two, or +three, bold enough to go forward in defiance. Are we then to stand +to our arms, with the hot-headed Georgian? No. That must be the last +resource, not to be thought of until much longer and greater sufferings. +If every infraction of a compact of so many parties is to be resisted at +once, as a dissolution of it, none can ever be formed which would last +one year. We must have patience and longer endurance then with our +brethren while under delusion; give them time for reflection and +experience of consequences; keep ourselves in a situation to profit by +the chapter of accidents; and separate from our companions only when the +sole alternatives left, are the dissolution of our Union with them, or +submission to a government without limitation of powers. Between these +two evils, when we must make a choice, there can be no hesitation. But +in the mean while, the States should be watchful to note every material +usurpation on their rights; to denounce them as they occur in the most +peremptory terms; to protest against them as wrongs to which our present +submission shall be considered, not as acknowledgments or precedents +of right, but as a temporary yielding to the lesser evil, until their +accumulation shall overweigh that of separation. I would go still +further, and give to the federal member, by a regular amendment of the +constitution, a right to make roads and canals of intercommunication +between the States, providing sufficiently against corrupt practices in +Congress (log-rolling, &c.), by declaring that the federal proportion +of each State of the monies so employed, shall be in works within +the State, or elsewhere with its consent, and with a due _salvo_ of +jurisdiction. This is the course which I think safest and best as yet. +You ask my opinion of the propriety of giving publicity to what is +stated in your letter, as having passed between Mr. John Q. Adams and +yourself. Of this no one can judge but yourself. It is one of those +questions which belong to the forum of feeling. This alone can decide +on the degree of confidence implied in the disclosure; whether under no +circumstances it was to be communicated to others. It does not seem to +be of that character, or at all to wear that aspect. They are historical +facts, which belong to the present, as well as future times. I +doubt whether a single fact, known to the world, will carry as clear +conviction to it, of the correctness of our knowledge of the treasonable +views of the federal party of that day, as that disclosed by this, the +most nefarious and daring attempt to dissever the Union, of which the +Hartford Convention was a subsequent chapter: and both of these having +failed, consolidation becomes the first chapter of the next book of +their history. But this opens with a vast accession of strength from +their younger recruits, who, having nothing in them of the feelings or +principles of '76, now look to a single and splendid government of an +aristocracy, founded on banking institutions, and monied incorporations +under the guise and cloak of their favored branches of manufactures, +commerce, and navigation, riding and ruling over the plundered ploughman +and beggared yeomanry. This will be to them a next best blessing to the +monarchy of their first aim, and perhaps the surest stepping-stone to +it. + +I learn with great satisfaction that your school is thriving well, and +that you have at its head a truly classical scholar. He is one of three +or four whom I can hear of in the State. We were obliged the last +year to receive shameful Latinists into the classical school of the +University; such as we will certainly refuse as soon as we can get from +better schools a sufficiency of those properly instructed to form a +class. We must get rid of this Connecticut Latin, of this barbarous +confusion of long and short syllables, which renders doubtful whether we +are listening to a reader of Cherokee, Shawnee, Iroquois, or what. Our +University has been most fortunate in the five Professors procured from +England. A finer selection could not have been made. Besides their +being of a grade of science which has left little superior behind, the +correctness of their moral character, their accommodating dispositions, +and zeal for the prosperity of the institution, leave us nothing more +to wish. I verily believe that as high a degree of, education can now be +obtained here, as in the country they left. And a finer set of youths I +never saw assembled for instruction. They committed some irregularities +at first, until they learned the lawful length of their tether; since +which it has never been transgressed in the smallest degree. A great +proportion of them are severely devoted to study, and I fear not to say, +that within twelve or fifteen years from this time, a majority of the +rulers of our State will have been educated here. They shall carry hence +the correct principles of our day, and you may count assuredly that they +will exhibit their country in a degree of sound respectability it has +never known, either in our days, or those of our forefathers. I cannot +live to see it. My joy must only be that of anticipation. But that you +may see it in full fruition, is the probable consequence of the twenty +years I am ahead of you in time, and is the sincere prayer of your +affectionate and constant friend, + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CLXXXIX.--TO CLAIBORNE W. GOOCH, January 9, 1826 + + +TO CLAIBORNE W. GOOCH. + +Monticello, January 9, 1826. + +Dear Sir, + +I have duly received your favor of December the 31st, and fear, with +you, all the evils which the present lowering aspect of our political +horizon so ominously portends. That at some future day, which I hoped +to be very distant, the free principles of our government might change, +with the change of circumstances, was to be expected. But I certainly +did not expect that they would not over-live the generation which +established them. And what I still less expected was, that my favorite +western country was to be made the instrument of change. I had ever +and fondly cherished the interests of that country, relying on it as a +barrier against the degeneracy of public opinion from our original and +free principles. But the bait of local interests, artfully prepared +for their palate, has decoyed them from their kindred attachments, +to alliances alien to them. Yet, although I have little hope that the +torrent of consolidation can be withstood, I should not be for giving up +the ship without efforts to save her. She lived well through the first +squall, and may weather the present one. But, Dear Sir, I am not the +champion called for by our present dangers; _Non tali auxilio, nee +defensoribus istis, tempus eget_.' A waning body, a waning mind, +and waning memory, with habitual ill health, warn me to withdraw and +relinquish the arena to younger and abler athletes. I am sensible +myself, if others are not, that this is my duty. If my distant friends +know it not, those around me can inform them that they should not, in +friendship, wish to call me into conflicts, exposing only the decays +which nature has inscribed among her unalterable laws, and injuring the +common cause by a senile and puny defence. + +I will, however, say one word on the subject. The South Carolina +resolutions, Van Buren's motion, and above all Bailey's propositions, +show that other States are coming forward on the subject, and better for +any one to take the lead than Virginia, where opposition is considered +as common-place, and a mere matter of form and habit. We shall see what +our co-States propose, and before the close of the session we may shape +our own course more understandingly. + +Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXC.--TO [ANONYMOUS], January 21, 1826 + + +Monticello, January 21, 1826. + +Dear Sir, + +Your favor of January the 15th is received, and I am entirely +sensible of the kindness of the motives which suggested the caution it +recommended. But I believe what I have done is the only thing I could +have done with honor or conscience. Mr. Giles requested me to state a +fact which he knew himself, and of which he knew me to be possessed. +What use he intended to make of it I knew not, nor had I a right to +inquire, or to indicate any suspicion that he would make an unfair one. +That was his concern, not mine, and his character was sufficient to +sustain the responsibility for it. I knew, too, that if an uncandid use +should be made of it, there would be found those who would so prove it. +Independent of the terms of intimate friendship on which Mr. Giles and +myself have ever lived together, the world's respect entitled him to +the justice of my testimony to any truth he might call for; and how that +testimony should connect me with whatever he may do or write hereafter, +and with his whole career, as you apprehend, is not understood by me. +With his personal controversies I have nothing to do. I never took any +part in them, or in those of any other person. Add to this, that the +statement I have given him on the subject of Mr. Adams, is entirely +honorable to him in every sentiment and fact it contains. There is not +a word in it which I would wish to recall. It is one which Mr. Adams +himself might willingly quote, did he need to quote any thing. It was +simply, that during the continuance of the embargo, Mr. Adams informed +me of a combination (without naming any one concerned in it), which had +for its object a severance of the Union, for a time at least. That Mr. +Adams and myself not being then in the habit of mutual consultation and +confidence, I considered it as the stronger proof of the purity of his +patriotism, which was able to lift him above all party passions when +the safety of his country was endangered. Nor have I kept this honorable +fact to myself. During the late canvass, particularly, I had more +than one occasion to quote it to persons who were expressing opinions +respecting him, of which this was a direct corrective. I have never +entertained for Mr. Adams any but sentiments of esteem and respect; and +if we have not thought alike on political subjects, I yet never doubted +the honesty of his opinions, of which the letter in question, if +published, will be an additional proof. Still, I recognise your +friendship in suggesting a review of it, and am glad of this, as of +every other occasion, of repeating to you the assurance of my constant +attachment and respect. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXCI.--TO JAMES MADISON, February 17,1826 + + +TO JAMES MADISON. + +Monticello, February 17,1826. + +Dear Sir, + +Immediately on seeing the overwhelming vote of the House of +Representatives against giving us another dollar, I rode to the +University and desired Mr. Brockenbrough to engage in nothing new, to +stop every thing on hand which could be done without, and to employ all +his force and funds in finishing the circular room for the books, and +the Anatomical theatre. These cannot be done without; and for these +and all our debts, we have funds enough. But I think it prudent then to +clear the decks thoroughly, to see how we shall stand, and what we +may accomplish further. In the mean time, there have arrived for us in +different ports of the United States, ten boxes of books, from Paris, +seven from London, and from Germany I know not how many; in all, +perhaps, about twenty-five boxes. Not one of these can be opened until +the book-room is completely finished, and all the shelves ready to +receive their charge directly from the boxes, as they shall be opened. +This cannot be till May. I hear nothing definitive of the three thousand +dollars duty of which we are asking the remission from Congress. In the +selection of our Law Professor, we must be rigorously attentive to his +political principles. You will recollect, that, before the Revolution, +Coke Littleton was the universal elementary book of law students, and +a sounder whig never wrote, nor of profounder learning in the orthodox +doctrines of the British constitution, or in what were called English +liberties. You remember also that our lawyers were then all whigs. But +when his black-letter text, and uncouth but cunning learning got out of +fashion, and the honied Mansfieldism of Blackstone became the students' +hornbook, from that moment, that profession (the nursery of our +Congress) began to slide into toryism, and nearly all the young brood +of lawyers now are of that hue. They suppose themselves, indeed, to be +whigs, because they no longer know what whigism or republicanism means. +It is in our seminary that that vestal flame is to be kept alive; it is +thence it is to spread anew over our own and the sister States. If we +are true and vigilant in our trust, within a dozen or twenty years +a majority of our own legislature will be from our school, and many +disciples will have carried its doctrines home with them to their +several States, and will have leavened thus the whole mass. New York has +taken strong ground in vindication of the constitution; South Carolina +had already done the same. Although I was against our leading, I am +equally against omitting to follow in the same line, and backing them +firmly; and i hope that yourself or some other will mark out the track +to be pursued by us. + +You will have seen in the newspapers some proceedings in the +legislature, which have cost me much mortification. My own debts had +become considerable, but not beyond the effect of some lopping of +property, which would have been little felt, when our friend ---- gave +me the coup de grace. Ever since that I have been paying twelve hundred +dollars a year interest on his debt, which, with my own, was absorbing +so much of my annual income, as that the maintenance of my family was +making deep and rapid inroads on my capital, and had already done it. +Still, sales at a fair price would leave me competently provided. Had +crops and prices for several years been such as to maintain a steady +competition of substantial bidders at market, all would have been safe. +But the long succession of years of stunted crops, of reduced prices, +the general prostration of the farming business, under levies for the +support of manufacturers, &c, with the calamitous fluctuations of +value in our paper medium, have kept agriculture in a state of abject +depression, which has peopled the western States by silently breaking +up those on the Atlantic, and glutted the land-market, while it drew off +its bidders. In such a state of things, property has lost its character +of being a resource for debts. Highland in Bedford, which, in the days +of our plethory, sold readily for from fifty to one hundred dollars the +acre (and such sales were many then), would not now sell for more than +from ten to twenty dollars, or one quarter or one fifth of its former +price. Reflecting on these things, the practice occurred to me, of +selling, on fair valuation, and by way of lottery, often resorted to +before the Revolution to effect large sales, and still in constant usage +in every State for individual as well as corporation purposes. If it is +permitted in my case, my lands here alone, with the mills, he, will pay +every thing, and leave me Monticello and a farm free. If refused, I must +sell every thing here, perhaps considerably in Bedford, move thither +with my family, where I have not even a log hut to put my head into, and +whether ground for burial, will depend on the depredations which, +under the form of sales, shall have been committed on my property. The +question then with me was, _Utrum horum?_ But why afflict you with +these details? Indeed, I cannot tell, unless pains are lessened by +communication with a friend. The friendship which has subsisted between +us, now half a century, and the harmony of our political principles and +pursuits, have been sources of constant happiness to me through that +long period. And if I remove beyond the reach of attentions to the +University, or beyond the bourne of life itself, as I soon must, it is a +comfort to leave that institution under your care, and an assurance +that it will not be wanting. It has also been a great solace to me, to +believe that you are engaged in vindicating to posterity the course we +have pursued for preserving to them, in all their purity, the blessings +of self-government, which we had assisted too in acquiring for them. If +ever the earth has beheld a system of administration conducted with a +single and steadfast eye to the general interest and happiness of those +committed to it, one which, protected by truth, can never know reproach, +it is that to which our lives have been devoted. To myself you have +been a pillar of support through life. Take care of me when dead, and be +assured that I shall leave with you my last affections. + +Th: Jefferson. + + [The following paper it is deemed proper to insert, as well + because of the explanation it contains of the reasons which + led the author to ask permission of the legislature to sell + his property by lottery, as of its otherwise interesting + character.] + + + + +THOUGHTS ON LOTTERIES. + + +It is a common idea that games of chance are immoral. But what is +chance? Nothing happens in this world without a cause. If we know the +cause, we do not call it chance; but if we do not know it, we say it was +produced by chance. If we see a loaded die turn its lightest side up, +we know the cause, and that it is not an effect of chance; but whatever +side an unloaded die turns up, not knowing the cause, we say it is +the effect of chance. Yet the morality of a thing cannot depend on our +knowledge or ignorance of its cause. Not knowing why a particular side +of an unloaded die turns up, cannot make the act of throwing it, or of +betting on it, immoral. If we consider games of chance immoral, then +every pursuit of human industry is immoral, for there is not a single +one that is not subject to chance; not one wherein you do not risk a +loss for the chance of some gain. The navigator, for example, risks +his ship in the hope (if she is not lost in the voyage) of gaining an +advantageous freight. The merchant risks his cargo to gain a better +price for it. A landholder builds a house on the risk of indemnifying +himself by a rent. The hunter hazards his time and trouble in the hope +of killing game. In all these pursuits, you stake some one thing against +another which you hope to win. But the greatest of all gamblers is the +farmer. He risks the seed he puts into the ground, the rent he pays for +the ground itself, the year's labor on it, and the wear and tear of his +cattle and gear, to win a crop, which the chances of too much or too +little rain, and general uncertainties of weather, insects, waste, &c. +often make a total or partial loss. These, then, are games of chance. +Yet so far from being immoral, they are indispensable to the existence +of man, and every one has a natural right to choose for his pursuit such +one of them as he thinks most likely to furnish him subsistence. Almost +all these pursuits of chance produce something useful to society. But +there are some which produce nothing, and endanger the well-being of the +individuals engaged in them, or of others depending on them. Such are +games with cards, dice, billiards, &c. And although the pursuit of them +is a matter of natural right, yet society, perceiving the irresistible +bent of some of its members to pursue them, and the ruin produced by +them to the families depending on these individuals, consider it as a +case of insanity, _quoad hoc_, step in to protect the family and the +party himself, as in other cases of insanity, infancy, imbecility, &c, +and suppress the pursuit altogether, and the natural right of following +it. There are some other games of chance, useful on certain occasions, +and injurious only when carried beyond their useful bounds. Such are +insurances, lotteries, raffles, &tc. These they do not suppress, but +take their regulation under their own discretion. The insurance of +ships on voyages is a vocation of chance, yet useful, and the right to +exercise it therefore is left free. So of houses against fire, doubtful +debts, the continuance of a particular life, and similar cases. Money is +wanting for an useful undertaking, as a school, &c. for which a direct +tax would be disapproved. It is raised therefore by a lottery, wherein +the tax is laid on the willing only, that is to say, on those who can +risk the price of a ticket without sensible injury, for the possibility +of a higher prize. An article of property, insusceptible of division at +all, or not without great diminution of its worth, is sometimes of so +large value as that no purchaser can be found, while the owner owes +debts, has no other means of payment, and his creditors no other chance +of obtaining it, but by its sale at a full and fair price. The lottery +is here a salutary instrument for disposing of it, where many run small +risks for the chance of obtaining a high prize. In this way, the great +estate of the late Colonel Byrd (in 1756) was made competent to pay his +debts, which, had the whole been brought into the market at once, would +have overdone the demand, would have sold at half or quarter the value, +and sacrificed the creditors, half or three fourths of whom would have +lost their debts. This method of selling was formerly very much resorted +to, until it was thought to nourish too much a spirit of hazard. The +legislature Were therefore induced, not to suppress it altogether, but +to take it under their own special regulation. This they did, for the +first time, by their act of 1769, c.17., before which time, every person +exercised the right freely; and since which time, it is made unlawful +but when approved and authorized by a special act of the legislature. + +Since then, this right of sale, by way of lottery, has been exercised +only under the discretion of the legislature. Let us examine the +purposes for which they have allowed it in practice, not looking beyond +the date of our independence. + +1. It was for a long time an item of the standing revenue of the State. + +1813. c. 1. Sec. 3 An act imposing taxes for the support of government, and +c. 2. Sec. 10. + +1814. Dec. c. 1. Sec. 3. 1814. Feb. c. 1. Sec. 3. 1818. c. 1. Sec. 1. 1819. c. 1. +1820. c. 1. + +This then is a declaration by the nation, that an act was not immoral, +of which they were in the habitual use themselves as a part of the +regular means of supporting the government: the tax on the vender of +tickets was their share of the profits, and if their share was innocent, +his could not be criminal. + +2. It has been abundantly permitted, to raise money by lottery for the +purposes of schools; and in this, as in many other cases, the lottery +has been permitted to retain a part of the money (generally from ten to +fifteen per cent.) for the use to which the lottery has been applied. +So that while the adventurers paid one hundred dollars for tickets, they +received back eighty-five or ninety dollars only, in the form of prizes, +the remaining ten or fifteen being the tax levied on them, with their +own consent. Examples are. + +1784. c. 34. Authorizing the city of Williamsburg to raise L2000 for a +grammar school. + +1789. c. 68. For Randolph Academy, L1000. + +1789. c. 73. For Fauquier Academy, L500. c. 74. For the Fredericksburg +Academy, L4000. + +1790. c. 46. For the Transylvania Seminary, L500. For the Southampton +Academy, L300. + +1796. c. 82. For the New London Academy. + +1803. c. 49. For the Fredericksburg Charity School. c" 50. For finishing +the Strasburg Seminary. c. 58. For William and Mary College. c. 62. For +the Bannister Academy.c. 79. For the Belfield Academy. c. 82. For the +Petersburg Academy. + +1804. c. 40. For the Hotsprings Seminary. c. 76. For the Stevensburg +Academy. c.100. For William and Mary College. + +1805. c. 24. For the Rumford Academy. + +1812. c. 10. For the Literary Fund. To sell the privilege for $30,000 +annually, for seven years. + +1816. c. 80. For Norfolk Academy, $12,000. Norfolk Female Society, +$2000. Lancastrian School, $6000. + + +3. The next object of lotteries has been rivers. + +1790. c. 46. For a bridge between Gosport and Portsmouth, L400. + +1796. c. 83. For clearing Roanoke River. + +1804. c. 62. For clearing Quantico Creek. + +1805. c. 42. For a toll-bridge over Cheat River. + +1816. c. 49. For the Dismal Swamp, $50,000. + + +4. For roads. + +1790. c. 46. For a road to Warminster, L200. For cutting a road from +Rockfish gap to Scott's and Nicholas's landing, L400. 1796. c. 85. To +repair certain roads. + +1803. c. 60. For improving roads to Snigger's and Ashby's gaps. c. 61. +For opening a road to Brock's gap. c. 65. For opening a road from the +town of Monroe to Sweet Springs and Lewisburg. + +* The acts not being at hand, the sums allowed are not known. + +1803. c. 71. For improving the road to Brock's gap. + +1805. c. 5. For improving the road to Clarksburg. c. 26. For opening a +road from Monongalia Glades to Fishing Creek. + +1813. c. 44. For opening a road from Thornton's gap. + + +5. Lotteries for the benefit of counties. + +1796. c. 78. To authorize a lottery in the county of Shenandoah. c. 84. +To authorize a lottery in the county of Gloucester. + + +6. Lotteries for the benefit of towns. + +1782. c. 31. Richmond, for a bridge over Shockoe, amount not limited. + +1789. c. 75. Alexandria, to pave its streets, L1500. + +1790. c. 46. do. do. L5000. 1796. c. 79. Norfolk, one or more lotteries +authorized., c. 81. Petersburg, a lottery authorized. + +1803. c. 12. Woodstock, a lottery authorized c. 48. Fredericksburg, +for improving its main street. c. 73. Harrisonburg, for improving its +streets. + + +7. Lotteries for religious congregations. + +1785. c.lll. Completing a church in Winchester. For rebuilding a church +in the parish of Elizabeth River. + +1791. c. 69. For the benefit of the Episcopal society. + +1790. c. 46. For building a church in Warminster, L200. in Halifax, +L200. in Alexandria, L500. in Petersburg, L750. in Shepherdstown, L250. + + +8. Lotteries for private societies. + +1790. c. 46. For the Amicable Society in Richmond, L1000. + +1791. c. 70. For building a Freemason's hall in Charlotte, L750. + + +9. Lotteries for the benefit of private individuals. [To raise money for +them.] + +1796. c. 80. For the sufferers by fire in the town of Lexington. + +1781. c. 6. For completing titles under Byrd's lottery. + +1790. c. 46. To erect a paper-mill in Staunton, L300. To raise L2000 for +Nathaniel Twining. + +1791. c. 13. To raise L4000 for William Tatham, to enable him to +complete his geographical work. To enable---------to complete a literary +work.* + +* I found such an act, but not noting it at the time, I have not been +able to find it again. But there is such an one. + + +We have seen, then, that every vocation in life is subject to the +influence of chance; that so far from being rendered immoral by the +admixture of that ingredient, were they abandoned on that account, man +could no longer subsist; that, among them, every one has a natural +right to choose that which he thinks most likely to give him comfortable +subsistence; but that while the greater number of these pursuits are +productive of something which adds to the necessaries and comforts of +life, others again, such as cards, dice, &ic, are entirely unproductive, +doing good to none, injury to many, yet so easy, and so seducing in +practice to men of a certain constitution of mind, that they cannot +resist the temptation, be the consequences what they may; that in this +case, as in those of insanity, idiocy, infancy, &c, it is the duty of +society to take them under its protection, even against their own acts, +and to restrain their right of choice of these pursuits, by suppressing +them entirely; that there are others, as lotteries particularly, which, +although liable to chance also, are useful for many purposes, and are +therefore retained and placed under the discretion of the legislature, +to be permitted or refused according to the circumstances of every +special case, of which they are to judge: that between the years 1782 +and 1820, a space of thirty-eight years only, we have observed seventy +case's, where the permission of them has been found useful by the +legislature, some of which are in progress at this time. These cases +relate to the emolument of the whole State, to local benefits of +education, of navigation, of roads, of counties, towns, religious +assemblies, private societies, and of individuals under particular +circumstances which may claim indulgence or favor. The latter is the +case now submitted to the legislature, and the question is, whether the +individual soliciting their attention, or his situation, may merit +that degree of consideration, which will justify the legislature in +permitting him to avail himself of the mode of selling by lottery, for +the purpose of paying his debts. + +That a fair price cannot be obtained by sale in the ordinary way, and +in the present depressed state of agricultural industry, is well known. +Lands in this State will not now sell for more than a third or fourth of +what they would have brought a few years ago, perhaps at the very time +of the contraction of the debts for which they are now to be sold. +The low price in foreign markets, for a series of years past, of +agricultural produce, of wheat generally, of tobacco most commonly, and +the accumulation of duties on the articles of consumption not produced +within our State, not only disable the farmer or planter from adding to +his farm by purchase, but reduce him to sell his own, and remove to the +western country, glutting the market he leave's, while he lessens the +number of bidders. To be protected against this sacrifice is the object +of the present application, and whether the applicant has any particular +claim to this protection, is the present question. + +Here the answer must be left to others. It is not for me to give it. I +may, however, more readily than others, suggest the offices in which I +have served. I came of age in 1764, and was soon put into the nomination +of justices of the county in which I live, and at the first election +following I became one of its representatives in the legislature. + +I was thence sent to the old Congress. + +Then employed two years, with Mr. Pendleton and Mr. Wythe, on the +revisal and reduction to a single code of the whole body of the British +statutes, the acts of our Assembly, and certain parts of the common law. + +Then elected Governor. + +Next to the legislature, and to Congress again. + +Sent to Europe as Minister Plenipotentiary. + +Appointed Secretary of State to the new government. + +Elected Vice President, and + +President. + +And lastly, a Visitor and Rector of the University. + +In these different offices, with scarcely any interval between them, I +have been in the public service now sixty-one years; and during the far +greater part of the time, in foreign countries or in other States. Every +one knows how inevitably a Virginia estate, goes to ruin, when the owner +is so far distant as to be unable to pay attention to it himself; and +the more especially, when the line of his employment is of a character +to abstract and alienate his mind entirely from the knowledge necessary +to good, and even to saving management. + +If it were thought worth while to specify any particular services +rendered, I would refer to the specification of them made by the +legislature itself in their Farewell Address, on my retiring from +the Presidency, February, 1809. [This will be found in 2 Pleasant's +Collection, page 144.] There is one, however, not therein specified, the +most important in its consequences, of any transaction in any portion +of my life; to wit, the head I personally made against the federal +principles and proceedings, during the administration of Mr. Adams. +Their usurpations and violations of the constitution at that period, and +their majority in both Houses of Congress, were so great, so decided, +and so daring, that after combating their aggressions, inch by inch, +without being able in the least to check their career, the republican +leaders thought it would be best for them to give up their useless +efforts there, go home, get into their respective legislatures, embody +whatever of resistance they could be formed into, and if ineffectual, to +perish there as in the last ditch. All, therefore, retired, leaving +Mr. Gallatin alone in the House of Representatives, and myself in the +Senate, where I then presided as Vice-President. Remaining at our posts, +and bidding defiance to the brow-beatings and insults by which they +endeavored to drive us off also, we kept the mass of republicans in +phalanx together, until the legislatures could be brought up to the +charge; and nothing on earth is more certain, than that if myself +particularly, placed by my office of Vice-President at the head of the +republicans, had given way and withdrawn from my post, the republicans +throughout the Union would have given up in despair, and the cause +would have been lost for ever. By holding on, we obtained time for the +legislatures to come up with their weight; and those of Virginia +and Kentucky particularly, but more especially the former, by their +celebrated resolutions, saved the constitution, at its last gasp. No +person who was not a witness of the scenes of that gloomy period, can +form any idea of the afflicting persecutions and personal indignities we +had to brook. They saved our country however. The spirits of the people +were so much subdued and reduced to despair by the X. Y. Z. imposture, +and other stratagems and machinations, that they would have sunk into +apathy and monarchy, as the only form of government which could maintain +itself. + +If legislative services are worth mentioning, and the stamp of +liberality and equality, which was necessary to be impressed on our laws +in the first crisis of our birth as a nation, was of any value, they +will find that the leading and most important laws of that day were +prepared by myself, and carried chiefly by my efforts; supported, +indeed, by able and faithful coadjutors from the ranks of the House, +very effective as seconds, but who would not have taken the field as +leaders. + +The prohibition of the further importation of slaves, was the first of +these measures in time. + +This was followed by the abolition of entails, which broke up the +hereditary and high-handed aristocracy, which, by accumulating immense +masses of property in single lines of families, had divided our country +into two distinct orders, of nobles and plebeians. + +But further to complete the equality among our citizens so essential to +the maintenance of republican government, it was necessary to abolish +the principle of primogeniture. I drew the law of descents, giving equal +inheritance to sons and daughters which made a part of the revised code. + +The attack on the establishment of a dominant religion, was first made +by myself. It could be carried at first only by a suspension of salaries +for one year, by battling it again at the next session for another year, +and so from year to year, until the public mind was ripened for the bill +for establishing religious freedom, which I had prepared for the revised +code also. This was at length established permanently, and by the +efforts chiefly of Mr. Madison, being myself in Europe at the time that +work was brought forward. + +To these particular services, I think I might add the establishment of +our University, as principally my work, acknowledging at the same time, +as I do, the great assistance received from my able colleagues of the +Visitation. But my residence in the vicinity threw, of course, on me +the chief burthen of the enterprise, as well of the buildings, as of +the general organization and care of the whole. The effect of this +institution on the future fame, fortune, and prosperity of our country, +can as yet be seen but at a distance. But an hundred well educated +youths, which it will turn out annually, and ere long, will fill all +its offices with men of superior qualifications, and raise it from its +humble state to an eminence among its associates which it has never yet +known; no, not in its brightest days. That institution is now qualified +to raise its youth to an order of science unequalled in any other State; +and this superiority will be the greater from the free range of mind +encouraged there, and the restraint imposed at other seminaries by the +shackles of a domineering hierarchy, and a bigoted adhesion to ancient +habits. Those now on the theatre of affairs will enjoy the ineffable +happiness of seeing themselves succeeded by sons of a grade of science +beyond their own ken. Our sister States will also be repairing to the +same fountains of instruction, will bring hither their genius to be +kindled at our fire, and will carry back the fraternal affections +which, nourished by the same alma mater, will knit us to them by the +indissoluble bonds of early personal friendships. The good Old Dominion, +the blessed mother of us all, will then raise her head with pride among +the nations, will present to them that splendor of genius which she +has ever possessed, but has too long suffered to rest uncultivated +and unknown, and will become a centre of ralliance to the States whose +youths she has instructed, and, as it were, adopted. + +I claim some share in the merits of this great work of regeneration. My +whole labors, now for many years, have been devoted to it, and I stand +pledged to follow it up through the remnant of life remaining to me. And +what remuneration do I ask? Money from the treasury? Not a cent. I ask +nothing from the earnings or labors of my fellow-citizens. I wish no +man's comforts to be abridged for the enlargement of mine. For the +services rendered on all occasions, I have been always paid to my full +satisfaction. I never wished a dollar more than what the law had fixed +on. My request is, only to be permitted to sell my own property freely +to pay my own debts. To sell it, I say, and not to sacrifice it, not +to have it gobbled up by speculators to make fortunes for themselves, +leaving unpaid those who have trusted to my good faith, and myself +without resource in the last and most helpless stage of life. If +permitted to sell it in a way which will bring me a fair price, all will +be honestly and honorably paid, and a competence left for myself, and +for those who look to me for subsistence. To sell it in a way which will +offend no moral principle, and expose none to risk but the willing, and +those wishing to be permitted to take the chance of gain. To give me, in +short, that permission which you often allow to others for purposes not +more moral. + +Will it be objected, that although not evil in itself, it may, as a +precedent, lead to evil? But let those who shall quote the precedent +bring their case within the same measure. Have they, as in this case, +devoted three-score years and one of their lives, uninterruptedly, to +the service of their country? Have the times of those services been as +trying as those which have embraced our Revolution, our transition from +a colonial to a free structure of government? Have the stations of their +trial been of equal importance? Has the share they have borne in holding +their new government to its genuine principles, been equally marked? +And has the cause of the distress, against which they seek a remedy, +proceeded, not merely from themselves, but from errors of the public +authorities, disordering the circulating medium, over which they had +no control, and which have, in fact, doubled and trebled debts, by +reducing, in that proportion, the value of the property which was to pay +them? If all these circumstances, which characterize the present case, +have taken place in theirs also, then follow the precedent. Be assured, +the cases will be so rare as to produce no embarrassment, as never to +settle into an injurious habit. The single feature of a sixty years' +service, as no other instance of it has yet occurred in our country, so +it probably never may again. And should it occur, even once and again, +it will not impoverish your treasury, as it takes nothing from that, and +asks but a simple permission, by an act of natural right, to do one of +moral justice. + +In the 'Thoughts on Lotteries,' the following paper is referred to. It +is here copied to spare the trouble of seeking for the-book. + + +_Farewell Address To Th: Jefferson, President Of The United States_. + +[Agreed to by both Houses, February 7, 1809.] + +Sir, The General Assembly of your native State cannot close their +session, without acknowledging your services in the office which you are +just about to lay down, and bidding you a respectful and affectionate +farewell. + +We have to thank you for the model of an administration conducted on +the purest principles of republicanism; for pomp and state laid aside; +patronage discarded; internal taxes abolished; a host of superfluous +officers disbanded; the monarchic maxim that 'a national debt is a +national blessing,' renounced, and more than thirty-three millions of +our debt discharged; the native right to nearly one hundred millions +of acres of our national domain extinguished; and, without the guilt or +calamities of conquest, a vast and, fertile region added to our country, +far more extensive than her original possessions, bringing along with +it the Mississippi and the port of Orleans, the trade of the west to the +Pacific Ocean, and in the intrinsic value of the land itself, a source +of permanent and almost inexhaustible revenue. These are points in your +administration which the historian will not fail to seize, to expand, +and teach posterity to dwell upon with delight. Nor will he forget our +peace with the civilized world, preserved through a season of uncommon +difficulty and trial; the good-will cultivated with the unfortunate +aborigines of our country, and the civilization humanely extended among +them; the lesson taught the inhabitants of the coast of Barbary, that +we have the means of chastising their piratical encroachments, and +awing them into justice; and that theme, on which, above all others, the +historic genius will hang with rapture, the liberty of speech and of the +press, preserved inviolate, without which genius and science are given +to man in vain. + +In the principles on which you have administered the government, we see +only the continuation and maturity of the same virtues and abilities, +which drew upon you in your youth the resentment of Dunmore. From the +first brilliant and happy moment of your resistance to foreign tyranny, +until the present day, we mark with pleasure and with gratitude the same +uniform, consistent character, the same warm and devoted attachment +to liberty and the republic, the same Roman love of your country, her +rights, her peace, her honor, her prosperity. + +How blessed will be the retirement into which you are about to go! How +deservedly blessed will it be! For you carry with you the richest of all +rewards, the recollection of a life well spent in the service of your +country, and proofs the most decisive, of the love, the gratitude, the +veneration of your countrymen. + +That your retirement may be as happy as your life has been virtuous and +useful; that our youth may see, in the blissful close of your days, an +additional inducement to form themselves on your model, is the devout +and earnest prayer of your fellow-citizens who compose the General +Assembly of Virginia. + + + + +LETTER CXCII.--TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, March 30, 1826 + + +TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. + +Monticello, March 30, 1826. + +Dear Sir, + +I am thankful for the very interesting message and documents of +which you have been so kind as to send me a copy, and will state my +recollections as to the particular passage of the message to which you +ask my attention. On the conclusion of peace, Congress, sensible of +their right to assume independence, would not condescend to ask its +acknowledgment from other nations, yet were willing, by some of the +ordinary international transactions, to receive what would imply that +acknowledgment. They appointed commissioners, therefore, to propose +treaties of commerce to the principal nations of Europe. I was then +a member of Congress, was of the committee appointed to prepare +instructions for the commissioners, was, as you suppose, the draughtsman +of those actually agreed to, and was joined with your father and Doctor +Franklin to carry them into execution. But the stipulations making +part of these instructions, which respected privateering, blockades, +contraband, and freedom of the fisheries, were not original conceptions +of mine. They had before been suggested by Doctor Franklin, in some +of his papers in possession of the public, and had I think, been +recommended in some letter of his to Congress I happen only to have +been the inserter of them in the first public act which gave the formal +sanction of a public authority. We accordingly proposed our treaties, +containing these stipulations, to the principal governments of Europe. +But we were then just emerged from a subordinate condition; the +nations had as yet known nothing of us and had not yet reflected on the +relations which it might be their interest to establish with us. Most of +them, therefore, listened to our propositions with coyness and reserve; +old Frederic alone closing with us without hesitation. The negotiator of +Portugal, indeed, signed a treaty with us, which his government did +not ratify, and Tuscany was near a final agreement. Becoming sensible, +however, ourselves, that we should do nothing with the greater powers, +we thought it better not to hamper our country with engagements to those +of less significance, and suffered our powers to expire without closing +any other negotiation. Austria soon after became desirous of a treaty +with us, and her ambassador pressed it often on me; but our commerce +with her being no object, I evaded her repeated invitations. Had these +governments been then apprized of the station we should so soon occupy +among nations, all, I believe, would have met us promptly and with +frankness. These principles would then have been established with all, +and from being the conventional law with us alone, would have slid into +their engagements with one another, and become general. These are +the facts within my recollection. They have not yet got into written +history; but their adoption by our southern brethren will bring them +into observance, and make them, what they should be, a part of the law +of the world and of the reformation of principles for which they will be +indebted to us. I pray you to accept the homage of my friendly and high +consideration. + +Th: Jefferson. + + + + +LETTER CXCIII.--TO MR. WEIGHTMAN, June 24, 1826 + +TO MR. WEIGHTMAN. + +Monticello, June 24, 1826. + +Respected Sir, + +The kind invitation I receive from you, on the part of the citizens of +the city of Washington, to be present with them at their celebration +on the fiftieth anniversary of American Independence, as one of the +surviving signers of an instrument pregnant with our own, and the +fate of the world, is most flattering to myself, and heightened by the +honorable accompaniment proposed for the comfort of such a journey. It +adds sensibly to the sufferings of sickness, to be deprived by it of a +personal participation in the rejoicings of that day. But acquiescence +is a duty, under circumstances not placed among those we are permitted +to control. I should indeed, with peculiar delight, have met and +exchanged there congratulations personally with the small band, the +remnant of that host of worthies, who joined with us on that day, in +the bold and doubtful election we were to make for our country, between +submission or the sword; and to have enjoyed with them the consolatory +fact, that our fellow-citizens, after half a century of experience and +prosperity, continue to approve the choice we made. May it be to the +world, what I believe it will be (to some parts sooner, to others later, +but finally to all), the signal of arousing men to burst the chains +under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them +to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of +self-government. That form which we have substituted, restores the free +right to the unbounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. All +eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread +of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable +truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on +their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them +legitimately, by the grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others. +For ourselves, let the annual return of this day for ever refresh our +recollections of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to them. + +I will ask permission here to express the pleasure with which I +should have met my ancient neighbors of the city of Washington and +its vicinities, with whom I passed so many years of a pleasing social +intercourse; an intercourse which so much relieved the anxieties of the +public cares, and left impressions so deeply engraved in my affections, +as never to be forgotten. With my regret that ill health forbids me the +gratification of an acceptance, be pleased to receive for yourself, +and those for whom you write, the assurance of my highest respect and +friendly attachments. + +Th: Jefferson. + +***** + +***** + + + + +ANA.--EXPLANATION OF THE THREE VOLUMES BOUND IN MARBLED PAPER + + +_Explanation of the Three Volumes bound in Marbled Paper_.* + +In these three volumes will be found copies of the official opinions +given in writing by me to General Washington, while I was Secretary of +State, with sometimes the documents belonging to the case. Some of +these are the rough draughts, some press copies, some fair ones. In the +earlier part of my acting in that office, I took no other note of the +passing transactions; but after a while, I saw the importance of doing +it in aid of my memory. Very often, therefore, I made memorandums on +loose scraps of paper, taken out of my pocket in the moment, and laid +by to be copied fair at leisure, which, however, they hardly ever were. +These scraps, therefore, ragged, rubbed, and scribbled as they were, I +had bound with the others by a binder, who came into my cabinet, did it +under my own eye, and without the opportunity of reading a single paper. +At this day, after the lapse of twenty-five years, or more, from their +dates, I have given to the whole a calm revisal, when the passions of +the time are passed away, and the reasons of the transactions act alone +on the judgment. Some of the informations I had recorded, are now cut +out from the rest, because I have seen that they were incorrect, or +doubtful, or merely personal or private, with which we have nothing to +do. I should perhaps have thought the rest not worth preserving, but for +their testimony against the only history of that period, which pretends +to have been compiled from authentic and unpublished documents. + +***** + +[* These are the volumes containing the Ana to the time that the Author +retired from the office of Secretary of State. The official opinions +and documents referred to, being very voluminous, are for the most part +omitted, to make room for the conversations which the same volumes +comprise.] + + +But a short review of facts ***** will show, that the contests of that +day were contests of principle between the advocates of republican, +and those of kingly government, and that, had not the former made the +efforts they did, our government would have been even at this early day, +a very different thing from what the successful issue of those efforts +have made it. + +The alliance between the States under the old Articles of Confederation, +for the purpose of joint defence against the aggressions of Great +Britain, was found insufficient, as treaties of alliance generally are, +to enforce compliance with their mutual stipulations; and these, once +fulfilled, that bond was to expire of itself, and each State to become +sovereign and independent in all things. Yet, it could not but occur to +every one, that these separate independencies, like the petty States of +Greece, would be eternally at war with each other, and would become +at length the mere partisans and satellites of the leading powers of +Europe. All, then, must have looked forward to some further bond of +union, which would insure internal peace, and a political system of our +own, independent of that of Europe. Whether all should be consolidated +into a single government, or each remain independent as to internal +matters, and the whole form a single nation as to what was foreign only, +and whether that national government should be a monarchy or republic, +would of course divide opinions, according to the constitutions, the +habits, and the circumstances of each individual. Some officers of the +army, as it has always been said and believed, (and Steuben and Knox +have ever been named as the leading agents,) trained to monarchy by +military habits, are understood to have proposed to General Washington, +to decide this great question by the army before its disbandment, and +to assume himself the crown, on the assurance of their support. +The indignity with which he is said to have scouted this parricide +proposition, was equally worthy of his virtue and wisdom. The next +effort was, (on suggestion of the same individuals, in the moment of +their separation,) the establishment of an hereditary order, under +the name of the Cincinnati, ready prepared by that distinction to be +engrafted into the future frame of government, and placing General +Washington still at their head. The General wrote to me on this subject, +while I was in Congress at Annapolis, and an extract from my letter is +inserted in 5th Marshall's History, page 28. He afterwards called on me +at that place, on his way to a meeting of the society, and after a whole +evening of consultation, he left that place fully determined to use +all his endeavors for its total suppression. But he found it so firmly +riveted in the affections of the members, that, strengthened as they +happened to be by an adventitious occurrence of the moment, he could +effect no more than the abolition of its hereditary principle. He called +again on his return, and explained to me fully the opposition which had +been made, the effect of the occurrence from France, and the difficulty +with which its duration had been limited to the lives of the present +members. Further details will be found among my papers, in his and +my letters, and some in the _Encyclopedic Methodique et Dictionnaire +d'Economic Politique_, communicated by myself to M. Meusnier, its +author, who had made the establishment of this society the ground, in +that work, of a libel on our country. + +The want of some authority which should procure justice to the public +creditors, and an observance of treaties with foreign nations, produced, +some time after, the call of a convention of the States at Annapolis. +Although, at this meeting, a difference of opinion was evident on the +question of a republican or kingly government, yet, so general through +the States was the sentiment in favor of the former, that the friends +of the latter confined themselves to a course of obstruction only, and +delay, to every thing proposed; they hoped, that nothing being done, +and all things going from bad to worse, a kingly government might be +usurped, and submitted to by the people, as better than anarchy and +wars, internal and external, the certain consequences of the present +want of a general government. The effect of their manoeuvres, with +the defective attendance of Deputies from the States, resulted in +the measure of calling a more general convention, to be held at +Philadelphia. At this the same party exhibited the same practices, and +with the same views of preventing a government of concord, which they +foresaw would be republican, and of forcing: through anarchy their way +to monarchy. But the mass of that convention was too honest, too wise, +and too steady, to be baffled and misled by their manoeuvres. One of +these was a form of government proposed by Colonel Hamilton, which would +have been in fact a compromise between the two parties of royalism and +republicanism. According to this, the executive and one branch of the +legislature were to be during good behavior, i.e. for life, and the +governors of the States were to be named by these two permanent organs. +This, however, was rejected; on which Hamilton left the convention, as +desperate, and never returned again until near its final conclusion. +These opinions and efforts, secret or avowed, of the advocates for +monarchy, had begotten great jealousy through the States generally; +and this jealousy it was, which excited the strong opposition to the +conventional constitution; a jealousy which yielded at last only to +a general determination to establish certain amendments, as barriers +against a government either monarchical or consolidated. In what passed +through the whole period of these conventions, I have gone on the +information of those who were members of them, being absent myself on my +mission to France. + +I returned from that mission in the first year of the new government, +having landed in Virginia in December, 1789, and proceeded to New York +in March, 1790, to enter on the office of Secretary of State. +Here, certainly, I found a state of things which, of all I had ever +contemplated, I the least expected. I had left France in the first +year of her revolution, in the fervor of natural rights, and zeal for +reformation. My conscientious devotion to these rights could not be +heightened, but it had been aroused and excited by daily exercise. The +President received me cordially, and my colleagues and the circle +of principal citizens, apparently with welcome. The courtesies of +dinner-parties given me, as a stranger newly arrived among them, placed +me at once in their familiar society. But I cannot describe the wonder +and mortification with which the table conversations filled me. Politics +were the chief topic, and a preference of kingly over republican +government, was evidently the favorite sentiment. An apostate I could +not be, nor yet a hypocrite; and I found myself, for the most part, the +only advocate on the republican side of the question, unless among +the guests there chanced to be some member of that party from the +legislative Houses. Hamilton's financial system had then passed. It +had two objects; 1. as a puzzle, to exclude popular understanding and +inquiry; 2. as a machine for the corruption of the legislature: for he +avowed the opinion, that man could be governed by one of two motives +only, force or interest: force, he observed, in this country, was out of +the question, and the interests, therefore, of the members must be laid +hold of, to keep the legislature in unison with the executive. And with +grief and shame it must be acknowledged that his machine was not without +effect; that even in this, the birth of our government, some members +were found sordid enough to bend their duty, to their interests, and to +look after personal rather than public good. + +It is well known that during the war, the greatest difficulty we +encountered, was the want of money or means to pay our soldiers who +fought, or our farmers, manufacturers, and merchants, who furnished the +necessary supplies of food and clothing for them. After the expedient of +paper money had exhausted itself, certificates of debt were given to the +individual creditors, with assurance of payment, so soon as the United +States should be able. But the distresses of these people often obliged +them to part with these for the half, the fifth, and even a tenth of +their value; and speculators had made a trade of cozening them from the +holders, by the most fraudulent practices, and persuasions that they +would never be paid. In the bill for funding and paying these, Hamilton +made no difference between the original holders, and the fraudulent +purchasers of this paper. Great and just repugnance arose at putting +these two classes of creditors on the same footing, and great exertions +were used to pay the former the full value, and to the latter, the price +only which they had paid, with interest. But this would have prevented +the game which was to be played, and for which the minds of greedy +members were already tutored and prepared. When the trial of strength, +on these several efforts, had indicated the form in which the bill would +finally pass, this being known within doors sooner than without, and +especially, than to those who were in distant parts of the Union, +the base scramble began. Couriers and relay-horses by land, and +swift-sailing pilot-boats by sea, were flying in all directions. Active +partners and agents were associated and employed in every State, +town, and country neighborhood, and this paper was bought up at five +shillings, and even as low as two shillings in the pound, before the +holder knew that Congress had already provided for its redemption at +par. Immense sums were thus filched from the poor and ignorant, and +fortunes accumulated by those who had themselves been poor enough +before. Men thus enriched by the dexterity of a leader, would follow of +course the chief who was leading them to fortune, and become the zealous +instruments of all his enterprises. + +This game was over, and another was on the carpet at the moment of my +arrival; and to this I was most ignorantly and innocently made to hold +the candle. This fiscal manoeuvre is well known by the name of the +Assumption. Independently of the debts of Congress, the States had, +during the war, contracted separate and heavy debts; and Massachusetts +particularly, in an absurd attempt, absurdly conducted, on the British +post of Penobscot: and the more debt Hamilton could rake up, the more +plunder for his mercenaries. This money, whether wisely or foolishly +spent, was pretended to have been spent for general purposes, and ought, +therefore, to be paid from the general purse. But it was objected, that +nobody knew what these debts were, what their amount, or what their +proofs. No matter; we will guess them to be twenty millions. But of +these twenty millions, we do not know how much should be reimbursed +to one State, or how much to another. No matter; we will guess. And so +another scramble was set on foot among the several States, and some got +much, some little, some nothing. But the main object was obtained, the +phalanx of the Treasury was reinforced by additional recruits. This +measure produced the most bitter and angry contests ever known in +Congress, before or since the Union of the States. I arrived in the +midst of it. But a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors on +it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, +and as yet unaware of its object, I took no concern in it. The great and +trying question, however, was lost in the House of Representatives. +So high were the feuds excited by this subject, that on its rejection +business was suspended. Congress met and adjourned from day to day +without doing any thing, the parties being too much out of temper to +do business together. The eastern members particularly, who, with +Smith from South Carolina, were the principal gamblers in these scenes, +threatened a secession and dissolution. Hamilton was in despair. As I +was going to the President's one day, I met him in the street. He walked +me backwards and forwards before the President's door for half an hour. +He painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had been +wrought; the disgust of those who were called the creditor States; the +danger of the secession of their members, and the separation of the +States. He observed that the members of the administration ought to act +in concert; that though this question was not of my department, yet a +common duty should make it a common concern; that the President was the +centre on which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and +that all of us should rally around him, and support, with joint efforts, +measures approved by him; and that the question having been lost by +a small majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the +judgment and discretion of some of my friends, might effect a change in +the vote, and the machine of government, now suspended, might be again +set into motion. I told him that I was really a stranger to the whole +subject; that not having yet informed myself of the system of finance +adopted, I knew not how far this was a necessary sequence; that +undoubtedly, if its rejection endangered a dissolution of our Union at +this incipient stage, I should deem that the most unfortunate of all +consequences, to avert which all partial and temporary evils should be +yielded. I proposed to him, however, to dine with me the next day, and I +would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference together, +and I thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together +coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a +compromise which was to save the Union. The discussion took place. +I could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, because I was a +stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. But it was finally +agreed, that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of +this proposition, the preservation of the Union and of concord among the +States was more important, and that therefore it would be better that +the vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which, some members +should change their votes. But it was observed that this pill would +be peculiarly bitter to the Southern States, and that some concomitant +measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. There had +before been propositions to fix the seat of government either at +Philadelphia, or at Georgetown on the Potomac; and it was thought +that by giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and to Georgetown +permanently afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree +the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone. So two +of the Potomac members (White and Lee, but White with a revulsion of +stomach almost convulsive,) agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton +undertook to carry the other point. In doing this, the influence he had +established over the eastern members, with the agency of Robert Morris +with those of the middle States, effected his side of the engagement; +and so the Assumption was passed, and twenty millions of stock divided +among favored States, and thrown in as a pabulum to the stock-jobbing +herd. This added to the number of votaries to the Treasury, and made its +chief the master of every vote in the legislature, which might give to +the government the direction suited to his political views. + +I know well, and so must be understood, that nothing like a majority in +Congress had yielded to this corruption. Far from it. But a division, +not very unequal, had already taken place in the honest part of that +body, between the parties styled republican and federal. The latter +being monarchists in principle, adhered to Hamilton of course, as their +leader in that principle, and this mercenary phalanx added to them, +insured him always a majority in both Houses: so that the whole action +of the legislature was now under the direction of the Treasury. Still +the machine was not complete. The effect of the funding system, and of +the Assumption, would be temporary; it would be lost with the loss +of the individual members whom it had enriched, and some engine of +influence more permanent must be contrived, while these myrmidons were +yet in place to carry it through all opposition. This engine was the +Bank of the United States. All that history is known, so I shall say +nothing about it. While the government remained at Philadelphia, a +selection of members of both Houses were constantly kept as directors, +who, on every question interesting to that institution, or to the views +of the federal head, voted at the will of that head; and, together with +the stock-holding members, could always make the federal vote that of +the majority. By this combination, legislative expositions were given +to the constitution, and all the administrative laws were shaped on +the model of England and so passed. And from this influence we were +not relieved, until the removal from the precincts of the bank, to +Washington. Here then was the real ground of the opposition which was +made to the course of administration. Its object was to preserve the +legislature pure and independent of the executive, to restrain, the +administration to republican forms and principles, and not permit the +constitution to be construed into a monarchy, and to be warped, in +practice, into all the principles and pollutions of their favorite +English model. Nor was this an opposition to General Washington. He +was true to the republican charge confided to him; and has solemnly and +repeatedly protested to me, in our conversations, that he would lose the +last drop of his blood in support of it; and he did this the oftener and +with the more earnestness, because he knew my suspicions of Hamilton's +designs against it, and wished to quiet them. For he was not aware of +the drift, or of the effect of Hamilton's schemes. Unversed in financial +projects and calculations and budgets, his approbation of them was +bottomed on his confidence in the man. + +But Hamilton was not only a monarchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on +corruption. In proof of this, I will relate an anecdote, for the truth +of which I attest the God who made me. Before the President set out on +his southern tour in April, 1791, he addressed a letter of the fourth +of that month, from Mount Vernon, to the Secretaries of State, Treasury, +and War, desiring that if any serious and important cases should arise +during his absence, they would consult and act on them. And he requested +that the Vice-President should also be consulted. This was the only +occasion on which that officer was ever requested to take part in a +cabinet question. Some occasion for consultation arising, I invited +those gentlemen (and the Attorney General, as well as I remember,) to +dine with me, in order to confer on the subject. After the cloth was +removed, and our question agreed and dismissed, conversation began +on other matters, and, by some circumstance, was led to the British +constitution, on which Mr. Adams observed, 'Purge that constitution +of its corruption, and give to its popular branch equality of +representation, and it would be the most perfect constitution ever +devised by the wit of man.' Hamilton paused and said, 'Purge it of its +corruption, and give to its popular branch equality of representation, +and it would become an impracticable government: as it stands at +present, with all its supposed defects, it is the most perfect +government which ever existed.' And this was assuredly the exact line +which separated the political creeds of these two gentlemen. The one was +for two hereditary branches and an honest elective one: the other, for +an hereditary King, with a House of Lords and Commons corrupted to his +will, and standing between him and the people. Hamilton was, indeed, a +singular character. Of acute understanding, disinterested, honest, and +honorable in all private transactions, amiable in society, and duly +valuing virtue in private life, yet so bewitched and perverted by the +British example, as to be under thorough conviction that corruption was +essential to the government of a nation. Mr. Adams had originally been +a republican. The glare of royalty and nobility, during his mission to +England, had made him believe their fascination a necessary ingredient +in government; and Shays's rebellion, not sufficiently understood where +he then was, seemed to prove that the absence of want and oppression, +was not a sufficient guarantee of order. His book on the American +Constitutions having made known his political bias, he was taken up by +the monarchical federalists in his absence, and, on his return to +the United States, he was by them made to believe that the general +disposition of our citizens was favorable to monarchy. He here wrote +his Davila, as a supplement to the former work, and his election to +the Presidency confirmed him in his errors. Innumerable addresses too, +artfully and industriously poured in upon him, deceived him into a +confidence that he was on the pinnacle of popularity, when the gulph was +yawning at his feet, which was to swallow up him and his deceivers. For +when General Washington was withdrawn, these _energumeni_ of royalism, +kept in check hitherto by the dread of his honesty, his firmness, his +patriotism, and the authority of his name, now mounted on the car of +State and free from control, like Phaeton on that of the sun, drove +headlong and wild, looking neither to right nor left, nor regarding +any thing but the objects they were driving at; until, displaying these +fully, the eyes of the nation were opened, and a general disbandment of +them from the public councils took place. + +Mr. Adams, I am sure, has been long since convinced of the treacheries +with which he was surrounded during his administration. He has since +thoroughly seen, that his constituents were devoted to republican +government, and whether his judgment is resettled on its ancient basis, +or not, he is conformed as a good citizen to the will of the majority, +and would now, I am persuaded, maintain its republican structure with +the zeal and fidelity belonging to his character. For even an enemy has +said, 'He is always an honest man, and often a great one.' But in +the fervor of the fury and follies of those who made him their +stalking-horse, no man who did not witness it can form an idea of +their unbridled madness, and the terrorism with which they surrounded +themselves. The horrors of the French revolution, then raging, aided +them mainly, and using that as a raw-head and bloody-bones, they were +enabled by their stratagems of X. Y. Z. in which ------ was a leading +mountebank, their tales of tub-plots, ocean-massacres, bloody-buoys, and +pulpit-lyings and slanderings, and maniacal ravings of their Gardiners, +their Osgoods, and Parishes, to spread alarm into all but the firmest +breasts. Their Attorney General had the impudence to say to a republican +member, that deportation must be resorted to, of which, said he, 'you +republicans have set the example'; thus daring to identify us with the +murderous Jacobins of France. These transactions, now recollected but +as dreams of the night, were then sad realities; and nothing rescued us +from their liberticide effect, but the unyielding opposition of those +firm spirits who sternly maintained their post in defiance of terror, +until their fellow-citizens could be aroused to their own danger, and +rally and rescue the standard of the constitution. This has been happily +done. Federalism and monarchism have languished from that moment, until +their treasonable combinations with the enemies of their country during +the late war, their plots of dismembering the Union, and their Hartford +Convention, have consigned them to the tomb of the dead: and I fondly +hope, 'we may now truly say, We are all republicans, all federalists,' +and that the motto of the standard to which our country will for ever +rally, will be, 'Federal union, and republican government': and sure I +am we may say, that we are indebted for the preservation of this point +of ralliance, to that opposition of which so injurious an idea is so +artfully insinuated and excited in this history. + +Much of this relation is notorious to the world; and many intimate +proofs of it will be found in these notes. From the moment where they +end, of my retiring from the administration, the federalists * got +unchecked hold of General Washington. His memory was already sensibly +impaired by age, the firm tone of mind for which he had been remarkable, +was beginning to relax, its energy was abated, a listlessness of labor, +a desire for tranquillity had crept on him, and a willingness to let +others act, and even think for him. Like the rest of mankind, he +was disgusted with atrocities of the French revolution, and was not +sufficiently aware of the difference between the rabble who were used as +instruments of their perpetration, and the steady and rational character +of the American people, in which he had not sufficient confidence. The +opposition too of the republicans to the British treaty, and the zealous +support of the federalists in that unpopular but favorite measure of +theirs, had made him all their own. Understanding, moreover, that I +disapproved of that treaty, and copiously nourished with falsehoods by +a malignant neighbor of mine, who ambitioned to be his correspondent, he +had become alienated from myself personally, as from the republican body +generally of his fellow-citizens; and he wrote the letters to Mr. Adams +and Mr. Carroll, over which, in devotion to his imperishable fame, we +must for ever weep as monuments of mortal decay. + +Th: Jefferson. February 4th, 1818. + +* See conversation with General Washington, of October 1,1792, + + +**** + + +August the 13th, 1791. Notes of a conversation between Alexander +Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson. Th: Jefferson mentioned to him a letter +received from John Adams, disavowing Publicola, and denying that he ever +entertained a wish to bring this country under an hereditary executive, +or introduce an hereditary branch of legislature, &c. See his +letter. Alexander Hamilton condemning Mr. Adams's writings, and +most particularly Davila, as having a tendency to weaken the present +government, declared in substance as follows: 'I own it is my own +opinion, though I do not publish it in Dan or Beersheba, that the +present government is not that which will answer the ends of society, by +giving stability and protection to its rights, and that it will probably +be found expedient to go into the British form. However, since we have +undertaken the experiment, I am for giving it a fair course, whatever my +expectations may be. The success, indeed, so far, is greater than I had +expected, and therefore, at present, success seems more possible than +it had done heretofore, and there are still other and other stages of +improvement, which, if the present does not succeed, may be tried, and +ought to be tried, before we give up the republican form altogether; for +that mind must be really depraved, which would not prefer the equality +of political rights, which is the foundation of pure republicanism, if +it can be obtained consistently with order. Therefore, whoever by his +writings disturbs the present order of things, is really blameable, +however pure his intentions may be, and he was sure Mr. Adams's were +pure.' This is the substance of a declaration made in much more lengthy +terms, and which seemed to be more formal than usual for a private +conversation between two, and as if intended to qualify some less +guarded expressions which had been dropped on former occasions. Th: +Jefferson has committed it to writing in the moment of A. Hamilton's +leaving the room. + +December the 25th, 1791. Colonel Gunn (of Georgia), dining the other day +with Colonel Hamilton, said to him, with that plain freedom he is known +to use, 'I wish, Sir, you would advise your friend King to observe some +kind of consistency in his votes. There has been scarcely a question +before the Senate on which he has not voted both ways. On the +representation bill, for instance, he first voted for the proposition +of the Representatives, and ultimately voted against it.' 'Why,' says +Colonel Hamilton, 'I 'll tell you as to that, Colonel Gunn, that it +never was intended that bill should pass.' Gunn told this to Butler, who +told it to Th: Jefferson. + + +***** + + +CONVERSATIONS WITH THE PRESIDENT. + +February the 28th, 1792. I was to have been with him long enough before +three o'clock (which was the hour and day he received visits) to +have opened to him a proposition for doubling the velocity of the +post-riders, who now travel about fifty miles a day, and might, without +difficulty, go one hundred, and for taking measures (by way-bills) to +know where the delay is, when there is any. I was delayed by business, +so as to have scarcely time to give him the outlines. I run over them +rapidly, and observed afterwards, that I had hitherto never spoken +to him on the subject of the post-office, not knowing whether it was +considered as a revenue law, or a law for the general accommodation of +the citizens: that the law just passed seemed to have removed the doubt, +by declaring that the whole profits of the office should be applied to +extending the posts, and that even the past profits should be refunded +by the Treasury for the same purpose: that I therefore conceived it was +now in the department of the Secretary of State: that I thought it would +be advantageous so to declare it for another reason, to wit, that the +department of the Treasury possessed already such an influence as +to swallow up the whole executive powers, and that even the future +Presidents (not supported by the weight of character which himself +possessed) would not be able to make head against this department. That +in urging this measure I had certainly no personal interest, since, if +I was supposed to have any appetite for power, yet, as my career would +certainly be exactly as short as his own, the intervening time was too +short to be an object. My real wish was to avail the public of every +occasion, during the residue of the President's period, to place things +on a safe footing. He was now called on to attend his company, and he +desired me to come and breakfast with him the next morning. + +February the 29th. I did so; and after breakfast we retired to his +room, and I unfolded my plan for the post-office, and after such +an approbation of it as he usually permitted himself on the first +presentment of any idea, and desiring me to commit it to writing, he, +during that pause of conversation which follows a business closed, said, +in an affectionate tone, that he had felt much concern at an expression +which dropped from me yesterday, and which marked my intention of +retiring when he should. That as to himself, many motives obliged him to +it. He had, through the whole course of the war, and most particularly +at the close of it, uniformly declared his resolution to retire from +public affairs, and never to act in any public office; that he had +retired under that firm resolution: that the government however, which +had been formed, being found evidently too inefficacious, and it being +supposed that his aid was of some consequence towards bringing the +people to consent to one of sufficient efficacy for their own good, he +consented to come into the convention, and on the same motive, after +much pressing, to take a part in the new government, and get it under +way. That were he to continue longer, it might give room to say, that +having tasted the sweets of office, he could not do without them: that +he really felt himself growing old, his bodily health less firm, his +memory, always bad, becoming worse, and perhaps the other faculties of +his mind showing a decay to others of which he was insensible himself; +that this apprehension particularly oppressed him: that he found, +moreover, his activity lessened, business therefore more irksome, +and tranquillity and retirement become an irresistible passion. That, +however he felt himself obliged, for these reasons, to retire from the +government, yet he should consider it as unfortunate, if that should +bring on the retirement of the great officers of the government, +and that this might produce a shock on the public mind of dangerous +consequence. + +I told him that no man had ever had less desire of entering into public +offices than myself; that the circumstance of a perilous war, which +brought every thing into danger, and called for all the services +which every citizen could render, had induced me to undertake the +administration of the government of Virginia; that I had both before +and after refused repeated appointments of Congress to go abroad in that +sort of office, which, if I had consulted my own gratification, would +always have been the most agreeable to me; that at the end of two +years, I resigned the government of Virginia, and retired with a firm +resolution never more to appear in public life; that a domestic loss, +however, happened, and made me fancy that absence and a change of +scene for a time might be expedient for me; that I therefore accepted +a foreign appointment, limited to two years; that at the close of that, +Doctor Franklin having left France, I was appointed to supply his place, +which I had accepted, and though I continued in it three or four years, +it was under the constant idea of remaining only a year or two longer; +that the revolution in France coming on, I had so interested myself +in the event of that, that when obliged to bring my family home, I had +still an idea of returning and awaiting the close of that, to fix the +era of my final retirement; that on my arrival here I found he had +appointed me to my present office; that he knew I had not come into +it without some reluctance; that it was, on my part, a sacrifice of +inclination to the opinion that I might be more serviceable here than +in France, and with a firm resolution in my mind, to indulge my constant +wish for retirement at no very distant day; that when, therefore, I had +received his letter, written from Mount Vernon, on his way to Carolina +and Georgia (April the 1st, 1791), and discovered, from an expression +in that, that he meant to retire from the government ere long, and as to +the precise epoch there could be no doubt, my mind was immediately made +up, to make that the epoch of my own retirement from those labors of +which I was heartily tired. That, however, I did not believe there was +any idea in either of my brethren in the administration of retiring; +that on the contrary, I had perceived at a late meeting of the trustees +of the sinking fund, that the Secretary of the Treasury had developed +the plan he intended to pursue, and that it embraced years in its view. + +He said, that he considered the Treasury department as a much more +limited one, going only to the single object of revenue, while that +of the Secretary of State, embracing nearly all the objects of +administration, was much more important, and the retirement of the +officer therefore, would be more noticed: that though the government had +set out with a pretty general good will of the public, yet that symptoms +of dissatisfaction had lately shown themselves far beyond what he could +have expected, and to what height these might arise, in case of too +great a change in the administration, could not be foreseen. + +I told him that in my opinion, there was only a single source of these +discontents. Though they had indeed appeared to spread themselves over +the War department also, yet I considered that as an overflowing only +from their real channel, which would never have taken place, if they +had not first been generated in another department, to wit, that of +the Treasury. That a system had there been contrived, for deluging the +States with paper-money instead of gold and silver, for withdrawing our +citizens from the pursuits of commerce, manufactures, buildings, and +other branches of useful industry, to occupy themselves and their +capitals in a species of gambling, destructive of morality, and which +had introduced its poison into the government itself. That it was a +fact, as certainly known as that he and I were then conversing, that +particular members of the legislature, while those laws were on the +carpet, had feathered their nests with paper, had then voted for the +laws, and constantly since lent all the energy of their talents, and +instrumentality of their offices, to the establishment and enlargement +of this system; that they had chained it about our necks for a great +length of time, and in order to keep the game in their hands, had, from +time to time, aided in making such legislative constructions of the +constitution, as made it a very different thing from what the people +thought they had submitted to; that they had now brought forward a +proposition far beyond every one ever yet advanced, and to which the +eyes of many were turned, as the decision which was to let us know, +whether we live under a limited or an unlimited government. He asked +me to what proposition I alluded; I answered, to that in the report +on manufactures, which, under color of giving bounties for the +encouragement of particular manufactures, meant to establish the +doctrine, that the power given by the constitution to collect taxes to +provide for the general welfare of the United States, permitted Congress +to take every thing under their management which they should deem for +the public welfare, and which is susceptible of the application of +money; consequently, that the subsequent enumeration of their powers +was not the description to which resort must be had, and did not at all +constitute the limits of their authority: that this was a very different +question from that of the bank, which was thought an incident to an +enumerated power: that, therefore, this decision was expected with +great anxiety; that, indeed, I hoped the proposition would be rejected, +believing there was a majority in both Houses against it, and that if it +should be, it would be considered as a proof that things were returning +into their true channel: and that, at any rate, I looked forward to the +broad representation which would shortly take place, for keeping the +general constitution on its true ground; and that this would remove a +great deal of the discontent which had shown itself. The conversation +ended with this last topic. It is here stated nearly as much at length +as it really was; the expressions preserved where I could recollect +them, and their substance always faithfully stated. + +Th: Jefferson. + +March 1, 1792. + + +On the 2nd of January, 1792, Messrs. Fitzsimmons and Gerry (among +others) dined with me. These two staid, with a Mr. Learned of +Connecticut, after the company was gone. We got on the subject of +references by the legislature to the Heads of departments, considering +their mischief in every direction. Gerry and Fitzsimmons clearly opposed +to them. + +Two days afterwards (January the 4th), Mr. Bourne from Rhode Island +presented a memorial from his State, complaining of inequality in the +Assumption, and moved to refer it to the Secretary of the Treasury. +Fitzsimmons, Gerry, and others opposed it; but it was carried. + + +January the 19th. Fitzsimmons moved, that the President of the United +States be requested to direct the Secretary of the Treasury, to lay +before the House information to enable the legislature to judge of +the additional revenue necessary on the increase of the military +establishment. The House, on debate, struck out the words, 'President of +the United States.' + + +March the 7th. The subject resumed. An animated debate took place on the +tendency of references to the Heads of departments; and it seemed that +a great majority would be against it: the House adjourned. Treasury +greatly alarmed, and much industry supposed to be used before next +morning, when it was brought on again, and debated through the day, and +on the question, the Treasury carried it by thirty-one to twenty-seven: +but deeply wounded, since it was seen that all Pennsylvania, except +Jacobs, voted against the reference; that Tucker of South Carolina voted +for it, and Sumpter absented himself, debauched for the moment only, +because of the connection of the question with a further assumption +which South Carolina favored; but showing that they never were to be +counted on among the Treasury votes. + +Some others absented themselves. Gerry changed sides. On the whole, it +showed that Treasury influence was tottering. Committed to writing this +10th of March, 1792. + + +March the 11th, 1792. Consulted verbally by the President, on whom a +committee of the Senate (Izard, Morris, and King) are to wait to-morrow +morning, to know whether he will think it proper to redeem our Algerine +captives, and make a treaty with the Algerines, on the single vote of +the Senate, without taking that of the Representatives. + +My opinions run on the following heads. + +We must go to Algiers with cash in our hands. Where shall we get it? By +loan? By converting money now in the treasury? + +Probably a loan might be obtained on the President's authority: but as +this could not be repaid without a subsequent act of legislature, +the Representatives might refuse it. So if money in the treasury be +converted, they may refuse to sanction it. + +The subsequent approbation of the Senate being necessary to validate a +treaty, they expect to be consulted beforehand, if the case admits. + +So the subsequent act of the Representatives being necessary where money +is given, why should not they expect to be consulted in like manner, +when the case admits? A treaty is a law of the land. But prudence will +point out this difference to be attended to in making them; viz. where +a treaty contains such articles only as will go into execution of +themselves, or be carried into execution by the judges, they may be +safely made; but where there are articles which require a law to be +passed afterwards by the legislature, great caution is requisite. + +For example; the consular convention with France required a very small +legislative regulation. This convention was unanimously ratified by the +Senate. Yet the same identical men threw by the law to enforce it at +the last session, and the Representatives at this session have placed it +among the laws which they may take up or not, at their own convenience, +as if that was a higher motive than the public faith. + +Therefore, against hazarding this transaction without the sanction of +both Houses. + +The President concurred. The Senate express the motive for this +proposition, to be a fear that the Representatives would not keep the +secret. He has no opinion of the secrecy of the Senate. In this very +case, Mr. Izard made the communication to him, sitting next to him at +table, on one hand, while a lady (Mrs. McLane) was on his other hand, +and the French minister next to her; and as Mr. Izard got on with his +communication, his voice kept rising, and his stutter bolting the words +out loudly at intervals, so that the minister might hear if he would. He +said he had a great mind at one time to have got up, in order to put a +stop to Mr. Izard. + + +March the 11th, 1792. Mr. Sterret tells me that sitting round a fire the +other day with four or five others, Mr. Smith (of South Carolina) was +one. Somebody mentioned that the murderers of Hogeboom, sheriff of +Columbia county, New York, were acquitted. 'Ay,' says Smith, 'this is +what comes of your damned trial by jury.' + + +1791. Towards the latter end of November, Hamilton had drawn Ternant +into a conversation on the subject of the treaty of commerce recommended +by the National Assembly of France to be negotiated with us, and, as +he had no ready instructions on the subject, he led him into a proposal +that Ternant should take the thing up as a volunteer with me, that we +should arrange conditions, and let them go for confirmation or refusal. +Hamilton communicated this to the President, who came into it, and +proposed it to me. I disapproved of it, observing, that such a volunteer +project would be binding on us, and not them; that it would enable them +to find out how far we would go, and avail themselves of it. However, +the President thought it worth trying, and I acquiesced. I prepared a +plan of treaty for exchanging the privileges of native subjects, and +fixing all duties for ever as they now stood. Hamilton did not like this +way of fixing the duties, because, he said, many articles here would +bear to be raised, and therefore, he would prepare a tariff. He did so, +raising duties for the French, from twenty-five to fifty per cent. So +they were to give us the privileges of native subjects, and we, as a +compensation, were to make them pay higher duties. Hamilton, having made +his arrangements with Hammond to pretend that though he had no powers to +conclude a treaty of commerce, yet his general commission authorized him +to enter into the discussion of one, then proposed to the President at +one of our meetings, that the business should be taken up with Hammond +in the same informal way. I now discovered the trap which he had laid, +by first getting the President into the step with Ternant. I opposed +the thing warmly. Hamilton observed, if we did it with Ternant we should +also with Hammond. The President thought this reasonable. I desired him +to recollect, I had been against it with Ternant, and only acquiesced +under his opinion. So the matter went off as to both. His scheme +evidently was, to get us engaged first with Ternant, merely that he +might have a pretext to engage us on the same ground with Hammond, +taking care, at the same time, by an extravagant tariff, to render +it impossible we should come to any conclusion with Ternant: probably +meaning, at the same time, to propose terms so favorable to Great +Britain, as would attach us to that country by treaty. On one of those +occasions he asserted, that our commerce with Great Britain and her +colonies was put on a much more favorable footing than with France and +her colonies. I therefore prepared the tabular comparative view of the +footing-of our commerce with those nations, which see among my papers. +See also my project of a treaty and Hamilton's tariff. Committed to +writing March the 11th, 1792. + +It was observable, that whenever, at any of our consultations, any +thing was proposed as to Great Britain, Hamilton had constantly ready +something which Mr. Hammond had communicated to him, which suited the +subject and proved the intimacy of their communications; insomuch, that +I believe he communicated to Hammond all our views, and knew from +him, in return, the views of the British court. Many evidences of this +occurred; I will state some. I delivered to the President my report of +instructions for Carmichael and Short, on the subject of navigation, +boundary, and commerce, and desired him to submit it to Hamilton. +Hamilton made several just criticisms on different parts of it. But +where I asserted that the United States had no right to alienate an inch +of the territory of any State, he attacked and denied the doctrine. +See my report, his note, and my answer. A few days after came to hand +Kirkland's letter, informing us that the British, at Niagara, expected +to run a new line between themselves and us; and the reports of Pond +and Stedman, informing us it was understood at Niagara, that Captain +Stevenson had been sent here by Simcoe to settle that plan with Hammond. +Hence Hamilton's attack of the principle I had laid down, in order to +prepare the way for this new line. See minute of March the 9th. Another +proof. At one of our consultations, about the last of December, I +mentioned that I wished to give in my report on commerce, in which I +could not avoid recommending a commercial retaliation against Great +Britain. Hamilton opposed it violently: and among other arguments, +observed, that it was of more importance to us to have the posts than to +commence a commercial war; that this, and this alone, would free us from +the expense of the Indian wars; that it would therefore be the height +of imprudence in us, while treating for the surrender of the posts, to +engage in any thing which would irritate them; that if we did so, they +would naturally say, 'These people mean war; let us therefore hold what +we have in our hands.' This argument, struck me forcibly, and I +said, 'If there is a hope of obtaining the posts, I agree it would +be imprudent to risk that hope by a commercial retaliation. I will, +therefore, wait till Mr. Hammond gives me in his assignment of breaches, +and if that gives a glimmering of hope that they mean to surrender the +posts, I will not give in my report till the next session.' Now, Hammond +had received my assignment of breaches on the 15th of December, and +about the 22nd or 23rd had made me an apology for not having been able +to send me his counter-assignment of breaches; but in terms which showed +I might expect it in a few days. From the moment it escaped my lips +in the presence of Hamilton, that I would not give in my report till I +should see Hammond's counter-complaint, and judge if there was a hope +of the posts, Hammond never said a word to me on any occasion, as to the +time he should be ready. At length the President got out of patience, +and insisted I should jog him. This I did on the 21st of February, at +the President's assembly: he immediately promised I should have it in a +few days, and accordingly, on the 5th of March I received it. + +Written March the 11th, 1792. + + +March the 12th, 1792. Sent for by the President, and desired to bring +the letter he had signed to the King of France. Went. He said the House +of Representatives had, on Saturday, taken up the communication he had +made of the King's letter to him, and come to a vote in their own name; +that he did not expect this when he sent this message and the letter, +otherwise he would have sent the message without the letter, as I had +proposed. That he apprehended the legislature would be endeavoring +to invade the executive. I told him, I had understood the House had +resolved to request him to join their congratulations to his on the +completion and acceptance of the constitution; on which part of the +vote, there were only two dissentients (Barnwell and Benson); that +the vote was thirty-five to sixteen on the part which expressed an +approbation of the wisdom of the constitution; that in the letter he had +signed, I had avoided saying a word in approbation of the constitution, +not knowing whether the King, in his heart, approved it. 'Why, indeed,' +says he,' I begin to doubt very much of the affairs of France; there are +papers from London as late as the 10th of January, which represent them +as going into confusion. He read over the letter he had signed, +found there was not a word which could commit his judgment about the +constitution, and gave it to me back again. This is one of many proofs +I have had, of his want of confidence in the event of the French +revolution. The fact is, that Gouverneur Morris, a highflying monarchy +man, shutting his eyes and his faith to every fact against his +wishes, and believing every thing he desires to be true, has kept the +President's mind constantly poisoned with his forebodings. That the +President wishes the revolution may be established, I believe from +several indications. I remember, when I received the news of the King's +flight and capture, I first told him of it at his assembly. I never saw +him so much dejected by any event in my life. He expressed clearly, on +this occasion, his disapprobation of the legislature referring things to +the Heads of departments. + +Written March the 12th. + +Eodem die. Ten o'clock, A. M. The preceding was about nine o'clock. The +President now sends Lear to me, to ask what answer he shall give to +the committee, and particularly, whether he shall add to it, that, 'in +making the communication, it was not his expectation that the House +should give any answer.' I told Mr. Lear, that I thought the House had +a right, independently of legislation, to express sentiments on other +subjects. That when these subjects did not belong to any other branch +particularly, they would publish them by their own authority; that in +the present case, which respected a foreign nation, the President being +the organ of our nation with other nations, the House would satisfy +their duty, if, instead of a direct communication, they should pass +their sentiments through the President: that if expressing a sentiment +were really an invasion of the executive power, it was so faint a one, +that it would be difficult to demonstrate it to the public, and to a +public partial to the French revolution, and not disposed to considered +the approbation of it from any quarter is improper. That the Senate, +indeed, had given many indications of their wish to invade the executive +power: the Representatives had done it in one case, which was indeed +mischievous and alarming; that of giving orders to the Heads of the +executive departments, without consulting the President; but that the +late vote for directing the Secretary of the Treasury to report ways and +means, though carried, was carried by so small a majority, and with the +aid of members so notoriously under local influence on that question, +as to give a hope that the practice would be arrested, and the +constitutional course be taken up, of asking the President to have +information laid before them. But that in the present instance, it was +so far from being clearly an invasion of the executive, and would be +so little approved by the general voice, that I could not advise the +President to express any dissatisfaction at the vote of the House; and I +gave Lear, in writing, what I thought should be his answers. See it. + + +March the 31st. A meeting at the President's; present, Thomas Jefferson, +Alexander Hamilton, Henry Knox, and Edmund Randolph. The subject was +the resolution of the House of Representatives, of March the 27th, to +appoint a committee to inquire into the causes of the failure of the +late expedition under Major General St. Clair, with the power to call +for such persons, papers, and records, as may be necessary to assist +their inquiries. The committee had written to Knox for the original +letters, instructions, &tc. The President had called us to consult, +merely because it was the first example, and he wished that so far as +it should become a precedent, it should be rightly conducted. He neither +acknowledged nor denied, nor even doubted the propriety of what the +House were doing, for he had not thought upon it, nor was acquainted +with subjects of this kind: he could readily conceive there might be +papers of so secret a nature, as that they ought not to be given up. We +were not prepared, and wished time to think and inquire. + + +April the 2nd. Met again at the President's, on the same subject. We +had all considered, and were of one mind, first, that the House was +an inquest, and therefore might institute inquiries. Secondly, that it +might call for papers generally. Thirdly, that the executive ought to +communicate such papers as the public good would permit, and ought +to refuse those, the disclosure of which would injure the public: +consequently were to exercise a discretion. Fourthly, that neither the +committee nor House had a right to call on the Head of a department, who +and whose papers were under the President alone; but that the committee +should instruct their chairman to move the House to address the +President. We had principally consulted the proceedings of the Commons +in the case of Sir Robert Walpole, 13 Chandler's Debates. For the first +point, seepages 161, 170, 172,183, 187,207; for the second, pages 153, +173,207; for the third, 81, 173, Appendix, page 44; for the fourth, page +246. Note: Hamilton agreed with us in all these points, except as to the +power of the House to call on Heads of departments. He observed, that +as to his department, the act constituting it had made it subject to +Congress, in some points, but he thought himself not so far subject, as +to be obliged to produce all the papers they might call for. They might +demand secrets of a very mischievous nature. [Here I thought he began +to fear they would go to examining how far their own members and other +persons in the government had been dabbling in stocks, banks, &c. and +that he probably would choose in this case to deny their power; and, +in short, he endeavored to place himself subject to the House, when +the executive should propose what he did not like, and subject to the +executive, when the House should propose any thing disagreeable.] +I observed here a difference between the British parliament and our +Congress; that the former was a legislature, an inquest, and a council +(S. C. page 91.) for the King. The latter was, by the constitution, a +legislature and an inquest, but not a council. Finally agreed, to speak +separately to the members of the committee, and bring them by persuasion +into the right channel. It was agreed in this case, that there was not +a paper which might not be properly produced; that copies only should be +sent, with an assurance, that if they should desire it, a clerk should +attend with the originals to be verified by themselves. The committee +were Fitzsimmons, Steele, Mercer, Clarke, Sedgwick, Giles, and Vining. + + +April the 9th, 1792. The President had wished to redeem our captives at +Algiers, and to make a peace with them on paying an annual tribute. The +Senate were willing to approve this, but unwilling to have the lower +House applied to previously to furnish the money; they wished the +President to take the money from the treasury, or open a loan for it. +They thought that to consult the Representatives on one occasion, +would give them a handle always to claim it, and would let them into a +participation of the power of making treaties, which the constitution +had given exclusively to the President and Senate. They said, too, that +if the particular sum was noted by the Representatives, it would not be +a secret. The President had no confidence in the secrecy of the Senate, +and did not choose to take money from the treasury or to borrow. But he +agreed he would enter into provisional treaties with the Algerines, +not to be binding on us till ratified here. I prepared questions for +consultation with the Senate, and added, that the Senate were to be +apprized, that on the return of the provisional treaty, and after they +should advise the ratification, he would not have the seal put to it +till the two Houses should vote the money. He asked me, if the treaty +stipulating a sum and ratified by him, with the advice of the Senate, +would not be good under the constitution, and obligatory on the +Representatives to furnish the money. I answered, it certainly would, +and that it would be the duty of the Representatives to raise the money; +but that they might decline to do what was their duty, and I thought it +might be incautious to commit himself by a ratification with a foreign +nation, where he might be left in the lurch in the execution: it was +possible too, to conceive a treaty, which it would not be their duty +to provide for. He said that he did not like throwing too much into +democratic hands, that if they would not do what the constitution called +on them to do, the government would be at an end, and must then assume +another form. He stopped here; and I kept silence to see whether +he would say any thing more in the same line, or add any qualifying +expression to soften what he had said: but he did neither. I had +observed, that wherever the agency of either, or both Houses would be +requisite subsequent to a treaty, to carry it into effect, it would be +prudent to consult them previously, if the occasion admitted. That thus +it was, we were in the habit of consulting the Senate previously, when +the occasion permitted, because their subsequent ratification would be +necessary. That there was the same reason for consulting the lower House +previously, where they were to be called on afterwards, and especially +in the case of money, as they held the purse-strings, and would be +jealous of them. However, he desired me to strike out the intimation +that the seal would not be put till both Houses should have voted the +money. + + +April the 6th. The President called on me before breakfast, and first +introduced some other matter, then fell on the representation bill, +which he had now in his possession for the tenth day. I had before given +him my opinion in writing, that the method of apportionment was contrary +to the constitution. He agreed that it was contrary to the common +understanding of that instrument, and to what was understood at the time +by the makers of it: that, yet it would bear the construction which the +bill put, and he observed that the vote for and against the bill was +perfectly geographical, a northern against a southern vote, and he +feared he should be thought to be taking side with a southern party. I +admitted the motive of delicacy, but that it should not induce him to +do wrong: urged the dangers to which the scramble for the fractionary +members would always lead. He here expressed his fear that there would, +ere long, be a separation of the Union; that the public mind seemed +dissatisfied and tending to this. He went home, sent for Randolph, the +Attorney General, desired him to get Mr. Madison immediately and come +to me, and if we three concurred in opinion that he should negative the +bill, he desired to hear nothing more about it, but that we would draw +the instrument for him to sign. They came. Our minds had been before +made up. + +We drew the instrument. Randolph carried it to him, and told him we +all concurred in it. He walked with him to the door, and as if he still +wished to get off, he said, 'And you say you approve of this yourself.' +'Yes, Sir,' says Randolph, 'I do upon my honor.' He sent it to the House +of Representatives instantly. A few of the hottest friends of the bill +expressed passion, but the majority were satisfied, and both in and +out of doors it gave pleasure to have, at length, an instance of the +negative being exercised. + +Written this the 9th of April. + + +July the 10th, 1792. My letter of ---- to the President, directed to him +at Mount Vernon, had not found him there, but came to him here. He told +me of this, and that he would take an occasion of speaking with me on +the subject. He did so this day. He began by observing that he had put +it off from day to day, because the subject was painful; to wit, his +remaining in office, which that letter solicited. He said that the +declaration he had made when he quitted his military command, of never +again entering into public life, was sincere. That, however, when he was +called on to come forward to set the present government in motion, +it appeared to him that circumstances were so changed as to justify a +change in his resolution: he was made to believe that in two years all +would be well in motion, and he might retire. At the end of two years +he found some things still to be done. At the end of the third year, he +thought it was not worth while to disturb the course of things, as +in one year more his office would expire, and he was decided then to +retire. Now he was told there would still be danger in it. Certainly, +if he thought so, he would conquer his longing for retirement. But he +feared it would be said his former professions of retirement had been +mere affectation, and that he was like other men, when once in office +he could not quit it. He was sensible, too, of a decay of his hearing, +perhaps his other faculties might fall off and he not be sensible of it. +That with respect to the existing causes of uneasiness, he thought there +we're suspicions against a particular party, which had been carried a +great deal too far: there might be desires, but he did not believe there +were designs to change the form of government into a monarchy: that +there might be a few who wished it in the higher walks of life, +particularly in the great cities; but that the main body of the people +in the eastern States were as steadily for republicanism as in the +southern. That the pieces lately published, and particularly in +Freneau's paper, seemed to have in view the exciting opposition to +the government. That this had taken place in Pennsylvania as to the +excise-law, according to information he had received from General Hand. +That they tended to produce a separation of the Union, the most dreadful +of all calamities, and that whatever tended to produce anarchy, tended, +of course, to produce a resort to monarchical government. He considered +those papers as attacking him directly, for he must be a fool indeed to +swallow the little sugar-plumbs here and there thrown out to him. That +in condemning the administration of the government, they condemned +him, for if they thought there were measures pursued contrary to his +sentiments, they must conceive him too careless to attend to them, or +too stupid to understand them. That though, indeed, he had signed many +acts which he did not approve in all their parts, yet he had never put +his name to one which he did not think, on the whole, was eligible. That +as to the bank, which had been an act of so much complaint, until there +was some infallible criterion of reason, a difference of opinion must be +tolerated. He did not believe the discontents extended far from the seat +of government. He had seen and spoken with many people in Maryland and +Virginia in his late journey. He found the people contented and +happy. He wished, however, to be better informed on this head. If the +discontents were more extensive than he supposed, it might be, that the +desire that he should remain in the government was not general. + +My observations to him tended principally to enforce the topics of my +letter. I will not, therefore, repeat them, except where they produced +observations from him. I said, that the two great complaints were, that +the national debt was unnecessarily increased, and that it had furnished +the means of corrupting both branches of the legislature; that he must +know, and every body knew, there was a considerable squadron in both, +whose votes were devoted to the paper and stock-jobbing interest, that +the names of a weighty number were known, and several others suspected +on good grounds. That on examining the votes of these men, they would +be found uniformly for every Treasury measure, and that as most of these +measures had been carried by small majorities, they were carried by +these very votes. That, therefore, it was a cause of just uneasiness, +when we saw a legislature legislating for their own interests, in +opposition to those of the people. He said not a word on the corruption +of the legislature, but took up the other point, defended the +Assumption, and argued that it had not increased the debt, for that all +of it was honest debt. He justified the excise-law, as one of the best +laws which could be passed, as nobody would pay the tax who did not +choose to do it. With respect to the increase of the debt by the +Assumption, I observed to him, that what was meant and objected to was, +that it increased the debt of the General Government, and carried +it beyond the possibility of payment. That if the balances had been +settled, and the debtor States directed to pay their deficiencies to +the creditor States, they would have done it easily, and by resources of +taxation in their power, and acceptable to the people; by a direct tax +in the south, and an excise in the north. Still, he said, it would +be paid by the people. Finding him decided, I avoided entering into +argument with him on those points. + + +Bladensburg, October the 1st, 1792. This morning, at Mount Vernon, I +had the following conversation with the President. He opened it by +expressing his regret at the resolution in which I appeared so fixed, in +the letter I had written him, of retiring from public affairs. He said, +that he should be extremely sorry that I should do it, as long as he +was in office, and that he could not see where he should find another +character to fill my office. That as yet, he was quite undecided whether +to retire in March or not. His inclinations led him strongly to do it. +Nobody disliked more the ceremonies of his office, and he had not the +least taste or gratification in the execution of its functions. That he +was happy at home alone, and that his presence there was now peculiarly +called for by the situation of Major Washington, whom he thought +irrecoverable, and should he get well, he would remove into another +part of the country, which might better agree with him. That he did not +believe his presence necessary; that there were other characters who +would do the business as well or better. Still, however, if his aid was +thought necessary to save the cause to which he had devoted his life +principally, he would make the sacrifice of a longer continuance. That +he therefore reserved himself for future decision, as his declaration +would be in time if made a month before the day of election. He had +desired Mr. Lear to find out from conversation, without appearing to +make the inquiry, whether any other person would be desired by any +body. He had informed him, he judged from conversations that it was +the universal desire he should continue, and he believed that those +who expressed a doubt of his continuance, did it in the language of +apprehension, and not of desire. But this, says he, is only from the +north; it may be very different in the south. I thought this meant as +an opening to me to say what was the sentiment in the south, from which +quarter I came. I told him, that as far as I knew, there was but one +voice there, which was for his continuance. That as to myself, I had +ever preferred the pursuits of private life to those of public, +which had nothing in them agreeable to me. I explained to him the +circumstances of the war which had first called me into public life, and +those following the war, which had called me from a retirement on which +I had determined. That I had constantly kept my eye on my own home, +and could no longer refrain from returning to it. As to himself, his +presence was important; that he was the only man in the United States +who possessed the confidence of the whole; that government was founded +in opinion and confidence, and that the longer he remained, the stronger +would become the habits of the people in submitting to the government, +and in thinking it a thing to be maintained; that there was no other +person, who would be thought any thing more than the head of a party. He +then expressed his concern at the difference which he found to subsist +between the Secretary of the Treasury and myself, of which he said he +had not been aware. He knew, indeed, that there was a marked difference +in our political sentiments, but he had never suspected it had gone so +far in producing a personal difference, and he wished he could be the +mediator to put an end to it. That he thought it important to preserve +the check of my opinions in the administration, in order to keep things +in their proper channel, and prevent them from going too far. That as +to the idea of transforming this government into a monarchy, he did +not believe there were ten men in the United States whose opinions were +worth attention, who entertained such a thought. I told him there were +many more than he imagined. I recalled to his memory a dispute at +his own table, a little before we left Philadelphia, between General +Schuyler on one side and Pinckney and myself on the other, wherein the +former maintained the position, that hereditary descent was as likely to +produce good magistrates as election. I told him, that though the +people were sound, there were a numerous sect who had monarchy in +contemplation; that the Secretary of the Treasury was one of these. That +I had heard him say that this constitution was a shilly-shally thing, of +mere milk and water, which could not last, and was only good as a step +to something better. That when we reflected, that he had endeavored in +the convention, to make an English constitution of it, and when failing +in that, we saw all his measures tending to bring it to the same thing, +it was natural for us to be jealous; and particularly, when we saw that +these measures had established corruption in the legislature, where +there was a squadron devoted to the nod of the Treasury, doing whatever +he had directed, and ready to do what he should direct. That if the +equilibrium of the three great bodies, legislative, executive, and +judiciary, could be preserved, if the legislature could be kept +independent, I should never fear the result of such a government; +but that I could not but be uneasy, when I saw that the executive had +swallowed up the legislative branch. He said, that as to that interested +spirit in the legislature, it was what could not be avoided in any +government, unless we were to exclude particular descriptions of men, +such as the holders of the funds, from all office. I told him, there was +great difference between the little accidental schemes of self-interest, +which would take place in every body of men, and influence their votes, +and a regular system for forming a corps of interested persons, who +should be steadily at the orders of the Treasury. He touched on the +merits of the funding system, observed there was a difference of opinion +about it, some thinking it very bad, others very good; that experience +was the only criterion of right which he knew, and this alone would +decide which opinion was right. That for himself, he had seen our +affairs desperate and our credit lost, and that this was in a sudden and +extraordinary degree raised to the highest pitch. I told him, all that +was ever necessary to establish our credit, was an efficient government +and an honest one, declaring it would sacredly pay our debts, laying +taxes for this purpose, and applying them to it. I avoided going further +into the subject. He finished by another exhortation to me not to decide +too positively on retirement, and here we were called to breakfast. + + +October the 31st, 1792. I had sent to the President, Viar and Jaudenes's +letter of the 29th instant, whereupon he desired a consultation of +Hamilton, Knox, E. Randolph, and myself, on these points. 1. What notice +was to be taken hereof to Spain. 2. Whether it should make part of the +communication to the legislature. I delivered my opinion, that it ought +to be communicated to both Houses, because the communications intended +to be made, being to bring on the question, whether they would declare +war against any, and which of the nations or parts of the nations of +Indians to the south, it would be proper this information should be +before them, that they might know how far such a declaration would lead +them. There might be some who would be for war against the Indians, if +it were to stop there, but who would not be for it, if it were to lead +to a war against Spain. I thought it should be laid before both Houses, +because it concerned the question of declaring war, which was the +function equally of both Houses. I thought a simple acknowledgment of +the receipt of the letter should be made by me to the Spanish Charges, +expressing that it contained some things very unexpected to us, but that +we should refer the whole, as they had proposed, to the negotiators +at Madrid. This would secure to us a continuation of the suspension +of Indian hostilities, which the Governor of New Orleans said he had +brought about till the result of the negotiation at Madrid should be +known; would not commit us as to running or not running the line, or +imply any admission of doubt about our tentorial right; and would avoid +a rupture with Spain, which was much to be desired, while we had similar +points to discuss with Great Britain. Hamilton declared himself the +advocate for peace. War would derange our affairs greatly; throw us +back many years in the march towards prosperity; be difficult for us to +pursue, our countrymen not being disposed to become soldiers; a part +of the Union feeling no interest in the war, would with difficulty be +brought to exert itself; and we had no navy. He was for every thing +which would procrastinate the event. A year, even, was a great gain to a +nation strengthening as we were. It laid open to us, too, the chapter +of accidents, which in the present state of Europe, was a very pregnant +one. That while, however, he was for delaying the event of war, he had +no doubt it was to take place between us for the object in question: +that jealousy and perseverance were remarkable features in the character +of the Spanish government, with respect to their American possessions; +that so far from receding as to their claims against us, they had +been strengthening themselves in them. He had no doubt the present +communication was by authority from the court. Under this impression +he thought we should be looking forward to the day of rupture, and +preparing for it. That if we were unequal to the contest ourselves, it +behoved us to provide allies for our aid. That in this view, but two +nations could be named, France and England. France was too intimately +connected with Spain in other points, and of too great mutual value, +ever to separate for us. Her affairs too, were such, that whatever +issue they had, she could not be in a situation to make a respectable +mediation for us. England alone, then, remained. It would not be easy to +effect it with her; however, he was for trying it, and for sounding them +on the proposition of a defensive treaty of alliance. The inducements to +such a treaty, on their part, might be, 1. The desire of breaking up our +former connections, which we knew they had long wished. 2. A continuance +of the statu quo in commerce for ten years, which he believed would +be desirable to them. 3. An admission to some navigable part of the +Mississippi, by some line drawn from the Lake of the Woods to such +navigable part. He had not, he said, examined the map to see how such +a line might be run, so as not to make too great a sacrifice. The +navigation of the Mississippi being a joint possession, we might +then take measures in concert for the joint security of it. He was, +therefore, for immediately sounding them on this subject through our +minister at London; yet so as to keep ourselves unengaged as long as +possible, in hopes a favorable issue with Spain might be otherwise +effected. But he was for sounding immediately, and for not letting slip +an opportunity of securing our object. + +E. Randolph concurred, in general, with me. He objected that such a +reliance could not be effected without pecuniary consideration probably, +which he could not give. And what was to be their aid? If men, our +citizens would see their armies get foothold in the United States, with +great jealousy; it would be difficult to protect them. Even the French, +during the distresses of the late war, excited some jealous sentiments, + +Hamilton said, money was often but not always demanded, and the aid he +should propose to stipulate would be in ships. Knox _non dissentiente_. + +The President said the remedy would be worse than the disease, and +stated some of the disagreeable circumstances which would attend our +making such overtures. + + +November, 1792. Hamilton called on me to speak about our furnishing +supplies to the French colony of St. Domingo. He expressed his opinion, +that we ought to be cautious, and not go too far in our application +of money to their use, lest it should not be recognised by the mother +country. He did not even think that some kinds of government they +might establish could give a sufficient sanction.* I observed, that the +National Convention was now met, and would certainly establish a form +of government; that as we had recognised the former government because +established by authority of the nation, so we must recognise any other +which should be established by the authority of the nation. He said we +had recognised the former, because it contained an important member of +the ancient, to wit, the King, and wore the appearance of his consent; +but if, in any future form, they should omit the King, he did not know +that we could with safety recognise it, or pay money to its order. + + * There had been a previous consultation at the President's + (about the first week in November) on the expediency of + suspending payments to France, under her present situation. + I had admitted that the late constitution was dissolved by + the dethronement of the King; and the management of affairs + surviving to the National Assembly only, this was not an + integral legislature, and therefore not competent to give a + legitimate discharge for our payments: that I thought + consequently, that none should be made till some legitimate + body came into place; and that I should consider the + National Convention, called, but not met as we had yet + heard, to be a legitimate body. Hamilton doubted whether it + would be a legitimate body, and whether, if the King should + be re-established, he might not disallow such payments on + good grounds. Knox, for once, dared to differ from Hamilton, + and to express, very submissively, an opinion, that a + convention named by the whole body of the nation, would be + competent to do any thing. It ended by agreeing, that I + should write to Gouverneur Morris to suspend payment + generally, till further orders. + + +November the 19th, 1792. Beckley brings me the pamphlet written by +Hamilton, before the war, in answer to 'Common Sense.' It is entitled +'Plain Truth.' Melancthon Smith sends it to Beckley, and in his letter +says, it was not printed in New York by Loudon, because prevented by a +mob, and was printed in Philadelphia, and that he has these facts from +Loudon. + + +November the 21st, 1792. Mr. Butler tells me, that he dined last winter +with Mr. Campbell from Denmark, in company with Hamilton, Lawrence, Dr. +Shippen, T. Shippen, and one other person whom he cannot recollect. That +after dinner political principles became the subject of conversation; +that Hamilton declared openly, that 'there was no stability, no security +in any kind of government but a monarchy.' That Lawrence took him +up, and entered the lists of argument against him; that the dispute +continued long, and grew warm, remarkably so as between them; that +Shippen, at length, joined Lawrence in it; and in fine, that it broke up +the company. Butler recommended to the company, that the dispute having +probably gone farther than was intended, it ought to be considered as +confined to the company. + + +Thursday, December the 27th, 1792. I waited on the President on some +current business. After this was over, he observed to me, that he +thought it was time to endeavor to effect a stricter connection with +France, and that Gouverneur Morris should be written to on this subject. +He went into the circumstances of dissatisfaction between Spain and +Great Britain, and us, and observed, there was no nation on whom we +could rely, at all times, but France; and that, if we did not prepare +in time some support, in the event of rupture with Spain and England, +we might be charged with a criminal negligence. I was much pleased with +the tone of these observations. It was the very doctrine which had been +my polar star, and I did not need the successes of the republican arms +in France, lately announced to us, to bring me to these sentiments. +For it is to be noted, that on Saturday last, (the 22nd) I received Mr. +Short's letters of October the 9th and 12th, with the Leyden gazettes to +October the 13th, giving us the first news of the retreat of the Duke of +Brunswick, and the capture of Spires and Worms by Custine, and that +of Nice by Anselme. I therefore expressed to the President my cordial +approbation of these ideas; told him, I had meant on that day (as an +opportunity of writing by the British packet would occur immediately) to +take his orders for removing the suspension of payments to France, which +had been imposed by my last letter to Gouverneur Morris, but was meant, +as I supposed, only for the interval between the abolition of the late +constitution by the dethronement of the King, and the meeting of some +other body, invested by the will of the nation with powers to transact +their affairs; that I considered the National Convention, then +assembled, as such a body; and that, therefore, we ought to go on with +the payments to them, or to any government they should establish; that, +however, I had learned last night, that some clause in the bill for +providing reimbursement of the loan made by the bank to the United +States, had given rise to a question before the House of Representatives +yesterday, which might affect these payments; a clause in that bill +proposing, that the money formerly borrowed in Amsterdam, to pay the +French debt, and appropriated by law (1790, August 4th, c. 34. Sec. 2.) to +that purpose, lying dead as was suggested, should be taken to pay the +bank, and the President be authorized to borrow two millions of dollars +more, out of which it should be replaced: and if this should be done, +the removal of our suspension of payments, as I had been about to +propose, would be premature. He expressed his disapprobation of the +clause above mentioned; thought it highly improper in the legislature to +change an appropriation once made, and added, that no one could tell in +what that would end. I concurred, but observed, that on a division of +the House, the ayes for striking out the clause were twenty-seven, the +noes twenty-six; whereon the Speaker gave his vote against striking out, +which divides the House: the clause for the disappropriation remained +of course. I mentioned suspicions, that the whole of this was a trick +to serve the bank under a great existing embarrassment; that the debt to +the bank was to be repaid by instalments; that the first instalment was +of two hundred thousand dollars only, or rather one hundred and sixty +thousand dollars, (because forty thousand of the two hundred thousand +dollars would be the United States' own dividend of the instalment.) Yet +here were two millions to be paid them at once, and to be taken from a +purpose of gratitude and honor, to which it had been appropriated. + + +December the 30th, 1792. I took the occasion furnished by Pinckney's +letter of September the 19th, asking instructions how to conduct himself +as to the French revolution, to lay down the catholic principle of +republicanism, to wit, that every people may establish what form of +government they please, and change it as they please; the will of the +nation being the only thing essential. I was induced to do this, in +order to extract the President's opinion on the question which divided +Hamilton and myself in the conversation of November, 1792, and the +previous one of the first week of November, on the suspension of +payments to France: and if favorable to mine, to place the principle on +record in the letter-books of my office. I therefore wrote the letter +of December the 30th, to Pinckney, and sent it to the President, and he +returned me his approbation in writing, in his note of the same date, +which see. + + +February the 7th, 1793. I waited on the President with letters and +papers from Lisbon. After going through these, I told him that I had for +some time suspended speaking with him on the subject of my going out +of office, because I had understood that the bill for intercourse with +foreign nations was likely to be rejected by the Senate, in which case, +the remaining business of the department would be too inconsiderable to +make it worth while to keep it up. But that the bill being now passed, I +was freed from the considerations of propriety which had embarrassed me. +That &c. [nearly in the words of a letter to Mr. T. M. Randolph, of +a few days ago,] and that I should be willing, if he had taken no +arrangements to the contrary, to continue somewhat longer, how long I +could not say, perhaps till summer, perhaps autumn. He said, so far from +taking arrangements on the subject, he had never mentioned to any mortal +the design of retiring which I had expressed to him, till yesterday, +when having heard that I had given up my house, and that it was rented +by another, he thereupon mentioned it to Mr. E. Randolph, and asked him, +as he knew my retirement had been talked of, whether he had heard +any persons suggested in conversation to succeed me. He expressed his +satisfaction at my change of purpose and his apprehensions that my +retirement would be a new source of uneasiness to the public. He +said Governor Lee had that day informed him of the general discontent +prevailing in Virginia, of which he never had had any conception, +much less sound information. That it appeared to him very alarming. He +proceeded to express his earnest wish that Hamilton and myself could +coalesce in the measures of the government, and urged here the general +reasons for it, which he had done to me in two former conversations. +He said he had proposed the same thing to Hamilton, who expressed +his readiness, and he thought our coalition would secure the general +acquiescence of the public. I told him my concurrence was of much less +importance than he seemed to imagine; that I kept myself aloof from all +cabal and correspondence on the subject with the government, and saw and +spoke with as few as I could. That as to a coalition with Mr. Hamilton, +if by that was meant that either was to sacrifice his general system +to the other, it was impossible. We had both, no doubt, formed our +conclusions after the most mature consideration; and principles +conscientiously adopted, could not be given up on either side. My wish +was, to see both Houses of Congress cleansed of all persons interested +in the bank or public stocks: and that a pure legislature being given +us, I should always be ready to acquiesce under their determinations, +even if contrary to my own opinions; for that I subscribe to the +principle, that the will of the majority, honestly expressed, should +give law. I confirmed him in the fact of the great discontents to +the south; that they were grounded on seeing that their judgments +and interests were sacrificed to those of the eastern States on every +occasion, and their belief that it was the effect of a corrupt squadron +of voters in Congress, at the command of the Treasury; and they see that +if the votes of those members who had any interest distinct from, +and contrary to the general interest of their constituents, had been +withdrawn, as in decency and honesty they should have been, the laws +would have been the reverse of what they are on all the great questions. +I instanced the new Assumption carried in the House of Representatives +by the Speaker's vote. On this subject he made no reply. He explained +his remaining in office to have been the effect of strong solicitations +after he returned here; declaring that he had never mentioned his +purpose of going out but to the Heads of departments and Mr. Madison; he +expressed the extreme wretchedness of his existence while in office, +and went lengthily into the late attacks on him for levees, &c. +and explained to me how he had been led into them by the persons he +consulted at New York; and that if he could but know what the sense of +the public was, he would most cheerfully conform to it. + + +February the 16th, 1793. E. Randolph tells J. Madison and myself, a +curious fact which he had from Lear. When the President went to New +York, he resisted for three weeks the efforts to introduce levees. At +length he yielded, and left it to Humphreys and some others to settle +the forms. Accordingly, an antechamber and presence-room were provided, +and when those who were to pay their court were assembled, the President +set out, preceded by Humphreys. After passing through the antechamber, +the door of the inner room was thrown open, and Humphreys entered first, +calling out with a loud voice, 'The President of the United States.' The +President was so much disconcerted with it, that he did not recover it +the whole time of the levee, and when the company was gone, he said +to Humphreys, 'Well, you have taken me in once, but, by God, you shall +never take me in a second time.' + +There is reason to believe that the rejection of the late additional +Assumption by the Senate was effected by the President through Lear, +operating on Langdon. Beckley knows this. + + +February the 26th, 1793. Notes on the proceedings of yesterday. [See the +formal opinions given to the President in writing, and signed.] + +First question. We were all of opinion that the treaty should proceed +merely to gratify the public opinion, and not from an expectation of +success. I expressed myself strongly, that the event was so unpromising, +that I thought the preparations for a campaign should go on without the +least relaxation, and that a day should be fixed with the commissioners +for the treaty, beyond which they should not permit the treaty to be +protracted, by which day, orders should be given for our forces to enter +into action. The President took up the thing instantly, after I had said +this, and declared he was so much in the opinion that the treaty would +end in nothing, that he then, in the presence of us all, gave orders to +General Knox, not to slacken the preparations for the campaign in the +least, but to exert every nerve in preparing for it. Knox said something +about the ultimate day for continuing the negotiations. I acknowledged +myself not a judge on what day the campaign should begin, but that +whatever it was, that day should terminate the treaty. Knox said he +thought a winter campaign was always the most efficacious against the +Indians. I was of opinion, since Great Britain insisted on furnishing +provisions, that we should offer to repay. Hamilton thought we should +not. + +Second question. I considered our right of preemption of the +Indian lands, not as amounting to any dominion, or jurisdiction, or +paramountship whatever, but merely in the nature of a remainder after +the extinguishment of a present right, which gave us no present right +whatever, but of preventing other nations from taking possession, and so +defeating our expectancy; that the Indians had the full, undivided, and +independent sovereignty as long as they chose to keep it, and that this +might be for ever; that as fast as we extend our rights by purchase from +them, so fast we extend the limits of our society, and as soon as a new +portion became encircled within our line, it became a fixed limit of +our society: that the executive, with either or both branches of the +legislature, could not alien any part of our territory; that by the +law of nations it was settled, that the unity and indivisibility of +the society was so fundamental, that it could not be dismembered by the +constituted authorities, except, 1. where all power was delegated to +them (as in the case of despotic governments,) or, 2. where it was +expressly delegated; that neither of these delegations had been made +to our General Government, and, therefore, that it had no right +to dismember or alienate any portion of territory once ultimately +consolidated with us; and that we could no more cede to the Indians +than to the English or Spaniards, as it might, according to acknowledged +principles, remain as irrevocably and eternally with the one as the +other. But I thought, that, as we had a right to sell and settle lands +once comprehended within our lines, so we might forbear to exercise +that right, retaining the property, till circumstances should be more +favorable to the settlement, and this I agreed to do in the present +instance, if necessary for peace. + +Hamilton agreed to the doctrine of the law of nations, as laid down in +Europe, but that it was founded on the universality of settlement there; +consequently that no lopping-off of territory could be made without a +lopping-off of citizens, which required their consent; but that the law +of nations for us, must be adapted to the circumstance of our unsettled +country, which he conceived the President and Senate may cede: that +the power of treaty was given to them by the constitution, without +restraining it to particular objects; consequently that it was given in +as plenipotentiary a form as held by any sovereign in any other society. +Randolph was of opinion, there was a difference between a cession to +Indians and to any others, because it only restored the ceded part to +the condition in which it was before we bought it, and consequently, +that we might buy it again hereafter: therefore, he thought the +executive and Senate could cede it. Knox joined in the main opinion. The +President discovered no opinion, but he made some efforts to get us to +join in some terms which could unite us all, and he seemed to direct +those efforts more towards me: but the thing could not be done. + +Third question. We agreed in idea as to the line to be drawn; to wit, so +as to retain all lands appropriated, or granted, or reserved. + +Fourth question. We all thought, if the Senate should be consulted, and +consequently apprized of our line, it would become known to Hammond, and +we should lose all chance of saving any thing more at the treaty than +our ultimatum. + +The President, at this meeting, mentioned the declaration of some +person, in a paper of Fenno, that he would commence an attack on the +character of Dr. Franklin. He said, the theme was to him excessively +disagreeable on other considerations, but most particularly so, as +the party seemed to do it as a means of defending him (the President) +against the late attacks on him: that such a mode of defence would be +peculiarly painful to him, and he wished it could be stopped. Hamilton +and Randolph undertook to speak to Fenno to suppress it, without +mentioning it as the President's wish. Both observed, that they had +heard this declaration mentioned in many companies, and that it had +excited universal horror and detestation. + +The paper in Fenno must lie between two persons, viz. Adams and Izard, +because they are the only persons who could know such facts as are there +promised to be unfolded. Adams is an enemy to both characters, and might +choose this ground as an effectual position to injure both. Izard hated +Franklin with unparalleled bitterness, but humbly adores the President, +because he is in _loco regis_. If the paper proceeds, we shall easily +discover which of these two gentlemen is the champion. In the mean time, +the first paper leads our suspicions more towards Izard than Adams, from +the circumstance of style, and because he is quite booby enough not to +see the injury he would do to the President by such a mode of defence. + + +February the 28th. Knox, E. Randolph, and myself met at Knox's, where +Hamilton was also to have met, to consider the time, manner, and place +of the President's swearing in. Hamilton had been there before, and +had left his opinion with Knox; to wit, that the President should ask +a judge to attend him in his own house to administer the oath, in the +presence of the Heads of departments; which oath should be deposited in +the Secretary of State's office. I concurred in this opinion. Randolph +was for the President's going to the Senate chamber to take the oath, +attended by the marshal of the United States, who should then make +proclamation, &c. Knox was for this, and for adding the House of +Representatives to the presence, as they would not yet be departed. Our +individual opinions were written, to be communicated to the President, +out of which he might form one. In the course of our conversation, +Knox, stickling for parade, got into great warmth, and swore that our +government must either be entirely new modeled, or it would be knocked +to pieces in less than ten years; and that, as it is at present, he +would not give a copper for it; that it is the President's character, +and not the written constitution which keeps it together. + +Same day. Conversation with Lear. He expressed the strongest confidence +that republicanism was the universal creed of America, except of a very +few; that a republican administration must of necessity immediately +overbear the contrary faction; said that he had seen with extreme +regret, that a number of gentlemen had for a long time been endeavoring +to instil into the President, that the noise against the administration +of the government was that of a little faction, which would soon be +silent, and which was detested by the people, who were contented and +prosperous: that this very party, however, began to see their error, and +that the sense of America was bursting forth to their conviction. + + +March the 2nd, 1793. See, in the papers of this date, Mr. Giles's +resolutions. He and one or two others were sanguine enough to believe, +that the palpableness of these resolutions rendered it impossible the +House could reject them. Those who knew the composition of the House, 1. +of bank directors, 2. holders of bank stock, 3. stock-jobbers, 4. blind +devotees, 5. ignorant persons who did not comprehend them, 6. lazy and +good-humored persons, who comprehended and acknowledged them, yet were +too lazy to examine, or unwilling to pronounce censure; the persons who +knew these characters, foresaw, that the three first descriptions making +one third of the House, the three latter would make one half of the +residue; and of course, that they would be rejected by a majority of +two to one. But they thought, that even this rejection would do good, by +showing the public the desperate and abandoned dispositions with which +their affairs were conducted. The resolutions were proposed, and nothing +spared to present them in the fulness of demonstration. There were not +more than three or four who voted otherwise than had been expected. + + +March the 30th, 1793. At our meeting at the President's, February the +25th, in discussing the question, whether we should furnish to France +the three millions of livres desired, Hamilton, in speaking on the +subject, used this expression; 'When Mr. Genet arrives, whether we +shall receive him or not, will then be a question for discussion'; which +expression I did not recollect till E. Randolph reminded me of it a few +days after. Therefore, on the 20th instant, as the President was shortly +to set out for Mount Vernon, I observed to him, that as Genet might +arrive in his absence, I wished to know beforehand how I should treat +him, whether as a person who would or would not be received. He said, he +could see no ground of doubt, but that he ought to be received. On the +24th, he asked E. Randolph's opinion on the subject, saying, he had +consulted Colonel Hamilton thereon, who went into lengthy considerations +of doubt and difficulty, and viewing it as a very unfortunate thing, +that the President should have the decision of so critical a point +forced on him; but in conclusion, said, since he was brought into that +situation, he did not see but that he must receive Mr. Genet. Randolph +told the President, he was clear he should be received, and the +President said, he had never had any doubt on the subject in his mind. +Afterwards on the same day, he spoke to me again on it, and said, Mr. +Genet should unquestionably be received; but he thought not with too +much warmth or Cordiality, so only as to be satisfactory to him. I +wondered at first at this restriction: but when Randolph afterwards +communicated to me his conversation of the 24th, I became satisfied it +was a small sacrifice to the opinion of Hamilton. + + +March the 31st. Mr. Beckley tells me, that the merchants' bonds for +duties on six months' credit became due the 1st instant, to a very great +amount; that Hamilton went to the bank on that day, and directed the +bank to discount for those merchants all their bonds at thirty days, +and that he would have the collectors credited for the money at the +treasury. Hence, the treasury lumping its receipts by the month in its +printed accounts, these sums will be considered by the public as only +received on the last day; consequently, the bank makes the month's +interest out of it. Beckley had this from a merchant, who had a bond +discounted, and who supposes a million of dollars were discounted at the +bank here. Mr. Brown got the same information from another merchant, +who supposed only six hundred thousand dollars discounted here. But they +suppose the same orders went to all the branch banks to a great amount. + +Eodem die. Mr. Brown tells me he has it from a merchant here, that +during the last winter, the directors of the bank ordered the freest +discounts. Every man could obtain it. Money being so flush, the six per +cents run up to twenty-one and twenty-two shillings. Then the directors +sold out their private stocks. When the discounted notes were becoming +due, they stopped discounts, and not a dollar was to be had. This +reduced six per cents to eighteen shillings and three pence; then the +same directors bought in again. + + +April the 7th, 1793. Mr. Lear called on me, and introduced of himself a +conversation on the affairs of the United States. He laughed at the +cry of prosperity, and the deriving it from the establishment of the +treasury: he said, that, so far from giving in to this opinion, and that +we were paying off our national debt, he was clear the debt was growing +on us: that he had lately expressed this opinion to the President, who +appeared much astonished at it. I told him I had given the same hint to +the President last summer, and lately again had suggested, that we +were even depending for the daily subsistence of government on borrowed +money. He said, that was certain, and was the only way of accounting for +what was become of the money drawn over from Holland to this country. +He regretted that the President was not in the way of hearing full +information, declared he communicated to him every thing he could learn +himself; that the men who vaunted the present government so much on some +occasions, were the very men who at other times declared it was a poor +thing, and such a one as could not stand, and he was sensible they +only esteemed it as a stepping-stone to something else, and had availed +themselves of the first moments of the enthusiasm in favor of it, to +pervert its principles and make of it what they wanted: and that though +they raised the cry of anti-federalism against those who censured the +mode of administration, yet he was satisfied, whenever it should come to +be tried, that the very men whom they called anti-federalists, were the +men who would save the government, and he looked to the next Congress +for much rectification. + + +April the 18th. The President sends a set of questions to be considered, +and calls a meeting. Though those sent me were in his own hand-writing, +yet it was palpable from the style, their ingenious tissue and suite, +that they were not the President's, that they were raised upon a +prepared chain of argument, in short, that the language was Hamilton's, +and the doubts his alone. They led to a declaration of the executive, +that our treaty with France is void. E. Randolph, the next day, told me +that the day before the date of these questions, Hamilton went with him +through the whole chain of reasoning of which these questions are the +skeleton, and that he recognised them the moment he saw them. + +We met. The first question, whether we should receive the French +minister, Genet, was proposed, and we agreed unanimously that he should +be received; Hamilton, at the same time, expressing his great regret +that any accident had happened, which should oblige us to recognise +the government. The next question was, whether he should be received +absolutely, or with qualifications. Here Hamilton took up the whole +subject, and went through it in the order in which the questions sketch +it. See the chain of his reasoning in my opinion of April the 28th. Knox +subscribed at once to Hamilton's opinion that we ought to declare the +treaty void, acknowledging, at the same time, like a fool as he is, +that he knew nothing about it. I was clear it remained valid. Randolph +declared himself of the same opinion, but on Hamilton's undertaking to +present to him the authority in Vattel (which we had not present), and +to prove to him, that if the authority was admitted, the treaty might be +declared void, Randolph agreed to take further time to consider. It was +adjourned. We determined unanimously the last question, that Congress +should not be called. There having been an intimation by Randolph, that +in so great a question he should choose to give a written opinion, and +this being approved by the President, I gave in mine April the 28th. +Hamilton gave in his. I believe Knox's was never thought worth offering +or asking for. Randolph gave his May the 6th, concurring with mine. +The President told me, the same day, he had never had a doubt about the +validity of the treaty; but that since a question had been suggested, +he thought it ought to be considered: that this being done, I might +now issue passports to sea-vessels in the form prescribed by the French +treaty. I had for a week past only issued the Dutch form; to have issued +the French, would have been presupposing the treaty to be in existence. +The President suggested, that he thought it would be as well +that nothing should be said of such a question having been under +consideration. Written May the 6th. + + +May the 6th, 1793. When the question was, whether the proclamation of +April the 22nd should be issued, Randolph observed, that there should +be a letter written by me to the ministers of the belligerent powers, to +declare that it should not be taken as conclusive evidence against our +citizens in foreign courts of admiralty, for contraband goods. Knox +suddenly adopted the opinion before Hamilton delivered his. Hamilton +opposed it pretty strongly. I thought it an indifferent thing, but +rather approved Randolph's opinion. The President was against it; but +observed that, as there were three for it, it should go. This was +the first instance I had seen of an opportunity to decide by a mere +majority, including his own vote. + + +May the 12th. Lear called on me to-day. Speaking of the lowness of +stocks (sixteen shillings), I observed it was a pity we had not money to +buy on public account. He said, yes, and that it was the more provoking, +as two millions had been borrowed for that purpose, and drawn over here, +and yet were not here. That he had no doubt those would take notice of +the circumstance whose duty it was to do so. I suppose he must mean the +President. + + +May the 23rd. I had sent to the President, yesterday, draughts of a +letter from him to the Provisory Executive Council of France, and of one +from myself to Mr. Ternant, both on the occasion of his recall. I called +on him to-day. He said there was an expression in one of them, which he +had never before seen in any of our public communications, to wit, 'our +republic' The letter prepared for him to the Council, began thus: 'The +Citizen Ternant has delivered to me the letter wherein you inform me, +that yielding &c. you had determined to recall him from his mission, as +your Minister Plenipotentiary to our republic.' He had underscored +the words our republic. He said that certainly ours was a republican +government, but yet we had not used that style in this way; that if any +body wanted to change its form into a monarchy, he was sure it was only +a few individuals, and that no man in the United States would set his +face against it more than himself: but that this was not what he was +afraid of; his fears were from another quarter; that there was more +danger of anarchy being introduced. He adverted to a piece in Freneau's +paper of yesterday; he said he despised all their attacks on him +personally, but that there never had been an act of the government, not +meaning in the executive line only, but in any line, which that paper +had not abused. He had also marked the word republic thus X, where it +was applied to the French republic. (See the original paper.) He was +evidently sore and warm, and I took his intention to be, that I should +interpose in some way with Freneau, perhaps withdraw his appointment +of translating clerk to my office. But I will not do it. His paper has +saved our constitution, which was galloping fast into monarchy, and has +been checked by no one means so powerfully as by that paper. It is well +and universally known, that it has been that paper which has checked the +career of the monocrats; and the President, not sensible of the designs +of the party, has not, with his usual good sense and _sang froid_, +looked on the efforts and effects of this free press, and seen that, +though some bad things have passed through it to the public, yet the +good have preponderated immensely. + + +June the 7th, 1793. Mr. Beckley, who has returned from New York within +a few days, tells me that, while he was there, Sir John Temple, Consul +General of the northern States for Great Britain showed him a letter +from Sir Gregory Page Turner, a member of parliament for a borough in +Yorkshire, who, he said, had been a member for twenty-five years, and +always confidential for the ministers in which he permitted him to read +particular passages of the following purport: that the government was +well apprized of the predominancy of the British interest in the United +States; that they considered Colonel Hamilton, Mr. King, and Mr. +Smith of South Carolina, as the main supports of that interest; that +particularly, they considered Colonel Hamilton, and not Mr. Hammond as +their effective minister here; that if the anti-federal interest (that +was his term) at the head of which they considered Mr. Jefferson to be +should prevail, these gentlemen had secured an asylum to themselves +in England.' Beckley could not understand whether they had secured it +themselves* or whether they were only notified that it was secured +to them. So that they understand that they may go on boldly in their +machinations to change the government, and if they should be overset +and choose to withdraw, they will be secure of a pension in England, as +Arnold, Deane, &c. had. Sir John read passages of a letter (which he did +not put into Beckley's hand, as he did the other) from Lord Grenville, +saying nearly the same things. This letter mentions Sir John, that +though they had divided the Consul-Generalship, and given the southern +department to Bond, yet he Sir John, was to retain his whole salary. +[By this it would seem, as if, wanting to use Bond, they had covered his +employment with this cloak.] Mr. Beckley says that Sir John Temple is a +strong republican. I had a proof of his intimacy with Sir John in this +circumstance. Sir John received his new commission of Consul General for +the northern department, and, instead of sending it through Mr. Hammond, +got Beckley to enclose it to me for his exequatur I wrote to Sir John +that it must come through Mr Hammond enclosing it back to him. He +accordingly then sent it to Mr. Hammond. + + [* In the margin is written, by Mr. Jefferson; 'Impossible + as to Hamilton; he was far above that.] + +In conversation with the President to-day, and speaking about General +Greene, he said that he and General Greene had always differed in +opinion about the manner of using militia. Greene always placed them +in his front: himself was of opinion, they should always be used as a +reserve to improve any advantage, for which purpose they were the finest +fellows in the world. He said he was on the ground of the battle of +Guilford, with a person who was in the action, and who explained the +whole of it to him. That General Greene's front was behind a fence at +the edge of a large field, through which the enemy were obliged to pass +to get at them; and that, in their passage through this, they must have +been torn all to pieces, if troops had been posted there who would have +stood their ground; and that the retreat from that position was through +a thicket, perfectly secure. Instead of this he posted the North +Carolina militia there who only gave one fire and fell back, so that the +whole benefit of their position was lost. He thinks that the regulars, +with their field-pieces, would have hardly let a single man get through +that field. + +Eodem die (June the 7th). Beckley tells me that he has the following +fact from Governor Clinton. That before the proposition for the present +General Government, i.e. a little before Hamilton conceived a plan for +establishing a monarchical government in the United States, he wrote +a draught of a circular letter, which was to be sent to about +-------persons, to bring it about. One of these letters in Hamilton's +hand-writing, is now in possession of an old militia General up the +North River, who, at that time, was thought orthodox enough to be +entrusted in the execution. This General has given notice to Governor +Clinton, that he has this paper, and that he will deliver it into +his hands, and no one's else. Clinton intends, the first interval of +leisure, to go for it, and he will bring it to Philadelphia. Beckley is +a man of perfect truth as to what he affirms of his own knowledge, but +too credulous as to what he hears from others. + + +June the 10th, 1793. Mr. Brown gives me the following specimen of +the phrenzy which prevailed at New York on the opening of the new +government. The first public ball which took place after the President's +arrival there, Colonel Humphreys, Colonel W. S. Smith, and Mrs. Knox +were to arrange the ceremonials. These arrangements were as follows: +a sofa at the head of the room, raised on several steps whereon the +President and Mrs. Washington were to be seated. The gentlemen were to +dance in swords. Each one, when going to dance, was to lead his partner +to the foot of the sofa, make a low obeisance to the President and his +lady, then go and dance, and when done, bring his partner again to the +foot of the sofa for new obeisances, and then to retire to their chairs. +It was to be understood, too, that gentlemen should be dressed in bags. +Mrs. Knox contrived to come with the President, and to follow him and +Mrs. Washington to their destination, and she had the design of forcing +an invitation from the President to a seat on the sofa. She mounted up +the steps after them unbidden, but unfortunately the wicked sofa was so +short, that when the President and Mrs. Washington were seated, there +was not room for a third person; she was obliged therefore to descend in +the face of the company, and to sit where she could. In other respects +the ceremony was conducted rigorously according to the arrangements, and +the President made to pass an evening which his good sense rendered a +very miserable one to him. + + +June the 12th. Beckley tells me that Klingham has been with him to-day, +and relates to him the following fact. A certificate of the old Congress +had been offered at the treasury and refused payment and so endorsed in +red ink as usual. This certificate came to the hands of Francis, (the +quondam clerk of the treasury who, on account of his being dipped in +the infamous case of the Baron Glaubec, Hamilton had been obliged +to dismiss, to save appearances, but with an assurance of all future +service, and he accordingly got him established in New York). Francis +wrote to Hamilton that such a ticket was offered him, but he could not +buy it unless he would inform him and give him his certificate that it +was good. Hamilton wrote him a most friendly letter, and sent him +the certificate. He bought the paper, and came on here and got it +recognised, whereby he made twenty-five hundred dollars Klingham saw +both the letter and certificate. + +Irving, a clerk in the treasury, an Irishman, is the author of the +pieces now coming out under the signature of Verita's and attacking the +President. I have long suspected this detestable game was playing by the +fiscal party, to place the President on their side. + +July the 18th, 1793. Lear calls on me. I told him that Irving, an +Irishman, and a writer in the treasury, who, on a former occasion, had +given the most decisive proofs of his devotion to his principal, was the +author of the pieces signed Veritas: and I wished he could get at some +of Irving's acquaintances and inform himself of the fact, as the person +who told me of it would not permit the name of his informer to be +mentioned. [Note. Beckley told me of it, and he had it from Swaine, +the printer to whom the pieces were delivered]; that I had long before +suspected this excessive foul play in that party of writing themselves +in the character of the most exaggerated democrats and incorporating +with it a great deal of abuse on the President to make him believe it +was that party who were his enemies, and so throw him entirely into +the scale of the monocrats. Lear said he no longer ago than yesterday +expressed to the President his suspicions of the artifices of that party +to work on him. He mentioned the following fact as a proof of their +writing in the character of their adversaries; to wit, the day after the +little incident of Richet's toasting 'the man of the people' (see the +gazettes), Mrs. Washington was at Mrs. Powel's, who mentioned to her +that, when the toast was given, there was a good deal of disapprobation +appeared in the audience, and that many put on their hats and went out: +on inquiry, he had not found the fact true, and yet it was put into +------'s paper, and written under the character of a republican, +though he is satisfied it is altogether a slander of the monocrats. +He mentioned this to the President, but he did not mention to him the +following fact, which he knows; that in New York, the last summer, when +the parties of Jay and Clinton were running so high, it was an agreed +point with the former, that if any circumstances should ever bring it to +a question, whether to drop Hamilton or the President, they had decided +to drop the President. He said that lately one of the loudest pretended +friends to the government, damned it, and said it was good for nothing, +that it could not support itself, and it was time to put it down and +set up a better; and yet the same person, in speaking to the President, +puffed off that party as the only friends to the government. He said +he really feared, that by their artifices and industry, they would +aggravate the President so much against the republicans, as to separate +him from the body of the people. I told him what the same cabals had +decided to do, if the President had refused his assent to the bank bill; +also what Brockhurst Livingston said to ------, that Hamilton's life was +much more precious to the community than the President's. + + +August the 1st. Met at the President's, to consider what was to be +done with Mr. Genet. All his correspondence with me was read over. +The following propositions were made. 1. That a full statement of Mr. +Genet's conduct be made in a letter to G. Morris, and be sent with his +correspondence, to be communicated to the Executive Council of France; +the letter to be so prepared, as to serve for the form of communication +to the Council. Agreed unanimously. 2. That in that letter his recall be +required. Agreed by all, though I expressed a preference of expressing +that desire with great delicacy; the others were for peremptory terms. +3. To send him off. This was proposed by Knox; but rejected by every +other. 4. To write a letter to Mr. Genet, the same in substance with +that written to G. Morris, and let him know we had applied for his +recall. I was against this, because I thought it would render him +extremely active in his plans, and endanger confusion. But I was +overruled by the other three gentlemen and the President. 5. That +a publication of the whole correspondence, and statement of the +proceedings should be made by way of appeal to the people. Hamilton +made a jury speech of three quarters of an hour, as inflammatory and +declamatory as if he had been speaking to a jury. E. Randolph opposed +it. I chose to leave the contest between them. Adjourned to next day. + + +August the 2nd. Met again. Hamilton spoke again three quarters of an +hour. I answered on these topics. Object of the appeal. The democratic +society; this the great circumstance of alarm; afraid it would extend +its connections over the continent; chiefly meant for the local object +of the ensuing election of Governor. If left alone, would die away after +that is over. If opposed, if proscribed, would give it importance and +vigor; would give it a new object, and multitudes would join it merely +to assert the right of voluntary associations. That the measure was +calculated to make the President assume the station of the head of a +party, instead of the head of the nation. Plan of the appeal. To consist +of facts and the decisions of the President. As to facts we are agreed; +but as to the decisions, there have been great differences of opinion +among us. Sometimes as many opinions as persons. This proves there will +be ground to attack the decision. Genet will appeal also; it will become +a contest between the President and Genet--anonymous writers--will be +same difference of opinion in public, as in our cabinet--will be +same difference in Congress, lot it must be laid before them--would, +therefore, work very unpleasantly at home. How would it work abroad? +France--unkind--after such proofs of her friendship, should rely on +that friendship and her justice. Why appeal to the world? Friendly +nations always negotiate little differences in private. Never appeal to +the world, but when they appeal to the sword. Confederacy of Pilnitz +was to overthrow the government of France. The interference of France +to disturb other governments and excite insurrections, was a measure of +reprisal. Yet these Princes have been able to make it believed to be the +system of France. Colonel Hamilton supposes Mr. Genet's proceedings +here are in pursuance of that system: and we are so to declare it to +the world, and to add our testimony to this base calumny of the Princes. +What a triumph to them to be backed by our testimony. What a fatal +stroke at the cause of liberty; _Et tu, Brute?_ We indispose the French +government, and they will retract their offer of the treaty of commerce. +The President manifestly inclined to the appeal to the people.* Knox, in +a foolish, incoherent sort of a speech, introduced the pasquinade lately +printed, called the funeral of George W--n and James W---n, King and +Judge, &c, where the President was placed on a guillotine. The President +was much inflamed; got into one of those passions when he cannot command +himself; ran on much on the personal abuse which had been bestowed on +him; defied any man on earth to produce one single act of his since he +had been in the government, which was not done on the purest motives; +that he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of +resigning his office, and that was every moment since; that by God he +had rather be in his grave than in his present situation; that he had +rather be on his farm than to be made Emperor of the world; and yet +that they were charging him with wanting to be a King. That that rascal +Freneau sent him three of his papers every day, as if he thought he +would become the distributor of his papers; that he could see in this, +nothing but an impudent design to insult him: he ended in this high +tone. There was a pause. Some difficulty in resuming our question; it +was, however, after a little while, presented again, and he said there +seemed to be no necessity for deciding it now; the propositions before +agreed on might be put into a train of execution, and perhaps events +would show whether the appeal would be necessary or not. He desired we +would meet at my office the next day, to consider what should be done +with the vessels armed in our ports by Mr. Genet, and their prizes. + + * He said that Mr. Morris, taking a family dinner with him + the other day, went largely, and of his own accord, into + this subject; advised this appeal, and promised, if the + President adopted it, that he would support it himself, and + engage for all his connections. The President repeated this + twice, and with an air of importance. Now Mr. Morris has no + family connections; he engaged then for his political + friends. This shows that the President has not confidence + enough in the virtue and good sense of mankind, to confide + in a government bottomed on them, and thinks other props + necessary. + +August the 3rd. We met. The President wrote to take our opinions, +whether Congress should be called. Knox pronounced at once against it. +Randolph was against it. Hamilton said his judgment was against it, but +that if any two were for it, or against it, he would join them to make +a majority. I was for it. We agreed to give separate opinions to the +President. Knox said we should have had fine work, if Congress had +been sitting these two last months. The fool thus let out the secret. +Hamilton endeavored to patch up the indiscretion of this blabber, by +saying 'he did not know; he rather thought they would have strengthened +the executive arm.' + +It is evident they do not wish to lengthen the session of the next +Congress, and probably they particularly wish it should not meet till +Genet is gone. At this meeting I received a letter from Mr. Remsen at +New York, informing me of the event of the combat between the Ambuscade +and the Boston. Knox broke out into the most unqualified abuse of +Captain Courtnay. Hamilton, with less fury, but with the deepest +vexation, loaded him with censures. Both showed the most unequivocal +mortification at the event. + + +August the 6th, 1793. The President calls on me at my house in the +country, and introduces my letter of July the 31st, announcing that I +should resign at the close of the next month. He again expressed his +repentance at not having resigned himself, and how much it was increased +by seeing that he was to be deserted by those on whose aid he had +counted: that he did not know where he should look to find characters +to fill up the offices; that mere talents did not suffice for the +department of State, but it required a person conversant in foreign +affairs, perhaps acquainted with foreign courts; that without this, the +best talents would be awkward and at a loss. He told me that Colonel +Hamilton had three or four weeks ago written to him, informing him that +private as well as public reasons had brought him to the determination +to retire, and that he should do it towards the close of the next +session. He said he had often before intimated dispositions to resign, +but never as decisively before; that he supposed he had fixed on the +latter part of next session, to give an opportunity to Congress to +examine into his conduct: that our going out at times so different, +increased his difficulty; for if he had both places to fill at once, he +might consult both the particular talents and geographical situation +of our successors. He expressed great apprehensions at the fermentation +which seemed to be working in the mind of the public; that many +descriptions of persons, actuated by different causes, appeared to +be uniting; what it would end in he knew not; a new Congress was to +assemble, more numerous, perhaps of a different spirit; the first +expressions of their sentiment would be important; if I would only stay +to the end of that, it would relieve him considerably. + +I expressed to him my excessive repugnance to public life, the +particular uneasiness of my situation in this place, where the laws of +society oblige me always to move exactly in the circle which I know to +bear me peculiar hatred; that is to say, the wealthy aristocrats, +the merchants connected closely with England, the new created paper +fortunes; that thus surrounded, my words were caught, multiplied, +misconstrued, and even fabricated and spread abroad to my injury; that +he saw also, that there was such an opposition of views between myself +and another part of the administration, as to render it peculiarly +unpleasing, and to destroy the necessary harmony. Without knowing +the views of what is called the republican party here, or having any +communication with them, I could, undertake to assure him, from my +intimacy with that party in the late Congress, that there was not a view +in the republican party as spread over the United States, which went +to the frame of the government; that I believed the next Congress would +attempt nothing material, but to render their own body independent; that +that party were firm in their dispositions to support the government; +that the manoeuvres of Mr. Genet might produce some little +embarrassment, but that he would be abandoned by the republicans the +moment they knew the nature of his conduct; and on the whole, no crisis +existed which threatened any thing. + +He said, he believed the views of the republican party were perfectly +pure, but when men put a machine into motion, it is impossible for them +to stop it exactly where they would choose, or to say where it will +stop. That the constitution we have is an excellent one, if we can keep +it where it is; that it was, indeed, supposed there was a party disposed +to change it into a monarchical form, but that he could conscientiously +declare there was not a man in the United States who would set his +face more decidedly against it than himself. Here I interrupted him by +saying, 'No rational man in the United States suspects you of any other +disposition; but there does not pass a week, in which we cannot prove +declarations dropping from the monarchical party, that our government is +good for nothing, is a milk-and-water thing which cannot support itself, +we must knock it down, and set up something of more energy. He said, if +that was the case, he thought it a proof of their insanity, for that the +republican spirit of the Union was so manifest and so solid, that it was +astonishing how any one could expect to move it. + +He returned to the difficulty of naming my successor; he said Mr. +Madison would be his first choice, but that he had always expressed to +him such a decision against public office, that he could not expect he +would undertake it. Mr. Jay would prefer his present office. He said +that Mr. Jay had a great opinion of the talents of Mr. King; that there +was also Mr. Smith of South Carolina, and E. Rutledge: but he observed, +that, name whom he would, some objections would be made, some would be +called speculators, some one thing, some another; and he asked me to +mention any characters occurring to me. I asked him if Governor Johnson +of Maryland had occurred to him. He said he had; that he was a man +of great good sense, an honest man, and, he believed, clear of +speculations: but this, says he, is an instance of what I was observing; +with all these qualifications, Governor Johnson, from a want of +familiarity with foreign affairs, would be in them like a fish out of +water; every thing would be new to him, and he awkward in every thing. +I confessed to him that I had considered Johnson rather as fit for the +Treasury department. 'Yes,' says he, 'for that he would be the fittest +appointment that could be made; he is a man acquainted with figures, and +having as good a knowledge of the resources of this country as any man.' +I asked him if Chancellor Livingston had occurred to him. He said yes; +but he was from New York, and to appoint him while Hamilton was in, and +before it should be known he was going out, would excite a newspaper +conflagration, as the ultimate arrangement would not be known. He said +McLurg had occurred to him as a man of first-rate abilities, but it is +said that he is a speculator. He asked me what sort of a man Wolcot was. +I told him I knew nothing of him myself; I had heard him characterized +as a cunning man. I asked him whether some person could not take my +office per interim, till he should make an appointment; as Mr. Randolph, +for instance. 'Yes,' says he; 'but there you would raise the expectation +of keeping it, and I do not know that he is fit for it, nor what is +thought of Mr. Randolph.' I avoided noticing the last observation, and +he put the question to me directly. I then told him, I went into society +so little as to be unable to answer it. I knew that the embarrassments +in his private affairs had obliged him to use expedients, which had +injured him with the merchants and shop-keepers, and affected his +character of independence; that these embarrassments were serious, and +not likely to cease soon. He said, if I would only stay in till the end +of another quarter (the last of December), it would get us through the +difficulties of this year, and he was satisfied that the affairs of +Europe would be settled with this campaign: for that either France would +be overwhelmed by it, or the confederacy would give up the contest. By +that time, too, Congress will have manifested its character and views. I +told him that I had set my private affairs in motion in a line which +had powerfully called for my presence the last spring, and that they +had suffered immensely from my not going home; that I had now calculated +them to my return in the fall, and to fail in going then, would be +the loss of another year, and prejudicial beyond measure. I asked +him whether he could not name Governor Johnson to my office, under an +express arrangement that at the close of the session he should take that +of the Treasury. He said that men never chose to descend; that being +once in a higher department, he would not like to go into a lower one. +He asked me whether I could not arrange my affairs by going home. I told +him I did not think the public business would admit of it; that there +never was a day now, in which the absence of the Secretary of State +would not be inconvenient to the public. And he concluded by desiring +that I would take two or three days to consider whether I could not stay +in till the end of another quarter, for that, like a man going, to the +gallows, he was willing to put it off as long as he could; but if I +persisted, he must then look about him and make up his mind to do the +best he could: and so he took leave. + + +November the 5th, 1793. E. Randolph tells me, that Hamilton, in +conversation with him yesterday, said, 'Sir, if all the people in +America were now assembled, and to call on me to say whether I am a +friend to the French revolution, I would declare that I have it in +abhorrence?' + + +November the 8th, 1793. At a conference at the President's, where I read +several letters of Mr. Genet; on finishing one of them, I asked what +should be the answer. The President thereupon took occasion to observe, +that Mr. Genet's conduct continued to be of so extraordinary a nature, +that he meant to propose to our serious consideration, whether he +should not have his functions discontinued, and be ordered away. He +went lengthily into observations on his conduct, to raise against the +executive, 1. the people, 2. the State governments, 3. the Congress. +He showed he felt the venom of Genet's pen, but declared he would not +choose his insolence should be regarded any farther, than as might be +thought to affect the honor of the country. Hamilton and Knox readily +and zealously argued for dismissing Mr. Genet. Randolph opposed it with +firmness, and pretty lengthily. The President replied to him lengthily, +and concluded by saying he did not wish to have the thing hastily +decided, but that we should consider of it, and give our opinions on his +return from Reading and Lancaster. Accordingly, November the 18th, we +met at his house; read new volumes of Genet's letters, received since +the President's departure; then took up the discussion of the subjects +of communication to Congress. 1. The Proclamation. E. Randolph read the +statement he had prepared; Hamilton did not like it; said much about his +own views; that the President had a right to declare his opinion to +our citizens and foreign nations; that it was not the interest of this +country to join in the war, and that we were under no obligation to join +in it; that though the declaration would not legally bind Congress, yet +the President had a right to give his opinion of it, and he was against +any explanation in the speech, which should yield that he did not intend +that foreign nations should consider it as a declaration of neutrality, +future as well as present; that he understood it as meant to give them +that sort of assurance and satisfaction, and to say otherwise now, +would be a deception on them. He was for the President's using +such expressions, as should neither affirm his right to make such +a declaration to foreign nations, nor yield it. Randolph and myself +opposed the right of the President to declare any thing future on the +question, Shall there or shall there not be a war? and that no such +thing was intended; that Hamilton's construction of the effect of the +proclamation would have been a determination of the question of the +guarantee, which we both denied to have intended, and I had at the +time declared the executive incompetent to. Randolph said he meant that +foreign nations should understand it as an intimation of the President's +opinion, that neutrality would be our interest. I declared my meaning to +have been, that foreign nations should understand no such thing; that, +on the contrary, I would have chosen them to be doubtful, and to come +and bid for our neutrality. I admitted the President, having received +the nation at the close of Congress in a state of peace, was bound to +preserve them in that state till Congress should meet again, and might +proclaim any thing which went no farther. The President declared he +never had an idea that he could bind Congress against declaring war, or +that any thing contained in his proclamation could look beyond the first +day of their meeting. His main view was to keep our people in peace; +he apologized for the use of the term neutrality in his answers, +and justified it, by having submitted the first of them (that to the +merchants, wherein it was used) to our consideration, and we had not +objected to the term. He concluded in the end, that Colonel Hamilton +should prepare a paragraph on this subject for the speech, and it should +then be considered. We were here called to dinner. + +After dinner, the _renvoi_ of Genet was proposed by himself. I opposed +it on these topics. France, the only nation on earth sincerely our +friend. The measure so harsh a one, that no precedent is produced +where it has not been followed by war. Our messenger has now been gone +eighty-four days; consequently, we may hourly expect the return, and +to be relieved by their revocation of him. Were it now resolved on, it +would be eight or ten days before the matter on which the order should +be founded, could be selected, arranged, discussed, and forwarded. This +would bring us within four or five days of the meeting of Congress. +Would it not be better to wait and see how the pulse of that body, new +as it is, would beat. They are with us now, probably, but such a step as +this may carry many over to Genet's side. Genet will not obey the +order, &c. &c. The President asked me what I would do if Genet sent the +accusation to us to be communicated to Congress, as he threatened in the +letter to Moultrie. I said I would not send it to Congress; but either +put it in the newspapers, or send it back to him to be published if he +pleased. Other questions and answers were put and returned in a quicker +altercation than I ever before saw the President use. Hamilton was for +the _renvoi_; spoke much of the dignity of the nation; that they were +now to form their character; that our conduct now would tempt or deter +other foreign ministers from treating us in the same manner; touched on +the President's personal feelings; did not believe France would make it +a cause of war; if she did, we ought to do what was right, and meet the +consequences, &c. Knox on the same side, and said he thought it very +possible Mr. Genet would either declare us a department of France, or +levy troops here and endeavor to reduce us to obedience. Randolph of my +opinion, and argued chiefly on the resurrection of popularity to Genet, +which might be produced by this measure. That at present he was dead in +the public opinion, if we would but leave him so. The President lamented +there was not unanimity among us; that as it was, we had left him +exactly where we found him; and so it ended. + + +November the 21st. We met at the President's. The manner of explaining +to Congress the intentions of the proclamation, was the matter of +debate. Randolph produced his way of stating it. This expressed its +views to have been, 1. to keep our citizens quiet; 2. to intimate to +foreign nations that it was the President's opinion, that the interests +and dispositions of this country were for peace. Hamilton produced his +statement, in which he declared his intention to be, to say nothing +which could be laid hold of for any purpose; to leave the proclamation +to explain itself. He entered pretty fully into all the argumentation +of Pacificus; he justified the right of the President to declare his +opinion for a future neutrality, and that there existed no circumstances +to oblige the United States to enter into the war on account of the +guarantee; and that in agreeing to the proclamation, he meant it to be +understood as conveying both those declarations; viz. neutrality, and +that the _casus foederis_ on the guarantee did not exist. He admitted +the Congress might declare war, notwithstanding these declarations of +the President. In like manner, they might declare war in the face of a +treaty, and in direct infraction of it. Among other positions laid down +by him, this was with great positiveness; that the constitution having +given power to the President and Senate to make treaties, they might +make a treaty of neutrality which should take from Congress the right to +declare war in that particular case, and that under the form of a treaty +they might exercise any powers whatever, even those exclusively given by +the constitution to the House of Representatives. Randolph opposed this +position, and seemed to think that where they undertook to do acts by +treaty (as to settle a tariff of duties), which were exclusively given +to the legislature, that an act of the legislature would be necessary +to confirm them, as happens in England, when a treaty interferes with +duties established by law. I insisted that in giving to the President +and Senate a power to make treaties, the constitution meant only to +authorize them to carry into effect, by way of treaty, any powers they +might constitutionally exercise. I was sensible of the weak points in +this position, but there were still weaker in the other hypothesis; and +if it be impossible to discover a rational measure of authority to have +been given by this clause, I would rather suppose that the cases +which my hypothesis would leave unprovided, were not thought of by the +convention, or if thought of, could not be agreed on, or were thought +of and deemed unnecessary to be invested in the government. Of this +last description, were treaties of neutrality, treaties offensive and +defensive, &c. In every event, I would rather construe so narrowly as +to oblige the nation to amend, and thus declare what powers they would +agree to yield, than too broadly, and, indeed, so broadly as to enable +the executive and Senate to do things which the constitution forbids. +On the question, which form of explaining the principles of the +proclamation should be adopted, I declared for Randolph's, though it +gave to that instrument more objects than I had contemplated. Knox +declared for Hamilton's. The President said he had had but one +object, the keeping our people quiet till Congress should meet; that +nevertheless, to declare he did not mean a declaration of neutrality, +in the technical sense of the phrase, might perhaps be crying _peccavi_ +before he was charged. However, he did not decide between the two +draughts. + +November the 23rd. At the President's. Present, Knox, Randolph, and Th: +Jefferson. Subject, the heads of the speech. One was, a proposition to +Congress to fortify the principal harbors. I opposed the expediency +of the General Government's undertaking it, and the expediency of the +President's proposing it. It was amended, by substituting a proposition +to adopt means for enforcing respect to the jurisdiction of the United +States within its waters. It was proposed to recommend the establishment +of a military academy. I objected that none of the specified powers +given by the constitution to Congress, would authorize this. It was, +therefore, referred for further consideration and inquiry. Knox was for +both propositions. Randolph against the former, but said nothing as to +the latter. The President acknowledged he had doubted of the expediency +of undertaking the former; and as to the latter, though it would be a +good thing, he did not wish to bring on any thing which might generate +heat and ill-humor. It was agreed that Randolph should draw the speech +and the messages. + +November the 28th. Met at the President's. I read over a list of the +papers copying, to be communicated to Congress on the subject of Mr. +Genet. It was agreed that Genet's letter of August the 13th to the +President, mine of August the 16th, and Genet's of November to myself +and the Attorney General, desiring a prosecution of Jay and King, +should not be sent to the legislature: on a general opinion, that the +discussion of the fact certified by Jay and King had better be left to +the channel of the newspapers, and in the private hands in which it now +is, than for the President to meddle in it, or give room to a discussion +of it in Congress. + +Randolph had prepared a draught of the speech. The clause recommending +fortifications was left out; but that for a military academy was +inserted. I opposed it, as unauthorized by the constitution. Hamilton +and Knox approved it without discussion. Randolph was for it, saying +that the words of the constitution anthorizing Congress to lay taxes, +&c. for the common defence, might comprehend it. The President said he +would not choose to recommend any thing against the constitution, but if +it was doubtful, he was so impressed with the necessity of this measure, +that he would refer it to Congress, and let them decide for themselves +whether the constitution authorized it or not. It was, therefore, +left in. I was happy to see that Randolph had, by accident, used the +expression 'our republic,' in the speech. The President, however, made +no objection to it, and so, as much as it had disconcerted him on +a former occasion with me, it was now put into his own mouth to be +pronounced to the two Houses of legislature. + +No material alterations were proposed or made in any part of the +draught. + +After dinner, I produced the draught of messages on the subject of +France and England, proposing that that relative to Spain should be +subsequent and secret. + +Hamilton objected to the draught in toto; said that the contrast drawn +between the conduct of France and England amounted to a declaration of +war; he denied that France had ever done us favors; that it was mean for +a nation to acknowledge favors; that the dispositions of the people of +this country towards France, he considered as a serious calamity; that +the executive ought not, by an echo of this language, to nourish that +disposition in the people; that the offers in commerce made us by +France, were the offspring of the moment, of circumstances which would +not last, and it was wrong to receive as permanent, things merely +temporary; that he could demonstrate that Great Britain showed us +more favors than France. In complaisance to him I whittled down the +expressions without opposition; struck out that of 'favors ancient and +recent' from France; softened some terms, and omitted some sentiments +respecting Great Britain. He still was against the whole, but insisted +that, at any rate, it should be a secret communication, because the +matters it stated were still depending. These were, 1. the inexecution +of the treaty; 2. the restraining our commerce to their own ports and +those of their friends. Knox joined Hamilton in every thing. Randolph +was for the communications; that the documents respecting the first +should be given in as public; but that those respecting the second +should not be given to the legislature at all, but kept secret. I began +to tremble now for the whole, lest all should be kept secret. I urged, +especially, the duty now incumbent on the President, to lay before the +legislature and the public what had passed on the inexecution of the +treaty, since Mr. Hammond's answer of this month might be considered +as the last we should ever have; that, therefore, it could no longer +be considered as a negotiation pending. I urged that the documents +respecting the stopping our corn ought also to go, but insisted that if +it should be thought better to withhold them, the restrictions should +not go to those respecting the treaty; that neither of these subjects +was more in a state of pendency than the recall of Mr. Genet, on which, +nevertheless, no scruples had been expressed. The President took up +the subject with more vehemence than I have seen him show, and decided +without reserve, that not only what had passed on the inexecution of the +treaty should go in as public (in which Hamilton and Knox had divided +in opinion from Randolph and myself), but also that those respecting the +stopping our corn should go in as public (wherein Hamilton, Knox, and +Randolph had been against me.) This was the first instance I had seen of +his deciding on the opinion of one against that of three others, which +proved his own to have been very strong. + + +December the 1st, 1793. Beckley tells me he had the following fact from +Lear. Langdon, Cabot, and some others of the Senate, standing in a knot +before the fire after the Senate had adjourned, and growling together +about some measure which they had just lost; 'Ah!' said Cabot, +'things will never go right till you have a President for life, and an +hereditary Senate.' Langdon told this to Lear, who mentioned it to the +President. The President seemed struck with it, and declared he had not +supposed there was a man in the United States who could have entertained +such an idea. + + +***** + +***** + + +March the 2nd, 1797. I arrived at Philadelphia to qualify as +Vice-President, and called instantly on Mr. Adams, who lodged at +Francis's, in Fourth street. The next morning he returned my visit +at Mr. Madison's, where I lodged. He found me alone in my room, and +shutting the door himself, he said he was glad to find me alone, for +that he wished a free conversation with me. He entered immediately on an +explanation of the situation of our affairs with France, and the +danger of rupture with that nation, a rupture which would convulse the +attachments of this country; that he was impressed with the necessity of +an immediate mission to the Directory; that it would have been the first +wish of his heart to have got me to go there, but that he supposed it +was out of the question, as it did not seem justifiable for him to +send away the person destined to take his place in case of accident to +himself, nor decent to remove from competition one who was a rival in +the public favor. That he had, therefore, concluded to send a mission, +which, by its dignity, should satisfy France, and by its selection from +the three great divisions of the continent, should satisfy all parts of +the United States; in short, that he had determined to join Gerry and +Madison to Pinckney, and he wished me to consult Mr. Madison for him. +I told him that, as to myself, I concurred in the opinion of +the impropriety of my leaving the post assigned me, and that my +inclinations, moreover, would never permit me to cross the Atlantic +again; that I would, as he desired, consult Mr. Madison, but I feared +it was desperate, as he had refused that mission on my leaving it, in +General Washington's time, though it was kept open a twelvemonth for +him. He said that if Mr. Madison should refuse, he would still appoint +him, and leave the responsibility on him. I consulted Mr. Madison, who +declined, as I expected. I think it was on Monday the 6th of March, Mr. +Adams and myself met at dinner at General Washington's, and we happened, +in the evening, to rise from table and come away together. As soon as +we got into the street, I told him the event of my negotiation with Mr. +Madison. He immediately said, that, on consultation, some objections to +that nomination had been raised, which he had not contemplated; and was +going on with excuses which evidently embarrassed him, when we came to +Fifth street, where our road separated, his being down Market street, +mine off along Fifth, and we took leave: and he never after that said +one word to me on the subject, or ever consulted me as to any measures +of the government. The opinion I formed at the time on this transaction +was, that Mr. Adams, in the first moments of the enthusiasm of the +occasion (his inauguration), forgot party sentiments, and, as he never +acted on any system, but was always governed by the feeling of the +moment, he thought, for a moment, to steer impartially between the +parties; that Monday, the 6th of March, being the first time he had +met his cabinet, on expressing ideas of this kind, he had been at once +diverted from them, and returned to his former party views. + + +July, 1797. Murray is rewarded for his services by an appointment to +Amsterdam; W. Smith of Charleston, to Lisbon. + + +August the 24th. About the time of the British treaty, Hamilton and +Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, dined together, and Hamilton drank freely. +Conversing on the treaty, Talleyrand says, '_Mais vraiment, Monsieur +Hamilton, ce n'est pas Men honnete_, after making the Senate ratify +the treaty, to advise the President to reject it.' 'The treaty,' says +Hamilton, 'is an execrable one, and Jay was an old woman for making +it; but the whole credit of saving us from it must be given to the +President.' After circumstances had led to a conclusion that the +President also must ratify it, he said to the same Talleyrand, 'Though +the treaty is a most execrable one, yet when once we have come to a +determination on it, we must carry it through thick and thin, right or +wrong.' Talleyrand told this to Volney, who told it to me. + +There is a letter now appearing in the papers, from Pickering to Monroe, +dated July the 24th, 1797, which I am satisfied is written by Hamilton. +He was in Philadelphia at that date. + + +December the 26th, 1797. Langdon tells me, that at the second election +of President and Vice-President of the United States, when there was a +considerable vote given to Clinton in opposition to Mr. Adams, he took +occasion to remark it in conversation in the Senate chamber with Mr. +Adams, who gritting his teeth, said, 'Damn 'em, damn 'em, damn 'em, you +see that an elective government will not do.' He also tells me that Mr. +Adams, in a late conversation,said,' Republicanism must be disgraced, +'Sir.' The Chevalier Yrujo called on him at Braintree, and conversing on +French affairs, and Yrujo expressing his belief of their stability, in +opposition to Mr. Adamses, the latter lifting up and shaking his finger +at him, said, 'I'll tell you what, the French republic will not last +three months.' This I had from Yrujo. + +Harper, lately in a large company, was saying that the best thing the +friends of the French could do, was to pray for the restoration of +their monarch. 'Then,' says a by-stander, 'the best thing we could do, +I suppose, would be to pray for the establishment of a monarch in the +United States.' 'Qur people,' says Harper, 'are not yet ripe for it, but +it is the best thing we can come to, and we shall come to it.' Something +like this was said in presence of Findlay. He now denies it in the +public papers, though it can be proved by several members. + + +December the 27th. Tench Coxe tells me, that a little before Hamilton +went out of office, or just as he was going out, taking with him his +last conversation, and among other things, on the subject of their +differences, 'For my part,' says he, 'I avow myself a monarchist; I have +no objection to a trial being made of this thing of a republic, but,' +&c. + + +January the 5th, 1798. I receive a very remarkable fact indeed, in +our history, from Baldwin and Skinner. Before the establishment of our +present government, a very extensive combination had taken place in New +York and the eastern States, among that description of people who were +partly monarchical in principle, or frightened with Shays's rebellion +and the impotence of the old Congress. Delegates in different places had +actually had consultations on the subject of seizing on the powers of +a government, and establishing them by force; had corresponded with +one another, and had sent a deputy to General Washington to solicit his +co-operation. He refused to join them. The new convention was in the +mean time proposed by Virginia and appointed. These people believed it +impossible the States should ever agree on a government, as this must +include the impost and all the other powers which the States had, a +thousand times, refused to the general authority. They therefore let the +proposed convention go on, not doubting its failure, and confiding +that on its failure would be a still more favorable moment for their +enterprise. They therefore wished it to fail, and especially, when +Hamilton, their leader, brought forward his plan of government, failed +entirely in carrying it, and retired in disgust from the convention. +His associates then took every method to prevent any form of government +being agreed to. But the well-intentioned never ceased trying, first one +thing, then another, till they could get something agreed to. The final +passage and adoption of the constitution completely defeated the +views of the combination, and saved us from an attempt to establish a +government over us by force. This fact throws a blaze of light on the +conduct of several members from New York and the eastern States in the +convention of Annapolis, and the grand convention. At that of Annapolis, +several eastern members most vehemently opposed Madison's proposition +for a more general convention, with more general powers. They wished +things to get more and more into confusion, to justify the violent +measure they proposed. The idea of establishing a government by +reasoning and agreement, they publicly ridiculed as an Utopian project, +visionary and unexampled. + + +February the 6th, 1798. Mr. Baldwin tells me, that in a conversation +yesterday with Goodhue, on the state of our affairs, Goodhue said, 'I'll +tell you what, I have made up my mind on this subject; I would rather +the old ship should go down than not'; (meaning the Union of the +States.) Mr. Hillhouse coming up, 'Well,' says Mr. Baldwin, 'I'll tell +my old friend Hillhouse what you say '; and he told him. 'Well,' says +Goodhue, 'I repeat, that I would rather the old ship should go down, +if we are to be always kept pumping so.' 'Mr. Hillhouse,' says Baldwin, +'you remember when we were learning logic together at school, there was +the case categorical and the case hypothetical. Mr. Goodhue stated it to +me first as the case categorical. I am glad to see that he now changes +it to the case hypothetical, by adding, 'if we are always to be kept +pumping so.' Baldwin went on then to remind Goodhue what an advocate he +had been for our tonnage duty, wanting to make it one dollar instead +of fifty cents; and how impatiently he bore the delays of Congress +in proceeding to retaliate on Great Britain before Mr. Madison's +propositions came on. Goodhue acknowledged that his opinions had changed +since that. + + +February the 15th, 1798. I dined this day with Mr. Adams, (the +President.) The company was large. After dinner I was sitting next to +him, and our conversation was first on the enormous price of labor,* +house rent, and other things. We both concurred in ascribing it +chiefly to the flood of bank paper now afloat, and in condemning those +institutions. We then got on the constitution; and in the course of our +conversation he said, that no republic could ever last which had not a +Senate, and a Senate deeply and strongly rooted, strong enough to bear +up against all popular storms and passions; that he thought our +Senate as well constituted as it could have been, being chosen by the +legislatures; for if these could not support them, he did not know what +could do it; that perhaps it might have been as well for them to +be chosen by the State at large, as that would insure a choice of +distinguished men, since none but such could be known to a whole people; +that the only fault in our Senate was, that it was not durable enough; +that hitherto, it had behaved very well; however, he was afraid they +would give way in the end. That as to trusting to a popular assembly for +the preservation of our liberties, it was the merest chimera imaginable; +they never had any rule of decision but their own will; that he would +as lieve be again in the hands of our old committees of safety, who made +the law and executed it at the same time; that it had been observed by +some writer (I forget whom he named), that anarchy did more mischief in +one night, than tyranny in an age; and that in modern times we might say +with truth, that, in France, anarchy had done more harm in one night, +than all the despotism of their Kings had ever done in twenty or thirty +years. The point in which he views our Senate, as the colossus of the +constitution, serves as a key to the politics of the Senate, who are +two thirds of them in his sentiments, and accounts for the bold line of +conduct they pursue. + + * He observed, that eight or ten years ago he gave only + fifty dollars to a common laborer for his farm, finding him + food and lodging. Now he gives one hundred and fifty + dollars, and even two hundred dollars to one. + +March the 1st. Mr. Tazewell tells me, that when the appropriations for +the British treaty were on the carpet, and very uncertain in the lower +House, there being at that time a number of bills in the hands of +committees of the Senate, none reported, and the Senate idle for want +of them, he, in his place, called on the committees to report, and +particularly on Mr. King, who was of most of them. King said that it was +true the committees kept back their reports, waiting the event of +the question about appropriation: that if that was not carried, they +considered legislation as at an end; that they might as well break up +and consider the Union as dissolved. Tazewell expressed his astonishment +at these ideas, and called on King to know if he had misapprehended him. +King rose again and repeated the same words. The next day, Cabot took +an occasion in debate, and so awkward a one as to show it was a thing +agreed to be done, to repeat the same sentiments in stronger terms, and +carried further, by declaring a determination on their side to break up +and dissolve the government. + + +March the 11th. In conversation with Baldwin and Brown of Kentucky, +Brown says that in a private company once, consisting of Hamilton, King, +Madison, himself, and some one else making a fifth, speaking of the +'federal government'; 'Oh!' says Hamilton, 'say the federal monarchy; +let us call things by their right names, for a monarchy it is.' + +Baldwin mentions at table the following fact. When the bank bill was +under discussion in the House of Representatives, Judge Wilson came in, +and was standing by Baldwin. Baldwin reminded him of the following fact +which passed in the grand convention. Among the enumerated powers given +to Congress, was one to erect corporations. It was on debate struck +out. Several particular powers were then proposed. Among others, Robert +Morris proposed to give Congress a power to establish a national bank. +Gouverneur Morris opposed it, observing that it was extremely doubtful +whether the constitution they were framing could ever be passed at all +by the people of America; that to give it its best chance, however, they +should make it as palatable as possible and put nothing into it not +very essential, which might raise up enemies; that his colleague (Robert +Morris) well knew that 'a bank' was, in their State (Pennsylvania) +the very watch-word of party; that a bank had been the great bone of +contention between the two parties of the State, from the establishment +of their constitution, having been erected, put down, and erected again, +as either party preponderated; that therefore, to insert this power, +would instantly enlist against the whole instrument, the whole of the +anti-bank party in Pennsylvania. Whereupon it was rejected, as was every +other special power, except that of giving copyrights to authors, and +patents to inventors; the general power of incorporating being whittled +down to this shred. Wilson agreed to the fact. + +Mr. Hunter of South Carolina, who lodges with Rutledge, [* J. Rutledge, +junior] tells me, that Rutledge was explaining to him the plan they +proposed to pursue as to war measures, when Otis came in. Rutledge +addressed Otis. 'Now, Sir,' says he, 'you must come forward with +something liberal for the southern States, fortify their harbors and +build galleys, in order to obtain their concurrence.' Otis said, 'We +insist on convoys for our European trade, and _guarda-costas_, on which +condition alone, we will give them galleys and fortifications.' Rutledge +observed, that in the event of war, McHenry and Pickering must go out; +Wolcott, he thought, might remain, but the others were incapable of +conducting a war. Otis said the eastern people would never abandon +Pickering; he must be retained; McHenry might go. They considered +together whether General Pinckney would accept the office of +Secretary of War. They apprehended he would not. It was agreed in this +conversation, that Sewall had more the ear of the President than any +other person. + + +March the 12th. When the bill for appropriations was before the +Senate, Anderson moved to strike out a clause recognising (by way +of appropriation) the appointment of a committee by the House of +Representatives, to sit during their recess to collect evidence on +Blount's case, denying they had power, but by a law, to authorize a +committee to sit during recess. Tracy advocated the motion, and said, +'We may as well speak out. The committee was appointed by the House of +Representatives, to take care of the British minister, to take care of +the Spanish minister, to take care of the Secretary of State, in short, +to take care of the President of the United States. They were afraid +the President and Secretary of State would not perform the office of +collecting evidence faithfully; that there would be collusion, &c. +Therefore, the House appointed a committee of their own. We shall have +them next sending a committee to Europe to make a treaty, &c. Suppose +that the House of Representatives should resolve, that after the +adjournment of Congress, they should continue to sit as a committee of +the whole House during the whole recess.' This shows how the appointment +of that committee has been viewed by the President's friends. + + +April the 5th. Doctor Rush tells me he had it from Mrs. Adams, that +not a scrip of a pen has passed between the late and present President, +since he came into office. + + +April the 13th. New instructions of the British government to their +armed ships now appear, which clearly infringe their treaty with us, +by authorizing them to take our vessels carrying produce of the French +colonies from those colonies to Europe, and to lake vessels bound to +a blockaded port. See them in Brown's paper, of April the 18th, in due +form. + +The President has sent a government brig to France, probably to carry +despatches. He has chosen as the bearer of these, one Humphreys, the son +of a ship-carpenter, ignorant, under age, not speaking a word of French, +most abusive of that nation; whose only merit is, the having mobbed and +beaten Bache on board the frigate built here, for which he was indicted +and punished by fine. + + +April the 25th. At a dinner given by the bar to the federal judges, +Chase and Peters, present about twenty-four lawyers, and William +Tilghman in the chair, this toast was given; 'Our _King_ in old +England.' Observe the double entendre on the word King. Du Ponceau, +who was one of the bar present, told this to Tench Coxe, who told me +in presence of H. Tazewell. Dallas was at the dinner; so was Colonel +Charles Sims of Alexandria, who is here on a law-suit vs. General +Irving. + + +May the 3rd. The President some time ago appointed Steele, of Virginia, +a commissioner to the Indians, and recently Secretary of the Mississippi +Territory. Steele was a Counsellor of Virginia, and was voted out by the +Assembly because he turned tory. He then offered for Congress, and was +rejected by the people. Then offered for the Senate of Virginia, and was +rejected. The President has also appointed Joseph Hopkinson commissioner +to make a treaty with the Oneida Indians. He is a youth of about +twenty-two or twenty-three, and has no other claims to such an +appointment than extreme toryism, and the having made a poor song to the +tune of the President's March. + + +October the 13th, 1798. Littlepage, who has been on one or two missions +from Poland to Spain, said that when Gardoqui returned from America, +he settled with his court an account of secret service money, of six +hundred thousand dollars. _Ex relatione_ Colonel Monroe. + + +January, 1799. In a conversation between Doctor Ewen and the President, +the former said one of his sons was an aristocrat, the other a democrat. +The President asked if it were not the youngest who was the democrat. +'Yes,' said Ewen. 'Well,' said the President, 'a boy of fifteen who +is not a democrat is good for nothing, and he is no better who is a +democrat at twenty.' Ewen told Hurt, and Hurt told me. + + +January the 14th. Logan tells me that in his conversation with Pickering +on his arrival, the latter abused Gerry very much; said he was a traitor +to his country, and had deserted the post to which he was appointed; +that the French temporized at first with Pinckney, but found him too +much of a man for their purpose. Logan observing, that, notwithstanding +the pacific declarations of France, it might still be well to keep up. +the military ardor of our citizens, and to have the militia in good +order: 'The militia,' said Pickering, 'the militia never did any good to +this country, except in the single affair of Bunker's Hill; that we must +have a standing army of fifty thousand men, which being stationed in +different parts of the continent, might serve as rallying points for the +militia, and so render them of some service.' In his conversation with +Mr. Adams, Logan mentioned the willingness of the French to treat with +Gerry. 'And do you know why,' said Mr. Adams. 'Why, Sir?' said +Logan. 'Because,' said Mr. Adams, 'they know him to have been an +anti-federalist, against the constitution.' + + +January the 2nd, 1800. Information from Tench Coxe. Mr. Liston had sent +two letters to the Governor of Canada by one Sweezy. He had sent copies +of them, together with a third, (original) by one Cribs. Sweezy was +arrested (being an old horse-thief), and his papers examined. T. Coxe +had a sight of them. As soon as a rumor got out that there were letters +of Mr. Liston disclosed, but no particulars yet mentioned, Mr. Liston +suspecting that Cribs had betrayed him, thought it best to bring all +his three letters, and lay them before Pickering, Secretary of State. +Pickering thought them all very innocent. In his office they were seen +by Mr. Hodgen of New Jersey, commissary of military stores, and the +intimate friend of Pickering. It happens that there is some land +partnership between Pickering, Hodgen, and Coxe, so that the latter is +freely and intimately visited by Hodgen, who, moreover, speaks freely +with him on political subjects. They were talking the news of the day, +when Mr. Coxe observed that these intercepted letters of Liston were +serious things; (nothing being yet out but a general rumor.) Hodgen +asked which he thought the most serious. Coxe said the second; (for he +knew yet of no other.) Hodgen said he thought little of any of them, but +that the third was the most exceptionable. This struck Coxe, who, not +betraying his ignorance of a third letter, asked generally what part of +that he alluded to. Hodgen said to that wherein he assured the Governor +of Canada, that if the French invaded Canada, an army would be marched +from these States to his assistance. After this it became known that it +was Sweezy who was arrested, and not Cribs; so that Mr. Liston had made +an unnecessary disclosure of his third letter to Mr. Pickering, who, +however, keeps his secret for him. In the beginning of the conversation +between Hodgen and Coxe, Coxe happened to name Sweezy as the bearer of +the letters. 'That 's not his name,' says Hodgen, (for he did not know +that two of the letters had been sent by Sweezy also) 'his name is +Cribs.' This put Coxe on his guard, and set him to fishing for the new +matter. + + +January the 10th. Doctor Rush tells me, that he had it from Samuel +Lyman, that during the X. Y. Z. Congress, the federal members held the +largest caucus they have ever had, at which he was present, and the +question was proposed and debated, whether they should declare war +against France, and determined in the negative. Lyman was against it. He +tells me, that Mr. Adams told him, that when he came on in the fall to +Trenton, he was there surrounded constantly by the opponents of the late +mission to France. That Hamilton pressing him to delay it, said, 'Why, +Sir, by Christmas, Louis the XVIII. will be seated on his throne.' Mr. +A. 'By whom?' H. 'By the coalition.' Mr. A. 'Ah! then farewell to the +independence of Europe. If a coalition, moved by the finger of England, +is to give a government to France, there is an end to the independence +of every country.' + + +January the 12th. General Samuel Smith says that Pickering, Wolcott, +and McHenry, wrote a joint letter from Trenton to the President, then at +Braintree, dissuading him from the mission to France. Stoddard refused +to join it. Stoddard says the instructions are such, that if the +Directory have any disposition to reconciliation, a treaty will be made. +He observed to him also, that Ellsworth looks beyond this mission to +the Presidential chair. That with this view, he will endeavor to make +a treaty, and a good one. That Davie has the same vanity and views. All +this communicated by Stoddard to S. Smith. + + +January the 13th. Baer and Harrison G. Otis told J. Nicholas, that in +the caucus mentioned ante 10th, there wanted but five votes to produce a +declaration of war. Baer was against it. + + +January the 19th. W. C. Nicholas tells me, that in a conversation with +Dexter three or four days ago, he asked Dexter whether it would not be +practicable for the States to agree on some uniform mode of choosing +electors of President. Dexter said, 'I suppose you would prefer an +election by districts.' 'Yes,' said Nicholas, 'I think it would be +best; but would nevertheless agree to any other consistent with the +constitution.' Dexter said he did not know what might be the opinion of +his State, but his own was, that no mode of election would answer any +good purpose; that he should prefer one for life. 'On that reasoning,' +said Nicholas, 'you should prefer an hereditary one.' 'No,' he said, 'we +are not ripe for that yet. I suppose,' added he, 'this doctrine is not +very popular with you.' 'No,' said Nicholas, 'it would effectually damn +any man in my State.' 'So it would in mine,' said Dexter; 'but I am +under no inducement to belie my sentiment; I have nothing to ask from +any body; I had rather be at home than here, therefore I speak my +sentiments freely.' Mr. Nicholas, a little before or after this, made +the same proposition of a uniform election to Rossr who replied that he +saw no good in any kind of election. 'Perhaps,' said he, 'the present +one may last a while.' On the whole, Mr. Nicholas thinks he perceives, +in that party, a willingness and a wish to let every thing go from bad +to worse, to amend nothing, in hopes it may bring on confusion, and open +a door to the kind of government they wish. In a conversation with Gunn, +who goes with them, but thinks in some degree with us, Gunn told him +that the very game which the minority of Pennsylvania is now playing +with McKean (see substitute of minority in lower House, and address +of Senate in upper), was meditated by the same party in the federal +government, in case of the election of a republican President; and that +the eastern States would in that case throw things into confusion, +and break the Union. That they have in a great degree got rid of their +paper, so as no longer to be creditors, and the moment they cease to +enjoy the plunder of the immense appropriations now exclusively theirs, +they would aim at some other order of things. + + +January the 24th. Mr. Smith, a merchant of Hamburg, gives me the +following information. The St. Andrew's Club, of New York, (all +of Scotch tories,) gave a public dinner lately. Among other guests +Alexander Hamilton was one. After dinner, the first toast was 'The +President of the United States.' It was drunk without any particular +approbation. The next was, 'George the Third.' Hamilton started up on +his feet, and insisted on a bumper and three cheers. The whole company +accordingly rose and gave the cheers. One of them, though a federalist, +was so disgusted at the partiality shown by Hamilton to a foreign +sovereign over his own President, that he mentioned it to a Mr. +Schwart-house, an American merchant of New York, who mentioned it to +Smith. + +Mr. Smith also tells me, that calling one evening on Mr. Evans, then +Speaker of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, and asking +the news, Evans said, Harper had just been there, and speaking of the +President's setting out to Braintree, said, 'he prayed to God that his +horses might run away with him, or some other accident happen to break +his neck before he reached Braintree.' This was in indignation at his +having named Murray, &c. to negotiate with France. Evans approved of the +wish. + + +February the 1st. Doctor Rush tells me that he had it from Asa Green, +that when the clergy addressed General Washington on his departure +from the government, it was observed in their consultation, that he had +never, on any occasion, said a word to the public which showed a belief +in the Christian religion, and they thought they should so pen their +address, as to force him at length to declare publicly whether he was a +Christian or not. They did so. However, he observed, the old fox was +too cunning for them. He answered every article of their address +particularly except that, which he passed over without notice. Rush +observes, he never did say a word on the subject in any of his public +papers, except in his valedictory letter to the Governors of the States +when he resigned his commission in the army, wherein he speaks of 'the +benign influence of the Christian religion.' + +I know that Gouverneur Morris, who pretended to be in his secrets and +believed himself to be so, has often told me that General Washington +believed no more of that system than he himself did. + + +March, 1800. Heretical doctrines maintained in Senate, on the motion +against the Aurora. That there is in every legal body of men a right of +self-preservation, authorizing them to do whatever is necessary for that +purpose: by Tracy, Read, and Lawrence. That the common law authorizes +the proceeding proposed against the Aurora, and is in force here: by +Read. That the privileges of Congress are and ought to be indefinite: by +Read. + +Tracy says, he would not say exactly that the common law of England in +all its extent is in force here; but common sense reason, and morality, +which are the foundations of the common law, are in force here, and +establish a common law. He held himself so nearly half way between the +common law of England and what every body else has called natural law, +and not common law, that he could hold to either the one or the other, +as he should find expedient. + +Dexter maintained that the common law, as to crimes, is in force in the +United States. + +Chipman says, that the principles of common right are common law. + + +March the 11th. Conversing with Mrs. Adams on the subject of the writers +in the newspapers, I took occasion to mention that I never in my life +had, directly or indirectly, written one sentence for a newspaper; which +is an absolute truth. She said that Mr. Adams, she believed, had pretty +well ceased to meddle in the newspapers, since he closed the pieces on +Davila. This is the first direct avowal of that work to be his, though +long and universally understood to be so. + + +March the 14th. Freneau, in Charleston, had the printing of the laws +in his paper. He printed a pamphlet of Pinckney's letters on Robbins's +case. Pickering has given the printing of the laws to the tory paper of +that place, though not of half the circulation. The printing amounted to +about one hundred dollars a year. + + +March the 24th. Mr. Perez Morton of Massachusetts tells me that +Thatcher, on his return from the war Congress, declared to him he had +been for a declaration of war against France, and many others also; but +that on counting noses they found they could not carry it, and therefore +did not attempt it. + + +March the 27th. Judge Breckenridge gives me the following information. +He and Mr. Ross were originally very intimate; indeed, he says, he found +him keeping a little Latin school, and advised and aided him in the +study of the law, and brought him forward. After Ross became a Senator, +and particularly at the time of the western insurrection, they still +were in concert. After the British treaty, Ross, on his return, informed +him there was a party in the United States who wanted to overturn the +government, who were in league with France; that France, by a secret +article of treaty with Spain, was to have Louisiana; and that Great +Britain was likely to be our best friend and dependence. + +On this information, he, Breckenridge, was induced to become an advocate +for the British treaty. During this intimacy with Ross, he says, that +General Collot, in his journey to the western country, called on +him, and he frequently led Breckenridge into conversations on +their grievances under the government, and particularly the western +expedition; that he spoke to him of the advantages that country would +have in joining France when she should hold Louisiana; showed him a map +he had drawn of that part of the country; pointed out the passes in the +mountain, and the facility with which they might hold them against +the United States, and with which France could support them from New +Orleans. He says, that in these conversations, Collot let himself out +without common prudence. He says, Michaux (to whom I, at the request of +Genet, had given a letter of introduction to the Governor of Kentucky as +a botanist, which was his real profession,) called on him; that Michaux +had a commissary's commission for the expedition, which Genet had +planned from that quarter against the Spaniards; that ----------, +the late Spanish commandant of St. Genevieve, with one Powers, an +Englishman, called on him. That from all these circumstances, together +with Ross's stories, he did believe that there was a conspiracy to +deliver our country, or some part of it at least, to the French; that he +made notes of what passed between himself and Collot and the others, and +lent them to Mr. Ross, who gave them to the President, by whom they were +deposited in the office of the Board of War; that when he complained +to Ross of this breach of confidence, he endeavored to get off by +compliments on the utility and importance of his notes. They now cooled +towards each other; and his opposition to Ross's election as Governor +has separated them in truth, though not entirely to appearance. + +Doctor Rush tells me, that within a few days he has heard a member +of Congress lament our separation from Great Britain, and express his +sincere wishes that we were again dependent on her. + + +December the 25th, 1800. Colonel Hitchburn tells me what Colonel Monroe +had before told me of, as coming from Hitchburn. He was giving me the +characters of persons in Massachusetts. Speaking of Lowell, he said he +was, in the beginning of the Revolution, a timid whig, but as soon as he +found we were likely to prevail, he became a great office-hunter. And in +the very breath of speaking of Lowell, he stopped: says he, I will give +you a piece of information which I do not venture to speak of to others. +There was a Mr. Hale in Massachusetts, a reputable, worthy man, who +becoming a little embarrassed in his affairs, I aided him, which +made him very friendly to me. He went to Canada on some business. The +Governor there took great notice of him. On his return, he took occasion +to mention to me that he was authorized by the Governor of Canada +to give from three to five thousand guineas each to himself and some +others, to induce them not to do any thing to the injury of their +country, but to befriend a good connection between England and it. +Hitchburn said he would think of it, and asked Hale to come and dine +with him to-morrow. After dinner he drew Hale fully out. He told him he +had his doubts, but particularly, that he should not like to be alone in +such a business. On that, Hale named to him four others who were to +be engaged, two of whom, said Hitchburn, are now dead, and two living. +Hitchburn, when he had got all he wanted out of Hale, declined in a +friendly way. But he observed those, four men, from that moment, to +espouse the interests of England in every point and on every occasion. +Though he did not name the men to me, yet as the speaking of Lowell was +what brought into his Read to tell me this anecdote, I concluded he was +one. From other circumstances respecting Stephen Higginson, of whom he +spoke, I conjectured him to be the other living one. + + +December the 26th. In another conversation, I mentioned to Colonel +Hitchburn, that though he had not named names, I had strongly suspected +Higginson to be one of Hale's men. He smiled and said, if I had strongly +suspected any man wrongfully from his information, he would undeceive +me: that there were no persons he thought more strongly to be suspected +himself, than Higginson and Lowell. I considered this as saying they +were the men. Higginson is employed in an important business about our +navy. + + +February the 12th, 1801. Edward Livingston tells me, that Bayard applied +to-day or last night to General Samuel Smith, and represented to him +the expediency of his coming over to the States who vote for Burr, that +there was nothing in the way of appointment which he might not command, +and particularly mentioned the Secretaryship of the Navy. Smith asked +him if he was authorized to make the offer. He said he was authorized. +Smith told this to Livingston, and to W. C. Nicholas, who confirms it +to me. Bayard in like manner tempted Livingston, not by offering +any particular office, but by representing to him his (Livingston's) +intimacy and connection with Burr; that from him he had every thing to +expect, if he would come over to him. To Doctor Linn of New Jersey, they +have offered the government of New Jersey. See a paragraph in Martin's +Baltimore paper of February the 10th, signed, 'a looker on,' staling an +intimacy of views between Harper and Burr. + + +February the 14th. General Armstrong tells me, that Gouverneur Morris, +in conversation with him to-day on the scene which is passing, expressed +himself thus. 'How comes it,' says he, 'that Burr, who is four hundred +miles off (at Albany), has agents here at work with great activity, +while Mr. Jefferson, who is on the spot, does nothing?' This explains +the ambiguous conduct of himself and his nephew, Lewis Morris, and that +they were holding themselves free for a price; i.e. some office, either +to the uncle or nephew. + + +February the 16th. See in the Wilmington Mirror of February the 14th, +Mr. Bayard's elaborate argument to prove that the common law, as +modified by the laws of the respective States at the epoch of the +ratification of the constitution, attached to the courts of the United +States. + + +June the 23rd, 1801. Andrew Ellicot tells me, that in a conversation +last summer with Major William Jackson of Philadelphia, on the subject +of our intercourse with Spain, Jackson said we had managed our affairs +badly; that he himself was the author of the papers against the Spanish +minister signed Americanus; that his object was irritation; that he was +anxious, if it could have been brought, about, to have plunged us into a +war with Spain, that the people might have been occupied with that, and +not with the conduct of the administration, and other things they had no +business to meddle with. + + +December the 13th, 1803. The Reverend Mr. Coffin of New England, who +is now here soliciting donations for a college in Greene county, in +Tennessee, tells me that when he first determined to engage in this +enterprise, he wrote a paper recommendatory of the enterprise, which +he meant to get signed by clergymen, and a similar one for persons in +a civil character, at the head of which he wished Mr. Adams to put his +name, he being then President, and the application going only for his +name, and not for a donation. Mr. Adams, after reading the paper and +considering, said, 'he saw no possibility of continuing the union of +the States; that their dissolution must necessarily take place; that he +therefore saw no propriety in recommending to New England men to promote +a literary institution in the south; that it was in fact giving strength +to those who were to be their enemies, and therefore, he would have +nothing to do with it.' + +December the 31st. After dinner to-day, the pamphlet on the conduct of +Colonel Burr being the subject of conversation, Matthew Lyon noticed +the insinuations against the republicans at Washington, pending the +Presidential election, and expressed his wish that every thing was +spoken out which was known; that it would then appear on which side +there was a bidding for votes, and he declared that John Brown of Rhode +Island, urging him to vote for Colonel Burr, used these words. 'What is +it you want, Colonel Lyon? Is it office, is it money? Only say what you +want, and you shall have it.' + +January the 2nd, 1804. Colonel Hitchburn, of Massachusetts, reminding +me of a letter he had written me from Philadelphia, pending the +Presidential election, says he did not therein give the details. That he +was in company at Philadelphia with Colonel Burr and ------ that in the +course of the conversation on the election, Colonel Burr said, 'We must +have a President, and a constitutional one, in some way.' 'How is it to +be done,' says Hitchburn; 'Mr. Jefferson's friends will not quit him, +and his enemies are not strong enough to carry another.' 'Why,' says +Burr, 'our friends must join the federalists, and give the President.' +'The next morning at breakfast, Colonel Burr repeated nearly the same, +saying, 'We cannot be without a President, our friends must join the +federal vote.' 'But,' says Hitchburn, 'we shall then be without a +Vice-President; who is to be our Vice-President?' Colonel Burr answered, +'Mr. Jefferson.' + + +January the 26th. Colonel Burr, the Vice-President, calls on me in the +evening, having previously asked an opportunity of conversing with me. +He began by recapitulating summarily, that he had come to New York a +stranger, some years ago; that he found the country in possession of two +rich families (the Livingstons and Clintons); that his pursuits were not +political, and he meddled not. When the crisis, however, of 1800 came +on, they found their influence worn out, and solicited his aid with the +people. He lent it without any views of promotion. That his being named +as a candidate for Vice-President was unexpected by him. He acceded to +it with a view to promote my fame and advancement, and from a desire to +be with me, whose company and conversation had always been fascinating +to him. That, since, those great families had become hostile to him, +and had excited the calumnies which I had seen published. That in this +Hamilton had joined, and had even written some of the pieces against +him. That his attachment to me had been sincere, and was still +unchanged, although many little stories had been carried to him, and +he supposed to me also, which he despised; but that attachments must be +reciprocal, or cease to exist, and therefore he asked if any change +had taken place in mine towards him; that he had chosen to have this +conversation with myself directly, and not through any intermediate +agent. He reminded me of a letter written to him about the time of +counting the votes (say February, 1801), mentioning that his election +had left a chasm in my arrangements; that I had lost him from my list +in the administration, &c. He observed, he believed it would be for +the interest of the republican cause for him to retire; that a +disadvantageous schism would otherwise take place; but that were he to +retire, it would be said he shrunk from the public sentence, which he +never would do; that his enemies were using my name to destroy him, +and something was necessary from me to prevent and deprive them of that +weapon, some mark of favor from me which would declare to the world that +he retired with my confidence. + +I answered by recapitulating to him what had been my conduct previous +to the election of 1800. That I had never interfered directly or +indirectly, with my friends or any others, to influence the election +either for him or myself; that I considered it as my duty to be merely +passive, except that in Virginia I had taken some measures to procure +for him the unanimous vote of that State, because I thought any failure +there might be imputed to me. That in the election now coming on, I was +observing the same conduct, held no councils with any body respecting +it, nor suffered any one to speak to me on the subject, believing it my +duty to leave myself to the free discussion of the public; that I do +not at this moment know, nor have ever heard, who were to be proposed +as candidates for the public choice, except so far as could be gathered +from the newspapers. That as to the attack excited against him in the +newspapers, I had noticed it but as the passing wind; that I had seen +complaints that Cheetham, employed in publishing the laws, should be +permitted to eat the public bread and abuse its second officer: that as +to this, the publishers of the laws were appointed by the Secretary of +State, without any reference to me; that to make the notice general, it +was often given to one republican and one federal printer of the same +place; that these federal printers did not in the least intermit their +abuse of me, though receiving emoluments from the government, and that +I have never thought it proper to interfere for myself, and consequently +not in the case of the Vice-President. That as to the letter he referred +to, I remembered it, and believed he had only mistaken the date at which +it was written; that I thought it must have been on the first notice of +the event of the election of South Carolina; and that I had taken that +occasion to mention to him, that I had intended to have proposed to +him one of the great offices, if he had not been elected; but that his +election, in giving him a higher station, had deprived me of his aid in +the administration. The letter alluded to was, in fact, mine to him of +December the 15th, 1800. I now went on to explain to him verbally, +what I meant by saying I had lost him from my list. That in General +Washington's time, it had been signified to him that Mr. Adams, the +Vice-President, would be glad of a foreign embassy; that General +Washington mentioned it to me, expressed his doubts whether Mr. Adams +was a fit character for such an office, and his still greater doubts, +indeed, his conviction, that it would not be justifiable to send away +the person who, in case of his death, was provided by the constitution +to take his place: that it would moreover appear indecent for him to be +disposing of the public trusts, in apparently buying off a competitor +for the public favor. I concurred with him in the opinion, and, if I +recollect rightly, Hamilton, Knox, and Randolph were consulted, and gave +the same opinions. That when Mr. Adams came to the administration, in +his first interview with me, he mentioned the necessity of a mission to +France, and how desirable it would have been to him if he could have got +me to undertake it; but that he conceived it would be wrong in him to +send me away, and assigned the same reasons General Washington had done; +and therefore, he should appoint Mr. Madison, &c. That I had myself +contemplated his (Colonel Burr's) appointment to one of the great +offices, in case he was not elected Vice-President; but that as soon +as that election was known, I saw it could not be done, for the good +reasons which had led General Washington and Mr. Adams to the same +conclusion; and therefore, in my first letter to Colonel Burr, after the +issue was known, I had mentioned to him that a chasm in my arrangements +had been produced by this event. I was thus particular in rectifying the +date of this letter, because it gave me an opportunity of explaining the +grounds on which it was written, which were, indirectly, an answer to +his present hints. He left the matter with me for consideration, and the +conversation was turned to indifferent subjects. I should here notice, +that Colonel Burr must have thought I could swallow strong things in +my own favor, when he founded his acquiescence to the nomination as +Vice-President, to his desire of promoting my honor, the being with me, +whose company and conversation had always been fascinating with him, &c. +I had never seen Colonel Burr till he came as a member of Senate. His +conduct very soon inspired me with distrust. I habitually cautioned +Mr. Madison against trusting him too much. I saw afterwards, that under +General Washington's and Mr. Adams's administrations, whenever a great +military appointment or a diplomatic one was to be made, he came post to +Philadelphia to show himself, and in fact that he was always at market, +if they had wanted him. He was indeed told by Dayton in 1800, he +might be Secretary at War; but this bid was too late! His election as +Vice-President was then foreseen. With these impressions of Colonel +Burr, there never had been an intimacy between us, and but little +association. When I destined him for a high appointment, it was out of +respect for the favor he had obtained with the republican party, by his +extraordinary exertions and success in the New York election in 1800. + + +April the 15th, 1806. About a month ago, Colonel Burr called on me, and +entered into a conversation, in which he mentioned, that a little before +my coming into office, I had written to him a letter intimating that I +had destined him for a high employ, had he not been placed by the people +in a different one; that he had signified his willingness to resign as +Vice-President, to give aid to the administration in any other place; +that he had never asked an office, however; he asked aid of nobody, but +could walk on his own legs and take care of himself; that I had always +used him with politeness, but nothing more; that he aided in bringing on +the present order of things; that he had supported the administration; +and that he could do me much harm: he wished, however, to be +on different ground: he was now disengaged from all particular +business--willing to engage in something--should be in town some days, +if I should have any thing to propose to him. I observed to him, that +I had always been sensible that he possessed talents which might be +employed greatly to the advantage of the public, and that, as to myself, +I had a confidence that if he were employed, he would use his talents +for the public good: but that he must be sensible the public had +withdrawn their confidence from him, and that in a government like ours +it was necessary to embrace in its administration as great a mass of +public confidence as possible, by employing those who had a character +with the public, of their own, and not merely a secondary one through +the executive. He observed, that if we believed a few newspapers, it +might be supposed he had lost the public confidence, but that I knew how +easy it was to engage newspapers in any thing. I observed, that I +did not refer to that kind of evidence of his having lost the public +confidence, but to the late Presidential election, when, though in +possession of the office of Vice-President, there was not a single voice +heard for his retaining it. That as to any harm he could do me, I knew +no cause why he should desire it, but, at the same time, I feared no +injury which any man could do me: that I never had done a single act, +or been concerned in any transaction, which I feared to have fully laid +open, or which could do me any hurt, if truly stated: that I had never +done a single thing with a view to my personal interest, or that of any +friend, or with any other view than that of the greatest public good: +that, therefore, no threat or fear on that head would ever be a motive +of action with me. He has continued in town to this time; dined with me +this day week, and called on me to take leave two or three days ago. + +I did not commit these things to writing at the time, but I do it now, +because in a suit between him and Cheetham, he has had a deposition of +Mr. Bayard taken, which seems to have no relation to the suit, nor +to any other object than to calumniate me. Bayard pretends to have +addressed to me, during the pending of the Presidential election in +February, 1801, through General Samuel Smith, certain conditions on +which my election might be obtained, and that General Smith, after +conversing with me, gave answers from me. This is absolutely false. No +proposition of any kind was ever made to me on that occasion by General +Smith, nor any answer authorized by me. And this fact General Smith +affirms at this moment. + +For some matters connected with this, see my notes of February the 12th +and 14th, 1801, made at the moment. But the following transactions +took place about the same time, that is to say, while the Presidential +election was in suspense in Congress, which, though I did not enter at +the time, they made such an impression on my mind, that they are now +as fresh, as to their principal circumstances, as if they had happened +yesterday. Coming out of the Senate chamber one day, I found Gouverneur +Morris on the steps. He stopped me, and began a conversation on the +strange and portentous state of things then existing, and went on to +observe, that the reasons why the minority of States was so opposed to +my being elected, were, that they apprehended that, 1. I would turn all +federalists out of office; 2. put down the navy; 3. wipe off the public +debt. That I need only to declare, or authorize my friends to declare, +that I would not take these steps, and instantly the event of the +election would be fixed. I told him, that I should leave the world +to judge of the course I meant to pursue, by that which I had pursued +hitherto, believing it to be my duty to be passive and silent during the +present scene; that I should certainly make no terms; should never go +into the office of President by capitulation, nor with my hands tied by +any conditions which should hinder me from pursuing the measures which +I should deem for the public good. It was understood that Gouverneur +Morris had entirely the direction of the vote of Lewis Morris of +Vermont, who, by coming over to Matthew Lyon, would have added another +vote, and decided the election. About the same time, I called on Mr. +Adams. We conversed on the state of things. I observed to him, that +a very dangerous experiment was then in contemplation, to defeat the +Presidential election by an act of Congress declaring the right of +the Senate to name a President of the Senate, to devolve on him the +government during any interregnum: that such a measure would probably +produce resistance by force, and incalculable consequences, which it +would be in his power to prevent by negativing such an act. He seemed to +think such an act justifiable, and observed, it was in my power to fix +the election by a word in an instant, by declaring I would not turn out +the federal officers, nor put down the navy, nor spunge the national +debt. Finding his mind made up as to the usurpation of the government by +the President of the Senate, I urged it no further, observed, the +world must judge as to myself of the future by the past, and turned the +conversation to something else. About the same time, Dwight Foster of +Massachusetts called on me in my room one night, and went into a very +long conversation on the state of affairs, the drift of which was to let +me understand, that the fears above mentioned were the only obstacle to +my election, to all of which I avoided giving any answer the one way +or the other. From this moment he became most bitterly and personally +opposed to me, and so has ever continued. I do not recollect that I +ever had any particular conversation with General Samuel Smith on this +subject. Very possibly I had, however, as the general subject and +all its parts were the constant themes of conversation in the private +tete-a-tetes with our friends. But certain I am, that neither he nor +any other republican ever uttered the most distant hint to me about +submitting to any conditions, or giving any assurances to any body; +and still more certainly, was neither he nor any other person ever +authorized by me to say what I would or would not do. + + +***** + +***** + + +[The following official opinion, though inadvertently omitted in its +proper place, is deemed of sufficient importance to be inserted here.] + +The bill for establishing a National Bank, undertakes, among other +things, + +1. To form the subscribers into a corporation. + +2. To enable them, in their corporate capacities, to receive grants of +land; and so far, is against the laws of _Mortmain_.* + + * Though the constitution controls the laws of Mortmain, so + far as to permit Congress itself to hold lands for certain + purposes, yet not so far as to permit them to communicate a + similar right to other corporate bodies. + +3. To make alien subscribers capable of holding lands; and so far, is +against the laws of Alienage. + +4. To transmit these lands, on the death of a proprietor, to a certain +line of successors; and so far, changes the course of Descents. + +5. To put the lands out of the reach of forfeiture or escheat; and so +far, is against the laws of _Forfeiture_ and _Escheat_. + +6. To transmit personal chattels to successors in a certain line; and so +far, is against the laws of Distribution. + +7. To give them the sole and exclusive right of banking under the +national authority; and so far, is against the laws of Monopoly. + +8. To communicate to them a power to make laws paramount to the laws of +the States; for so they must be construed, to protect the institution +from the control of the State legislatures; and so, probably, they will +be construed. + +I consider the foundation of the constitution as laid on this ground, +that all powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution +nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States or to +the people.' (Twelfth amendment.) To take a single step beyond the +boundaries thus specially drawn around the powers of Congress, is to +take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of +any definition. + +The incorporation of a bank, and the powers assumed by this bill, +have not, in my opinion, been delegated to the United States by the +constitution. + +I. They are not among the powers specially, enumerated. For these are, + +1. A power to _lay taxes_ for the purpose of paying the debts of the +United States. But no debt is paid by this bill, nor any tax laid. Were +it a bill to raise money, its origination in the Senate would condemn it +by the constitution. + +2. To 'borrow money.' But this bill neither borrows money, nor insures +the borrowing it. The proprietors of the bank will be just as free +as any other money-holders, to lend or not to lend their money to the +public. The operation proposed in the bill, first to lend them two +millions, and then borrow them back again cannot change the nature of +the latter act, which will still be a payment and not a loan, call it by +what name you please. + +3. 'To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the States, and +with the Indian tribes.' To erect a bank, and to regulate commerce, are +very different acts. He who erects a bank creates a subject of commerce +in its bills: so does he who makes a bushel of wheat, or digs a dollar +out of the mines. Yet neither of these persons regulates commerce +thereby. To make a thing which may be bought and sold, is not to +prescribe regulations for buying and selling. Besides, if this were +an exercise of the power of regulating commerce, it would be void, as +extending as much to the internal commerce of every State, as to its +external. For the power given to Congress by the constitution, does not +extend to the internal regulation, of the commerce of a State (that +is to say, of the commerce between citizen and citizen), which remains +exclusively with its own legislature; but to its external commerce +only, that is to say, its commerce with another State, or with foreign +nations, or with the Indian tribes. Accordingly, the bill does not +propose the measure as a 'regulation of trade,' but as 'productive of +considerable advantage to trade.' + +Still less are these powers covered by any other of the special +enumerations. + +II. Nor are they within either of the general phrases, which are the two +following. + +1. 'To lay taxes to provide for the general welfare of the United +States'; that is to say, 'to lay taxes for the purpose of providing +for the general welfare.' For the laying of taxes is the power, and +the general welfare the purpose for which the power is to be exercised. +Congress are not to lay taxes, _ad libitum_, for any purpose they +please: but only to pay the debts, or provide for the welfare of the +Union. In like manner, they are not to do any thing they please, to +provide for the general welfare, but only to lay taxes for that purpose. +To consider the latter phrase, not as describing the purpose of the +first, but as giving a distinct and independent power to do any act they +please, which might be for the good of the Union, would render all the +preceding and subsequent enumerations of power completely useless. +It would reduce the whole instrument to a single phrase, that of +instituting a Congress with power to do whatever would be for the good +of the United States; and as they would be the sole judges of the good +or evil, it would be also a power to do whatever evil they pleased. It +is an established rule of construction, where a phrase will bear either +of two meanings, to give it that which will allow some meaning to the +other parts of the instrument, and not that which will render all the +others useless. Certainly no such universal power was meant to be given +them. It was intended to lace them up straitly within the enumerated +powers, and those without which, as means, these powers could not be +carried into effect. It is known that the very power now proposed as +a means, was rejected as an end by the convention which formed the +constitution. A proposition was made to them, to authorize Congress to +open parials, and an amendatory one, to empower them to incorporate. +But the whole was rejected; and one of the reasons of rejection urged +in debate was, that they then would have a power to erect a bank, +which would render the great cities, where there were prejudices +and jealousies on that subject, adverse to the reception of the +constitution. + +2. The second general phrase is, 'to make all laws necessary and proper +for carrying into execution the enumerated powers.' But they can all +be carried into execution without a bank. A bank, therefore, is not +necessary, and consequently, not authorized by this phrase. + +It has been much urged, that a bank will give great facility or +convenience in the collection of taxes. Suppose this were true: yet the +constitution allows only the means which are 'necessary' not those which +are merely 'convenient' for effecting the enumerated powers. If such +a latitude of construction be allowed to this phrase, as to give any +non-enumerated power, it will go to every one; for there is no one which +ingenuity may not torture into a convenience, in some way or other, to +some one of so long a list of enumerated powers. It would swallow up +all the delegated powers, and reduce the whole to one phrase, as before +observed. Therefore it was, that the constitution restrained them to the +necessary means, that is to say, to those means without which the grant +of the power would be nugatory. + +But let us examine this 'convenience,' and see what it is. The report +on this subject, page 2, states the only general convenience to be, the +preventing the transportation and re-transportation of money between the +States and the treasury. (For I pass over the increase of circulating +medium ascribed to it as a merit, and which, according to my ideas of +paper money, is clearly a demerit.) Every State will have to pay a sum +of tax-money into the treasury; and the treasury will have to pay in +every State a part of the interest on the public debt, and salaries +to the officers of government resident in that State. In most of the +States, there will be still a surplus of tax-money, to come up to the +seat of government, for the officers residing there. The payments of +interest and salary in each State, may be made by treasury orders on the +state collector. This will take up the greater part of the money he has +collected in his State and consequently prevent the great mass of it +from being drawn out of the state. If there be a balance of commerce in +favor of that State, against the one in which the government resides, +the surplus of taxes will be remitted by the bills of exchange drawn for +that commercial balance. And so it must be if there were a bank. But if +there be no balance of commerce, either direct or circuitous, all the +banks in the world could not bring us the surplus of taxes but in the +form of money. Treasury orders, then, and bills of exchange, may prevent +the displacement of the main mass of the money collected, without the +aid of any bank: and where these fail, it cannot be prevented even with +that aid. + +Perhaps, indeed, bank bills may be a more convenient vehicle than +treasury orders. But a little difference in the degree of convenience, +cannot constitute the necessity which the constitution makes the ground +for assuming any non-enumerated power. + +Besides; the existing banks will, without doubt, enter into arrangements +for lending their agency, and the more favorable, as there will be a +competition among them for it. Whereas, this bill delivers us up bound +to the national bank, who are free to refuse all arrangements but on +their own terms, and the public not free, on such refusal to employ any +other bank. That of Philadelphia, I believe, now does this business by +their post notes, which, by an arrangement with the treasury, are paid +by any State collector to whom they are presented. This expedient alone, +suffices to prevent the existence of that necessity which may justify +the assumption of a non-enumerated power, as a means for carrying into +effect an enumerated one. The thing may be done, and has been done, and +well done, without this assumption; therefore, it does not stand on that +degree of necessity which can honestly justify it. + +It may be said, that a bank, whose bills would have a currency all over +the States, would be more convenient than one whose currency is limited +to a single State. So it would be still more convenient, that there +should be a bank whose bills should have a currency all over the world. +But it does not follow from this superior conveniency, that there exists +any where a power to establish such a bank, or that the world may not +go on very well without it. Can it be thought that the constitution +intended, that for a shade or two of convenience, more or less, Congress +should be authorized to break down the most ancient and fundamental +laws of the several States, such as those against mortmain, the laws of +alienage, the rules of descent, the acts of distribution, the laws +of escheat and forfeiture, and the laws of monopoly. Nothing but a +necessity invincible by any other means, can justify such a prostration +of laws, which constitute the pillars of our whole system of +jurisprudence. Will Congress be too strait-laced to carry the +constitution into honest effect, unless they may pass over the +foundation laws of the State governments, for the slightest convenience +to theirs? + +The negative of the President is the shield provided by the +constitution, to protect against the invasions of the legislature, 1. +the rights of the Executive; 2. of the Judiciary; 3. of the States +and State legislatures. The present is the case of a right remaining +exclusively with the States, and is, consequently, one of those intended +by the constitution to be placed under his protection. + +It must be added, however, that unless the President's mind, on a view +of every thing which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably +clear that it is unauthorized by the constitution, if the pro and the +con hang so even as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the +wisdom of the legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of +their opinion. It is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by +error, ambition, or interest, that the constitution has placed a check +in the negative of the President. + +Th: Jefferson. + +February 15, 1791. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Memoir, Correspondence, And +Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, by Thomas Jefferson + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON *** + +***** This file should be named 16784.txt or 16784.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/7/8/16784/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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