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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 04:49:40 -0700 |
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diff --git a/old/16784-h.htm.2021-01-25 b/old/16784-h.htm.2021-01-25 new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d8055a3 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/16784-h.htm.2021-01-25 @@ -0,0 +1,25910 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas + Jefferson, Vol IV. + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd7; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal; + margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; + text-align: right;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, +From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, by Thomas Jefferson + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson + +Author: Thomas Jefferson + +Editor: Thomas Jefferson Randolph + +Illustrator: Steel engraving by Longacre from painting of G. Stuart + +Release Date: September 30, 2005 [EBook #16784] +Last Updated: September 8, 2016 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + + <p> + <br /> <a name="linkimage-0001" id="linkimage-0001"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/spines.jpg" + alt="Book Spines, 1829 Set of Jefferson Papers " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + MEMOIR, CORRESPONDENCE, AND MISCELLANIES, <br /> FROM THE PAPERS OF THOMAS + JEFFERSON. + </h1> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h2> + Edited by Thomas Jefferson Randolph. + </h2> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto" cellpadding="4" border="3"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#linkcontents"><big><b>Contents</b></big></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#linkillustrations"><big><b>Illustrations</b></big></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a + href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/8/16781/16781-h/16781-h.htm"><big><b>Volume + I.</b></big></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a + href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/8/16782/16782-h/16782-h.htm"><big><b>Volume + II.</b></big></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a + href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/8/16783/16783-h/16783-h.htm"><big><b>Volume + III.</b></big></a> + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="linkimage-0002" id="linkimage-0002"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/frontispiece.jpg" + alt="Steel Engraving by Longacre from Painting of G. Stuart " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0003" id="linkimage-0003"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/TP4.jpg" alt="Titlepage of Volume Three (of Four) " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <h3> + VOLUME IV. + </h3> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="linkcontents" id="linkcontents"></a><br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <h2> + CONTENTS + </h2> + <p> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> LETTER I.</a> TO LEVI LINCOLN, + August 30, 1803 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> LETTER II.</a> TO + WILSON C NICHOLAS, September 7, 1803 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> + LETTER III.</a> TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH, October 4, 1803 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> LETTER IV.</a> TO M. + DUPONT DE NEMOURS, November 1, 1803 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> + LETTER V.</a> TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, November 4,1803 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> LETTER VI.</a> TO DAVID WILLIAMS, + November 14, 1803 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> LETTER VII.</a> TO + JOHN RANDOLH, December 1, 1803 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> + LETTER VIII.</a> TO MR. GALLATIN, December 13, 1803 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> LETTER IX.</a> TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY, + January 29, 1804 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> LETTER X.</a> TO + ELBRIDGE GERRY, March 3, 1804 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> + LETTER XI.</a> TO GIDEON GRANGER, April 16, 1804 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0012"> LETTER XII.</a> TO MRS. ADAMS, June + 13,1804 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0013"> LETTER XIII.</a> TO + GOVERNOR PAGE, June 25, 1804 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0014"> + LETTER, XIV.</a> TO P. MAZZEI, July 18, 1804 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0015"> LETTER XV.</a> TO MRS. ADAMS, July 22, + 1804 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0016"> LETTER XVI.</a> TO + JAMES MADISON, August 15, 1804 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0017"> + LETTER XVII.</a> TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE, August 30, 1804 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0018"> LETTER XVIII.</a> TO MRS. ADAMS, + September 11, 1804 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0019"> LETTER XIX.</a> TO + MR. NICHOLSON, January 29, 1805 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0020"> + LETTER XX.</a> TO MR. VOLNEY, February 8, 1805 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0021"> LETTER XXI.</a> TO JUDGE TYLER, March + 29, 1805 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0022"> LETTER XXII.</a> TO + DOCTOR LOGAN, May 11, 1805 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0023"> LETTER + XXIII.</a> TO JUDGE SULLIVAN, May 21, 1805 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0024"> LETTER XXIV.</a> TO THOMAS PAINE, June + 5, 1805 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0025"> LETTER XXV.</a> TO + DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER, March 2, 1806 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0026"> LETTER XXVI.</a> TO MR. DUANE, March + 22, 1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0027"> LETTER XXVII.</a> TO + WILSON C. NICHOLAS, March 24,1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0028"> + LETTER XXVIII.</a> TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, April 13, 1806 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0029"> LETTER XXIX.</a> TO MR. + HARRIS, April 18, 1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0030"> LETTER XXX.</a> TO + THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0031"> LETTER XXXI.</a> TO + COLONEL MONROE, May 4, 1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0032"> LETTER + XXXII.</a> TO GENERAL SMITH, May 4,1806 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0033"> LETTER XXXIII.</a> TO MR DIGGES, July + 1, 1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0034"> LETTER XXXIV.</a> TO + MR. BIDWELL, July 5, 1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0035"> LETTER + XXXV.</a> TO MR. BOWDOIN, July 10, 1806 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0036"> LETTER XXXVI.</a> TO W. A. BURWELL, + September 17, 1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0037"> LETTER XXXVII.</a> TO + ALBERT GALLATIN, October 12, 1806 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0038"> + LETTER XXXVIII.</a> TO JOHN DICKINSON, January 13, 1807 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0039"> LETTER XXXIX,</a> TO WILSON C. + NICHOLAS, February 28,1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0040"> LETTER + XL.</a> TO JAMES MONROE, March 21, 1807 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0041"> LETTER XLI.</a> M. LE COMTE DIODATI, + March 29, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0042"> LETTER XLII.</a> TO + MR. BOWDOIN, April 2, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0043"> LETTER + XLIII.</a> TO WILLIAM B. GILES, April 20, 1807 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0044"> LETTER XLIV.</a> TO GEORGE HAY, June + 2, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0045"> LETTER XLV.</a> TO + ALBERT GALLATIN, June 3, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0046"> + LETTER XLVI.</a> TO GEORGE HAY, June 5, 1807 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0047"> LETTER XLVII.</a> TO DOCTOR HORATIO + TURPIN, June 10, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0048"> LETTER + XLVIII.</a> TO JOHN NORVELL, June 11, 1807 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0049"> LETTER XLIX.</a> TO WILLIAM SHORT, + June 12, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0050"> LETTER L.</a> TO + GEORGE HAY, June 12, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0051"> LETTER + LI.</a> TO GEORGE HAY, June 17, 1807 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0052"> LETTER LII.</a> TO GEORGE HAY, June + 19,1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0053"> LETTER LIII.</a> TO + GOVERNOR SULLIVAN, June 19, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0054"> + LETTER LIV.</a> TO GEORGE HAY, June 20, 1807 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0055"> LETTER LV.</a> TO DOCTOR WISTAR, June + 21, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0056"> LETTER LVI.</a> TO + MR. BOWDOIN, July 10, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0057"> LETTER + LVII.</a> TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 14, 1807 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0058"> LETTER LVIII.</a> TO JOHN PAGE, + July 17, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0059"> LETTER LIX.</a> TO + WILLIAM DUANE, July 20, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0060"> LETTER + LX.</a> TO GEORGE HAY, August 20, 1807 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0061"> LETTER LXI.</a> TO GEORGE HAY, + September 4, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0062"> LETTER LXII.</a> TO + GEORGE HAY, September 7, 1807 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0063"> + LETTER LXIII.</a> TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR, January 23, 1808 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0064"> LETTER LXIV.</a> TO + COLONEL MONROE, February 18, 1808 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0065"> + LETTER LXV.</a> TO COLONEL MONROE, March 10, 1808 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0066"> LETTER LXVI.</a> TO RICHARD M. + JOHNSON, March 10, 1808 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0067"> LETTER + LXVII.</a> TO LEVI LINCOLN, March 23, 1808 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0068"> LETTER LXVIII.</a> TO CHARLES + PINCKNEY, March 30, 1808 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0069"> LETTER + LXIX.</a> TO DOCTOR LEIB, June 23, 1808 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0070"> LETTER LXX.</a> TO ROBERT L. + LIVINGSTON, October 15, 1808 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0071"> LETTER + LXXI.</a> TO DOCTOR JAMES BROWN, October 27, 1808 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0072"> LETTER LXXII.</a> TO LIEUTENANT + GOVERNOR LINCOLN, November 13, 1808 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0073"> + LETTER LXXIII.</a> TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH, November 24, + 1808 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0074"> LETTER LXXIV.</a> TO + DOCTOR EUSTIS, January 14, 1809 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0075"> + LETTER LXXV.</a> TO COLONEL MONROE, January 28, 1809 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0076"> LETTER LXXVI.</a> TO THOMAS MANN + RANDOLPH, February 7, 1809 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0077"> LETTER + LXXVII.</a> TO JOHN HOLLINS, February 19, 1809 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0078"> LETTER LXXVIII.</a> TO M. DUPONT DE + NEMOURS, March 2, 1809 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0079"> LETTER + LXXIX.</a> TO THE PRESIDENT, March 17, 1809 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0080"> LETTER LXXX.</a> TO THE INHABITANTS OF + ALBEMARLE COUNTY, April 3, 1809 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0081"> + LETTER LXXXI.</a> TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, June 13, 1809 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0082"> LETTER LXXXII.</a> TO THE + PRESIDENT, August 17, 1809 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0083"> LETTER + LXXXIII.</a> TO DOCTOR BARTON, September 21, 1809 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0084"> LETTER LXXXIV.</a> TO DON VALENTINE + DE FORONDA, October 4, 1809 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0085"> LETTER + LXXXV.</a> TO ALBERT GALLATIN, October 11, 1809 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0086"> LETTER LXXXVI.</a> TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY, + February 10, 1810 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0087"> LETTER LXXXVII.*</a> TO + SAMUEL KERCHEVAL, February 19,1810 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0088"> + LETTER LXXXVIII.</a> TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO, February 26, 1810 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0089"> LETTER LXXXIX.</a> TO + DOCTOR JONES, March 5, 1810 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0090"> LETTER + XC.</a> TO GOVERNOR LANGDON, March 5, 1810 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0091"> LETTER XCI.</a> TO GENERAL DEARBORN, + July 16,1810 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0092"> LETTER XCII.</a> TO + J. B. COLVIN, September 20, 1810 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0093"> + LETTER XCIII.</a> TO MR. LAW, January 15, 1811 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0094"> LETTER XCIV.</a> TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN + RUSH, January 16, 1811 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0095"> LETTER XCV.</a> TO + M. DESTUTT TRACY, January 26, 1811 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0096"> + LETTER XCVI.</a> TO COLONEL MONROE, May 5, 1811 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0097"> LETTER XCVII.</a> TO GENERAL DEARBORN, + August 14, 1811 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0098"> LETTER XCVIII.</a> TO + DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0099"> LETTER XCIX.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, January 21, 1812 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0100"> LETTER + C.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, April 20, 1812 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0101"> LETTER CI.</a> TO JAMES MAURY, April + 25, 1812 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0102"> LETTER CII.</a> TO + THE PRESIDENT, May 30, 1812 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0103"> LETTER + CIII.</a> TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, June 11, 1812 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0104"> LETTER CIV.</a> TO JUDGE TYLER, June + 17,1812 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0105"> LETTER CV.</a> TO + COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE, October 1, 1812 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0106"> LETTER CVI.</a> TO MR. MELISH, January + 13, 1813 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0107"> LETTER CVII.</a> TO + MADAME DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN, May 24, 1818 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0108"> LETTER CVIII.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, May + 27, 1813 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0109"> LETTER CIX.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, June 15, 1813 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0110"> LETTER + CX.</a> TO JOHN W. EPPES, June 24, 1813 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0111"> LETTER CXI.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, June + 21, 1813 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0112"> LETTER CXII.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, August 22, 1813 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0113"> LETTER + CXIII.</a> TO JOHN W. EPPES, November 6, 1813 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0114"> LETTER CXIV.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, + October 13, 1813 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0115"> LETTER CXV.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, October 28, 1813 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0116"> LETTER + CXVI.</a> TO THOMAS LIEPER, January 1, 1814 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0117"> LETTER CXVII.</a> TO DOCTOR WALTER + JONES, January 2,1814 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0118"> LETTER + CXVIII.</a> TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, January 31, 1814 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0119"> LETTER CXIX.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, + July 5, 1814 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0120"> LETTER CXX.</a> TO + COLONEL MONROE, January 1, 1815 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0121"> + LETTER CXXI.</a> TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, February 14, + 1815 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0122"> LETTER CXXII.*</a> TO + MR. WENDOVER, March 13, 1815 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0123"> LETTER + CXXIII.</a> TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY, March 16, 1815 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0124"> LETTER CXXIV.</a> TO GENERAL DEARBORN, + March 17, 1815 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0125"> LETTER CXXV.</a> TO + THE PRESIDENT, March 23,1815 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0126"> LETTER + CXXVI.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, June 10,1815 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0127"> LETTER CXXVII.</a> TO MR. LEIPER, June + 12, 1815 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0128"> LETTER CXXVIII.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, August 10,1815 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0129"> LETTER + CXXIX.</a> TO DABNEY CARR, January 19, 1816 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0130"> LETTER CXXX.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, April + 8, 1816 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0131"> LETTER CXXXI.</a> TO + JOHN TAYLOR, May 28,1816 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0132"> LETTER + CXXXII.</a> TO FRANCIS W. GILMER, June 7,1816 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0133"> LETTER CXXXIII.*</a> TO BENJAMIN + AUSTIN, January 9, 1816 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0134"> LETTER + CXXXIV.</a> TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD, June 20, 1816 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0135"> LETTER CXXXV.</a> TO SAMUEL + KERCHIVAL, July 12, 1816 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0136"> LETTER + CXXXVI.</a> TO JOHN TAYLOR, July 21, 1816 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0137"> LETTER CXXXVII.</a> TO SAMUEL + KERCHIVAL, September 5, 1816 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0138"> LETTER + CXXXVIII.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, October 14, 1816 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0139"> LETTER CXXXIX.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, TO + JOHN ADAMS <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0140"> LETTER CXL.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, May 5, 1817 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0141"> LETTER + CXLI.</a> TO MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, May 14, 1817 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0142"> LETTER CXLII.</a> TO ALBERT + GALLATIN, June 16, 1817 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0143"> LETTER + CXLIII.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, May 17, 1818 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0144"> LETTER CXLIV.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, + November 13, 1818 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0145"> LETTER CXLV.</a> TO + ROBERT WALSH, December 4, 1818 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0146"> + LETTER CXLVI.</a> TO M. DE NEUVILLE, December 13, 1818 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0147"> LETTER CXLVII.</a> TO DOCTOR VINE + UTLEY, March 21, 1819 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0148"> LETTER + CXLVIII.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, July 9, 1819 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0149"> LETTER CXLIX.</a> TO JUDGE ROANE, + September 6,1819 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0150"> LETTER CL.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, December 10, 1819 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0151"> + LETTER CLI.</a> TO WILLIAM SHORT, April 13, 1820 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0152"> LETTER CLII.</a> TO JOHN HOLMES, + April 22, 1820 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0153"> LETTER CLIII.</a> TO + WILLIAM SHORT, August 4, 1820 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0154"> + LETTER CLIV.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, August 15, 1820 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0155"> LETTER CLV.</a> TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, + November 28, 1820 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0156"> LETTER CLVI.</a> TO + THOMAS RITCHIE, December, 25, 1820 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0157"> + LETTER CLVII.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, January 22, 1821 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0158"> LETTER CLVIII.</a> TO JOSEPH C + CABELL, January 31, 1821 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0159"> LETTER + CLIX.</a> TO GENERAL BRECKENRIDGE, February 15, 1821 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0160"> LETTER CLX.</a> TO — — + — NICHOLAS, December 11,1821 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0161"> + LETTER CLXI.</a> TO JEDIDIAH MORSE, March 6, 1822 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0162"> LETTER CLXII.</a> TO DOCTOR + BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE, June 26, 1822 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0163"> + LETTER CLXIII.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0164"> LETTER CLXIV.</a> TO WILLIAM T. BARRY, + July 2, 1822 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0165"> LETTER CLXV.</a> TO + DOCTOR WATERHOUSE, July 19, 1822 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0166"> + LETTER CLXVI.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0167"> LETTER CLXVII.</a> TO DOCTOR COOPER, + November 2, 1822 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0168"> LETTER CLXVIII.</a> TO + JAMES SMITH, December 8, 1822 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0169"> + LETTER, CLXIX.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, February 25, 1823 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0170"> LETTER CLXX.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, + April 11, 1823 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0171"> LETTER CLXXI.</a> TO + THE PRESIDENT, June 11, 1823 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0172"> LETTER + CLXXII.</a> TO JUDGE JOHNSON, June 12, 1823 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0173"> LETTER CLXXIII.</a> TO JAMES MADISON, + August 30,1823 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0174"> LETTER CLXXIV.</a> TO + JOHN ADAMS, September 4, 1823 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0175"> + LETTER CLXXV.</a> TO JOHN ADAMS, October 12, 1823 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0176"> LETTER CLXXVI.</a> TO THE + PRESIDENT, October 24,1823 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0177"> LETTER + CLXXVII.</a> TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, November 4, 1823 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0178"> LETTER CLXXVIII.</a> TO + JOSEPH C CABELL, February 3, 1824 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0179"> + LETTER CLXXIX.</a> TO JARED SPARKS, February 4, 1824 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0180"> LETTER CLXXX.</a> TO EDWARD + LIVINGSTON, April 4, 1824 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0181"> LETTER + CLXXXI.</a> TO MAJOR JOHN CARTWRIGHT, June 5,1824 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0182"> LETTER CLXXXII.</a> TO MARTIN VAN + BUREN, June 29, 1824 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0183"> LETTER + CLXXXIII.</a> TO EDWARD EVERETT, October 15, 1824 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0184"> LETTER CLXXXIV.</a> TO JOSEPH C. + CABELL, January 11, 1825 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0185"> LETTER + CLXXXV.</a> TO THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH, February 21, 1825 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0186"> LETTER CLXXXVI.</a> TO + JAMES MADISON, December 24, 1825 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0187"> + LETTER CLXXXVII.</a> TO WILLIAM B. GILES, December 25, 1825 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0188"> LETTER CLXXXVIII.</a> TO + WILLIAM B. GILES, December 26, 1825 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0189"> + LETTER CLXXXIX.</a> TO CLAIBORNE W. GOOCH, January 9, 1826 + <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0190"> LETTER CXC.</a> TO + [ANONYMOUS], January 21, 1826 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0191"> + LETTER CXCI.</a> TO JAMES MADISON, February 17,1826 <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0192"> THOUGHTS </a> ON LOTTERIES. <br /><br /> + <a href="#link2H_4_0193"> LETTER CXCII.</a> TO JOHN QUINCY + ADAMS, March 30, 1826 <br /><br /> <a href="#link2H_4_0194"> LETTER + CXCIII.</a> TO MR. WEIGHTMAN, June 24, 1826 <br /><br /> <a + href="#link2H_4_0195"> ANA.</a> EXPLANATION OF VOLUMES IN + MARBLED PAPER <br /><br /> <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="linkillustrations" id="linkillustrations"></a><br /> + </p> + <h2> + List of Illustrations + </h2> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0001"> Book Spines, 1829 Set of Jefferson Papers + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0002"> Steel Engraving by Longacre from Painting of + G. Stuart </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0003"> Titlepage of Volume Three (of Four) </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Pages With Greek Phrases and Tables: + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0004"> Page77 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0005"> Page201 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0009"> Page205 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0010"> Page225 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0011"> Page226 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0013"> Page227 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0014"> Page227a </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0015"> Page229 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0016"> Page240 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0017"> Page331 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0018"> Page332 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0019"> Page364 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#linkimage-0020"> Page365 </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER I.—TO LEVI LINCOLN, August 30, 1803 + </h2> + <p> + TO LEVI LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 30, 1803. + </p> + <p> + Deak. Sir, + </p> + <p> + The enclosed letter came to hand by yesterday’s post. You will be sensible + of the circumstances which make it improper that I should hazard a formal + answer, as well as of the desire its friendly aspect naturally excites, + that those concerned in it should understand that the spirit they express + is friendly viewed. You can judge also from your knowledge of the ground, + whether it may be usefully encouraged. I take the liberty, therefore, of + availing myself of your neighborhood to Boston, and of your friendship to + me, to request you to say to the Captain and others verbally whatever you + think would be proper, as expressive of my sentiments on the subject. With + respect to the day on which they wish to fix their anniversary, they may + be told, that disapproving myself of transferring the honors and + veneration for the great birthday of our republic to any individual, or of + dividing them with individuals, I have declined letting my own birthday be + known, and have engaged my family not to communicate it. This has been the + uniform answer to every application of the kind. + </p> + <p> + On further consideration as to the amendment to our constitution + respecting Louisiana, I have thought it better, instead of enumerating the + powers which Congress may exercise, to give them the same powers they have + as to other portions of the Union generally, and to enumerate the special + exceptions, in some such form as the following. + </p> + <p> + ‘Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of the + United States, its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and stand, as to + their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other citizens of + the United States, in analogous situations. Save only that as to the + portion thereof lying north of an east and west line drawn through the + mouth of Arkansas river, no new State shall be established, nor any grants + of land made, other than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent portions + of land occupied by them, until an amendment of the constitution shall be + made for these purposes. + </p> + <p> + ‘Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become a + part of the United States, its white inhabitants shall thereupon be + citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same + footing with other citizens of the United States, in analogous + situations.’ + </p> + <p> + I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that is said + about any constitutional difficulty, the better: and that it will be + desirable for Congress to do what is necessary, in silence. I find but one + opinion as to the necessity of shutting up the country for some time. We + meet in Washington the 25th of September to prepare for Congress. Accept + my affectionate salutations, and great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER II.—TO WILSON C NICHOLAS, September 7, 1803 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILSON C NICHOLAS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, September 7, 1803. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 3rd was delivered me at court; but we were much + disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr. Madison and the Governor being + here at the time. 1 enclose you a letter from Monroe on the subject of the + late treaty. You will observe a hint in it, to do without delay what we + are bound to do. There is reason, in the opinion of our ministers, to + believe, that if the thing were to do over again, it could not be + obtained, and that if we give the least opening, they will declare the + treaty void. A warning amounting to that has been given to them, and an + unusual kind of letter written by their minister to our Secretary of + State, direct. Whatever Congress shall think it necessary to do, should be + done with as little debate as possible, and particularly so far as + respects the constitutional difficulty. I am aware of the force of the + observations you make on the power given by the constitution to Congress, + to admit new States into the Union, without restraining the subject to the + territory then constituting the United States. But when I consider that + the limits of the United States are precisely fixed by the treaty of 1783, + that the constitution expressly declares itself to be made for the United + States, I cannot help believing the intention was not to permit Congress + to admit into the Union new States, which should be formed out of the + territory for which, and under whose authority alone, they were then + acting. I do not believe it was meant that they might receive England, + Ireland, Holland, &tc. into it, which would be the case on your + construction. When an instrument admits two constructions, the one safe, + the other dangerous, the one precise, the other indefinite, I prefer that + which is safe and precise. I had rather ask an enlargement of power from + the nation, where it is found necessary, than to assume it by a + construction which would make our powers boundless. Our peculiar security + is in the possession of a written constitution. Let us not make it a blank + paper by construction. I say the same as to the opinion of those who + consider the grant of the treaty-making power as boundless. If it is, then + we have no constitution. If it has bounds, they can be no others than the + definitions of the powers which that instrument gives. It specifies and + delineates the operations permitted to the federal government, and gives + all the powers necessary to carry these into execution. Whatever of these + enumerated objects is proper for a law, Congress may make the law; + whatever is proper to be executed by way of a treaty, the President and + Senate may enter into the treaty; whatever is to be done by a judicial + sentence, the judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more likely than + that their enumeration of powers is defective. This is the ordinary case + of all human works. Let us go on then perfecting it, by adding, by way of + amendment to the constitution, those powers which time and trial show are + still wanting. But it has been taken too much for granted, that by this + rigorous construction the treaty power would be reduced to nothing. I had + occasion once to examine its effect on the French treaty, made by the old + Congress, and found that out of thirty odd articles which that contained, + there were one, two, or three only, which could not now be stipulated + under our present constitution. I confess, then, I think it important, in + the present case, to set an example against broad construction, by + appealing for new power to the people. If, however, our friends shall + think differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction; + confiding, that the good sense of our country will correct the evil of + construction when it shall produce ill effects. + </p> + <p> + No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are necessary. On the + contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to me, and proves to me + their friendship so clearly, as the information they give me of their + sentiments and those of others on interesting points where I am to act, + and where information and warning is so essential to excite in me that due + reflection which ought to precede action. I leave this about the 21st, and + shall hope the District Court will give me an opportunity of seeing you. + Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of cordial esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER III.—TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH, October 4, 1803 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. + </p> + <p> + Washington, October 4, 1803. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + No one would more willingly than myself pay the just tribute due to the + services of Captain Barry, by writing a letter of condolence to his widow, + as you suggest. But when one undertakes to administer justice, it must be + with an even hand, and by rule; what is done for one, must be done for + every one in equal degree. To what a train of attentions would this draw a + President? How difficult would it be to draw the line between that degree + of merit entitled to such a testimonial of it, and that not so entitled? + If drawn in a particular case differently from what the friends of the + deceased would judge right, what offence would it give, and of the most + tender kind? How much offence would be given by accidental inattentions, + or want of information? The first step into such an undertaking ought to + be well weighed. On the death of Dr. Franklin, the King and Convention of + France went into mourning. So did the House of Representatives of the + United States: the Senate refused. I proposed to General Washington that + the executive departments should wear mourning; he declined it, because he + said he should not know where to draw the line, if he once began that + ceremony. Mr. Adams was then Vice-President, and I thought General + Washington had his eye on him, whom he certainly did not love. I told him + the world had drawn so broad a line between himself and Dr. Franklin, on + the one side, and the residue of mankind, on the other, that we might wear + mourning for them, and the question still remain new and undecided as to + all others. He thought it best, however, to avoid it. On these + considerations alone, however well affected to the merit of Commodore + Barry, I think it prudent not to engage myself in a practice which may + become embarrassing. + </p> + <p> + Tremendous times in Europe! How mighty this battle of lions and tigers? + With what sensations should the common herd of cattle look on it? With no + partialities certainly. If they can so far worry one another as to destroy + their power of tyrannizing the one over the earth, the other the waters, + the world may perhaps enjoy peace, till they recruit again. + </p> + <p> + Affectionate and respectful salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER IV.—TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS, November 1, 1803 + </h2> + <p> + TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, November 1, 1803. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favors of April the 6th and June the 27th were duly received, and + with the welcome which every thing brings from you. The treaty which has + so happily sealed the friendship of our two countries, has been received + here with general acclamation. Some inflexible federalists have still + ventured to brave the public opinion. It will fix their character with the + world and with posterity, who, not descending to the other points of + difference between us, will judge them by this fact, so palpable as to + speak for itself, in all times and places. For myself and my country I + thank you for the aids you have given in it; and I congratulate you on + having lived to give those aids in a transaction replete with blessings to + unborn millions of men, and which will mark the face of a portion on the + globe so extensive as that which now composes the United States of + America. It is true that at this moment a little cloud hovers in the + horizon. The government of Spain has protested against the right of France + to transfer; and it is possible she may refuse possession, and that this + may bring on acts of force. But against such neighbors as France there, + and the United States here, what she can expect from so gross a compound + of folly and false faith, is not to be sought in the book of wisdom. She + is afraid of her enemies in Mexico. But not more than we are. Our policy + will be to form New Orleans and the country on both sides of it on the + Gulf of Mexico, into a State; and, as to all above that, to transplant our + Indians into it, constituting them a Marechaussee to prevent emigrants + crossing the river, until we shall have filled up all the vacant country + on this side. This will secure both Spain and us as to the mines of + Mexico, for half a century, and we may safely trust the provisions for + that time to the men who shall live in it. + </p> + <p> + I have communicated with Mr. Gallatin on the subject of using your house + in any matters of consequence we may have to do at Paris. He is impressed + with the same desire I feel to give this mark of our confidence in you, + and the sense we entertain of your friendship and fidelity. Mr. Behring + informs him that none of the money which will be due from us to him, as + the assignee of France, will be wanting at Paris. Be assured that our + dispositions are such as to let no occasion pass unimproved, of serving + you, where occurrences will permit it. + </p> + <p> + Present my respects to Madame Dupont, and accept yourself assurances of my + constant and warm friendship. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER V.—TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, November 4,1803 + </h2> + <h3> + TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, November 4,1803. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + A report reaches us this day from Baltimore (on probable, but not certain + grounds), that Mr. Jerome Bonaparte, brother of the First Consul, was + yesterday* married to Miss Patterson of that city. The effect of this + measure on the mind of the First Consul, is not for me to suppose; but as + it might occur to him <i>primâ facie</i>, that the executive of the United + States ought to have prevented it, I have thought it advisable to mention + the subject to you, that if necessary, you may by explanations set that + idea to rights. You know that by our laws, all persons are free to enter + into marriage, if of twenty-one years of age, no one having a power to + restrain it, not even their parents; and that under that age, no one can + prevent it but the parent or guardian. The lady is under age, and the + parents, placed between her affections which were strongly fixed, and the + considerations opposing the measure, yielded with pain and anxiety to the + former. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * November 8. It is now said that it did not take place on + the 3rd, but will this day. +</pre> + <p> + Mr. Patterson is the President of the bank of Baltimore, the wealthiest + man in Maryland, perhaps in the United States, except Mr. Carroll; a man + of great virtue and respectability; the mother is the sister of the lady + of General Samuel Smith; and, consequently, the station of the family in + society is with the first of the United States. These circumstances fix + rank in a country where there are no hereditary titles. Your treaty has + obtained nearly a general approbation. The federalists spoke and voted + against it, but they are now so reduced in their numbers as to be nothing. + The question on its ratification in the Senate was decided by twenty-four + against seven, which was ten more than enough. The vote in the House of + Representatives for making provision for its execution, was carried by + eighty-nine against twenty-three, which was a majority of sixty-six, and + the necessary bills are going through the Houses by greater majorities. + Mr. Pichon, according to instructions from his government, proposed to + have added to the ratification a protestation against any failure in time + or other circumstances of execution, on our part. He was told, that in + that case we should annex a counter protestation, which would leave the + thing exactly where it was; that this transaction had been conducted from + the commencement of the negotiation to this stage of it, with a frankness + and sincerity honorable to both nations, and comfortable to the heart of + an honest man to review; that to annex to this last chapter of the + transaction such an evidence of mutual distrust, was to change its aspect + dishonorably for us both, and contrary to truth as to us; for that we had + not the smallest doubt that France would punctually execute its part; and + I assured Mr. Pichon that I had more confidence in the word of the First + Consul than in all the parchment we could sign. He saw that we had + ratified the treaty; that both branches had passed by great majorities one + of the bills for execution, and would soon pass the other two; that no + circumstances remained that could leave a doubt of our punctual + performance; and like an able and an honest minister (which he is in the + highest degree) he undertook to do, what he knew his employers would do + themselves, were they here spectators of all the existing circumstances, + and exchanged the ratification’s purely and simply; so that this + instrument goes to the world as an evidence of the candor and confidence + of the nations in each other, which will have the best effects. This was + the more justifiable, as Mr. Pichon knew that Spain had entered with us a + protestation against our ratification of the treaty, grounded, first, on + the assertion that the First Consul had not executed the conditions of the + treaties of cession, and secondly, that he had broken a solemn promise not + to alienate the country to any nation. We answered, that these were + private questions between France and Spain, which they must settle + together; that we derived our title from the First Consul, and did not + doubt his guarantee of it: and we, four days ago, sent off orders to the + Governor of the Mississippi territory and General Wilkinson, to move down + with the troops at hand to New Orleans, to receive the possession from Mr. + Laussat. If he is heartily disposed to carry the order of the Consul into + execution, he can probably command a volunteer force at New Orleans, and + will have the aid of ours also, if he desires it, to take the possession + and deliver it to us. If he is not so disposed, we shall take the + possession, and it will rest with the government of France, by adopting + the act as their own and obtaining the confirmation of Spain, to supply + the non-execution of their stipulation to deliver, and to entitle + themselves to the complete execution of our part of the agreements. In the + mean time, the legislature is passing the bills, and we are preparing + every thing to be done on our part towards execution, and we shall not + avail ourselves of the three months’ delay after possession of the + province, allowed by the treaty for the delivery of the stock, but shall + deliver it the moment that possession is known here, which will be on the + eighteenth day after it has taken place. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant esteem + and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER VI.—TO DAVID WILLIAMS, November 14, 1803 + </h2> + <h3> + TO DAVID WILLIAMS. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, November 14, 1803. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have duly received the volume on the claims of literature; which you did + me the favor to send me through Mr. Monroe: and have read with + satisfaction the many judicious reflections it contains, on the condition + of the respectable class of literary men. The efforts for their relief, + made by a society of private citizens, are truly laudable: but they are, + as you justly observe, but a palliation of an evil, the cure of which + calls for all the wisdom and the means of the nation. The greatest evils + of populous society have ever appeared to me to spring from the vicious + distribution of its members among the occupations called for. I have no + doubt that those nations are essentially right, which leave this to + individual choice, as a better guide to an advantageous distribution, than + any other which could be devised. But when, by a blind concourse, + particular occupations are ruinously overcharged, and others left in want + of hands, the national authorities can do much towards restoring the + equilibrium. On the revival of letters, learning became the universal + favorite. And with reason, because there was not enough of it existing to + manage the affairs of a nation to the best advantage, nor to advance its + individuals to the happiness of which they were susceptible, by + improvements in their minds, their morals, their health, and in those + conveniences which contribute to the comfort and embellishment of life. + All the efforts of the society, therefore, were directed to the increase + of learning, and the inducements of respect, ease, and profit were held up + for its encouragement. Even the charities of the nation forgot that misery + was their object, and spent themselves in founding schools to transfer to + science the hardy sons of the plough. To these incitements were added the + powerful fascinations of great cities. These circumstances have long since + produced an overcharge in the class of competitors for learned occupation, + and great distress among the supernumerary candidates; and the more, as + their habits of life have disqualified them for re-entering into the + laborious class. The evil cannot be suddenly, nor perhaps ever entirely + cured: nor should I presume to say by what means it may be cured. + Doubtless there are many engines which the nation might bring to bear on + this object. Public opinion and public encouragement are among these. The + class principally defective is that of agriculture. It is the first in + utility, and ought to be the first in respect. The same artificial means + which have been used to produce a competition in learning, may be equally + successful in restoring agriculture to its primary dignity in the eyes of + men. It is a science of the very first order. It counts among its + handmaids the most respectable sciences, such as Chemistry, Natural + Philosophy, Mechanics, Mathematics generally, Natural History, Botany. In + every College and University, a professorship of agriculture, and the + class of its students, might be honored as the first. Young men closing + their academical education with this, as the crown of all other sciences, + fascinated with its solid charms, and at a time when they are to choose an + occupation, instead of crowding the other classes, would return to the + farms of their fathers, their own, or those of others, and replenish and + invigorate a calling, now languishing under contempt and oppression. The + charitable schools, instead of storing their pupils with a lore which the + present state of society does not call for, converted into schools of + agriculture, might restore them to that branch, qualified to enrich and + honor themselves, and to increase the productions of the nation instead of + consuming them. A gradual abolition of the useless offices, so much + accumulated in all governments, might close this drain also from the + labors of the field, and lessen the burthens imposed on them. By these, + and the better means which will occur to others, the surcharge of the + learned, might in time be drawn off to recruit the laboring class of + citizenss the sum of industry be increased, and that of misery diminished. + </p> + <p> + Among the ancients, the redundance of population was sometimes checked by + exposing infants. To the moderns, America has offered a more humane + resource. Many, who cannot find employment in Europe, accordingly come + here. Those who can labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned class + of emigrants, a small portion find employments analogous to their talents. + But many fail, and return to complete their course of misery in the scenes + where it began. Even here we find too strong a current from the country to + the towns; and instances beginning to appear of that species of misery, + which you are so humanely endeavoring to relieve with you. Although we + have in the old countries of Europe the lesson of their experience to warn + us, yet I am not satisfied we shall have the firmness and wisdom to profit + by it. The general desire of men to live by their heads rather than their + hands, and the strong allurements of great cities to those who have any + turn for dissipation, threaten to make them here, as in Europe, the sinks + of voluntary misery. I perceive, however, that I have suffered my pen to + run into a disquisition, when I had taken it up only to thank you for the + volume you had been so kind as to send me, and to express my approbation + of it. After apologizing, therefore, for having touched on a subject so + much more familiar to you, and better understood, I beg leave to assure + you of my high consideration and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0007" id="link2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER VII.—TO JOHN RANDOLH, December 1, 1803 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN RANDOLH. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, December 1, 1803. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + The explanations in your letter of yesterday were quite unnecessary to me. + I have had too satisfactory proofs of your friendly regard, to be disposed + to suspect any thing of a contrary aspect. + </p> + <p> + I understood perfectly the expressions stated in the newspaper to which + you allude, to mean, that ‘though the proposition came from the republican + quarter of the House, yet you should not concur with it.’ I am aware, that + in parts of the Union, and even with persons to whom Mr. Eppes and Mr. + Randolph are unknown, and myself little known, it will be presumed from + their connection, that what comes from them comes from me. No men on earth + are more independent in their sentiments than they are, nor any one less + disposed than I am to influence the opinions of others. We rarely speak of + politics, or of the proceedings of the House, but merely historically; and + I carefully avoid expressing an opinion on them in their presence, that we + may all be at our ease. With other members, I have believed that more + unreserved communications would be advantageous to the public. This has + been, perhaps, prevented by mutual delicacy. I have been afraid to express + opinions unasked, lest I should be suspected of wishing to direct the + legislative action of members. They have avoided asking communications + from me, probably, lest they should be suspected of wishing to fish out + executive secrets. I see too many proofs of the imperfection of human + reason, to entertain wonder or intolerance at any difference of opinion on + any subject; and acquiesce in that difference as easily as on a difference + of feature or form: experience having long taught me the reasonableness of + mutual sacrifices of opinion among those who are to act together for any + common object, and the expediency of doing what good we can, when we + cannot do all we would wish. + </p> + <p> + Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0008" id="link2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER VIII.—TO MR. GALLATIN, December 13, 1803 + </h2> + <p> + THOMAS JEFFERSON TO MR. GALLATIN. + </p> + <p> + The Attorney General having considered and decided, that the prescription + in the law for establishing a bank, that the officers in the subordinate + offices of discount and deposit, shall be appointed ‘on the same terms and + in the same manner practised in the principal bank,’ does not extend to + them the principle of rotation, established by the legislature in the body + of directors in the principal bank, it follows that the extension of that + principle has been merely a voluntary and prudential act of the principal + bank, from which they are free to depart. I think the extension was wise + and proper on their part, because the legislature having deemed rotation + useful in the principal bank constituted by them, there would be the same + reason for it in the subordinate banks to be established by the principal. + It breaks in upon the <i>esprit de corps</i>, so apt to prevail in + permanent bodies; it gives a chance for the public eye penetrating into + the sanctuary of those proceedings and practices, which the avarice of the + directors may introduce for their personal emolument, and which the + resentments of excluded directors, or the honesty of those duly admitted, + might betray to the public; and it gives an opportunity at the end of the + year, or at other periods, of correcting a choice, which, on trial, proves + to have been unfortunate; an evil of which themselves complain in their + distant institutions. Whether, however, they have a power to alter this or + not, the executive has no right to decide; and their consultation with you + has been merely an act of complaisance, or from a desire to shield so + important an innovation under the cover of executive sanction. But ought + we to volunteer our sanction in such a case? Ought we to disarm ourselves + of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution shall be a + legitimate subject of consideration? I own I think the most proper answer + would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to give an opinion on + the question. + </p> + <p> + From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of + establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Orleans. This + institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the + principles and form of our constitution. The nation is, at this time, so + strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this + moment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient + to bring into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet a + crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the + public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by its + branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in phalanx, may, + in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe + which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any + other authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries. + What an obstruction could not this bank of the United States, with all its + branch banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the peace we + should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further growth + to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile we know, + 1. from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing the body of + directors in every bank, principal or branch; and those of most of the + stock-holders: 2. from their opposition to the measures and principles of + the government, and to the election of those friendly to them: and, 3. + from the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now, while we are + strong, it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our constitution, + to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect subordination under its + authorities. The first measure would be to reduce them to an equal footing + only with other banks, as to the favors of the government. But, in order + to be able to meet a general combination of the banks against us, in a + critical emergency, could we not make a beginning towards an independent + use of our own money, towards holding our own bank in all the deposits + where it is received, and letting the Treasurer give his draft or note for + payment at any particular place, which, in a well conducted government, + ought to have as much credit as any private draft, or bank note, or bill, + and would give us the same facilities which we derive from the banks? I + pray you to turn this subject in your mind, and to give it the benefit of + your knowledge of details; whereas, I have only very general views of the + subject. Affectionate salutations. + </p> + <p> + Washington, December 13, 1803. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0009" id="link2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER IX.—TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY, January 29, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, January 29, 1804. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of December the 12th came duly to hand, as did the second + letter to Doctor Linn, and the treatise on Phlogiston, for which I pray + you to accept my thanks. The copy for Mr. Livingston has been delivered, + together with your letter to him, to Mr. Harvie, my secretary, who departs + in a day or two for Paris, and will deliver them himself to Mr. + Livingston, whose attention to your matter cannot be doubted. I have also + to add my thanks to Mr. Priestley, your son, for the copy of your Harmony, + which I have gone through with great satisfaction. It is the first I have + been able to meet with, which is clear of those long repetitions of the + same transaction, as if it were a different one because related with some + different circumstances. + </p> + <p> + I rejoice that you have undertaken the task of comparing the moral + doctrines of Jesus with those of the ancient Philosophers. You are so much + in possession of the whole subject, that you will do it easier and better + than any other person living. I think you cannot avoid giving, as + preliminary to the comparison, a digest of his moral doctrines, extracted + in his own words from the Evangelists, and leaving out every thing + relative to his personal history and character. It would be short and + precious. With a view to do this for my own satisfaction, I had sent to + Philadelphia to get two Testaments (Greek) of the same edition, and two + English, with a design to cut out the morsels of morality, and paste them + on the leaves of a book, in the manner you describe as having been pursued + in forming your Harmony. But I shall now get the thing done by better + hands. + </p> + <p> + I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our horizon, which + was to burst in a tornado; and the public are un-apprized how near this + catastrophe was. Nothing but a frank and friendly developement of causes + and effects on our part, and good sense enough in Bonaparte to see that + the train was unavoidable, and would change the face of the world, saved + us from that storm. I did not expect he would yield till a war took place + between France and England, and my hope was to palliate and endure, if + Messrs. Ross, Morris, &c. did not force a premature rupture until that + event. I believed the event not very distant, but acknowledge it came on + sooner than I had expected. Whether, however, the good sense of Bonaparte + might not see the course predicted to be necessary and unavoidable, even + before a war should be imminent, was a chance which we thought it our duty + to try: but the immediate prospect of rupture brought the case to + immediate decision. The denouement has been happy: and I confess I look to + this duplication of area for the extending a government so free and + economical as ours, as a great achievement to the mass of happiness which + is to ensue. Whether we remain in one confederacy, or form into Atlantic + and Mississippi confederacies, I believe not very important to the + happiness of either part. Those of the western confederacy will be as much + our children and descendants as those of the eastern, and I feel myself as + much identified with that country, in future time, as with this: and did I + now foresee a separation at some future day, yet I should feel the duty + and the desire to promote the western interests as zealously as the + eastern, doing all the good for both portions of our future family which + should fall within my power. + </p> + <p> + Have you seen the new work of Malthus on Population? It is one of the + ablest I have ever seen. Although his main object is to delineate the + effects of redundancy of population, and to test the poor laws of England, + and other palliations for that evil, several important questions in + political economy, allied to his subject incidentally, are treated with a + masterly hand. It is a single octavo volume, and I have been only able to + read a borrowed copy, the only one I have yet heard of. Probably our + friends in England will think of you, and give you an opportunity of + reading it. + </p> + <p> + Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0010" id="link2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER X.—TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, March 3, 1804 + </h2> + <h3> + TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, March 3, 1804. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Although it is long since I received your favor of October the 27th, yet I + have not had leisure sooner to acknowledge it. In the Middle and Southern + States, as great an union of sentiment has now taken place as is perhaps + desirable. For as there will always be an opposition, I believe it had + better be from avowed monarchists than republicans. New York seems to be + in danger of republican division; Vermont is solidly with us; Rhode Island + with us on anomalous grounds; New Hampshire on the verge of the republican + shore; Connecticut advancing towards it very slowly, but with steady step; + your State only uncertain of making port at all. I had forgotten Delaware, + which will be always uncertain from the divided character of her citizens. + If the amendment of the constitution passes Rhode Island (and we expect to + hear in a day or two), the election for the ensuing four years seems to + present nothing formidable. I sincerely regret that the unbounded + calumnies of the federal party have obliged me to throw myself on the + verdict of my country for trial, my great desire having been to retire at + the end of the present term, to a life of tranquillity; and it was my + decided purpose when I entered into office. They force my continuance. If + we can keep the vessel of State as steadily in her course for another four + years, my earthly purposes will be accomplished, and I shall be free to + enjoy, as you are doing, my family, my farm, and my books. That your + enjoyments may continue as long as you shall wish them, I sincerely pray, + and tender you my friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect + and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XI.—TO GIDEON GRANGER, April 16, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO GIDEON GRANGER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 16, 1804. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + In our last conversation you mentioned a federal scheme afloat, of forming + a coalition between the federalists and republicans, of what they called + the seven eastern States. The idea was new to me, and after time for + reflection, I had no opportunity of conversing with you again. The + federalists know that, <i>eo nomine</i>, they are gone for ever. Their + object, therefore, is, how to return into power under some other form. + Undoubtedly they have but one means, which is to divide the republicans, + join the minority, and barter with them for the cloak of their name. I + say, join the minority; because the majority of the republicans, not + needing them, will not buy them. The minority, having no other means of + ruling the majority, will give a price for auxiliaries, and that price + must be principle. It is true that the federalists, needing their numbers + also, must also give a price, and principle is the coin they must pay in. + Thus a bastard system of federo-republicanism will rise on the ruins of + the true principles of our revolution. And when this party is formed, who + will constitute the majority of it, which majority is then to dictate? + Certainly the federalists. Thus their proposition of putting themselves + into gear with the republican minority, is exactly like Roger Sherman’s + proposition to add Connecticut to Rhode Island. The idea of forming seven + eastern States is moreover clearly to form the basis of a separation of + the Union. Is it possible that real republicans can be gulled by such a + bait? And for what? What do they wish, that they have not? Federal + measures? That is impossible. Republican measures? Have they them not? Can + any one deny, that in all important questions of principle, republicanism + prevails? But do they want that their individual will shall govern the + majority? They may purchase the gratification of this unjust wish, for a + little time, at a great price; but the federalists must not have the + passions of other men, if, after getting thus into the seat of power, they + suffer themselves to be governed by their minority. This minority may say, + that whenever they relapse into their own principles, they will quit them, + and draw the seat from under them. They may quit them, indeed, but, in the + mean time, all the venal will have become associated with them, and will + give them a majority sufficient to keep them in place, and to enable them + to eject the heterogeneous friends by whose aid they get again into power. + I cannot believe any portion of real republicans will enter into this + trap; and if they do, I do not believe they can carry with them the mass + of their States, advancing so steadily as we see them, to an union of + principle with their brethren. It will be found in this, as in all other + similar cases, that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their authors + and coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict and + upright, and who in matters of opinion will be contented that others + should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his opinion is fairly + overruled, will attain his object in the end. And that this may be the + conduct of us all, I offer my sincere prayers, as well as for your health + and happiness. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0012" id="link2H_4_0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XII.—TO MRS. ADAMS, June 13,1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO MRS. ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 13,1804. + </p> + <p> + Dear Madam, + </p> + <p> + The affectionate sentiments which you have had the goodness to express in + your letter of May the 20th, towards my dear departed daughter, have + awakened in me sensibilities natural to the occasion, and recalled your + kindnesses to her, which I shall ever remember with gratitude and + friendship. I can assure you with truth, they had made an indelible + impression on her mind, and that to the last, on our meetings after long + separations, whether I had heard lately of you, and how you did, were + among the earliest of her inquiries. In giving you this assurance, I + perform a sacred duty for her, and, at the same time, am thankful for the + occasion furnished me, of expressing my regret that circumstances should + have arisen, which have seemed to draw a line of separation between us. + The friendship with which you honored me has ever been valued, and fully + reciprocated; and although events have been passing which might be trying + to some minds, I never believed yours to be of that kind, nor felt that my + own was. Neither my estimate of your character, nor the esteem founded in + that, has ever been lessened for a single moment, although doubts whether + it would be acceptable may have forbidden manifestations of it. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Adams’s friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It accompanied + us through long and important scenes. The different conclusions we had + drawn from our political reading and reflections, were not permitted to + lessen mutual esteem; each party being conscious they were the result of + an honest conviction in the other. Like differences of opinion existing + among our fellow citizens, attached them to the one or the other of us, + and produced a rivalship in their minds which did not exist in ours. We + never stood in one another’s way. For if either had been withdrawn at any + time, his favorers would not have gone over to the other, but would have + sought for some one of homogeneous opinions. This consideration was + sufficient to keep down all jealousy between us, and to guard our + friendship from any disturbance by sentiments of rivalship: and I can say + with truth, that one act of Mr. Adams’s life, and one only, ever gave me a + moment’s personal displeasure. I did consider his last appointments to + office as personally unkind. They were from among my most ardent political + enemies, from whom no faithful co-operation could ever be expected; and + laid me under the embarrassment of acting through men, whose views were to + defeat mine, or to encounter the odium of putting others in their places. + It seems but common justice to leave a successor free to act by + instruments of his own choice. If my respect for him did not permit me to + ascribe the whole blame to the influence of others, it left something for + friendship to forgive, and after brooding over it for some little time, + and not always resisting the expression of it, I forgave it cordially, and + returned to the same state of esteem and respect for him which had so long + subsisted. Having come into life a little later than Mr. Adams, his career + has preceded mine, as mine is followed by some other; and it will probably + be closed at the same distance after him which time originally placed + between us. I maintain for him, and shall carry into private life, an + uniform and high measure of respect and good will, and for yourself a + sincere attachment. + </p> + <p> + I have thus, my dear Madam, opened myself to you without reserve, which I + have long wished an opportunity of doing; and without knowing how it will + be received, I feal[sp.] relief from being unbosomed. And I have now only + to entreat your forgiveness for this transition from a subject of domestic + affliction, to one which seems of a different aspect. But though connected + with political events, it has been viewed by me most strongly in its + unfortunate bearings on my private friendships. The injury these have + sustained has been a heavy price for what has never given me equal + pleasure. That you may both be favored with health, tranquillity, and long + life, is the prayer of one who tenders you the assurance of his highest + consideration and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0013" id="link2H_4_0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XIII.—TO GOVERNOR PAGE, June 25, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO GOVERNOR PAGE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 25, 1804. + </p> + <p> + Your letter, my dear friend, of the 25th ultimo, is a new proof of the + goodness of your heart, and the part you take in my loss marks an + affectionate concern for the greatness of it. It is great indeed. Others + may lose of their abundance, but I, of my want, have lost even the half of + all I had. My evening prospects now hang on the slender thread of a single + life. Perhaps I maybe destined to see even this last cord of parental + affection broken! The hope with which I had looked forward to the moment, + when, resigning public cares to younger hands, I was to retire to that + domestic comfort from which the last great step is to be taken, is + fearfully blighted. When you and I look back on the country over which we + have passed, what a field of slaughter does it exhibit! Where are all the + friends who entered it with us, under all the inspiring energies of health + and hope? As if pursued by the havoc of war, they are strewed by the way, + some earlier, some later, and scarce a few stragglers remain to count the + numbers fallen, and to mark yet, by their own fall, the last footsteps of + their party. Is it a desirable thing to bear up through the heat of the + action to witness the death of all our companions, and merely be the last + victim? I doubt it. We have, however, the traveller’s consolation. Every + step shortens the distance we have to go; the end of our journey is in + sight, the bed wherein we are to rest, and to rise in the midst of the + friends we have lost. ‘We sorrow not, then, as others who have no hope’; + but look forward to the day which ‘joins us to the great majority.’ But + whatever is to be our destiny, wisdom, as well as duty, dictates that we + should acquiesce in the will of Him whose it is to give and take away, and + be contented in the enjoyment of those who are still permitted to be with + us. Of those connected by blood, the number does not depend on us. But + friends we have, if we have merited them. Those of our earliest years + stand nearest in our affections. But in this too, you and I have been + unlucky. Of our college friends (and they are the dearest) how few have + stood with us in the great political questions which have agitated our + country: and these were of a nature to justify agitation. I did not + believe the Lilliputian fetters of that day strong enough to have bound so + many. Will not Mrs. Page, yourself, and family, think it prudent to seek a + healthier region for the months of August and September? And may we not + flatter ourselves that you will cast your eye on Monticello? We have not + many summers to live. While fortune places us then within striking + distance, let us avail ourselves of it, to meet and talk over the tales of + other times. + </p> + <p> + Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and accept yourself my friendly + salutations, and assurances of constant affection. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0014" id="link2H_4_0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER, XIV.—TO P. MAZZEI, July 18, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO P. MAZZEI. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 18, 1804. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + It is very long, I know, since I wrote you. So constant is the pressure of + business that there is never a moment, scarcely, that something of public + importance is not waiting for me. I have, therefore, on a principle of + conscience, thought it my duty to withdraw almost entirely from all + private correspondence, and chiefly the trans-Atlantic; I scarcely write a + letter a year to any friend beyond sea. Another consideration has led to + this, which is the liability of my letters to miscarry, be opened, and + made ill use of. Although the great body of our country are perfectly + returned to their ancient principles, yet there remains a phalanx of old + tories and monarchists, more envenomed, as all their hopes become more + desperate. Every word of mine which they can get hold of, however + innocent, however orthodox even, is twisted, tormented, perverted, and, + like the words of holy writ, are made to mean every thing but what they + were intended to mean. I trust little, therefore, unnecessarily in their + way, and especially on political subjects. I shall not, therefore, be free + to answer all the several articles of your letters. + </p> + <p> + On the subject of treaties, our system is to have none with any nation, as + far as can be avoided. The treaty with England has therefore, not been + renewed, and all overtures for treaty with other nations have been + declined. We believe, that with nations as with individuals, dealings may + be carried on as anvantageously[sp.], perhaps more so, while their + continuance depends on a voluntary good treatment, as if fixed by a + contract, which, when it becomes injurious to either, is made, by forced + constructions, to mean what suits them, and becomes a cause of war instead + of a bond of peace. + </p> + <p> + We wish to be on the closest terms of friendship with Naples, and we will + prove it by giving to her citizens, vessels, and goods all the privileges + of the most favored nation; and while we do this voluntarily, we cannot + doubt they will voluntarily do the same for us. Our interests against the + Barbaresques being also the same, we have little doubt she will give us + every facility to insure them, which our situation may ask and hers admit. + It is not, then, from a want of friendship that we do not propose a treaty + with Naples, but because it is against our system to embarrass ourselves + with treaties, or to entangle ourselves at all with the affairs of Europe. + The kind offices we receive from that government are more sensibly felt, + as such, than they would be, if rendered only as due to us by treaty. + </p> + <p> + Five fine frigates left the Chesapeake the 1st instant for Tripoli, which, + in addition to the force now there, will, I trust, recover the credit + which Commodore Morris’s two years’ sleep lost us, and for which he has + been broke. I think they will make Tripoli sensible, that they mistake + their interest in choosing war with us; and Tunis also, should she have + declared war, as we expect, and almost wish. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding this little diversion, we pay seven or eight millions of + dollars annually of our public debt, and shall completely discharge it in + twelve years more. That done, our annual revenue, now thirteen millions of + dollars, which by that time will be twenty-five, will pay the expenses of + any war we may be forced into, without new taxes or loans. The spirit of + republicanism is now in almost all its ancient vigor, five sixths of the + people being with us. Fourteen of the seventeen States are completely with + us, and two of the other three will be in one year. We have now got back + to the ground on which you left us. I should have retired at the end of + the first four years, but that the immense load of tory calumnies which + have been manufactured respecting me, and have filled the European market, + have obliged me to appeal once more to my country for a justification. I + have no fear but that I shall receive honorable testimony by their verdict + on those calumnies. At the end of the next four years I shall certainly + retire. Age, inclination, and principle all dictate this. My health, which + at one time threatened an unfavorable turn, is now firm. The acquisition + of Louisiana, besides doubling our extent, and trebling our quantity of + fertile country, is of incalculable value, as relieving us from the danger + of war. It has enabled us to do a handsome thing for Fayette. He had + received a grant of between eleven and twelve thousand acres north of the + Ohio, worth, perhaps, a dollar an acre. We have obtained permission of + Congress to locate it in Louisiana. Locations can be found adjacent to the + city of New Orleans, in the island of New Orleans and in its vicinity, the + value of which cannot be calculated. I hope it will induce him to come + over and settle there with his family. Mr. Livingston having asked leave + to return, General Armstrong, his brother-in-law, goes in his place: he is + of the first order of talents. + </p> + <p> + Remarkable deaths lately, are, Samuel Adams, Edmund Pendleton, Alexander + Hamilton, Stephens Thompson Mason, Mann Page, Bellini, and Parson Andrews. + To these I have the inexpressible grief of adding the name of my youngest + daughter, who had married a son of Mr. Eppes, and has left two children. + My eldest daughter alone remains to me, and has six children. This loss + has increased my anxiety to retire, while it has dreadfully lessened the + comfort of doing it. Wythe, Dickinson, and Charles Thomson are all living, + and are firm republicans. You informed me formerly of your marriage, and + your having a daughter, but have said nothing in you late letters on that + subject. Yet whatever concerns your happiness is sincerely interesting to + me, and is a subject of anxiety, retaining, as I do, cordial sentiments of + esteem and affection for you. Accept, I pray you, my sincere assurances of + this, with my most friendly salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0015" id="link2H_4_0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XV.—TO MRS. ADAMS, July 22, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO MRS. ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 22, 1804. + </p> + <p> + Dear Madam, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 1st instant was duly received, and I would not again + have intruded on you, but to rectify certain facts which seem not to have + been presented to you under their true aspect. My charities to Callendar + are considered as rewards for his calumnies. As early, I think, as 1796, I + was told in Philadelphia, that Callendar, the author of the ‘Political + Progress of Britain,’ was in that city, a fugitive from persecution for + having written that book, and in distress. I had read and approved the + book; I considered him as a man of genius, unjustly persecuted. I knew + nothing of his private character, and immediately expressed my readiness + to contribute to his relief, and to serve him. It was a considerable time + after, that, on application from a person who thought of him as I did, I + contributed to his relief, and afterwards repeated the contribution. + Himself I did not see till long after, nor ever more than two or three + times. When he first began to write, he told some useful truths in his + coarse way; but nobody sooner disapproved of his writing than I did, or + wished more that he would be silent. My charities to him were no more + meant as encouragements to his scurrilities, than those I give to the + beggar at my door are meant as rewards for the vices of his life, and to + make them chargeable to myself. In truth, they would have been greater to + him, had he never written a word after the work for which he fled from + Britain. With respect to the calumnies and falsehoods which writers and + printers at large published against Mr. Adams, I was as far from stooping + to any concern or approbation of them, as Mr. Adams was respecting those + of Porcupine, Fenno, or Russell, who published volumes against me for + every sentence vended by their opponents against Mr. Adams. But I never + supposed Mr. Adams had any participation in the atrocities of these + editors, or their writers. I knew myself incapable of that base warfare, + and believed him to be so. On the contrary, whatever I may have thought of + the acts of the administration of that day, I have ever borne testimony to + Mr. Adams’s personal worth; nor was it ever impeached in my presence, + without a just vindication of it on my part. I never supposed that any + person who knew either of us, could believe that either of us meddled in + that dirty work. But another fact is, that I ‘liberated a wretch who was + suffering for a libel against Mr. Adams.’ I do not know who was the + particular wretch alluded to; but I discharged every person under + punishment or prosecution under the sedition law, because I considered, + and now consider, that law to be a nullity, as absolute and as palpable as + if Congress had ordered us to fall down and worship a golden image; and + that it was as much my duty to arrest its execution in every stage, as it + would have been to have rescued from the fiery furnace those who should + have been cast into it for refusing to worship the image. It was + accordingly done in every instance, without asking what the offenders had + done, or against whom they had offended, but whether the pains they were + suffering were inflicted under the pretended sedition law. It was + certainly possible that my motives for contributing to the relief of + Callendar, and liberating sufferers under the sedition law might have been + to protect, encourage, and reward slander; but they may also have been + those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of distress, meritorious + or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect the constitution, violated + by an unauthorized act of Congress. Which of these were my motives, must + be decided by a regard to the general tenor of my life. On this I am not + afraid to appeal to the nation at large, to posterity, and still less to + that Being who sees himself our motives, who will judge us from his own + knowledge of them, and not on the testimony of Porcupine or Fenno. + </p> + <p> + You observe, there has been one other act of my administration personally + unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me. I declare on my + honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what act is alluded to. I + never did a single one with an unkind intention. My sole object in this + letter being to place before your attention, that the acts imputed to me + are either such as are falsely imputed, or as might flow from good as well + as bad motives, I shall make no other addition, than the assurances of my + continued wishes for the health and happiness of yourself and Mr. Adams. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0016" id="link2H_4_0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XVI.—TO JAMES MADISON, August 15, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO JAMES MADISON. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 15, 1804. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter dated the 7th should probably have been of the 14th, as I + received it only by that day’s post. I return you Monroe’s letter, which + is of an awful complexion; and I do not wonder the communications it + contains made some impression on him. To a person placed in Europe, + surrounded by the immense resources of the nations there, and the greater + wickedness of their courts, even the limits which nature imposes on their + enterprises are scarcely sensible. It is impossible that France and + England should combine for any purpose; their mutual distrust and deadly + hatred of each other admit no co-operation. It is impossible that England + should be willing to see France re-possess Louisiana, or get footing on + our continent, and that France should willingly see the United States + re-annexed to the British dominions. That the Bourbons should be replaced + on their throne and agree to any terms of restitution, is possible: but + that they and England joined, could recover us to British dominion, is + impossible. If these things are not so, then human reason is of no aid in + conjecturing the conduct of nations. Still, however, it is our + unquestionable interest and duty to conduct ourselves with such sincere + friendship and impartiality towards both nations, as that each may see + unequivocally, what is unquestionably true, that we may be very possibly + driven into her scale by unjust conduct in the other. I am so much + impressed with the expediency of putting a termination to the right of + France to patronize the rights of Louisiana, which will cease with their + complete adoption as citizens of the United States, that I hope to see + that take place on the meeting of Congress. I enclose you a paragraph from + a newspaper respecting St. Domingo, which gives me uneasiness. Still I + conceive the British insults in our harbor as more threatening. We cannot + be respected by France as a neutral nation, nor by the world or ourselves + as an independent one, if we do not take effectual measures to support, at + every risk, our authority in our own harbors. I shall write to Mr. Wagner + directly (that a post may not be lost by passing through you) to send us + blank commissions for Orleans and Louisiana, ready sealed, to be filled + up, signed, and forwarded by us. Affectionate salutations and constant + esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0017" id="link2H_4_0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XVII.—TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE, August 30, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 30, 1804. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Various circumstances of delay have prevented my forwarding till now the + general arrangements of the government of the territory of Orleans. + Enclosed herewith you will receive the commissions. Among these is one for + yourself as Governor. With respect to this I will enter into frank + explanations. This office was originally destined for a person * whose + great services and established fame would have rendered him peculiarly + acceptable to the nation at large. Circumstances, however, exist, which do + not now permit his nomination, and perhaps may not at any time hereafter. + That, therefore, being suspended, and entirely contingent, your services + have been so much approved, as to leave no desire to look elsewhere to + fill the office. Should the doubts you have sometimes expressed, whether + it would be eligible for you to continue, still exist in your mind, the + acceptance of the commission gives you time to satisfy yourself by further + experience, and to make the time and manner of withdrawing, should you + ultimately determine on that, agreeable to yourself. Be assured, that + whether you continue or retire, it will be with every disposition on my + part to be just and friendly to you. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + I salute you with friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [* In the margin is written by the author, ‘La Fayette.‘] +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0018" id="link2H_4_0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XVIII.—TO MRS. ADAMS, September 11, 1804 + </h2> + <p> + TO MRS. ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, September 11, 1804, + </p> + <p> + Your letter, Madam, of the 18th of August has been some days received, but + a press of business has prevented the acknowledgment of it: perhaps, + indeed, I may have already trespassed too far on your attention. With + those who wish to think amiss of me, I have learned to be perfectly + indifferent; but where I know a mind to be ingenuous, and to need only + truth to set it to rights, I cannot be as passive. The act of personal + unkindness alluded to in your former letter, is said in your last to have + been the removal of your eldest son from some office to which the judges + had appointed him. I conclude, then, he must have been a commissioner of + bankruptcy. But I declare to you, on my honor, that this is the first + knowledge I have ever had that he was so. It may be thought, perhaps, that + I ought to have inquired who were such, before I appointed others. But it + is to be observed, that the former law permitted the judges to name + commissioners occasionally only, for every case as it arose, and not to + make them permanent officers. Nobody, therefore, being in office, there + could be no removal. The judges, you well know, have been considered as + highly federal; and it was noted that they confined their nominations + exclusively to federalists. The legislature, dissatisfied with this, + transferred the nomination to the President, and made the offices + permanent. The very object in passing the law was, that he should correct, + not confirm, what was deemed the partiality of the judges. I thought it + therefore proper to inquire, not whom they had employed, but whom I ought + to appoint to fulfil the intentions of the law. In making these + appointments, I put in a proportion of federalists, equal, I believe, to + the proportion they bear in numbers through the Union generally. Had I + known that your son had acted, it would have been a real pleasure to me to + have preferred him to some who were named in Boston, in what was deemed + the same line of politics. To this I should have been led by my knowledge + of his integrity, as well as my sincere dispositions towards yourself and + Mr. Adams. + </p> + <p> + You seem to think it devolved on the judges to decide on the validity of + the sedition law. But nothing in the constitution has given them a right + to decide for the executive, more than to the executive to decide for + them. Both magistracies are equally independent in the sphere of action + assigned to them. The judges, believing the law constitutional, had a + right to pass a sentence of fine and imprisonment, because the power was + placed in their hands by the constitution. But the executive, believing + the law to be unconstitutional, were bound to remit the execution of it; + because that power has been confided to them by the constitution. That + instrument meant that its co-ordinate branches should be checks on each + other. But the opinion which gives to the judges the right to decide what + laws are constitutional, and what not, not only for themselves in their + own sphere of action, but for the legislature and executive also in their + spheres, would make the judiciary a despotic branch. Nor does the opinion + of the unconstitutionality, and consequent nullity of that law, remove all + restraint from the overwhelming torrent of slander, which is confounding + all vice and virtue, all truth and falsehood, in the United States. The + power to do that is fully possessed by the several State legislatures. It + was reserved to them, and was denied to the General Government, by the + constitution, according to our construction of it. While we deny that + Congress have a right to control the freedom of the press, we have ever + asserted the right of the States, and their exclusive right, to do so. + They have, accordingly, all of them made provisions for punishing slander, + which those who have time and inclination resort to for the vindication of + their characters. In general, the State laws appear to have made the + presses responsible for slander as far as is consistent with its useful + freedom. In those States where they do not admit even the truth of + allegations to protect the printer, they have gone too far. + </p> + <p> + The candor manifested in your letter, and which I ever believed you to + possess, has alone inspired the desire of calling your attention once more + to those circumstances of fact and motive by which I claim to be judged. I + hope you will see these intrusions on your time to be, what they really + are, proofs of my great, respect for you. I tolerate with the utmost + latitude the right of others to differ from me in opinion, without + imputing to them criminality. I know too well the weakness and uncertainty + of human reason, to wonder at its different results. Both of our political + parties, at least the honest part of them, agree conscientiously in the + same object, the public good: but they differ essentially in what they + deem the means of promoting that good. One side believes it best done by + one composition of the governing powers; the other, by a different one. + One fears most the ignorance of the people; the other, the selfishness of + rulers independent of them. Which is right, time and experience will + prove. We think that one side of this experiment has been long enough + tried, and proved not to promote the good of the many: and that the other + has not been fairly and sufficiently tried. Our opponents think the + reverse. With whichever opinion the body of the nation concurs, that must + prevail. My anxieties on this subject will never carry me beyond the use + of fair and honorable means of truth and reason; nor have they ever + lessened my esteem for moral worth, nor alienated my affections from a + single friend, who did not first withdraw himself. Wherever this has + happened, I confess I have not been insensible to it: yet have ever kept + myself open to a return of their justice. I conclude with sincere prayers + for your health and happiness, that yourself and Mr. Adams may long enjoy + the tranquillity you desire and merit, and see in the prosperity of your + family what is the consummation of the last and warmest of human wishes, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0019" id="link2H_4_0019"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XIX.—TO MR. NICHOLSON, January 29, 1805 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. NICHOLSON. + </p> + <p> + Washington, January 29, 1805. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Mr. Eppes has this moment put into my hands your letter of yesterday, + asking information on the subject of the gun-boats proposed to be built. I + lose no time in communicating to you fully my whole views respecting them, + premising a few words on the system of fortifications. Considering the + harbors which, from their situation and importance, are entitled to + defence, and the estimates we have seen of the fortifications planned for + some of them, this system cannot be completed on a moderate scale for less + than fifty millions of dollars, nor manned in time of war with less than + fifty thousand men, and in peace, two thousand. And when done, they avail + little; because all military men agree, that wherever a vessel may pass a + fort without tacking under her guns, which is the case at all our sea-port + towns, she may be annoyed more or less, according to the advantages of the + position, but can never be prevented. Our own experience during the war + proved this on different occasions. Our predecessors have, nevertheless, + proposed to go into this system, and had commenced it. But, no law + requiring us to proceed, we have suspended it. + </p> + <p> + If we cannot hinder vessels from entering our harbors, we should turn our + attention to the putting it out of their power to lie, or come to, before + a town, to injure it. Two means of doing this may be adopted in aid of + each other. 1. Heavy cannon on travelling carriages, which may be moved to + any point on the bank or beach most convenient for dislodging the vessel. + A sufficient number of these should be lent to each sea-port town, and + their militia trained to them. The executive is authorized to do this; it + has been done in a smaller degree, and will now be done more competently. + </p> + <p> + 2. Having cannon on floating batteries or boats, which may be so stationed + as to prevent a vessel entering the harbor, or force her after entering to + depart. There are about fifteen harbors in the United States, which ought + to be in a state of substantial defence. The whole of these would require, + according to the best opinions, two hundred and forty gun-boats. Their + cost was estimated by Captain Rogers at two thousand dollars each; but we + had better say four thousand dollars. The whole would cost one million of + dollars. But we should allow ourselves ten years to complete it, unless + circumstances should force it sooner. There are three situations in which + the gun-boat may be. 1. Hauled up under a shed, in readiness to be + launched and manned by the seamen and militia of the town on short notice. + In this situation she costs nothing but an enclosure, or a centinel to see + that no mischief is done to her. 2. Afloat, and with men enough to + navigate her in harbor and take care of her, but depending on receiving + her crew from the town on short warning. In this situation, her annual + expense is about two thousand dollars, as by an official estimate at the + end of this letter. 3. Fully manned for action. Her annual expense in this + situation is about eight thousand dollars, as per estimate subjoined. + ‘When there is general peace, we should probably keep about six or seven + afloat in the second situation; their annual expense twelve to fourteen + thousand dollars; the rest all hauled up. When France and England are at + war, we should keep, at the utmost, twenty-five in the second situation, + their annual expense fifty thousand dollars. When we should be at war + ourselves, some of them would probably be kept in the third situation, at + an annual expense of eight thousand dollars; but how many, must depend on + the circumstances of the war. We now possess ten, built and building. It + is the opinion of those consulted, that fifteen more would enable us to + put every harbor under our view into a respectable condition; and that + this should limit the views of the present year. This would require an + appropriation of sixty thousand dollars, and I suppose that the best way + of limiting it, without declaring the number, as perhaps that sum would + build more. I should think it best not to give a detailed report, which + exposes our policy too much. A bill, with verbal explanations, will + suffice for the information of the House. I do not know whether General + Wilkinson would approve the printing his paper. If he would, it would be + useful. Accept affectionate and respectful salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0020" id="link2H_4_0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XX.—TO MR. VOLNEY, February 8, 1805 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. VOLNEY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, February 8, 1805. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of November the 26th came to hand May the 14th; the books some + time after, which were all distributed according to direction. The copy + for the East Indies went immediately by a safe conveyance. The letter of + April the 28th, and the copy of your work accompanying that, did not come + to hand till August. That copy was deposited in the Congressional library. + It was not till my return here from my autumnal visit to Monticello, that + I had an opportunity of reading your work. I have read it, and with great + satisfaction. Of the first part I am less a judge than most people, having + never travelled westward of Staunton, so as to know any thing of the face + of the country; nor much indulged myself in geological inquiries, from a + belief that the skin-deep scratches, which we can make or find on the + surface of the earth, do not repay our time with as certain and useful + deductions, as our pursuits in some other branches. The subject of our + winds is more familiar to me. On that, the views you have taken are always + great, supported in their outlines by your facts; and though more + extensive observations, and longer continued, may produce some anomalies, + yet they will probably take their place in this first great canvass which + you have sketched. In no case, perhaps, does habit attach our choice or + judgment more than in climate. The Canadian glows with delight in his + sleigh and snow, the very idea of which gives me the shivers. The + comparison of climate between Europe and North America, taking together + its corresponding parts, hangs chiefly on three great points. 1. The + changes between heat and cold in America are greater and more frequent, + and the extremes comprehend a greater scale on the thermometer in America + than in Europe. Habit, however, prevents these from affecting us more than + the smaller changes of Europe affect the European. But he is greatly + affected by ours. 2. Our sky is always clear; that of Europe always + cloudy. Hence a greater accumulation of heat here than there, in the same + parallel. 3. The changes between wet and dry are much more frequent and + sudden in Europe than in America. Though we have double the rain, it falls + in half the time. Taking all these together, I prefer much the climate of + the United States to that of Europe. I think it a more cheerful one. It is + our cloudless sky which has eradicated from our constitutions all + disposition to hang ourselves, which we might otherwise have inherited + from our English ancestors. During a residence of between six and seven + years in Paris, I never but once saw the sun shine through a whole day, + without being obscured by a cloud in any part of it: and I never saw the + moment, in which, viewing the sky through its whole hemisphere, I could + say there was not the smallest speck of a cloud in it. I arrived at + Monticello, on my return from France, in January, and during only two + months’ stay there, I observed to my daughters, who had been with me to + France, that twenty odd times within that term, there was not a speck of a + cloud in the whole hemisphere. Still I do not wonder that an European + should prefer his grey to our azure sky. Habit decides our taste in this, + as in most other cases. + </p> + <p> + The account you give of the yellow fever, is entirely agreeable to what we + then knew of it. Further experience has developed more and more its + peculiar character. Facts appear to have established, that it is + originated here by a local atmosphere, which is never generated but in the + lower, closer, and dirtier parts of our large cities, in the neighborhood + of the water; and that, to catch the disease, you must enter the local + atmosphere. Persons having taken the disease in the infected quarter, and + going into the country, are nursed and buried by their friends, without an + example of communicating it. A vessel going from the infected quarter, and + carrying its atmosphere in its hold into another State, has given the + disease to every person who there entered her. These have died in the arms + of their families, without a single communication of the disease. It is + certainly, therefore, an epidemic, not a contagious disease; and calls on + the chemists for some mode of purifying the vessel by a decomposition of + its atmosphere, if ventilation be found insufficient. In the long scale of + bilious fevers, graduated by many shades, this is probably the last and + most mortal term. It seizes the native of the place equally with + strangers. It has not been long known in any part of the United States. + The shade next above it, called the stranger’s fever, has been coeval with + the settlement of the larger cities in the southern parts, to wit, + Norfolk, Charleston, New Orleans. Strangers going to these places in the + months of July, August, or September, find this fever as mortal as the + genuine yellow fever. But it rarely attacks those who have resided in them + some time. Since we have known that kind of yellow fever which is no + respecter of persons, its name has been extended to the stranger’s fever, + and every species of bilious fever which produces a black vomit, that is + to say, a discharge of very dark bile. Hence we hear of yellow fever on + the Allegany mountains, in Kentucky, &c. This is a matter of + definition only: but it leads into error those who do not know how loosely + and how interestedly some physicians think and speak. So far as we have + yet seen, I think we are correct in saying, that the yellow fever, which + seizes on all indiscriminately, is an ultimate degree of bilious fever, + never known in the United States till lately, nor farther south, as yet, + than Alexandria, and that what they have recently called the yellow fever + in New Orleans, Charleston, and Norfolk, is what has always been known in + those places as confined chiefly to strangers, and nearly as mortal to + them, as the other is to all its subjects. But both grades are local: the + stranger’s fever less so, as it sometimes extends a little into the + neighborhood; but the yellow fever rigorously so, confined within narrow + and well defined limits, and not communicable out of those limits. Such a + constitution of atmosphere being requisite to originate this disease as is + generated only in low, close, and ill-cleansed parts of a town, I have + supposed it practicable to prevent its generation by building our cities + on a more open plan. Take, for instance, the chequer-board for a plan. Let + the black squares only be building squares, and the white ones be left + open, in turf and trees. Every square of houses will be surrounded by four + open squares, and every house will front an open square. The atmosphere of + such a town would be like that of the country, insusceptible of the + miasmata which produce yellow fever. I have accordingly proposed that the + enlargements of the city of New Orleans, which must immediately take + place, shall be on this plan. But it is only in case of enlargements to be + made, or of cities to be built, that his means of prevention can be + employed. + </p> + <p> + The <i>genus irritabile vatum</i> could not let the author of the Ruins + publish a new work, without seeking in it the means of discrediting that + puzzling composition. Some one of those holy calumniators has selected + from your new work every scrap of a sentence, which, detached from its + context, could displease an American reader. A cento has been made of + these, which has run through a particular description of newspapers, and + excited a disapprobation even in friendly minds, which nothing but the + reading of the book will cure. But time and truth will at length correct + error. + </p> + <p> + Our countrymen are so much occupied in the busy scenes of life, that they + have little time to write or invent. A good invention here, therefore, is + such a rarity as it is lawful to offer to the acceptance of a friend. A + Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, has invented a machine, which + he calls a polygraph, and which carries two, three, or four pens. That of + two pens, with which I am now writing, is best; and is so perfect that I + have laid aside the copying-press, for a twelvemonth past, and write + always with the polygraph. I have directed one to be made, of which I ask + your acceptance. By what conveyance I shall send it while Havre is + blockaded, I do not yet know. I think you will be pleased with it, and + will use it habitually as I do; because it requires only that degree of + mechanical attention which I know you to possess. I am glad to hear that + M. Cabanis is engaged in writing on the reformation of medicine. It needs + the hand of a reformer, and cannot be in better hands than his. Will you + permit my respects to him and the Abbe de la Roche to find a place here. + </p> + <p> + A word now on our political state. The two parties which prevailed with so + much violence when you were here, are almost wholly melted into one. At + the late Presidential election I have received one hundred and sixty-two + votes against fourteen only. Connecticut is still federal by a small + majority; and Delaware on a poise, as she has been since 1775, and will be + till Anglomany with her yields to Americanism. Connecticut will be with us + in a short time. Though the people in mass have joined us, their leaders + had committed themselves too far to retract. Pride keeps them hostile; + they brood over their angry passions, and give them vent in the newspapers + which they maintain. They still make as much noise as if they were the + whole nation. Unfortunately, these being the mercantile papers, published + chiefly in the seaports, are the only ones which find their way to Europe, + and make very false impressions there. I am happy to hear that the late + derangement of your health is going off, and that you are reestablished. I + sincerely pray for the continuance of that blessing, and with my + affectionate salutations, tender you assurances of great respect and + attachment. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P. S. The sheets which you receive are those of the copying-pen of the + polygraph, not of the one with which I have written. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0021" id="link2H_4_0021"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXI.—TO JUDGE TYLER, March 29, 1805 + </h2> + <p> + TO JUDGE TYLER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 29, 1805. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 17th found me on a short visit to this place, and I + observe in it with great pleasure a continuance of your approbation of the + course we are pursuing, and particularly the satisfaction you express with + the last inaugural address. The first was, from the nature of the case, + all profession and promise. Performance, therefore, seemed to be the + proper office of the second. But the occasion restricted me to mention + only the most prominent heads, and the strongest justification of these in + the fewest words possible. The crusade preached against philosophy by the + modern disciples of steady habits, induced me to dwell more in showing its + effect with the Indians than the subject otherwise justified. + </p> + <p> + The war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact. 1st. It is made known + to us by our agents with the three other Barbary States, that they only + wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct accordingly. If the + war is ended by additional tribute, they mean to offer us the same + alternative. 2ndly. If peace was made, we should still, and shall ever, be + obliged to keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe rupture, or we + must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris with a + respectable force, was to try whether peace could be forced by a coercive + enterprise on their town. His inexecution of orders baffled that effort. + Having broke him, we try the same experiment under a better commander. If + in the course of the summer they cannot produce peace, we shall recall our + force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which will keep up a + perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us no more than a state of + peace, and will save us from increased tributes, and the disgrace attached + to them. There is reason to believe the example we have set, begins + already to work on the dispositions of the powers of Europe to emancipate + themselves from that degrading yoke. Should we produce such a revolution + there, we shall be amply rewarded for what we have done. Accept my + friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0022" id="link2H_4_0022"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXII.—TO DOCTOR LOGAN, May 11, 1805 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR LOGAN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, May 11, 1805. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken place among our + friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and will probably take place in + other States. The main body of both sections mean well, but their good + intentions will produce great public evil. The minority, whichever section + shall be the minority, will end in coalition with the federalists, and + some compromise of principle; because these will not sell their aid for + nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism gain, some portion of + that ground which we thought we had rescued to good government. I do not + express my sense of our misfortunes from any idea that they are + remediable. I know that the passions of men will take their course, that + they are not to be controlled but by despotism, and that this melancholy + truth is the pretext for despotism. The duty of an upright administration + is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing of these family + dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of both parties. The war + <i>ad internecionem</i> which we have waged against federalism, has filled + our latter times with strife and unhappiness. We have met it, with pain + indeed, but with firmness, because we believed it the last convulsive + effort of that Hydra, which in earlier times we had conquered in the + field. But if any degeneracy of principle should ever render it necessary + to give ascendancy to one of the rising sections over the other, I thank + my God it will fall to some other to perform that operation. The only + cordial I wish to carry into my retirement, is the undivided good will of + all those with whom I have acted. + </p> + <p> + Present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and accept my salutations, and + assurances of constant friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0023" id="link2H_4_0023"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXIII.—TO JUDGE SULLIVAN, May 21, 1805 + </h2> + <p> + TO JUDGE SULLIVAN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, May 21, 1805. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + An accumulation of business, which I found on my return here from a short + visit to Monticello, has prevented till now my acknowledgment of your + favor of the 14th <i>ultimo</i>. This delay has given time to see the + result of the contest in your State, and I cannot but congratulate you on + the advance it manifests, and the certain prospect it offers that another + year restores Massachusetts to the general body of the nation. You have + indeed received the federal unction of lying and slandering. But who has + not? Who will ever again come into eminent office, unanointed with this + chrism? It seems to be fixed that falsehood and calumny are to be their + ordinary engines of opposition; engines which will not be entirely without + effect. The circle of characters equal to the first stations is not too + large, and will be lessened by the voluntary retreat of those whose + sensibilities are stronger than their confidence in the justice of public + opinion. I certainly have known, and still know, characters eminently + qualified for the most exalted trusts, who could not bear up against the + brutal hackings and hewings of these heroes of Billingsgate. I may say, + from intimate knowledge, that we should have lost the services of the + greatest character of our country, had he been assailed with the degree of + abandoned licentiousness now practised. The torture he felt under rare and + slight attacks, proved that under those of which the federal bands have + shown themselves capable, he would have thrown up the helm in a burst of + indignation. Yet this effect of sensibility must not be yielded to. If we + suffer ourselves to be frightened from our post by mere lying, surely the + enemy will use that weapon; for what one so cheap to those of whose system + of politics morality makes no part? The patriot, like the Christian, must + learn that to bear revilings and persecutions is a part of his duty; and + in proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it becomes more + requisite and praiseworthy. It requires, indeed, self-command. But that + will be fortified in proportion as the calls for its exercise are + repeated. In this I am persuaded we shall have the benefit of your good + example. To the other falsehoods they have brought forward, should they + add, as you expect, insinuations of want of confidence in you from the + administration generally, or myself particularly, it will, like their + other falsehoods, produce in the public mind a contrary inference. + </p> + <p> + ********* + </p> + <p> + I tender you my friendly and respectful salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0024" id="link2H_4_0024"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXIV.—TO THOMAS PAINE, June 5, 1805 + </h2> + <p> + TO THOMAS PAINE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 5, 1805. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letters, Nos. 1, 2, 3, the last of them dated April the 20th, were + received April the 26th. I congratulate you on your retirement to your + farm, and still more that it is of a character so worthy of your + attention. I much doubt whether the open room on your second story will + answer your expectations. There will be a few days in the year in which it + will be delightful, but not many. Nothing but trees, or Venetian blinds, + can protect it from the sun. The semi-cylindrical roof you propose will + have advantages. You know it has been practised on the cloth market at + Paris. De Lorme, the inventor, shows many forms of roofs in his book, to + which it is applicable. I have used it at home for a dome, being one + hundred and twenty degrees of an oblong octagon, and in the capitol we + unite two quadrants of a sphere by a semi-cylinder: all framed in De + Lorme’s manner. How has your planing machine answered? Has it been tried + and persevered in by any workman? + </p> + <p> + France has become so jealous of our conduct as to St. Domingo (which in + truth is only the conduct of our merchants), that the offer to become a + mediator would only confirm her suspicions. Bonaparte, however, expressed + satisfaction at the paragraph in my message to Congress on the subject of + that commerce. With respect to the German redemptioners, you know I can do + nothing, unless authorized by law. It would be made a question in + Congress, whether any of the enumerated objects to which the constitution + authorizes the money of the Union to be applied, would cover an + expenditure for importing settlers to Orleans. The letter of the + revolutionary sergeant was attended to by General Dearborn, who wrote to + him informing him how to proceed to obtain his land. + </p> + <p> + Doctor Eustis’s observation to you, that ‘certain paragraphs in the + National Intelligencer,’ respecting my letter to you, ‘supposed to be + under Mr. Jefferson’s direction, had embarrassed Mr. Jefferson’s friends + in Massachusetts; that they appeared like a half denial of the letter, or + as if there was something in it not proper to be owned, or that needed an + apology,’ is one of those mysterious half confidences difficult to be + understood. That tory printers should think it advantageous to identify me + with that paper, the Aurora, &c. in order to obtain ground for abusing + me, is perhaps fair warfare. But that any one who knows me personally + should listen one moment to such an insinuation, is what I did not expect. + I neither have, nor ever had, any more connection with those papers than + our antipodes have; nor know what is to be in them until I see it in them, + except proclamations and other documents sent for publication. The friends + in Massachusetts who could be embarrassed by so weak a weapon as this, + must be feeble friends indeed. With respect to the letter, I never + hesitated to avow and to justify it in conversation. In no other way do I + trouble myself to contradict any thing which is said. At that time, + however, there were certain anomalies in the motions of some of our + friends, which events have at length reduced to regularity. + </p> + <p> + It seems very difficult to find out what turn things are to take in + Europe. I suppose it depends on Austria, which knowing it is to stand in + the way of receiving the first hard blows, is cautious of entering into a + coalition. As to France and England we can have but one wish, that they + may disable one another from injuring others. + </p> + <p> + Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + [The following, in the hand-writing of the Author, is inserted in his MS. + of this period. Whether it was published, or where, is not stated.] + </p> + <p> + Richmond, 1780, December 31. At 8 A. M. the Governor receives the first + intelligence that twenty-seven sail of ships had entered Chesapeake Bay, + and were in the morning of the 29th just below Willoughby’s point (the + southern cape of James river); their destination unknown. + </p> + <p> + 1781, January 2. At 10 A. M. information received that they had entered + James river, their advance being at Warrasqueak bay. Orders were + immediately given for calling in the militia, one fourth from some, and + one half from other counties. The members of the legislature, which rises + this day, are the bearers of the orders to their respective counties. The + Governor directs the removal of the records into the country, and the + transportation of the military stores from Richmond to Westham (on the + river seven miles above); there to be carried across the river. + </p> + <p> + January 3. At 8 P. M. the enemy are said to be a little below Jamestown; + convenient for landing, if Williamsburg is their object. + </p> + <p> + January 4. At 5 A. M. information is received that they had passed + Kennon’s and Hood’s the evening before, with a strong; easterly wind, + which determines their object to be either Petersburg or Richmond. The + Governor now calls in the whole militia from the adjacent counties. + </p> + <p> + At 5 P. M. information, that at 2 P. M. they were landed and drawn up at + Westover (on the north side of the river, and twenty-five miles below + Richmond); and consequently Richmond their destination. Orders are now + given to discontinue wagoning the military stores from Richmond to + Westham, and to throw them across the river directly at Richmond. + </p> + <p> + The Governor having attended to this till an hour and a half in the night, + then rode up to the foundery (one mile below Westham), ordered Captains + Boush and Irish, and Mr. Hylton, to continue all night wagoning to Westham + the arms and stores still at the foundery, to be thrown across the river + at Westham, then proceeded to Westham to urge the pressing the + transportation there across the river, and thence went to Tuckahoe (eight + miles above and on the same side of the river) to see after his family, + which he had sent that far in the course of the day. He arrived there at 1 + o’clock in the night. + </p> + <p> + January 5. Early in the morning, he carried his family across the river + there, and sending them to Fine Creek (eight miles higher up) went himself + to Britton’s on the south side of the river, (opposite to Westham). + Finding the arms, &c. in a heap near the shore, and exposed to be + destroyed by cannon from the north bank, he had them removed under cover + of a point of land near by. He proceeded to Manchester (opposite to + Richmond). The enemy had arrived at Richmond at 1 P. M. Having found that + nearly the whole arms had been got there from Richmond, he set out for + Chetwood’s to meet with Baron Steuben, who had appointed that place as a + rendezvous and head-quarters; but not finding him there, and understanding + he would be at Colonel Fleming’s (six miles above Britton’s), he proceeded + thither. The enemy had now a detachment at Westham, and sent a deputation + from the city of Richmond to the Governor, at Colonel Fleming’s, to + propose terms for ransoming the safety of the city, which terms he + rejected. + </p> + <p> + January 6. The Governor returned to Britton’s, had measures taken more + effectually to secure the books and papers there. The enemy, having burnt + some houses and stores, left Richmond after twenty-four hours’ stay there, + and encamped at Four Mile Creek (eight or ten miles below); and the + Governor went to look to his family at Fine Creek. + </p> + <p> + January 7. He returned to Britton’s to see further to the arms there, + exposed on the ground to heavy rains which had fallen the night before, + and thence proceeded to Manchester and lodged there. The enemy encamped at + Westover. + </p> + <p> + January 8. At half after 7 A. M. he crossed over to Richmond, and resumed + his residence there. The enemy are still retained in their encampment at + Westover by an easterly wind. Colonel John Nicholas has now three hundred + militia at the Forest (six miles off from Westover); General Nelson, two + hundred at Charles City Court-House (eight miles below Westover); Gibson, + one thousand, and Baron Steuben, eight hundred, on the south side of the + river. + </p> + <p> + January 9. The enemy are still encamped at Westover. + </p> + <p> + January 10. At 1 P. M. they embark: and the wind having shifted a little + to the north of west, and pretty fresh, they fall down the river. Baron + Steuben marches for Hood’s, where their passage may be checked. He reaches + Bland’s mills in the evening, within nine miles of Hood’s. + </p> + <p> + January 11. At 8 A. M. the wind due west and strong, they make good their + retreat. + </p> + <p> + During this period, time and place have been minutely cited, in order that + those who think there was any remissness in the movements of the Governor, + may lay their finger on the point, and say, when and where it was. + Hereafter, less detail will suffice. + </p> + <p> + Soon after this, General Phillips having joined Arnold with a + reinforcement of two thousand men, they advanced again up to Petersburg, + and about the last of April to Manchester. The Governor had remained + constantly in and about Richmond, exerting all his powers for collecting + militia, and providing such means for the defence of the State as its + exhausted resources admitted. Never assuming a guard, and with only the + river between him and the enemy, his lodgings were frequently within four, + five, or six miles of them. + </p> + <p> + M. de la Fayette about this time arrived at Richmond with some continental + troops, with which, and the militia collected, he continued to occupy that + place, and the north bank of the river, while Phillips and Arnold held + Manchester and the south bank. But Lord Cornwallis, about the middle of + May, joining them with the main southern army, M. de la Fayette was + obliged to retire. The enemy crossed the river, and advanced up into the + country about fifty miles, and within thirty miles of Charlottesville, at + which place the legislature being to meet in June, the Governor proceeded + to his seat at Monticello, two or three miles from it. His office was now + near expiring, the country under invasion by a powerful army, no services + but military of any avail; unprepared by his line of life and education + for the command of armies, he believed it right not to stand in the way of + talents better fitted than his own to the circumstances under which the + country was placed. He therefore himself proposed to his friends in the + legislature, that General Nelson, who commanded the militia of the State, + should be appointed Governor, as he was sensible that the union of the + civil and military power in the same hands, at this time, would greatly + facilitate military measures. This appointment accordingly took place on + the 12th of June, 1781. + </p> + <p> + This was the state of things, when, his office having actually expired, + and no successor yet in place, Colonel Tarleton, with his regiment, of + horse, was detached by Lord Cornwallis to surprise Mr. Jefferson (whom + they thought still in office) and the legislature now sitting in + Charlottesville. The Speakers of the two Houses, and some other members of + the legislature, were lodging with Mr. Jefferson at Monticello. Tarleton, + early in the morning, (June 23, I believe,) when within ten miles of that + place, detached a company of horse to secure him and his guests, and + proceeded himself rapidly with his main body to Charlottesville, where he + hoped to find the legislature unapprized of his movement. Notice of it, + however, had been brought both to Monticello and Charlottesville about + sunrise. The Speakers, with their colleagues, returned to Charlottesville, + and, with the other members of the legislature, had barely time to get out + of his way. Mr. Jefferson sent off his family, to secure them from danger, + and was himself still at Monticello, making arrangements for his own + departure, when Lieutenant Hudson arrived there at half speed, and + informed him the enemy were then ascending the hill of Monticello. He + departed immediately, and knowing that he would be pursued if he took the + high road, he plunged into the woods of the adjoining mountain, where, + being at once safe, he proceeded to overtake his family. This is the + famous adventure of Carter’s Mountain, which has been so often resounded + through the slanderous chronicles of Federalism. But they have taken care + never to detail the facts, lest these should show that this favorite + charge amounted to nothing more, than that he did not remain in his house, + and there singly fight a whole troop of horse, or suffer himself to be + taken prisoner. Having accompanied his family one day’s journey, he + returned to Monticello. Tarleton had retired after eighteen hours’ stay in + Charlottesville. Mr. Jefferson then rejoined his family, and proceeded + with them to an estate he had in Bedford, about eighty miles southwest, + where, riding in his farm some time after, he was thrown from his horse, + and disabled from riding on horseback for a considerable time. But Mr. + Turner finds it more convenient to give him this fall in his retreat + before Tarleton, which had happened some weeks before, as a proof that he + withdrew from a troop of horse with a precipitancy which Don Quixote would + not have practised. + </p> + <p> + The facts here stated most particularly, with date of time and place, are + taken from the notes made by the writer hereof, for his own satisfaction, + at the time: the others are from memory, but so well recollected, that he + is satisfied there is no material fact misstated. Should any person + undertake to contradict any particular, on evidence which may at all merit + the public respect, the writer will take the trouble (though not at all in + the best situation for it) to produce the proofs in support of it. He + finds, indeed, that, of the persons whom he recollects to have been + present on these occasions, few have survived the intermediate lapse of + four and twenty years. Yet he trusts that some, as well as himself, are + yet among the living; and he is positively certain, that no man can + falsify any material fact here stated. He well remembers, indeed, that + there were then, as there are at all times, some who blamed every thing + done contrary to their own opinion, although their opinions were formed on + a very partial knowledge of facts. The censures, which have been hazarded + by such men as Mr. Turner, are nothing but revivals of these half-informed + opinions. Mr. George Nicholas, then a very young man, but always a very + honest one, was prompted by these persons to bring specific charges + against Mr. Jefferson. The heads of these, in writing, were communicated + through a mutual friend to Mr. Jefferson, who committed to writing also + the heads of justification on each of them. I well remember this paper, + and believe the original of it still exists; and though framed when every + real fact was fresh in the knowledge of every one, this fabricated flight + from Richmond was not among the charges stated in this paper, nor any + charge against Mr. Jefferson for not fighting, singly, the troop of horse. + Mr. Nicholas candidly relinquished further proceeding. The House of + Representatives of Virginia pronounced an honorable sentence of entire + approbation of Mr. Jefferson’s conduct, and so much the more honorable, as + themselves had been witnesses to it. And Mr. George Nicholas took a + conspicuous occasion afterwards, of his own free will, and when the matter + was entirely at rest, to retract publicly the erroneous opinions he had + been led into on that occasion, and to make just reparation by a candid + acknowledgment of them. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0025" id="link2H_4_0025"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXV.—TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER, March 2, 1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 2, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen, + </p> + <p> + I have received the favor of your letter of February the 2nd, and read + with thankfulness its obliging expressions respecting myself. I regret + that the object of a letter from persons whom I so much esteem, and + patronized by so many other respectable names, should be beyond the law + which a mature consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my + conduct. I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of + his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to see + it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable. This I + believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle of his own + inquiry and information, the subjects of distress to whose relief his + contributions shall be applied. If this rule be reasonable in private + life, it becomes so necessary in my situation, that to relinquish it would + leave me without rule or compass. The applications of this kind from + different parts of our own, and from foreign countries, are far beyond any + resources within my command. The mission of Serampore, in the East Indies, + the object of the present application, is but one of many items. However + disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our means having limits, we + are necessarily circumscribed by them. They are too narrow to relieve even + the distresses under our own eye: and to desert these for others which we + neither see nor know, is to omit doing a certain good for one which is + uncertain. I know, indeed, there have been splendid associations for + effecting benevolent purposes in remote regions of the earth. But no + experience of their effect has proved that more good would not have been + done by the same means employed nearer home. In explaining, however, my + own motives of action, I must not be understood as impeaching those of + others. Their views are those of an expanded liberality. Mine may be too + much restrained by the law of usefulness. But it is a law to me, and with + minds like yours, will be felt as a justification. With this apology, I + pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of high esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0026" id="link2H_4_0026"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXVI.—TO MR. DUANE, March 22, 1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. DUANE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 22, 1806. + </p> + <p> + I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th; which, + however, I did not receive till the 20th. It is a proof of sincerity, + which I value above all things; as, between those who practise it, + falsehood and malice work their efforts in vain. There is an enemy + somewhere endeavoring to sow discord among us. Instead of listening first, + then doubting, and lastly believing anile tales handed round without an + atom of evidence, if my friends will address themselves to me directly, as + you have done, they shall be informed with frankness and thankfulness. + There is not a truth on earth which I fear or would disguise. But secret + slanders cannot be disarmed, because they are secret. Although you desire + no answer, I shall give you one to those articles admitting a short + answer, reserving those which require more explanation than the compass of + a letter admits, to conversation on your arrival here. And as I write this + for your personal satisfaction, I rely that my letter will, under no + circumstances, be communicated to any mortal, because you well know how + every syllable from me is distorted by the ingenuity of political enemies. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly or + indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than I ever + had before. This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not from + design. And if there be any coolness between those of the south and + myself, it has not been from me towards them. Certainly there has been no + other reserve, than to avoid taking part in the divisions among our + friends. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration is + sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join in league with Britain, + under any belief that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind, and to + enter into war with Spain, and consequently France. The House of + Representatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr. R.‘s + resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western service. + We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those nations, if it can be + effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not the only ground of his + alienation; but which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of eighty-seven + to eleven republicans may satisfy you: but you will better satisfy + yourself on coming here, where alone the true state of things can be + known, and where you will see republicanism as solidly embodied on all + essential points, as you ever saw it on any occasion. + </p> + <p> + That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is totally + unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial + administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while + differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm, that + as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my message to + Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was not a unanimity + of concurrence in the members of the administration. The fact is, that in + ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me on those of his + department, and where any thing arises too difficult or important to be + decided between us, the consultation becomes general. + </p> + <p> + That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a public + profession and concealed counteraction, is false. + </p> + <p> + That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins, and declared + I would appoint none but those called moderates of both parties, and that + I have avowed or entertain any predilection for those called the third + party, or Quids, is in every tittle of it false. + </p> + <p> + That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me is an absolute + falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might; and I am satisfied it is + equally so as to Mr. Madison. To know as much of it as we could was our + duty, but not to encourage it. + </p> + <p> + Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do, is liable to the + criticisms of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recommend + measures in a public message, it may be said that members are not sent + here to obey the mandates of the President, or to register the edicts of a + sovereign. If we express opinions in conversation, we have then our + Charles Jenkinsons, and back-door counsellors. If we say nothing, ‘we have + no opinions, no plans, no cabinet.’ In truth, it is the fable of the old + man, his son, and ass, over again. + </p> + <p> + These are short facts, which may suffice to inspire you with caution, + until you can come here and examine for yourself. No other information can + give you a true insight into the state of things; but you will have no + difficulty in understanding them when on the spot. In the mean time, + accept my friendly salutations and cordial good wishes. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0027" id="link2H_4_0027"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXVII.—TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, March 24,1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.—[Confidential.] + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 24,1806. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + A last effort at friendly settlement with Spain is proposed to be made at + Paris, and under the auspices of France. For this purpose, General + Armstrong and Mr. Bowdoin (both now at Paris) have been appointed joint + commissioners: but such a cloud of dissatisfaction rests on General + Armstrong in the minds of many persons, on account of a late occurrence + stated in all the public papers, that we have in contemplation to add a + third commissioner, in order to give the necessary measure of public + confidence to the commission. Of these two gentlemen, one being of + Massachusetts and one of new York, it is thought the third should be a + southern man; and the rather, as the interests to be negotiated are almost + entirely southern and western. This addition is not yet ultimately decided + on; but I am inclined to believe it will be adopted. Under this + expectation, and my wish that you may be willing to undertake it, I give + you the earliest possible intimation of it, that you may be preparing both + your mind and your measures for the mission. The departure would be + required to be very prompt; though the absence, I think, will not be long, + Bonaparte not being in the practice of procrastination. This particular + consideration will, I hope, reconcile the voyage to your affairs and your + feelings. The allowance to an extra mission, is salary from the day of + leaving home, and expenses to the place of destination, or in lieu of the + latter, and to avoid settlements, a competent fixed sum may be given. For + the return, a continuance of the salary for three months after fulfilment + of the commission. Be so good as to make up your mind as quickly as + possible, and to answer me as early as possible. Consider the measure as + proposed provisionally only, and not to be communicated to any mortal + until we see it proper. Affectionate salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0028" id="link2H_4_0028"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXVIII.—TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, April 13, 1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, April 13, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + The situation of your affairs certainly furnishes good cause for your not + acceding to my proposition of a special mission to Europe. My only hope + had been, that they could have gone on one summer without you. An unjust + hostility against General Armstrong will, I am afraid, show itself + whenever any treaty made by him shall be offered for ratification. I + wished, therefore, to provide against this, by joining a person who would + have united the confidence of the whole Senate. General Smith was so + prominent in the opposition to Armstrong, that it would be impossible for + them to act together. We conclude, therefore, to leave the matter with + Armstrong and Bowdoin. Indeed, my dear Sir, I wish sincerely you were back + in the Senate; and that you would take the necessary measures to get + yourself there. Perhaps, as a preliminary, you should go to our + legislature. Giles’s absence has been a most serious misfortune. A + majority of the Senate means well. But Tracy and Bayard are too dexterous + for them, and have very much influenced their proceedings. Tracy has been + of nearly every committee during the session, and for the most part the + chairman, and of course drawer of the reports. Seven federalists voting + always in phalanx, and joined by some discontented republicans, some + oblique ones, some capricious, have so often made a majority, as to + produce very serious embarrassment to the public operations; and very much + do I dread the submitting to them, at the next session, any treaty which + can be made with either England or Spain, when I consider that five + joining the federalists, can defeat a friendly settlement of our affairs. + The House of Representatives is as well disposed as I ever saw one. The + defection of so prominent a leader threw them into dismay and confusion + for a moment; but they soon rallied to their own principles, and let him + go off with five or six followers only. One half of these are from + Virginia. His late declaration of perpetual opposition to this + administration, drew off a few others, who at first had joined him, + supposing his opposition occasional only, and not systematic. The alarm + the House has had from this schism, has produced a rallying together, and + a harmony, which carelessness and security had begun to endanger. On the + whole, this little trial of the firmness of our representatives in their + principles, and that of the people also, which is declaring itself in + support of their public functionaries, has added much to my confidence in + the stability of our government; and to my conviction, that should things + go wrong at any time, the people will set them to rights by the peaceable + exercise of their elective rights. To explain to you the character of this + schism, its objects and combinations, can only be done in conversation; + and must be deferred till I see you at Monticello, where I shall probably + be about the 10th or 12th of May, to pass the rest of the month there. + Congress has agreed to rise on Monday the 21st. + </p> + <p> + Accept my affectionate salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0029" id="link2H_4_0029"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXIX.—TO MR. HARRIS, April 18, 1806 + </h2> + <h3> + TO MR. HARRIS. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, April 18, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + It is now some time since I received from you, through the house of Smith + and Buchanan, at Baltimore, a bust of the Emperor Alexander, for which I + have to return you my thanks. These are the more cordial, because of the + value the bust derives from the great estimation in which its original is + held by the world, and by none more than by myself. It will constitute one + of the most valued ornaments of the retreat I am preparing for myself at + my native home. Accept, at the same time, my acknowledgments for the + elegant work of Atkinson and Walker on the customs of the Russians. I had + laid it down as a law for my conduct while in office, and hitherto + scrupulously observed, to accept of no present beyond a book, a pamphlet, + or other curiosity of minor value; as well to avoid imputations on my + motives of action, as to shut out a practice susceptible of such abuse. + But my particular esteem for the character of the Emperor places his image + in my mind above the scope of law. I receive it, therefore, and shall + cherish it with affection. It nourishes the contemplation of all the good + placed in his power, and of his disposition to do it. + </p> + <p> + A little before Dr. Priestley’s death, he informed me that he had received + intimations, through a channel he confided in, that the Emperor + entertained a wish to know something of our constitution. I have therefore + selected the two best works we have on that subject, for which I pray you + to ask a place in his library. They are too much in detail to occupy his + time; but they will furnish materials for an abstract, to be made by + others, on such a scale as may bring the matter within the compass of the + time which his higher callings can yield to such an object. + </p> + <p> + At a very early period of my life, contemplating the history of the + aboriginal inhabitants of America, I was led to believe that if there had + ever been a relation between them and the men of color in Asia, traces of + it would be found in their several languages. I have therefore availed + myself of every opportunity which has offered, to obtain vocabularies of + such tribes as have been within my reach, corresponding to a list then + formed of about two hundred and fifty words. In this I have made such + progress, that within a year or two more I think to give to the public + what I then shall have acquired. I have lately seen a report of Mr. + Volney’s to the Celtic Academy, on a work of Mr. Pallas, entitled <i>Vocabulaires + Comparés des Langues de toute la Terre</i>; with a list of one hundred and + thirty words, to which the vocabulary is limited. I find that + seventy-three of these words are common to that and to my vocabulary, and + therefore will enable us, by a comparison of language, to make the inquiry + so long desired, as to the probability of a common origin between the + people of color of the two continents. I have to ask the favor of you to + procure me a copy of the above work of Pallas, to inform me of the cost, + and permit me to pay it here to your use; for I presume you have some + mercantile correspondent here, to whom a payment can be made for you. A + want of knowledge what the book may cost, as well as of the means of + making so small a remittance, obliges me to make this proposition, and to + restrain it to the sole condition that I be permitted to reimburse it + here. + </p> + <p> + I enclose you a letter for the Emperor, which be pleased to deliver or + have delivered: it has some relation to a subject which the Secretary of + State will explain to you. + </p> + <p> + Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and consideration. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0030" id="link2H_4_0030"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXX.—TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA + </h2> + <p> + TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. + </p> + <p> + Washington, April 19, 1806. + </p> + <p> + I owe an acknowledgment to your Imperial Majesty, of the great + satisfaction I have received from your letter of August the 20th, 1805, + and sincere expressions of the respect and veneration I entertain for your + character. It will be among the latest and most soothing comforts of my + life, to have seen advanced to the government of so extensive a portion of + the earth, and at so early a period of his life, a sovereign, whose ruling + passion is the advancement of the happiness and prosperity of his people; + and not of his own people only, but who can extend his eye and his good + will to a distant and infant nation, unoffending in its course, + unambitious in its views. + </p> + <p> + The events of Europe come to us so late, and so suspiciously, that + observations on them would certainly be stale, and possibly wide of their + actual state. From their general aspect, however, I collect that your + Majesty’s interposition in them has been disinterested and generous, and + having in view only the general good of the great European family. When + you shall proceed to the pacification which is to re-establish peace and + commerce, the same dispositions of mind will lead you to think of the + general intercourse of nations, and to make that provision for its future + maintenance, which, in times past, it has so much needed. The northern + nations of Europe, at the head of which your Majesty is distinguished, are + habitually peaceable. The United States of America, like them, are + attached to peace. We have then with them a common interest in the neutral + rights. Every nation, indeed, on the continent of Europe, belligerent as + well as neutral, is interested in maintaining these rights, in + liberalizing them progressively with the progress of science and + refinement of morality, and in relieving them from restrictions which the + extension of the arts has long since rendered unreasonable and vexatious. + </p> + <p> + Two personages in Europe, of which your Majesty is one, have it in their + power, at the approaching pacification, to render eminent service to + nations in general, by incorporating into the act of pacification, a + correct definition of the rights of neutrals on the high seas. Such a + definition, declared by all the powers lately or still belligerent, would + give to those rights a precision and notoriety, and cover them with an + authority, which would protect them in an important degree against future + violation; and should any further sanction be necessary, that of an + exclusion of the violating nation from commercial intercourse with all the + others, would be preferred to war, as more analogous to the offence, more + easy and likely to be executed with good faith. The essential articles of + these rights, too, are so few and simple as easily to be defined. + </p> + <p> + Having taken no part in the past or existing troubles of Europe, we have + no part to act in its pacification. But as principles may then be settled + in which we have a deep interest, it is a great happiness for us that they + are placed under the protection of an umpire, who, looking beyond the + narrow bounds of an individual nation, will take under the cover of his + equity the rights of the absent and unrepresented. It is only by a happy + concurrence of good characters and good occasions, that a step can now and + then be taken to advance the well being of nations. If the present + occasion be good, I am sure your Majesty’s character will not be wanting + to avail the world of it. By monuments of such good offices may your life + become an epoch in the history of the condition of man, and may He who + called it into being for the good of the human family, give it length of + days and success, and have it always in his holy keeping. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0031" id="link2H_4_0031"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXI.—TO COLONEL MONROE, May 4, 1806 + </h2> + <h3> + TO COLONEL MONROE. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, May 4, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I wrote you on the 16th of March by a common vessel, and then expected to + have had, on the rising of Congress, an opportunity of peculiar confidence + to you. Mr. Beckley then supposed he should take a flying trip to London, + on private business. But I believe he does not find it convenient. He + could have let you into the <i>arcana rerum</i>, which you have interests + in knowing. Mr. Pinckney’s pursuits having been confined to his peculiar + line, he has only that general knowledge of what has passed here, which + the public possess. He has a just view of things so far as known to him. + Our old friend, Mercer, broke off from us some time ago, at first + professing to disdain joining the federalists, yet from the habit of + voting together, becoming soon identified with them. Without carrying over + with him one single person, he is now in a state of as perfect obscurity + as if his name had never been known. Mr. J. Randolph is in the same track, + and will end in the same way. His course has excited considerable alarm. + Timid men consider it as a proof of the weakness of our government, and + that it is to be rent into pieces by demagogues and to end in anarchy. I + survey the scene with a different eye, and draw a different augury from + it. In a House of Representatives of a great mass of good sense, Mr. + Randolph’s popular eloquence gave him such advantages as to place him + unrivalled as the leader of the House; and, although not conciliatory to + those whom he led, principles of duty and patriotism induced many of them + to swallow humiliations he subjected them to, and to vote as was right, as + long as he kept the path of right himself. The sudden defection of such a + man could not but produce a momentary astonishment, and even dismay; but + for a moment only. The good sense of the House rallied around its + principles, and, without any leader, pursued steadily the business of the + session, did it well, and by a strength of vote which has never before + been seen. Upon all trying questions, exclusive of the federalists, the + minority of republicans voting with him, has been from four to six or + eight, against from ninety to one hundred; and although he yet treats the + federalists with ineffable contempt, yet having declared eternal + opposition to this administration, and consequently associated with them + in his votes, he will, like Mercer, end with them. The augury I draw from + this is that there is a steady good sense in the legislature, and in the + body of the nation, joined with good intentions, which will lead them to + discern and to pursue the public good under all circumstances which can + arise, and that no <i>ignis faiuus</i> will be able to lead them long + astray. In the present case, the public sentiment, as far as declarations + of it have yet come in, is, without a single exception, in firm adherence + to the administration. One popular paper is endeavoring to maintain + equivocal ground; approving the administration in all its proceedings, and + Mr. Randolph in all those which have heretofore merited approbation, + carefully avoiding to mention his late aberration. The ultimate view of + this paper is friendly to you, and the editor, with more judgment than him + who assumes to be at the head of your friends, sees that the ground of + opposition to the administration is not that on which it would be + advantageous to you to be planted. The great body of your friends are + among the firmest adherents to the administration, and in their support of + you will suffer Mr. Randolph to have no communications with them. My + former letter told you the line which both duty and inclination would lead + me sacredly to pursue. But it is unfortunate for you, to be embarrassed + with such a <i>soi-disant</i> friend. You must not commit yourself to him. + These views may assist you to understand such details as Mr. Pinckney will + give you. If you are here at any time before the fall, it will be in time + for any object you may have, and by that time the public sentiment will be + more decisively declared. I wish you were here at present, to take your + choice of the two governments of Orleans and Louisiana, in either of which + I could now place you; and I verily believe it would be to your advantage + to be just that much withdrawn from the focus of the ensuing contest, + until its event should be known. The one has a salary of five thousand + dollars, the other of two thousand dollars; both with excellent hotels for + the Governor. The latter at St. Louis, where there is good society, both + French and American, a healthy climate, and the finest field in the United + States for acquiring property. The former not unhealthy, if you begin a + residence there in the month of November. The Mrs. Trists and their + connections are established there. As I think you can within four months + inform me what you say to this, I will keep things in their present state + till the last day of August, for your answer. + </p> + <p> + The late change in the ministry I consider as insuring us a just + settlement of our differences, and we ask no more. In Mr. Fox, personally, + I have more confidence than in any man in England, and it is founded in + what, through unquestionable channels, I have had opportunities of knowing + of his honesty and his good sense. While he shall be in the + administration, my reliance on that government will be solid. We had + committed ourselves in a line of proceedings adapted to meet Mr. Pitt’s + policy and hostility, before we heard of his death, which self-respect did + not permit us to abandon afterwards; and the late unparalleled outrage on + us at New York excited such sentiments in the public at large, as did not + permit us to do less than has been done. It ought not to be viewed by the + ministry as looking towards them at all, but merely as the consequences of + the measures of their predecessors, which their nation has called on them + to correct. I hope, therefore, they will come to just arrangements. No two + countries upon earth have so many points of common interest and + friendship; and their rulers must be great bunglers indeed, if, with such + dispositions, they break them asunder. The only rivalry that can arise, is + on the ocean. England may by petty larceny thwartings check us on that + element a little, but nothing she can do will retard us there one year’s + growth. We shall be supported there by other nations, and thrown into + their scale to make a part of the great counterpoise to her navy. If, on + the other hand, she is just to us, conciliatory, and encourages the + sentiment of family feelings and conduct, it cannot fail to befriend the + security of both. We have the seamen and materials for fifty ships of the + line, and half that number of frigates, and were France to give us the + money, and England the dispositions to equip them, they would give to + England serious proofs of the stock from which they are sprung, and the + school in which they have been taught, and added to the efforts of the + immensity of sea-coast lately united under one power, would leave the + state of the ocean no longer problematical. Were, on the other hand, + England to give the money, and France the dispositions to place us on the + sea in all our force, the whole world, out of the continent of Europe, + might be our joint monopoly. We wish for neither of these scenes. We ask + for peace and justice from all nations, and we will remain uprightly + neutral in fact, though leaning in belief to the opinion that an English + ascendancy on the ocean is safer for us than that of France. We begin to + broach the idea that we consider the whole Gulf Stream as of our waters, + in which hostilities and cruising are to be frowned on for the present, + and prohibited so soon as either consent or force will permit us. We shall + never permit another privateer to cruise within it, and shall forbid our + harbors to national cruisers. This is essential for our tranquillity and + commerce. Be so good as to have the enclosed letters delivered, to present + me to your family, and be assured yourself of my unalterable friendship. + </p> + <p> + For fear of accidents I shall not make the unnecessary addition of my + name. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0032" id="link2H_4_0032"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXII.—TO GENERAL SMITH, May 4,1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO GENERAL SMITH. + </p> + <p> + Washington, May 4,1806. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received your favor covering some papers from General Wilkinson. I have + repented but of one appointment there, that of Lucas, whose temper I see + overrules every good quality and every qualification he has. Not a single + fact has appeared, which occasions me to doubt that I could have made a + fitter appointment than General Wilkinson. One qualm of principle I + acknowledge I do feel, I mean the union of the civil and military + authority. You remember that when I came into office, while we were + lodging together at Conrad’s, he was pressed on me to be made Governor of + the Mississippi territory; and that I refused it on that very principle. + When, therefore, the House of Representatives took that ground, I was not + insensible to its having some weight. But in the appointment to Louisiana, + I did not think myself departing from my own principle, because I consider + it not as a civil government, but merely a military station. The + legislature had sanctioned that idea by the establishment of the office of + Commandant, in which were completely blended the civil and military + powers. It seemed, therefore, that the Governor should be in suit with + them. I observed too, that the House of Representatives, on the very day + they passed the stricture on this union of authorities, passed a bill + making the Governor of Michigan, commander of the regular troops which + should at any time be within his government. However, on the subject of + General Wilkinson nothing is in contemplation at this time. We shall see + what turn things take at home and abroad in the course of the summer. + Monroe has had a second conversation with Mr. Fox, which gives me hopes + that we shall have an amicable arrangement with that government. Accept my + friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0033" id="link2H_4_0033"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXIII.—TO MR DIGGES, July 1, 1806 + </h2> + <p> + THOMAS JEFFERSON TO MR DIGGES. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Jefferson salutes Mr. Digges with friendship and respect, and sends + him the newspapers received last night. He is sorry that only the latter + part of the particular publication which Mr. Digges wished to see, is in + them. He will be happy to see Mr. Digges and his friends on the fourth of + July, and to join in congratulations on the return of the day which + divorced us from the follies and crimes of Europe, from a dollar in the + pound at least of six hundred millions sterling, and from all the ruin of + Mr. Pitt’s administration. We, too, shall encounter follies; but if great, + they will be short, if long, they will be light: and the vigor of our + country will get the better of them. Mr. Pitt’s follies have been great, + long, and inflicted on a body emaciated with age, and exhausted by + excesses beyond its power to bear. July 1, 1806. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0034" id="link2H_4_0034"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXIV.—TO MR. BIDWELL, July 5, 1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. BIDWELL. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 5, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of June the 21st has been duly received. We have not as yet + heard from General Skinner on the subject of his office. Three persons are + proposed on the most respectable recommendations, and under circumstances + of such equality as renders it difficult to decide between them. But it + shall be done impartially. I sincerely congratulate you on the triumph of + republicanism in Massachusetts. The Hydra of Federalism has now lost all + its heads but two. Connecticut I think will soon follow Massachusetts. + Delaware will probably remain what it ever has been, a mere county of + England, conquered indeed, and held under by force, but always disposed to + counter-revolution. I speak of its majority only. + </p> + <p> + Our information from London continues to give us hopes of an accommodation + there on both the points of ‘accustomed commerce and impressment.’ In this + there must probably be some mutual concession, because we cannot expect to + obtain every thing and yield nothing. But I hope it will be such an one as + may be accepted. The arrival of the Hornet in France is so recently known, + that it will yet be some time before we learn our prospects there. + Notwithstanding the efforts made here, and made professedly to assassinate + that negotiation in embryo, if the good sense of Bonaparte should prevail + over his temper, the present state of things in Europe may induce him to + require of Spain, that she should do us justice at least. That he should + require her to sell us East Florida, we have no right to insist: yet there + are not wanting considerations which may induce him to wish a permanent + foundation for peace laid between us. In this treaty, whatever it shall + be, our old enemies the federalists, and their new friends, will find + enough to carp at. This is a thing of course, and I should suspect error + where they found no fault. The buzzard feeds on carrion only. Their + rallying point is ‘war with France and Spain, and alliance with Great + Britain’: and every thing is wrong with them which checks their new ardor + to be fighting for the liberties of mankind; on the sea always excepted. + There one nation is to monopolize all the liberties of the others. + </p> + <p> + I read, with extreme regret, the expressions of an inclination on your + part to retire from Congress. I will not say that this time, more than all + others, calls for the service of every man; but I will say, there never + was a time when the services of those who possess talents, integrity, + firmness, and sound judgment, were more wanted in Congress. Some one of + that description is particularly wanted to take the lead in the House of + Representatives, to consider the business of the nation as his own + business, to take it up as if he were singly charged with it, and carry it + through. I do not mean that any gentleman, relinquishing his own judgment, + should implicitly support all the measures of the administration; but + that, where he does not disapprove of them, he should not suffer them to + go off in sleep, but bring them to the attention of the House, and give + them a fair chance. Where he disapproves, he will of course leave them to + be brought forward by those who concur in the sentiment. Shall I explain + my idea by an example? The classification of the militia was communicated + to General Varnum and yourself merely as a proposition, which, if you + approved, it was trusted you would support. I knew, indeed, that General + Varnum was opposed to any thing which might break up the present + organization of the militia: but when so modified as to avoid this, I + thought he might, perhaps, be reconciled to it. As soon as I found it did + not coincide with your sentiments, I could not wish you to support it; but + using the same freedom of opinion, I procured it to be brought forward + elsewhere. It failed there also, and for a time, perhaps, may not prevail: + but a militia can never be used for distant service on any other plan; and + Bonaparte will conquer the world, if they do not learn his secret of + composing armies of young men only, whose enthusiasm and health enable + them to surmount all obstacles. When a gentleman, through zeal for the + public service, undertakes to do the public business, we know that we + shall hear the cant of backstairs counsellors. But we never heard this + while the declaimer was himself a backstairs man, as he calls it, but in + the confidence and views of the administration, as may more properly and + respectfully be said. But if the members are to know nothing but what is + important enough to be put into a public message, and indifferent enough + to be made known to all the world; if the executive is to keep all other + information to himself, and the House to plunge on in the dark, it becomes + a government of chance and not of design. The imputation was one of those + artifices used to despoil an adversary of his most effectual arms; and men + of mind will place themselves above a gabble of this order. The last + session of Congress was indeed an uneasy one for a time: but as soon as + the members penetrated into the views of those who were taking a new + course, they rallied in as solid a phalanx as I have ever seen act + together. Indeed I have never seen a House of better dispositions. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Perhaps I am not entitled to speak with so much frankness; but it proceeds + from no motive which has not a right to your forgiveness. Opportunities of + candid explanation are so seldom afforded me, that I must not lose them + when they occur. The information I receive from your quarter agrees with + that from the south; that the late schism has made not the smallest + impression on the public, and that the seceders are obliged to give to it + other grounds than those which we know to be the true ones. All we have to + wish is, that, at the ensuing session, every one may take the part openly + which he secretly befriends. I recollect nothing new and true, worthy + communicating to you. As for what is not true, you will always find + abundance in the newspapers. Among other things, are those perpetual + alarms as to the Indians, for no one of which has there ever been the + slightest ground. They are the suggestions of hostile traders, always + wishing to embroil us with the Indians, to perpetuate their own + extortionate commerce. I salute you with esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0035" id="link2H_4_0035"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXV.—TO MR. BOWDOIN, July 10, 1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. BOWDOIN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 10, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I believe that when you left America, the invention of the polygraph had + not yet reached Boston. It is for copying with one pen while you write + with the other, and without the least additional embarrassment or exertion + to the writer. I think it the finest invention of the present age, and so + much superior to the copying machine, that the latter will never be + continued a day by any one who tries the polygraph. It was invented by a + Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, who is now in England, + turning it to good account. Knowing that you are in the habit of writing + much, I have flattered myself that I could add acceptably to your daily + convenience by presenting you with one of these delightful machines. I + have accordingly had one made, and to be certain of its perfection I have + used it myself some weeks, and have the satisfaction to find it the best + one I have ever tried; and in the course of two years’ daily use of them, + I have had opportunities of trying several. As a secretary, which copies + for us what we write without the power of revealing it, I find it a most + precious possession to a man in public-business. I enclose directions for + unpacking and using the machine when you receive it; but the machine + itself must await a special and sure conveyance under the care of some + person going to Paris. It is ready packed, and shall go by the first + proper conveyance. + </p> + <p> + As we heard two or three weeks ago of the safe arrival of the Hornet at + L’Orient, we are anxiously waiting to learn from you the first impressions + on her mission. If you can succeed in procuring us Florida, and a good + western boundary, it will fill the American mind with joy. It will secure + to our fellow-citizens one of their most ardent wishes, a long peace with + Spain and France. For be assured, the object of war with them and alliance + with England, which, at the last session of Congress, drew off from the + republican band about half a dozen of its members, is universally + reprobated by our native citizens from north to south. I have never seen + the nation stand more firm to its principles, or rally so firmly to its + constituted authorities, and in reprobation of the opposition to them. + With England, I think we shall cut off the resource of impressing our + seamen to fight her battles, and establish the inviolability of our flag + in its commerce with her enemies. + </p> + <p> + We shall thus become what we sincerely wish to be, honestly neutral, and + truly useful to both belligerents. To the one, by keeping open a market + for the consumption of her manufactures, while they are excluded from all + the countries under the power of her enemy; to the other, by securing for + her a safe carriage of all her productions, metropolitan or colonial, + while her own means are restrained by her enemy, and may, therefore, be + employed in other useful pursuits. We are certainly more useful friends to + France and Spain as neutrals, than as allies. I hope they will be sensible + of it, and by a wise removal of all grounds of future misunderstanding to + another age, enable you to present us such an arrangement, as will insure + to our fellow-citizens long and permanent peace and friendship with them. + With respect to our western boundary, your instructions will be your + guide. I will only add, as a comment to them, that we are attached to the + retaining the Bay of St. Bernard, because it was the first establishment + of the unfortunate La Sale, was the cradle of Louisiana, and more + incontestibly covered and conveyed to us by France, under that name, than + any other spot in the country. This will be secured to us by taking for + our western boundary the Guadaloupe, and from its head around the sources + of all waters eastward of it, to the highlands embracing the waters + running into the Mississippi. However, all these things I presume will be + settled before you receive this; and I hope so settled as to give peace + and satisfaction to us all. + </p> + <p> + Our crops of wheat are greater than have ever been known, and are now + nearly secured. A caterpillar gave for a while great alarm, but did little + injury. Of tobacco, not half a crop has been planted for want of rain; and + even this half, with cotton and Indian corn, has yet many chances to run. + </p> + <p> + This summer will place our harbors in a situation to maintain peace and + order within them. The next, or certainly the one following that, will so + provide them with gunboats and common batteries, as to be <i>hors + d’insulte</i>. Although our prospect is peace, our policy and purpose is + to provide for defence by all those means to which our resources are + competent. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with friendship, and assure you of my high respect and + consideration. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0036" id="link2H_4_0036"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXVI.—TO W. A. BURWELL, September 17, 1806 + </h2> + <p> + TO W. A. BURWELL. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, September 17, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Yours of August the 7th, from Liberty, never got to my hands till the 9th + instant. About the same time, I received the Enquirer in which Decius was + so judiciously answered. The writer of that paper observed, that the + matter of Decius consisted, first of facts; secondly, of inferences from + these facts: that he was not well enough informed to affirm or deny his + facts, and he therefore examines his inferences, and in a very masterly + manner shows that even were his facts true, the reasonable inferences from + them are very different from those drawn by Decius. But his facts are far + from truth, and should be corrected. It happened that Mr. Madison and + General Dearborn were here when I received your letter. I therefore, with + them, took up Decius and read him deliberately; and our memories aided one + another in correcting his bold and unauthorized assertions. I shall note + the most material of them in the order of the paper. + </p> + <p> + 1. It is grossly false that our ministers, as is said in a note, had + proposed to surrender our claims to compensation for Spanish spoliations, + or even for French. Their instructions were to make no treaty in which + Spanish spoliations were not provided for; and although they were + permitted to be silent as to French spoliations carried into Spanish + ports, they were not expressly to abandon even them. 2. It is not true + that our ministers, in agreeing to establish the Colorado as our western + boundary, had been obliged to exceed the authority of their instructions. + Although we considered our title good as far as the Rio Bravo, yet in + proportion to what they could obtain east of the Mississippi, they were to + relinquish to the westward, and successive sacrifices were marked out, of + which even the Colorado was not the last. 3. It is not true that the + Louisiana treaty was antedated, lest Great Britain should consider our + supplying her enemies with money as a breach of neutrality. After the very + words of the treaty were finally agreed to, it took some time, perhaps + some days, to make out all the copies in the very splendid manner of + Bonaparte’s treaties. Whether the 30th of April, 1803, the date expressed, + was the day of the actual compact, or that on which it was signed, our + memories do not enable us to say. If the former, then it is strictly + conformable to the day of the compact; if the latter, then it was + postdated, instead of being antedated. The motive assigned, too, is as + incorrect as the fact. It was so far from being thought, by any party, a + breach of neutrality, that the British minister congratulated Mr. King on + the acquisition, and declared that the King had learned it with great + pleasure: and when Baring, the British banker, asked leave of the minister + to purchase the debt and furnish the money to France, the minister + declared to him, that so far from throwing obstacles in the way, if there + were any difficulty in the payment of the money, it was the interest of + Great Britain to aid it. 4. He speaks of a double set of opinions and + principles; the one ostensible, to go on the journals and before the + public, the other efficient, and the real motives to action. But where are + these double opinions and principles? The executive informed the + legislature of the wrongs of Spain, and that preparation should be made to + repel them, by force, if necessary. But as it might still be possible to + negotiate a settlement, they asked such means as might enable them to meet + the negotiation, whatever form it might take. The first part of this + system was communicated publicly, the second, privately; but both were + equally official, equally involved the responsibility of the executive, + and were equally to go on the journals. 5. That the purchase of the + Floridas was in direct opposition to the views of the executive, as + expressed in the President’s official communication. It was not in + opposition even to the public part of the communication, which did not + recommend war, but only to be prepared for it. It perfectly harmonized + with the private part, which asked the means of negotiation in such terms + as covered the purchase of Florida as evidently as it was proper to speak + it out. He speaks of secret communications between the executive and + members, of backstairs influence, &tc.. But he never spoke of this + while he and Mr. Nicholson enjoyed it almost solely. But when he differed + from the executive in a leading measure, and the executive, not submitting + to him, expressed their sentiments to others, the very sentiments (to wit, + for the purchase of Florida), which he acknowledges they expressed to him, + then he roars out upon backstairs influence. 6. The committee, he says, + forbore to recommend offensive measures. Is this true? Did not they + recommend the raising ———- regiments? Besides, if it was + proper for the committee to forbear recommending offensive measures, was + it not proper for the executive and legislature to exercise the same + forbearance? 7. He says Monroe’s letter had a most important bearing on + our Spanish relations. Monroe’s letter related, almost entirely, to our + British relations. Of those with Spain he knew nothing particular since he + left that country. Accordingly, in his letter he simply expressed an + opinion on our affairs with Spain, of which he knew we had better + information than he could possess. His opinion was no more than that of + any other sensible man; and his letter was proper to be communicated with + the English papers, and with them only. That the executive did not hold it + up on account of any bearing on Spanish affairs, is evident from the fact, + that it was communicated when the Senate had not yet entered on the + Spanish affairs, and had not yet received the papers relating to them from + the other House. The moment the Representatives were ready to enter on the + British affairs, Monroe’s letter, which peculiarly related to them, and + was official solely as to them, was communicated to both Houses, the + Senate being then about entering on the Spanish affairs. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + These, my dear Sir, are the principal facts worth correction. Make any use + of them you think best, without letting your source of information be + known. Can you send me some cones or seeds of the cucumber-tree? Accept + affectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0037" id="link2H_4_0037"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXVII.—TO ALBERT GALLATIN, October 12, 1806 + </h2> + <h3> + TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, October 12, 1806. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + You witnessed, in the earlier part of the administration, the malignant + and long continued efforts which the federalists exerted in their + newspapers, to produce misunderstanding between Mr. Madison and myself. + These failed completely. A like attempt was afterwards made, through other + channels, to effect a similar purpose between General Dearborn and myself, + but with no more success. The machinations of the last session to put you + at cross questions with us all, were so obvious as to be seen at the first + glance of every eye. In order to destroy one member of the administration, + the whole were to be set to loggerheads to destroy one another. I observe + in the papers lately, new attempts to revive this stale artifice, and that + they squint more directly towards you and myself. I cannot, therefore, be + satisfied, till I declare to you explicitly, that my affections and + confidence in you are nothing impaired, and that they cannot be impaired + by means so unworthy the notice of candid and honorable minds. I make the + declaration, that no doubts or jealousies, which often beget the facts + they fear, may find a moment’s harbor in either of our minds. I have so + much reliance on the superior good sense and candor of all those + associated with me, as to be satisfied they will not suffer either friend + or foe to sow tares among us. Our administration now drawing towards a + close, I have a sublime pleasure in believing it will be distinguished as + much by having placed itself above all the passions which could disturb + its harmony, as by the great operations by which it will have advanced the + well-being of the nation. + </p> + <p> + Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant and + unalterable respect and attachment. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0038" id="link2H_4_0038"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXVIII.—TO JOHN DICKINSON, January 13, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN DICKINSON. + </p> + <p> + Washington, January 13, 1807. + </p> + <p> + My Dear and Ancient Friend, + </p> + <p> + I have duly received your favor of the 1st instant, and am ever thankful + for communications which may guide me in the duties which I wish to + perform as well as I am able. It is but too true, that great discontents + exist in the territory of Orleans. Those of the French inhabitants have + for their sources, 1. the prohibition of importing slaves. This may be + partly removed by Congress permitting them to receive slaves from the + other States, which, by dividing that evil, would lessen its danger. 2. + The administration of justice in our forms, principles, and language, with + all of which they are unacquainted, and are the more abhorrent, because of + the enormous expense, greatly exaggerated by the corruption of bankrupt + and greedy lawyers, who have gone there from the United States and + engrossed the practice. 3. The call on them by the land commissioners to + produce the titles of their lands. The object of this is really to record + and secure their rights. But as many of them hold on rights so ancient + that the title papers are lost, they expect the land is to be taken from + them wherever they cannot produce a regular deduction of title in writing. + In this they will be undeceived by the final result, which will evince to + them a liberal disposition of the government towards them. Among the + American inhabitants it is the old division of federalists and + republicans. The former, are as hostile there as they are every where, and + are the most numerous and wealthy. They have been long endeavoring to + batter down the Governor, who has always been a firm republican. There + were characters superior to him, whom I wished to appoint, but they + refused the office: I know no better man who would accept of it, and it + would not be right to turn him out for one not better. But it is the + second cause, above mentioned, which is deep seated and permanent. The + French members of the legislature, being the majority in both Houses, + lately passed an act, declaring that the civil, or French laws, should be + the laws of their land, and enumerated about fifty folio volumes, in + Latin, as the depositories of these laws. The Governor negatived the act. + One of the Houses thereupon passed a vote for self-dissolution of the + legislature as a useless body, which failed in the other House by a single + vote only. They separated, however, and have disseminated all the + discontent they could. I propose to the members of Congress in + conversation, the enlisting thirty thousand volunteers, Americans by + birth, to be carried at the public expense, and settled immediately on a + bounty of one hundred and sixty acres of land each, on the west side of + the Mississippi, on the condition of giving two years of military service, + if that country should be attacked within seven years. The defence of the + country would thus be placed on the spot, and the additional number would + entitle the territory to become a State, would make the majority American, + and make it an American instead of a French State. This would not sweeten + the pill to the French; but in making that acquisition we had some view to + our own good as well as theirs, and I believe the greatest good of both + will be promoted by whatever will amalgamate us together. + </p> + <p> + I have tired you, my friend, with a long letter. But your tedium will end + in a few lines more. Mine has yet two years to endure. I am tired of an + office where I can do no more good than many others, who would be glad to + be employed in it. To myself, personally, it brings nothing but unceasing + drudgery, and daily loss of friends. Every office becoming vacant, every + appointment made, <i>me donne un ingrat, et cent ennemis</i>. My only + consolation is in the belief, that my fellow-citizens at large give me + credit for good intentions. I will certainly endeavor to merit the + continuance of that good will which follows well intended actions, and + their approbation will be the dearest reward I can carry into retirement. + </p> + <p> + God bless you, my excellent friend, and give you yet many healthy and + happy years. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0039" id="link2H_4_0039"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XXXIX,—TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, February 28,1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, February 28,1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of January the 20th was received in due time. But such has + been the constant pressure of business, that it has been out of my power + to answer it. Indeed, the subjects of it would be almost beyond the extent + of a letter, and as I hope to see you ere long at Monticello, it can then + be more effectually done verbally. Let me observe, however, generally, + that it is impossible for my friends ever to render me so acceptable a + favor, as by communicating to me, without reserve, facts and opinions. I + have none of that sort of self-love which winces at it; indeed, both + self-love and the desire to do what is best strongly invite unreserved + communication. There is one subject which will not admit a delay till I + see you. Mr. T. M. Randolph is, I believe, determined to retire from + Congress, and it is strongly his wish, and that of all here, that you + should take his place. Never did the calls of patriotism more loudly + assail you than at this moment. After excepting the federalists, who will + be twenty-seven, and the little band of schismatics, who will be three or + four (all tongue), the residue of the House of Representatives is as well + disposed a body of men as I ever saw collected. But there is no one whose + talents and standing, taken together, have weight enough to give him the + lead. The consequence is, that there is no one who will undertake to do + the public business, and it remains undone. Were you here, the whole would + rally round you in an instant, and willingly co-operate in whatever is for + the public good. Nor would it require you to undertake drudgery in the + House. There are enough, able and willing to do that. A rallying point is + all that is wanting. Let me beseech you then to offer yourself. You never + will have it so much in your power again to render such eminent service. + </p> + <p> + Accept my affectionate salutations and high esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0040" id="link2H_4_0040"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XL.—TO JAMES MONROE, March 21, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO JAMES MONROE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 21, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + A copy of the treaty with Great Britain came to Mr. Erskine’s hands on the + last day of the session of Congress, which he immediately communicated to + us; and since that, Mr. Purviance has arrived with an original. On the + subject of it you will receive a letter from the Secretary of State, of + about this date, and one more in detail hereafter. I should not have + written, but that I perceive uncommon efforts, and with uncommon + wickedness, are making by the federal papers to produce mischief between + myself, personally, and our negotiators; and also to irritate the British + government, by putting a thousand speeches into my mouth, not one word of + which I ever uttered. I have, therefore, thought it safe to guard you, by + stating the view which we have given out on the subject of the treaty, in + conversation and otherwise; for ours, as you know, is a government which + will not tolerate the being kept entirely in the dark, and especially on a + subject so interesting as this treaty. We immediately stated in + conversation, to the members of the legislature and others, that having, + by a letter received in January, perceived that our ministers might sign a + treaty not providing satisfactorily against the impressment of our seamen, + we had, on the 3rd of February, informed you, that should such an one have + been forwarded, it could not be ratified, and recommending, therefore, + that you should resume negotiations for inserting an article to that + effect; that we should hold the treaty in suspense until we could learn + from you the result of our instructions, which probably would not be till + summer, and then decide on the question of calling the Senate. We + observed, too, that a written declaration of the British commissioners, + given in at the time of signature, would of itself, unless withdrawn, + prevent the acceptance of any treaty, because its effect was to leave us + bound by the treaty, and themselves totally unbound. This is the statement + we have given out, and nothing more of the contents of the treaty has been + made known. But depend on it, my dear Sir, that it will be considered as a + hard treaty when it is known. The British commissioners appear to have + screwed every article as far as it would bear, to have taken every thing, + and yielded nothing. Take out the eleventh article, and the evil of all + the others so much overweighs the good, that we should be glad to expunge + the whole. And even the eleventh article admits only that we may enjoy our + right to the indirect colonial trade, during the present hostilities. If + peace is made this year, and war resumed the next, the benefit of this + stipulation is gone, and yet we are bound for ten years, to pass no + non-importation or non-intercourse laws, nor take any other measures to + restrain the unjust pretensions and practices of the British. But on this + you will hear from the Secretary of State. If the treaty cannot be put + into an acceptable form, then the next best thing is to back out of the + negotiation as well as we can, letting that die away insensibly; but, in + the mean time, agreeing informally, that both parties shall act on the + principles of the treaty, so as to preserve that friendly understanding + which we so sincerely desire, until the one or the other may be disposed + to yield the points which divide us. This will leave you to follow your + desire of coming home, as soon as you see that the amendment of the treaty + is desperate. The power of continuing the negotiations will pass oyer to + Mr. Pinckney, who, by procrastinations, can let it die away, and give us + time, the most precious of all things to us. The government of New Orleans + is still without such a head as I wish. The salary of five thousand + dollars is too small; but I am assured the Orleans legislature would make + it adequate, would you accept it. It is the second office in the United + States in importance, and I am still in hopes you will accept it. It is + impossible to let you stay at home while the public has so much need of + talents. I am writing under a severe indisposition of periodical headache, + without scarcely command enough of my mind to know what I write. As a part + of this letter concerns Mr. Pinckney as well as yourself, be so good as to + communicate so much of it to him; and with my best respects to him, to + Mrs. Monroe, and your daughter, be assured yourself, in all cases, of my + constant and affectionate friendship and attachment. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0041" id="link2H_4_0041"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLI.—M. LE COMTE DIODATI, March 29, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + M. LE COMTE DIODATI. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 29, 1807. + </p> + <p> + My Dear and Antient Friend, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of August the 29th reached me the 18th of February. It + enclosed a duplicate of that written from Brunswick five years before, but + which I never received, or had notice of, but by this duplicate. Be + assured, my friend, that I was incapable of such negligence towards you, + as a failure to answer it would have implied. It would illy have accorded + with those sentiments of friendship I entertained for you at Paris, and + which neither time nor distance has lessened. I often pass in review the + many happy hours I spent with Madame Diodati and yourself on the banks of + the Seine, as well as at Paris, and I count them among the most pleasing I + enjoyed in France. Those were indeed days of tranquillity and happiness. + They had begun to cloud a little before I left you; but I had no + apprehension that the tempest, of which I saw the beginning, was to spread + over such an extent of space and time. I have often thought of you with + anxiety, and wished to know how you weathered the storm, and into what + port you had retired. The letters now received give me the first + information, and I sincerely felicitate you on your safe and quiet + retreat. Were I in Europe, <i>pax et panis</i> would certainly be my + motto. Wars and contentions, indeed, fill the pages of history with more + matter. But more blest is that nation whose silent course of happiness + furnishes nothing for history to say. This is what I ambition for my own + country, and what it has fortunately enjoyed now upwards of twenty years, + while Europe has been in constant volcanic eruption. I again, my friend, + repeat my joy that you have escaped the overwhelming torrent of its lava. + </p> + <p> + At the end of my present term, of which two years are yet to come, I + propose to retire from public life, and to close my days on my patrimony + of Monticello, in the bosom of my family. I have hitherto enjoyed uniform + health; but the weight of public business begins to be too heavy for me, + and I long for the enjoyments of rural life, among my books, my farms, and + my family. Having performed my <i>quadragena stipendia</i>, I am entitled + to my discharge, and should be sorry, indeed, that others should be sooner + sensible than myself when I ought to ask it. I have, therefore, requested + my fellow-citizens to think of a successor for me, to whom I shall deliver + the public concerns with greater joy than I received them. I have the + consolation too of having added nothing to my private fortune, during my + public service, and of retiring with hands as clean as they are empty. + Pardon me these egoisms, which, if ever excusable, are so when writing to + a friend to whom our concerns are not uninteresting. I shall always be + glad to hear of your health and happiness, and having been out of the way + of hearing of any of our cotemporaries of the <i>corps diplomatique</i> at + Paris, any details of their subsequent history, which you will favor me + with, will be thankfully received. I pray you to make my friendly respects + acceptable to Madame la Comtesse Diodati, to assure M. Tronchin of my + continued esteem, and to accept yourself my affectionate salutations, and + assurances of constant attachment and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0042" id="link2H_4_0042"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLII.—TO MR. BOWDOIN, April 2, 1807 + </h2> + <h3> + TO MR. BOWDOIN. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, April 2, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I wrote you on the 10th of July last; but neither your letter of October + the 20th nor that of November the 15th mentioning the receipt of it, I + fear it has miscarried. I therefore now enclose a duplicate. As that was + to go under cover of the Secretary of State’s despatches by any vessel + going from our distant ports, I retained the polygraph therein mentioned + for a safer conveyance. None such has occurred till now, that the United + States’ armed brig the Wasp, on her way to the Mediterranean is to touch + at Falmouth, with despatches for our ministers at London, and at Brest, + with others for yourself and General Armstrong. + </p> + <p> + You heard in due time from London of the signature of a treaty there + between Great Britain and the United States. By a letter we received in + January from our ministers at London, we found they were making up their + minds to sign a treaty, in which no provision was made against the + impressment of our seamen, contenting themselves with a note received in + the course of their correspondence, from the British negotiators, assuring + them of the discretion with which impressments should be conducted, which + could be construed into a covenant only by inferences, against which its + omission in the treaty was a strong inference; and in its terms totally + unsatisfactory. By a letter of February the 3rd, they were immediately + informed that no treaty, not containing a satisfactory article on that + head, would be ratified, and desiring them to resume the negotiations on + that point. The treaty having come to as actually in the inadmissible + shape apprehended, we, of course, hold it up until we know the result of + the instructions of February the 3rd. I have but little expectation that + the British government will retire from their habitual wrongs in the + impressment of our seamen, and am certain, that without that we will never + tie up our hands by treaty, from the right of passing a non-importation or + non-intercourse act, to make it her interest to become just. This may + bring on a war of commercial restrictions. To show, however, the sincerity + of our desire for conciliation, I have suspended the non-importation act. + This state of things should be understood at Paris, and every effort used + on your part to accommodate our differences with Spain, under the auspices + of France, with whom it is all-important that we should stand in terms of + the strictest cordiality. In fact, we are to depend on her and Russia for + the establishment of neutral rights by the treaty of peace, among which + should be that of taking no persons by a belligerent out of a neutral + ship, unless they be the soldiers of an enemy. Never did a nation act + towards another with more perfidy and injustice than Spain has constantly + practised against us: and if we have kept our hands off of her till now, + it has been purely out of respect to France, and from the value we set on + the friendship of France. We expect, therefore, from the friendship of the + Emperor, that he will either compel Spain to do us justice, or abandon her + to us. We ask but one month to be in possession of the city of Mexico. + </p> + <p> + No better proof of the good faith of the United States could have been + given, than the vigor with which we have acted, and the expense incurred, + in suppressing the enterprise meditated lately by Burr against Mexico. + Although at first he proposed a separation of the western country, and on + that ground received encouragement and aid from Yrujo, according to the + usual spirit of his government towards us, yet he very early saw that the + fidelity of the western country was not to be shaken, and turned himself + wholly towards Mexico. And so popular is an enterprise on that country in + this, that we had only to lie still, and he would have had followers + enough to have been in the city of Mexico in six weeks. You have doubtless + seen my several messages to Congress, which gave a faithful narrative of + that conspiracy. Burr himself, after being disarmed by our endeavors of + all his followers, escaped from the custody of the court of Mississippi, + but was taken near Fort Stoddart, making his way to Mobile, by some + country people, who brought him on as a prisoner to Richmond, where he is + now under a course for trial. Hitherto we have believed our law to be, + that suspicion on probable grounds was sufficient cause to commit a person + for trial, allowing time to collect witnesses till the trial. But the + judges here have decided, that conclusive evidence of guilt must be ready + in the moment of arrest, or they will discharge the malefactor. If this is + still insisted on, Burr will be discharged; because his crimes having been + sown from Maine, through the whole line of the western waters, to New + Orleans, we cannot bring the witnesses here under four months. The fact + is, that the federalists make Burr’s cause their own, and exert their + whole influence to shield him from punishment, as they did the adherents + of Miranda. And it is unfortunate that federalism is still predominent in + our judiciary department, which is consequently in opposition to the + legislative and executive branches, and is able to baffle their measures + often. + </p> + <p> + Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0043" id="link2H_4_0043"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLIII.—TO WILLIAM B. GILES, April 20, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM B. GILES. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 20, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 6th instant, on the subject of Burr’s offences, was + received only four days ago. That there should be anxiety and doubt in the + public mind, in the present defective state of the proof, is not + wonderful; and this has been sedulously encouraged by the tricks of the + judges to force trials before it is possible to collect the evidence, + dispersed through a line of two thousand miles from Maine to Orleans. The + federalists, too, give all their aid, making Burr’s cause their own, + mortified only that he did not separate the union or overturn the + government, and proving, that had he had a little dawn of success, they + would have joined him to introduce his object, their favorite monarchy, as + they would any other enemy, foreign or domestic, who could rid them of + this hateful republic for any other government in exchange. + </p> + <p> + The first ground of complaint was the supine inattention of the + administration to a treason stalking through the land in open day. The + present one, that they have crushed it before it was ripe for execution, + so that no overt acts can be produced. This last may be true; though I + believe it is not. Our information having been chiefly by way of letter, + we do not know of a certainty yet what will be proved. We have set on foot + an inquiry through the whole of the country which has been the scene of + these transactions, to be able to prove to the courts, if they will give + time, or to the public by way of communication to Congress, what the real + facts have been. For obtaining this, we are obliged to appeal to the + patriotism of particular persons in different places, of whom we have + requested to make the inquiry in their neighborhood, and on such + information as shall be voluntarily offered. Aided by no process or + facilities from the federal courts, but frowned on by their new-born zeal + for the liberty of those whom we would not permit to overthrow the + liberties of their country, we can expect no revealments from the + accomplices of the chief offender. Of treasonable intentions, the judges + have been obliged to confess there is probable appearance. What loop-hole + they will find in the case, when it comes to trial, we cannot foresee. + Eaton, Stoddart, Wilkinson, and two others whom I must not name, will + satisfy the world, if not the judges, of Burr’s guilt. And I do suppose + the following overt acts will be proved. 1. The enlistment of men, in a + regular way. 2. The regular mounting of guard round Blannerhassett’s + island, when they expected Governor Tiffin’s men to be on them <i>modo + guerrino arraiati</i>. 3. The rendezvous of Burr with his men at the mouth + of Cumberland. 4. His letter to the acting Governor of Mississippi, + holding up the prospect of civil war. 5. His capitulation, regularly + signed with the aid of the Governor, as between two independent and + hostile commanders. + </p> + <p> + But a moment’s calculation will show that this evidence cannot be + collected under four months, probably five, from the moment of deciding + when and where the trial shall be. I desired Mr. Rodney expressly to + inform the Chief Justice of this, inofficially. But Mr. Marshall says, + ‘More than five weeks have elapsed since the opinion of the Supreme Court + has declared the necessity of proving the overt acts, if they exist. Why + are they not proved.’ In what terms of decency can we speak of this? As if + an express could go to Natchez, or the mouth of Cumberland, and return in + five weeks, to do which has never taken less than twelve. Again, ‘If, in + November or December last, a body of troops had been assembled on the + Ohio, it is impossible to suppose the affidavits, establishing the fact, + could not have been obtained by the last of March.’ But I ask the Judge, + where they should have been lodged? At Frankfort? at Cincinnati? at + Nashville? St. Louis? Natchez? New Orleans? These were the probable places + of apprehension and examination. It was not known at Washington till the + 26th of March, that Burr would escape from the western tribunals, be + retaken and brought to an eastern one: and in five days after (neither + five months nor five weeks, as the Judge calculated) he says, it is + ‘impossible to suppose the affidavits could not have been obtained.’ + Where? At Richmond he certainly meant, or meant only to throw dust in the + eyes of his audience. But all the principles of law are to be perverted + which would bear on the favorite offenders, who endeavor to overturn this + odious republic. ‘I understand,’ says the Judge, ‘probable cause of guilt + to be a case made out of proof furnishing good reason to believe,’ &c. + Speaking as a lawyer, he must mean legal proof, i.e. proof on oath, at + least. But this is confounding probability and proof. We had always before + understood that where there was reasonable ground to believe guilt, the + offender must be put on his trial. That guilty intentions were probable, + the Judge believed. And as to the overt acts, were not the bundle of + letters of information in Mr. Rodney’s hands, the letters and facts + published in the local newspapers, Burr’s flight, and the universal belief + or rumor of his guilt, probable ground for presuming the facts of + enlistment, military guard, rendezvous, threat of civil war, or + capitulation, so as to put him on trial? Is there a candid man in the + United States who does not believe some one, if not all, of these overt + acts to have taken place? + </p> + <p> + If there ever had been an instance in this or the preceding + administrations, of federal judges so applying principles of law as to + condemn a federal or acquit a republican offender, I should have judged + them in the present case with more charity. All this, however, will work + well. The nation will judge both the offender and judges for themselves. + If a member of the executive or legislature does wrong, the day is never + far distant when the people will remove him. They will see then, and amend + the error in our constitution, which makes any branch independent of the + nation. They will see that one of the great co-ordinate branches of the + government, setting itself in opposition to the other two, and to the + common sense of the nation, proclaims impunity to that class of offenders + which endeavors to overturn the constitution, and are themselves protected + in it by the constitution itself: for impeachment is a farce which will + not be tried again. If their protection of Burr produces this amendment, + it will do more good than his condemnation would have done. Against Burr, + personally, I never had one hostile sentiment. I never, indeed, thought + him an honest, frank-dealing man, but considered him as a crooked gun, or + other perverted machine, whose aim or shot you could never be sure of. + Still, while he possessed the confidence of the nation, I thought it my + duty to respect in him their confidence, and to treat him as if he + deserved it: and if his punishment can be commuted now for an useful + amendment of the constitution, I shall rejoice in it. My sheet being full, + I perceive it is high time to offer you my friendly salutations, and + assure you of my constant and affectionate esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0044" id="link2H_4_0044"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLIV.—TO GEORGE HAY, June 2, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 2, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + While Burr’s case is depending before the court, I will trouble you from + time to time with what occurs to me. I observe that the case of Marbury v. + Madison has been cited, and I think it material to stop at the threshold + the citing that case as authority, and to have it denied to be law. 1. + Because the judges, in the outset, disclaimed all cognizance of the case; + although they then went on to say what would have been their opinion, had + they had cognizance of it. This then was confessedly an extra-judicial + opinion, and, as such, of no authority. 2. Because, had it been judicially + pronounced, it would have been against law; for to a commission, a deed, a + bond, delivery is essential to give validity. Until, therefore, the + commission is delivered out of the hands of the executive and his agents, + it is not his deed. He may withhold or cancel it at pleasure, as he might + his private deed in the same situation. The constitution intended that the + three great branches of the government should be co-ordinate, and + independent of each other. As to acts, therefore, which are to be done by + either, it has given no control to another branch. A judge, I presume, + cannot sit on a bench without a commission, or a record of a commission: + and the constitution having given to the judiciary branch no means of + compelling the executive either to deliver a commission, or to make a + record of it, shows it did not intend to give the judiciary that control + over the executive, but that it should remain in the power of the latter + to do it or not. Where different branches have to act in their respective + lines, finally and without appeal, under any law, they may give to it + different and opposite constructions. Thus in the case of William Smith, + the House of Representatives determined he was a citizen, and in the case + of William Duane (precisely the same in every material circumstance) the + judges determined he was no citizen. In the cases of Callender and others, + the judges determined the sedition act was valid under the constitution, + and exercised their regular powers of sentencing them to fine and + imprisonment. But the executive determined that the sedition act was a + nullity under the constitution, and exercised his regular power of + prohibiting the execution of the sentence, or rather of executing the real + law, which protected the acts of the defendants. From these different + constructions of the same act by different branches, less mischief arises, + than from giving to any one of them a control over the others. The + executive and Senate act on the construction, that until delivery from the + executive department, a commission is in their possession, and within + their rightful power; and in cases of commissions not revocable at will, + where, after the Senate’s approbation and the President’s signing and + sealing, new information of the unfitness of the person has come to hand + before the delivery of the commission, new nominations have been made and + approved, and new commissions have issued. + </p> + <p> + On this construction I have hitherto acted; on this I shall ever act, and + maintain it with the powers of the government, against any control which + may be attempted by the judges in subversion of the independence of the + executive and Senate within their peculiar department. I presume, + therefore, that in a case where our decision is by the constitution the + supreme one, and that which can be carried into effect, it is the + constitutionally authoritative one, and that that by the judges was <i>coram + non judice</i>, and unauthoritative, because it cannot be carried into + effect. I have long wished for a proper occasion to have the gratuitous + opinion in Marbury v. Madison brought before the public, and denounced as + not law: and I think the present a fortunate one, because it occupies such + a place in the public attention. I should be glad, therefore, if, in + noticing that case, you could take occasion to express the determination + of the executive, that the doctrines of that case were given + extra-judicially and against law, and that their reverse will be the rule + of action with the executive. If this opinion should not be your own, I + would wish it to be expressed merely as that of the executive. If it is + your own also, you would of course give to the arguments such a + developement, as a case, incidental only, might render proper. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0045" id="link2H_4_0045"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLV.—TO ALBERT GALLATIN, June 3, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + </p> + <p> + I gave you, some time ago, a project of a more equal tariff on wines, than + that which now exists. But in that I yielded considerably to the faulty + classification of them in our law. I have now formed one with attention, + and according to the best information I possess, classing them more + rigorously. I am persuaded, that were the duty on cheap wines put on the + same ratio with the dear, it would wonderfully enlarge the field of those + who use wine, to the expulsion of whiskey. The introduction of a very + cheap wine (St. George) into my neighborhood, within two years past, has + quadrupled in that time the number of those who keep wine, and will ere + long increase them tenfold. This would be a great gain to the treasury, + and to the sobriety of our country. I will here add my tariff, wherein you + will be able to choose any rate of duty you please; and to decide whether + it will not, on a fit occasion, be proper for legislative attention. + Affectionate salutations. + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0004" id="linkimage-0004"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page077.jpg" alt="Page77 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0046" id="link2H_4_0046"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLVI.—TO GEORGE HAY, June 5, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 5, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 31st instant has been received, and I think it will be + fortunate if any circumstance should produce a discharge of the present + scanty grand jury, and a future summons of a fuller: though the same views + of protecting the offender may again reduce the number to sixteen, in + order to lessen the chance of getting twelve to concur. It is understood, + that wherever Burr met with subjects who did not choose to embark in his + projects, unless approved by their government, he asserted that he had + that approbation. Most of them took his word for it, but it is said that + with those who would not, the following stratagem was practised. A forged + letter, purporting to be from General Dearborn, was made to express his + approbation, and to say that I was absent at Monticello, but that there + was no doubt that, on my return, my approbation of his enterprises would + be given. This letter was spread open on his table, so as to invite the + eye of whoever entered his room; and he contrived occasions of sending up + into his room, those whom he wished to become witnesses of his acting + under sanction. By this means, he avoided committing himself to any + liability to prosecution for forgery, and gave another proof of being a + great man in little things, while he is really small in great ones. I must + add General Dearborn’s declaration, that he never wrote a letter to Burr + in his life, except that when here, once in a winter, he usually wrote him + a billet of invitation to dine. The only object of sending you the + enclosed letters is to possess you of the fact, that you may know how to + pursue it, if any of your witnesses should know any thing of it. My + intention in writing to you several times, has been to convey facts or + observations occurring in the absence of the Attorney General, and not to + make to the dreadful drudgery you are going through the unnecessary + addition of writing me letters in answer, which I beg you to relieve + yourself from, except when some necessity calls for it. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0047" id="link2H_4_0047"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLVII.—TO DOCTOR HORATIO TURPIN, June 10, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR HORATIO TURPIN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 10, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of June the 1st has been duly received. To a mind like yours, + capable in any question of abstracting it from its relation to yourself, I + may safely hazard explanations, which I have generally avoided to others, + on questions of appointment. Bringing into office no desires of making it + subservient to the advancement of my own private interests, it has been no + sacrifice, by postponing them, to strengthen the confidence of my + fellow-citizens. But I have not felt equal indifference towards excluding + merit from office, merely because it was related to me. However, I have + thought it my duty so to do, that my constituents may be satisfied, that, + in selecting persons for the management of their affairs, I am influenced + by neither personal nor family interests, and especially, that the field + of public office will not be perverted by me into a family property. On + this subject, I had the benefit of useful lessons from my predecessors, + had I needed them, marking what was to be imitated and what avoided. But, + in truth, the nature of our government is lesson enough. Its energy + depending mainly on the confidence of the people, in their Chief + Magistrate, makes it his duty to spare nothing which can strengthen him + with that confidence. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Accept assurances of my constant friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0048" id="link2H_4_0048"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLVIII.—TO JOHN NORVELL, June 11, 1807 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN NORVELL. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, June 11, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of May the 9th has been duly received. The subjects it + proposes would require time and space for even moderate developement. My + occupations limit me to a very short notice of them. I think there does + not exist a good elementary work on the organization of society into civil + government: I mean a work which presents in one full and comprehensive + view the system of principles on which such an organization should be + founded, according to the rights of nature. For want of a single work of + that character, I should recommend Locke on Government, Sidney, + Priestley’s Essay on the First Principles of Government, Chipman’s + Principles of Government, and the Federalist. Adding, perhaps, Beccaria on + Crimes and Punishments, because of the demonstrative manner in which he + has treated that branch of the subject. If your views of political inquiry + go further, to the subjects of money and commerce, Smith’s Wealth of + Nations is the best book to be read, unless Say’s Political Economy can be + had, which treats the same subjects on the same principles, but in a + shorter compass, and more lucid manner. But I believe this work has not + been translated into our language. + </p> + <p> + History, in general, only informs us what bad government is. But as we + have employed some of the best materials of the British constitution in + the construction of our own government, a knowledge of British history + becomes useful to the American politician. There is, however, no general + history of that country which can be recommended. The elegant one of Hume + seems intended to disguise and discredit the good principles of the + government, and is so plausible and pleasing in its style and manner, as + to instil its errors and heresies insensibly into the minds of unwary + readers. Baxter has performed a good operation on it. He has taken the + text of Hume as his ground-work, abridging it by the omission of some + details of little interest, and wherever he has found him endeavoring to + mislead, by either the suppression of a truth, or by giving it a false + coloring, he has changed the text to what it should be, so that we may + properly call it Hume’s history republicanized. He has, moreover, + continued the history (but indifferently) from where Hume left it, to the + year 1800. The work is not popular in England, because it is republican; + and but a few copies have ever reached America. It is a single quarto + volume. Adding to this Ludlow’s Memoirs, Mrs. Macaulay’s and Belknap’s + histories, a sufficient view will be presented of the free principles of + the English constitution. + </p> + <p> + To your request of my opinion of the manner in which a newspaper should be + conducted, so as to be most useful, I should answer, ‘by restraining it to + true, facts and sound principles only.’ Yet I fear such a paper would find + few subscribers. It is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the press + could not more completely deprive the nation of its benefits, than is done + by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. Nothing can now be believed + which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put + into that polluted vehicle. The real extent of this state of + misinformation is known only to those who are in situations to confront + facts within their knowledge with the lies of the day. I really look with + commiseration over the great body of my fellow-citizens, who, reading + newspapers, live and die in the belief, that they have known something of + what has been passing in the world in their time; whereas the accounts + they have read in newspapers are just as true a history of any other + period of the world as of the present, except that the real names of the + day are affixed to their fables. General facts may indeed be collected + from them, such as that Europe is now at war, that Bonaparte has been a + successful warrior, that he has subjected a great portion of Europe to his + will, &c. &c.; but no details can be relied on. I will add, that + the man who never looks into a newspaper is better informed than he who + reads them; inasmuch as he who knows nothing is nearer to truth than he + whose mind is filled with falsehoods and errors. He who reads nothing will + still learn the great facts, and the details are all false. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps an editor might begin a reformation in some such way as this. + Divide his paper into four chapters, heading the 1st, Truths. 2nd, + Probabilities. 3rd, Possibilities. 4th, Lies. The 1st chapter would be + very short, as it would contain little more than authentic papers, and + information from such sources, as the editor would be willing to risk his + own reputation for their truth. The 2nd would contain what, from a mature + consideration of all circumstances, his judgment should conclude to be + probably true. This, however, should rather contain too little than too + much. The 3rd and 4th should be professedly for those readers who would + rather have lies for their money than the blank paper they would occupy. + </p> + <p> + Such an editor too, would have to set his face against the demoralizing + practice of feeding the public mind habitually on slander, and the + depravity of taste which this nauseous aliment induces. Defamation is + becoming a necessary of life; insomuch, that a dish of tea in the morning + or evening cannot be digested without this stimulant. Even those who do + not believe these abominations, still read them with complaisance to their + auditors, and instead of the abhorrence and indignation which should fill + a virtuous mind, betray a secret pleasure in the possibility that some may + believe them, though they do not themselves. It seems to escape them, that + it is not he who prints, but he who pays for printing a slander, who is + its real author. + </p> + <p> + These thoughts on the subjects of your letter are hazarded at your + request. Repeated instances of the publication of what has not been + intended for the public eye, and the malignity with which political + enemies torture every sentence from me into meanings imagined by their own + wickedness only, justify my expressing a solicitude, that this hasty + communication may in nowise be permitted to find its way into the public + papers. Not fearing these political bull-dogs, I yet avoided putting + myself in the way of being baited by them, and do not wish to volunteer + away that portion of tranquillity, which a firm execution of my duties + will permit me to enjoy. + </p> + <p> + I tender you my salutations, and best wishes for your success. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0049" id="link2H_4_0049"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XLIX.—TO WILLIAM SHORT, June 12, 1807 + </h2> + <h3> + TO WILLIAM SHORT. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, June 12, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + ****** + </p> + <p> + The proposition in your letter of May the 16th, of adding an umpire to our + discordant negotiators at Paris, struck me favorably on reading it, and + reflection afterwards strengthened my first impressions. I made it + therefore a subject of consultation with my coadjutors, as is our usage. + For our government, although in theory subject to be directed by the + unadvised will of the President, is, and from its origin has been, a very + different thing in practice. The minor business in each department is done + by the Head of the department, on consultation with the President alone. + But all matters of importance or difficulty are submitted to all the Heads + of departments composing the cabinet; sometimes by the President’s + consulting them separately and successively, as they happen to call on + him; but in the greatest cases, by calling them together, discussing the + subject maturely, and finally taking the vote, in which the President + counts himself but as one. So that in all important cases the executive + is, in fact, a directory, which certainly the President might control: but + of this there was never an example either in the first or the present + administration. I have heard, indeed, that my predecessor sometimes + decided things against his council. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + I adopted in the present case the mode of separate consultation. The + opinion of each member, taken separately, was, that the addition of a + third negotiator was not at this time advisable. For the present, + therefore, the question must rest. Mr. Bowdoin, we know, is anxious to + come home, and is detained only by the delicacy of not deserting his post. + In the existing temper between him and his colleague, it would certainly + be better that one of them should make an opening for re-composing the + commission more harmoniously. I salute you with affection and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0050" id="link2H_4_0050"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER L.—TO GEORGE HAY, June 12, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 12, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of the 9th is this moment received. Reserving the necessary + right of the President of the United States to decide, independently of + all other authority, what papers, coming to him as President, the public + interests permit to be communicated, and to whom, I assure you of my + readiness, under that restriction, voluntarily to furnish, on all + occasions, whatever the purposes of justice may require. But the letter of + General Wilkinson, of October the 21st, requested for the defence of + Colonel Burr, with every other paper relating to the charges against him, + which were in my possession when the Attorney General went on to Richmond + in March, I then delivered to him; and I have always taken for granted he + left the whole with you. If he did, and the bundle retains the order in + which I had arranged it, you will readily find the letter desired, under + the date of its receipt, which was November the 25th: but lest the + Attorney General should not have left those papers with you, I this day + write to him to forward this one by post. An uncertainty whether he is at + Philadelphia, Wilmington, or New Castle, may produce delay in his + receiving my letter, of which it is proper you should be apprized. But, as + I do not recollect the whole contents of that letter, I must beg leave to + devolve on you the exercise of that discretion which it would be my right + and duty to exercise, by withholding the communication of any parts of the + letter, which are not directly material for the purposes of justice. + </p> + <p> + With this application, which is specific, a prompt compliance is + practicable. But when the request goes to ‘copies of the orders issued in + relation to Colonel Burr, to the officers at Orleans, Natchez, &c. by + the Secretaries of the War and Navy departments,’ it seems to cover a + correspondence of many months, with such a variety of officers, civil and + military, all over the United States, as would amount to the laying open + the whole executive books. I have desired the Secretary of War to examine + his official communications; and on a view of these, we may be able to + judge what can and ought to be done towards a compliance with the request. + If the defendant alleges that there was any particular order, which, as a + cause, produced any particular act on his part, then he must know what + this order was, can specify it, and a prompt answer can be given. If the + object had been specified, we might then have had some guide for our + conjectures, as to what part of the executive records might be useful to + him: but, with a perfect willingness to do what is right, we are without + the indications which may enable us to do it. If the researches of the + Secretary at War should produce any thing proper for communication, and + pertinent to any point we can conceive in the defence before the court, it + shall be forwarded to you. I salute you with respect and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0051" id="link2H_4_0051"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LI.—TO GEORGE HAY, June 17, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 17, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + In answering your letter of the 9th, which desired a communication of one + to me from General Wilkinson, specified by its date, I informed you in + mine of the 12th that I had delivered it, with all other papers respecting + the charges against Aaron Burr, to the Attorney General, when he went to + Richmond; that I had supposed he had left them in your possession, but + would immediately write to him, if he had not, to forward that particular + letter without delay. I wrote to him accordingly on the same day, but + having no answer, I know not whether he has forwarded the letter. I stated + in the same letter, that I had desired the Secretary at War, to examine + his office, in order to comply with your further request, to furnish + copies of the orders which had been given respecting Aaron Burr and his + property; and in a subsequent letter of the same day, I forwarded to you + copies of two letters from the Secretary at War, which appeared to be + within the description expressed in your letter. The order from the + Secretary of the Navy, you said, you were in possession of. The receipt of + these papers had, I presume, so far anticipated, and others this day + forwarded will have substantially fulfilled, the object of a subpoena from + the District Court of Richmond, requiring that those officers and myself + should attend the Court in Richmond, with the letter of General Wilkinson, + the answer to that letter, and the orders of the departments of War and + the Navy, therein generally described. No answer to General Wilkinson’s + letter, other than a mere acknowledgment of its receipt, in a letter + written for a different purpose, was ever written by myself or any other. + To these communications of papers, I will add, that if the defendant + supposes there are any facts within the knowledge of the Heads of + departments, or of myself, which can be useful for his defence, from a + desire of doing any thing our situation will permit in furtherance of + justice, we shall be ready to give him the benefit of it, by way of + deposition, through any persons whom the Court shall authorize to take our + testimony at this place. I know, indeed, that this cannot be done but by + consent of parties; and I therefore authorize you to give consent on the + part of the United States. Mr. Burr’s consent will be given of course, if + he supposes the testimony useful. + </p> + <p> + As to our personal attendance at Richmond, I am persuaded the Court is + sensible, that paramount duties to the nation at large control the + obligation of compliance with their summons in this case; as they would, + should we receive a similar one, to attend the trials of Blannerhassett + and others, in the Mississippi territory, those instituted at St. Louis + and other places on the western waters, or at any place, other than the + seat of government. To comply with such calls would leave the nation + without an executive branch, whose agency, nevertheless, is understood to + be so constantly necessary, that it is the sole branch which the + constitution requires to be always in function. It could not then mean + that it should be withdrawn from its station by any co-ordinate authority. + </p> + <p> + With respect to papers, there is certainly a public and a private side to + our offices. To the former belong grants of land, patents for inventions, + certain commissions, proclamations, and other papers patent in their + nature. To the other belong mere executive proceedings. All nations have + found it necessary, that for the advantageous conduct of their affairs, + some of these proceedings, at least, should remain known to their + executive functionary only. He, of course, from the nature of the case, + must be the sole judge of which of them the public interests will permit + publication. Hence, under our constitution, in requests of papers, from + the legislative to the executive branch, an exception is carefully + expressed, as to those which he may deem the public welfare may require + not to be disclosed; as you will see in the enclosed resolution of the + House of Representatives, which produced the message of January 22nd, + respecting this case. The respect mutually due between the constituted + authorities, in their official intercourse, as well as sincere + dispositions to do for every one what is just, will always insure from the + executive, in exercising the duty of discrimination confided to him, the + same candor and integrity to which the nation has in like manner trusted + in the disposal of its judiciary authorities. Considering you as the organ + for communicating these sentiments to the Court, I address them to you for + that purpose, and salute you with esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0052" id="link2H_4_0052"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LII.—TO GEORGE HAY, June 19,1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 19,1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Yours of the 17th was received last night. Three blank pardons had been + (as I expect) made up and forwarded by the mail of yesterday, and I have + desired three others to go by that of this evening. You ask what is to be + done if Bollman finally rejects his pardon, and the Judge decides it to + have no effect? Move to commit him immediately for treason or misdemeanor, + as you think the evidence will support; let the court decide where he + shall be sent for trial; and on application, I will have the marshal aided + in his transportation, with the executive means. And we think it proper, + further, that when Burr shall have been convicted of either treason or + misdemeanor, you should immediately have committed all those persons + against whom you should find evidence sufficient, whose agency has been so + prominent as to mark them as proper objects of punishment, and especially + where their boldness has betrayed an inveteracy of criminal disposition. + As to obscure offenders and repenting ones, let them lie for + consideration. + </p> + <p> + I enclose you the copy of a letter received last night, and giving + singular information. I have inquired into the character of Graybell. He + was an old revolutionary captain, is now a flour merchant in Baltimore, of + the most respectable character, and whose word would be taken as + implicitly as any man’s for whatever he affirms. The letter-writer, also, + is a man of entire respectability. I am well informed, that for more than + a twelvemonth it has been believed in Baltimore, generally, that Burr was + engaged in some criminal enterprise, and that Luther Martin knew all about + it. We think you should immediately despatch a subpoena for Graybell; and + while that is on the road, you will have time to consider in what form you + will use his testimony; e.g. shall Luther Martin be summoned as a witness + against Burr, and Graybell held ready to confront him? It may be doubted + whether we could examine a witness to discredit our own witness. Besides, + the lawyers say that they are privileged from being forced to breaches of + confidence, and that no others are. Shall we move to commit Luther Martin, + as <i>particeps criminis</i> with Burr? Graybell will fix upon him + misprision of treason at least. And at any rate, his evidence will put + down this unprincipled and impudent federal bull-dog, and add another + proof that the most clamorous defenders of Burr are all his accomplices. + It will explain why Luther Martin flew so hastily to the aid of ‘his + honorable friend,’ abandoning his clients and their property during a + session of a principal court in Maryland, now filled, as I am told, with + the clamors and ruin of his clients. I believe we shall send on Latrobe as + a witness. He will prove that Aaron Burr endeavored to get him to engage + several thousand men, chiefly Irish emigrants, whom he had been in the + habit of employing in the works he directs, under pretence of a canal + opposite Louisville, or of the Washita, in which, had he succeeded, he + could with that force alone have carried every thing before him, and would + not have been where he now is. He knows, too, of certain meetings of Burr, + Bollman, Yrujo, and one other whom we have never named yet, but have him + not the less in our view. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P. S. Will you send us half a dozen blank subpoenas? + </p> + <p> + Since writing the within I have had a conversation with Latrobe. He says + it was five hundred men he was desired to engage. The pretexts were to + work on the Ohio canal, and be paid in Washita lands. Your witnesses will + some of them prove that Burr had no interest in the Ohio canal, and that + consequently this was a mere pretext to cover the real object from the men + themselves, and all others. Latrobe will set out in the stage of to-morrow + evening, and be with you Monday evening. T. J. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0053" id="link2H_4_0053"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LIII.—TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN, June 19, 1807 + </h2> + <h3> + TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, June 19, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + In acknowledging the receipt of your favor of the 3rd instant, I avail + myself of the occasion it offers of tendering to yourself, to Mr. Lincoln, + and to your State, my sincere congratulations on the late happy event of + the election of a republican executive to preside over its councils. The + harmony it has introduced between the legislative and executive branches, + between the people and both of them, and between all and the General + Government, are so many steps towards securing that union of action and + effort in all its parts, without which no nation can be happy or safe. The + just respect, with which all the States have ever looked to Massachusetts, + could leave none of them without anxiety while she was in a state of + alienation from her family and friends. Your opinion of the propriety and + advantage of a more intimate correspondence between the executives of the + several States, and that of the Union, as a central point, is precisely + that which I have ever entertained; and on coming into office I felt the + advantages which would result from that harmony. I had it even in + contemplation, after the annual recommendation to Congress of those + measures called for by the times, which the constitution had placed under + their power, to make communications in like manner to the executives of + the States, as to any parts of them to which their legislatures might be + alone competent. For many are the exercises of power reserved to the + States, wherein an uniformity of proceeding would be advantageous to all. + Such are quarantines, health laws, regulations of the press, banking + institutions, training militia, &c. &c. But you know what was the + state of the several governments when I came into office. That a great + proportion of them were federal, and would have been delighted with such + opportunities of proclaiming their contempt, and of opposing republican + men and measures. Opportunities so furnished and used by some of the State + governments, would have produced an ill effect, and would have insured the + failure of the object of uniform proceeding. If it could be ventured even + now (Connecticut and Delaware being still hostile) it must be on some + greater occasion than is likely to arise within my time. I look to it, + therefore, as a course which will probably be to be left to the + consideration of my successor. + </p> + <p> + I consider, with you, the federalists as completely vanquished, and never + more to take the field under their own banners. They will now reserve + themselves to profit by the schisms among republicans, and to earn favors + from minorities, whom they will enable to triumph over their more numerous + antagonists. So long as republican minorities barely accept their votes, + no great harm will be done; because it will only place in power one shade + of republicanism, instead of another. But when they purchase the votes of + the federalists, by giving them a participation of office, trust, and + power, it is a proof that anti-monarchism is not their strongest passion. + I do not think that the republican minority in Pennsylvania has fallen + into this heresy, nor that there are in your State materials of which a + minority can be made who will fall into it. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the tour my friends to the north have proposed that I + should make in that quarter, I have not made up a final opinion. The + course of life which General Washington had run, civil and military, the + services he had rendered, and the space he therefore occupied in the + affections of his fellow-citizens, take from his examples the weight of + precedents for others, because no others can arrogate to themselves the + claims which he had on the public homage. To myself, therefore, it comes + as a new question, to be viewed under all the phases it may present. I + confess, that I am not reconciled to the idea of a chief magistrate + parading himself through the several States as an object of public gaze, + and in quest of an applause, which, to be valuable, should be purely + voluntary. I had rather acquire silent good will by a faithful discharge + of my duties, than owe expressions of it to my putting myself in the way + of receiving them. Were I to make such a tour to Portsmouth or Portland, I + must do it to Savannah, perhaps to Orleans and Frankfort. As I have never + yet seen the time when the public business would have permitted me to be + so long in a situation in which I could not carry it on, so I have no + reason to expect that such a time will come while I remain in office. A + journey to Boston or Portsmouth, after I shall be a private citizen, would + much better harmonize with my feelings, as well as duties; and, founded in + curiosity, would give no claims to an extension of it. I should see my + friends, too, more at our mutual ease, and be left more exclusively to + their society. However, I end as I began, by declaring I have made up no + opinion on the subject, and that I reserve it as a question for future + consideration and advice. + </p> + <p> + In the mean time, and at all times, I salute you with great respect and + esteem, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0054" id="link2H_4_0054"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LIV.—TO GEORGE HAY, June 20, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 20, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Mr. Latrobe now comes on as a witness against Burr. His presence here is + with great inconvenience dispensed with, as one hundred and fifty workmen + require his constant directions on various public works of pressing + importance. I hope you will permit him to come away as soon as possible. + How far his testimony will be important as to the prisoner, I know not; + but I am desirous that those meetings of Yrujo with Burr and his principal + accomplices should come fully out, and judicially, as they will establish + the just complaints we have against his nation. + </p> + <p> + I did not see till last night the opinion of the Judge on the <i>subpoena + duces tecum</i> against the President. Considering the question there as + <i>coram non judice</i>, I did not read his argument with much attention. + Yet I saw readily enough, that, as is usual, where an opinion is to be + supported, right or wrong, he dwells much on smaller objections, and + passes over those which are solid. Laying down the position generally, + that all persons owe obedience to subpoenas, he admits no exception unless + it can be produced in his law books. But if the constitution enjoins on a + particular officer to be always engaged in a particular set of duties + imposed on him, does not this supersede the general law, subjecting him to + minor duties inconsistent with these? The constitution enjoins his + constant agency in the concerns of six millions of people. Is the law + paramount to this, which calls on him on behalf of a single one? Let us + apply the Judge’s own doctrine to the case of himself and his brethren. + The sheriff of Henrico summons him from the bench, to quell a riot + somewhere in his county. The federal judge is, by the general law, a part + of the posse of the State sheriff. Would the Judge abandon major duties to + perform lesser ones? Again; the court of Orleans or Maine commands, by + subpoenas, the attendance of all the judges of the Supreme Court. Would + they abandon their posts as judges, and the interests of millions + committed to them, to serve the purposes of a single individual? The + leading principle of our constitution is the independence of the + legislature, executive, and judiciary, of each other, and none are more + jealous of this than the judiciary. But would the executive be independent + of the judiciary, if he were subject to the commands of the latter, and to + imprisonment for disobedience; if the several courts could bandy him from + pillar to post, keep him constantly trudging from north to south, and east + to west, and withdraw him entirely from his constitutional duties? The + intention of the constitution, that each branch should be independent of + the others, is further manifested by the means it has furnished to each, + to protect itself from enterprises of force attempted on them by the + others, and to none has it given more effectual or diversified means than + to the executive. Again; because ministers can go into a court in London, + as witnesses, without interruption to their executive duties, it is + inferred that they would go to a court one thousand or one thousand five + hundred miles off, and that ours are to be dragged from Maine to Orleans + by every criminal who will swear that their testimony ‘may be of use to + him.’ The Judge says, ‘it is apparent that the President’s duties, as + chief magistrate, do not demand his whole time, and are not unremitting.’ + If he alludes to our annual retirement from the seat of government, during + the sickly season, he should be told that such arrangements are made for + carrying on the public business, at and between the several stations we + take, that it goes on as unremittingly there, as if we were at the seat of + government. I pass more hours in public business at Monticello than I do + here, every day; and it is much more laborious, because all must be done + in writing. Our stations being known, all communications come to them + regularly, as to fixed points. It would be very different were we always + on the road, or placed in the noisy and crowded taverns where courts are + held. Mr. Rodney is expected here every hour, having been kept away by a + sick child. I salute you with friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0055" id="link2H_4_0055"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LV.—TO DOCTOR WISTAR, June 21, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR WISTAR. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 21, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have a grandson, the son of Mr. Randolph, now about fifteen years of + age, in whose education I take a lively interest. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + I am not a friend to placing young men in populous cities, because they + acquire there habits and partialities which do not contribute to the + happiness of their after life. But there are particular branches of + science, which are not so advantageously taught any where else in the + United States as in Philadelphia. The garden at the Woodlands for Botany, + Mr. Peale’s Museum for Natural History, your Medical School for Anatomy, + and the able professors in all of them, give advantages not to be found + elsewhere. We propose, therefore, to send him to Philadelphia to attend + the schools of Botany, Natural History, Anatomy, and perhaps Surgery; but + not of Medicine. And why not of Medicine, you will ask? Being led to the + subject, I will avail myself of the occasion to express my opinions on + that science, and the extent of my medical creed. But, to finish first + with respect to my grandson, I will state the favor I ask of you, and + which is the object of this letter. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + This subject dismissed, I may now take up that which it led to, and + further tax your patience with unlearned views of medicine; which, as in + most cases, are, perhaps, the more confident in proportion as they are + less enlightened. + </p> + <p> + We know, from what we see and feel, that the animal body is in its organs + and functions subject to derangement, inducing pain, and tending to its + destruction. In this disordered state, we observe nature providing for the + re-establishment of order, by exciting some salutary evacuation of the + morbific matter, or by some other operation which escapes our imperfect + senses and researches. She brings on a crisis, by stools, vomiting, sweat, + urine, expectoration, bleeding, &c, which, for the most part, ends in + the restoration of healthy action. Experience has taught us also, that + there are certain substances, by which, applied to the living body, + internally or externally, we can at will produce these same evacuations, + and thus do, in a short time, what nature would do but slowly, and do + effectually, what perhaps she would not have strength to accomplish. + Where, then, we have seen a disease, characterized by specific signs or + phenomena, and relieved by a certain natural evacuation or process, + whenever that disease recurs under the same appearances, we may reasonably + count on producing a solution of it, by the use of such substances as we + have found produce the same evacuation or movement. Thus, fulness of the + stomach we can relieve by emetics; diseases of the bowels, by purgatives; + inflammatory cases, by bleeding; intermittents, by the Peruvian bark; + syphilis, by mercury; watchfulness, by opium; &c. So far, I bow to the + utility of medicine. It goes to the well defined forms of disease, and + happily, to those the most frequent. But the disorders of the animal body, + and the symptoms indicating them, are as various as the elements of which + the body is composed. The combinations, too, of these symptoms are so + infinitely diversified, that many associations of them appear too rarely + to establish a definite disease: and to an unknown disease, there cannot + be a known remedy. Here, then, the judicious, the moral, the humane + physician should stop. Having been so often a witness to the salutary + efforts which nature makes to re-establish the disordered functions, he + should rather trust to their action, than hazard the interruption of that, + and a greater derangement of the system, by conjectural experiments on a + machine so complicated and so unknown as the human body, and a subject so + sacred as human life. Or, if the appearance of doing something be + necessary to keep alive the hope and spirits of the patient, it should be + of the most innocent character. One of the most successful physicians I + have ever known, has assured me, that he used more bread pills, drops of + colored water, and powders of hickory ashes, than of all other medicines + put together. It was certainly a pious fraud. But the adventurous + physician goes on, and substitutes presumption for knowledge. From the + scanty field of what is known, he launches into the boundless region of + what is unknown. He establishes for his guide some fanciful theory of + corpuscular attraction, of chemical agency, of mechanical powers, of + stimuli, of irritability accumulated or exhausted, of depletion by the + lancet, and repletion by mercury, or some other ingenious dream, which + lets him into all nature’s secrets at short hand. On the principle which + he thus assumes, he forms his table of nosology, arrays his diseases into + families, and extends his curative treatment, by analogy, to all the cases + he has thus arbitrarily marshaled together. I have lived myself to see the + disciples of Hoffman, Boerhaave, Stahl, Cullen, Brown, succeed one another + like the shifting figures of a magic-lanthern, and their fancies like the + dresses of the annual doll-babies from Paris, becoming, from their + novelty, the vogue of the day, and yielding to the next novelty their + ephemeral favor. The patient, treated on the fashionable theory, sometimes + gets well in spite of the medicine. The medicine therefore restored him, + and the young doctor receives new courage to proceed in his bold + experiments on the lives of his fellow creatures. I believe we may safely + affirm, that the inexperienced and presumptuous band of medical tyros let + loose upon the world, destroys more of human life in one year, than all + the Robin-hoods, Cartouches, and Macheaths do in a century. It is in this + part of medicine that I wish to see a reform, an abandonment of hypothesis + for sober facts, the first degree of value set on clinical observation, + and the lowest on visionary theories. I would wish the young practitioner, + especially, to have deeply impressed on his mind the real limits of his + art, and that when the state of his patient gets beyond these, his office + is to be a watchful, but quiet spectator of the operations of nature, + giving them fair play by a well regulated regimen, and by all the aid they + can derive from the excitement of good spirits and hope in the patient. I + have no doubt, that some diseases not yet understood may in time be + transferred to the table of those known. But, were I a physician, I would + rather leave the transfer to the slow hand of accident, than hasten it by + guilty experiments on those who put their lives into my hands. The only + sure foundations of medicine are, an intimate knowledge of the human body, + and observation on the effects of medicinal substances on that. The + anatomical and clinical schools, therefore, are those in which the young + physician should be formed. If he enters with innocence that of the theory + of medicine, it is scarcely possible he should come out untainted with + error. His mind must be strong indeed, if, rising above juvenile + credulity, it can maintain a wise infidelity against the authority of his + instructers, and the bewitching delusions of their theories. You see that + I estimate justly that portion of instruction, which our medical students + derive from your labors; and, associating with it one of the chairs which + my old and able friend, Doctor Rush, so honorably fills, I consider them + as the two fundamental pillars of the edifice. Indeed, I have such an + opinion of the talents of the professors in the other branches which + constitute the school of medicine with you, as to hope and believe, that + it is from this side of the Atlantic, that Europe, which has taught us so + many other things, will at length be led into sound principles in this + branch of science, the most important of all others, being that to which + we commit the care of health and life. + </p> + <p> + I dare say, that by this time you are sufficiently sensible that old + heads, as well as young, may sometimes be charged with ignorance and + presumption. The natural course of the human mind is certainly from + credulity to scepticism: and this is perhaps the most favorable apology I + can make for venturing so far out of my depth, and to one, too, to whom + the strong as well as the weak points of this science are so familiar. But + having stumbled on the subject in my way, I wished to give a confession of + my faith to a friend; and the rather, as I had perhaps, at times, to him + as well as others, expressed my scepticism in medicine, without defining + its extent or foundation. At any rate, it has permitted me, for a moment, + to abstract myself from the dry and dreary waste of politics, into which I + have been impressed by the times on which I happened, and to indulge in + the rich fields of nature, where alone I should have served as a + volunteer, if left to my natural inclinations and partialities. + </p> + <p> + I salute you at all times with affection and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0056" id="link2H_4_0056"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LVI.—TO MR. BOWDOIN, July 10, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. BOWDOIN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 10, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I wrote you on the 10th of July, 1806; but supposing, from your not + acknowledging the receipt of the letter, that it had miscarried, I sent a + duplicate with my subsequent one of April the 2nd. These having gone by + the Wasp, you will doubtless have received them. Since that, yours of May + the 1st has come to hand. You will see by the despatches from the + department of State, carried by the armed vessel the Revenge, into what a + critical state our peace with Great Britain is suddenly brought, by their + armed vessels in our waters. Four vessels of war (three of them + two-deckers) closely blockade Norfolk at this instant. Of the authority + under which this aggression is committed, their minister here is + unapprized. You will see by the proclamation of July the 2nd, that (while + we are not omitting such measures of force as are immediately necessary) + we propose to give Great Britain an opportunity of disavowal and + reparation, and to leave the question of war, non-intercourse, or other + measures, uncommitted, to the legislature. This country has never been in + such a state of excitement since the battle of Lexington. In this state of + things, cordial friendship with France, and peace at least with Spain, + become more interesting. You know the circumstances respecting this last + power, which have rendered it ineligible that you should have proceeded + heretofore to your destination. But this obstacle is now removed by their + recall of Yrujo, and appointment of another minister, and, in the mean + time, of a <i>chargé des affaires</i>, who has been received. The way + being now open for taking your station at Madrid, it is certainly our wish + you should do so, and that this may be more agreeable to you than your + return home, as is solicited in yours of May the 1st. It is with real + unwillingness we should relinquish the benefit of your services. + Nevertheless, if your mind is decidedly bent on that, we shall regret, but + not oppose your return. The choice, therefore, remains with yourself. In + the mean time, your place in the joint commission being vacated by either + event, we shall take the measures rendered necessary by that. We have + seen, with real grief, the misunderstanding which has taken place between + yourself and General Armstrong. We are neither qualified nor disposed to + form an opinion between you. We regret the pain which must have been felt + by persons, both of whom hold so high a place in our esteem, and we have + not been without fear that the public interest might suffer by it. It has + seemed, however, that the state of Europe has been such as to admit little + to be done, in matters so distant from them. + </p> + <p> + The present alarm has had the effect of suspending our foreign commerce. + No merchant ventures to send out a single vessel; and I think it probable + this will continue very much the case till we get an answer from England. + Our crops are uncommonly plentiful. That of small grain is now secured + south of this, and the harvest is advancing here. + </p> + <p> + Accept my salutations, and assurances of affectionate esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0057" id="link2H_4_0057"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LVII.—TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 14, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 14, 1807. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Friend, + </p> + <p> + I received last night your letters of February the 20th and April the + 29th, and a vessel just sailing from Baltimore enables me hastily to + acknowledge them; to assure you of the welcome with which I receive + whatever comes from you, and the continuance of my affectionate esteem for + yourself and family. I learn with much concern, indeed, the state of + Madame de la Fayette’s health. I hope I have the pleasure yet to come of + learning its entire re-establishment. She is too young not to give great + confidence to that hope. + </p> + <p> + Measuring happiness by the American scale, and sincerely wishing that of + yourself and family, we had been anxious to see them established on this + side of the great water. But I am not certain that any equivalent can be + found for the loss of that species of society, to which our habits have + been formed from infancy. Certainly had you been, as I wished, at the head + of the government of Orleans, Burr would never have given me one moment’s + uneasiness. His conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious of which + history will ever furnish an example. He meant to separate the western + States from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their head, + establish what he would deem an energetic government, and thus provide an + example and an instrument for the subversion of our freedom. The man who + could expect to effect this, with American materials, must be a fit + subject for Bedlam. The seriousness of the crime, however, demands more + serious punishment. Yet, although there is not a man in the United States + who doubts his guilt, such are the jealous provisions of our laws in favor + of the accused against the accuser, that I question if he is convicted. + Out of forty-eight jurors to be summoned, he is to select the twelve who + are to try him, and if there be any one who will not concur in finding him + guilty, he is discharged of course. I am sorry to tell you that Bollman + was Burr’s right hand man in all his guilty schemes. On being brought to + prison here, he communicated to Mr. Madison and myself the whole of the + plans, always, however, apologetically for Burr as far as they would bear. + But his subsequent tergiversations have proved him conspicuously base. I + gave him a pardon, however, which covers him from every thing but infamy. + I was the more astonished at his engaging in this business, from the + peculiar motives he should have felt for fidelity. When I came into the + government, I sought him out on account of the services he has rendered + you, cherished him, offered him two different appointments of value, + which, after keeping them long under consideration, he declined for + commercial views, and would have given him any thing for which he was fit. + Be assured he is unworthy of ever occupying again the care of any honest + man. Nothing has ever so strongly proved the innate force of our form of + government, as this conspiracy. Burr had probably engaged one thousand men + to follow his fortunes, without letting them know his projects, otherwise + than by assuring them the government approved of them. The moment a + proclamation was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself left with + about thirty desperadoes only. The people rose in mass wherever he was or + was suspected to be, and by their own energy the thing was crushed in one + instant, without its having been necessary to employ a man of the military + but to take care of their respective stations. His first enterprise was to + have been to seize New Orleans, which he supposed would powerfully bridle + the upper country, and place him at the door of Mexico. It is with + pleasure I inform you that not a single native Creole, and but one + American of those settled there before we received the place, took any + part with him. His partisans were the new emigrants from the United States + and elsewhere, fugitives from justice or debt, and adventurers and + speculators of all descriptions. + </p> + <p> + I enclose you a proclamation, which will show you the critical footing on + which we stand, at present, with England. Never, since the battle of + Lexington, have I seen this country in such a state of exasperation as at + present. And even that did not produce such unanimity. The federalists + themselves coalesce with us as to the object, although they will return to + their old trade of condemning every step we take towards obtaining it. + ‘Reparation for the past, and security for the future,’ is our motto. + Whether these will be yielded freely, or will require resort to + non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. We have actually near two + thousand men in the field, covering the exposed parts of the coast, and + cutting off supplies from the British vessels. + </p> + <p> + I am afraid I have been very unsuccessful in my endeavors to serve Madame + de Tesse in her taste for planting. A box of seeds, &c. which I sent + her in the close of 1805, was carried with the vessel into England, and + discharged so late that I fear she lost their benefit, for that season. + Another box, which I prepared in the autumn of 1806, has, I fear, been + equally delayed from other accidents. However, I will persevere in my + endeavors. + </p> + <p> + Present me respectfully to her, M. de Tesse, Madame de la Fayette, and + your family, and accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of + constant esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0058" id="link2H_4_0058"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LVIII.—TO JOHN PAGE, July 17, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN PAGE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 17, 1807. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Friend, + </p> + <p> + Yours of the 11th is received. In appointments to public offices of mere + profit, I have ever considered faithful service in either our first or + second revolution as giving preference of claim, and that appointments on + that principle would gratify the public, and strengthen that confidence so + necessary to enable the executive to direct the whole public force to the + best, advantage of the nation. Of Mr. Boiling Robertson’s talents and + integrity I have long been apprized, and would gladly use them where + talents and integrity are wanting. I had thought of him for the vacant + place of secretary of the Orleans territory, but supposing the salary of + two thousand dollars not more than he makes by his profession, and while + remaining with his friends, I have, in despair, not proposed it to him. If + he would accept it, I should name him instantly with the greatest + satisfaction. Perhaps you could inform me on this point. + </p> + <p> + With respect to Major Gibbons, I do indeed recollect, that in some casual + conversation, it was said that the most conspicuous accomplices of Burr + were at home at his house; but it made so little impression on me, that + neither the occasion nor the person is now recollected. On this subject, I + have often expressed the principles on which I act, with a wish they might + be understood by the federalists in office. I have never removed a man + merely because he was a federalist: I have never wished them to give a + vote at an election, but according to their own wishes. But as no + government could discharge its duties to the best advantage of its + citizens, if its agents were in a regular course of thwarting instead of + executing all its measures, and were employing the patronage and influence + of their offices against the government and its measures, I have only + requested they would be quiet, and they should be safe: and if their + conscience urges them to take an active and zealous part in opposition, it + ought also to urge them to retire from a post which they could not + conscientiously conduct with fidelity to the trust reposed in them; and on + failure to retire, I have removed them; that is to say, those who + maintained an active and zealous opposition to the government. Nothing + which I have yet heard of Major Gibbons places him in danger from these + principles. + </p> + <p> + I am much pleased with the ardor displayed by our countrymen on the late + British outrage. It gives us the more confidence of support in the demand + of reparation for the past, and security for the future, that is to say, + an end of impressments. If motives of either justice or interest should + produce this from Great Britain, it will save a war: but if they are + refused, we shall have gained time for getting in our ships and property, + and at least twenty thousand seamen now afloat on the ocean, and who may + man two hundred and fifty privateers. The loss of these to us would be + worth to Great Britain many victories of the Nile and Trafalgar. The mean + time may also be importantly employed in preparations to enable us to give + quick and deep blows. + </p> + <p> + Present to Mrs. Page, and receive yourself my affectionate and respectful + salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0059" id="link2H_4_0059"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LIX.—TO WILLIAM DUANE, July 20, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM DUANE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, July 20, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Although I cannot always acknowledge the receipt of communications, yet I + merit their continuance by making all the use of them of which they are + susceptible. Some of your suggestions had occurred, and others will be + considered. The time is coming when our friends must enable us to hear + every thing, and expect us to say nothing; when we shall need all their + confidence that every thing is doing which can be done, and when our + greatest praise shall be, that we appear to be doing nothing. The law for + detaching one hundred thousand militia, and the appropriation for it, and + that for fortifications, enable us to do every thing for land service, as + well as if Congress were here; and as to naval matters, their opinion is + known. The course we have pursued, has gained for our merchants a precious + interval to call in their property and our seamen, and the postponing the + summons of Congress will aid in avoiding to give too quick an alarm to the + adversary. They will be called, however, in good time. Although we demand + of England what is merely of right, reparation for the past, security for + the future, yet as their pride will possibly, nay probably, prevent their + yielding them to the extent we shall require, my opinion is, that the + public mind, which I believe is made up for war, should maintain itself at + that point. They have often enough, God knows, given us cause of war + before; but it has been on points which would not have united the nation. + But now they have touched a chord which vibrates in every heart. Now then + is the time to settle the old and the new. + </p> + <p> + I have often wished for an occasion of saying a word to you on the subject + of the Emperor of Russia, of whose character and value to us, I suspect + you are not apprized correctly. A more virtuous man, I believe, does not + exist, nor one who is more enthusiastically devoted to better the + condition of mankind. He will probably, one day, fall a victim to it, as a + monarch of that principle does not suit a Russian noblesse. He is not of + the very first order of understanding, but he is of a high one. He has + taken a peculiar affection to this country and its government, of which he + has given me public as well as personal proofs. Our nation being like his, + habitually neutral, our interests as to neutral rights, and our + sentiments, agree. And whenever conferences for peace shall take place, we + are assured of a friend in him. In fact, although in questions of + restitution he will be with England, in those of neutral rights he will be + with Bonaparte and every other power in the world, except England: and I + do presume that England will never have peace until she subscribes to a + just code of marine law. I have gone into this subject, because I am + confident that Russia (while her present monarch lives) is the most + cordially friendly to us of any power on earth, will go furthest to serve + us, and is most worthy of conciliation. And although the source of this + information must be a matter of confidence with you, yet it is desirable + that the sentiments should become those of the nation. I salute you with + esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0060" id="link2H_4_0060"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LX.—TO GEORGE HAY, August 20, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 20, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received yesterday your favor of the 11th. An error of the post-office + had occasioned the delay. Before an impartial jury Burr’s conduct would + convict himself, were not one word of testimony to be offered against him. + But to what a state will our law be reduced by party feelings in those who + administer it? Why do not Blannerhasset, Dayton, &c. demand private + and comfortable lodgings? In a country where an equal application of law + to every condition of man is fundamental, how could it be denied to them? + How can it ever be denied to the most degraded malefactor? The enclosed + letter of James Morrison, covering a copy of one from Alston to + Blannerhasset, came to hand yesterday. I enclose them, because it is + proper all these papers should be in one deposite, and because you should + know the case and all its bearings, that you may understand whatever turns + up in the cause. Whether the opinion of the letter-writer is sound, may be + doubted. For however these, and other circumstances which have come to us, + may induce us to believe that the bouncing letter he published, and the + insolent one he wrote to me, were intended as blinds, yet they are not + sufficient for legal conviction. Blannerhasset and his wife could possibly + tell us enough. I commiserate the sufferings you have to go through in + such a season, and salute you with great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0061" id="link2H_4_0061"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXI.—TO GEORGE HAY, September 4, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, September 4, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Yours of the 1st came to hand yesterday. The event has been ——— + that is to say, not only to clear Burr, but to prevent the evidence from + ever going before the world. But this latter case must not take place. It + is now, therefore, more than ever indispensable, that not a single witness + be paid or permitted to depart, until his testimony has been committed to + writing, either as delivered in court, or as taken by yourself in the + presence of any of Burr’s counsel, who may choose to attend to + cross-examine. These whole proceedings will be laid before Congress, that + they may decide, whether the defect has been in the evidence of guilt, or + in the law, or in the application of the law, and that they may provide + the proper remedy for the past and the future. I must pray you also to + have an authentic copy of the record made out (without saying for what) + and to send it to me: if the Judge’s opinions make not a part of it, then + I must ask a copy of them, either under his hand, if he delivers one + signed, or duly proved by affidavit. + </p> + <p> + This criminal is preserved to become the rallying point of all the + disaffected and the worthless of the United States, and to be the pivot on + which all the intrigues and the conspiracies which foreign governments may + wish to disturb us with, are to turn. If he is convicted of the + misdemeanor, the Judge must in decency give us respite by some short + confinement of him; but we must expect it to be very short. Be assured + yourself, and communicate the same assurances to your colleagues, that + your and their zeal and abilities have been displayed in this affair to my + entire satisfaction and your own honor. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0062" id="link2H_4_0062"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXII.—TO GEORGE HAY, September 7, 1807 + </h2> + <p> + TO GEORGE HAY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, September 7, 1807. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received, late last night, your favor of the day before, and now + re-enclose you the subpoena. As I do not believe that the district courts + have a power of commanding the executive government to abandon superior + duties and attend on them, at whatever distance, I am unwilling, by any + notice of the subpoena, to set a precedent which might sanction a + proceeding so preposterous. I enclose you, therefore, a letter, public and + for the court, covering substantially all they ought to desire. If the + papers which were enclosed in Wilkinson’s letter may, in your judgment, be + communicated without injury, you will be pleased to communicate them. I + return you the original letter. + </p> + <p> + I am happy in having the benefit of Mr. Madison’s counsel on this + occasion, he happening to be now with me. We are both strongly of opinion, + that the prosecution against Burr for misdemeanor should proceed at + Richmond. If defeated, it will heap coals of fire on the head of the + Judge: if successful, it will give time to see whether a prosecution for + treason against him can be instituted in any, and what other court. But, + we incline to think, it may be best to send Blannerhasset and Smith + (Israel) to Kentucky, to be tried both for the treason and misdemeanor. + The trial of Dayton for misdemeanor may as well go on at Richmond. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0063" id="link2H_4_0063"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXIII.—TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR, January 23, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR, + </p> + <p> + Washington, January 23, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have duly received your favor of the 18th, and am thankful to you for + having written it, because it is more agreeable to prevent than to refuse + what I do not think myself authorized to comply with. I consider the + government of the United States as interdicted by the constitution from + intermeddling with religious institutions, their doctrines, discipline, or + exercises. This results not only from the provision that no law shall be + made respecting the establishment or free exercise of religion, but from + that also which reserves to the States the powers not delegated to the + United States. Certainly, no power to prescribe any religious exercise, or + to assume authority in religious discipline, has been delegated to the + General Government. It must then rest with the States, as far as it can be + in any human authority. But it is only proposed that I should recommend, + not prescribe, a day of fasting and prayer. That is, that I should + indirectly assume to the United States an authority over religious + exercises, which the constitution has directly precluded them from. It + must be meant, too, that this recommendation is to carry some authority, + and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those who disregard it; not indeed + of fine and imprisonment, but of some degree of proscription, perhaps in + public opinion. And does the change in the nature of the penalty make the + recommendation the less a law of conduct for those to whom it is directed? + I do not believe it is for the interest of religion to invite the civil + magistrate to direct its exercises, its discipline, or its doctrines; nor + of the religious societies, that the General Government should be invested + with the power of effecting any uniformity of time or matter among them. + Fasting and prayer are religious exercises; the enjoining them an act of + discipline. Every religious society has a right to determine for itself + the times for these exercises, and the objects proper for them, according + to their own particular tenets; and this right can never be safer than in + their own hands, where the constitution has deposited it. + </p> + <p> + I am aware that the practice of my predecessors may be quoted. But I have + ever believed, that the example of State executives led to the assumption + of that authority by the General Government, without due examination, + which would have discovered that what might be a right in a State + government, was a violation of that right when assumed by another. Be this + as it may, every one must act according to the dictates of his own reason, + and mine tells me that civil powers alone have been given to the President + of the United States, and no authority to direct the religious exercises + of his constituents. + </p> + <p> + I again express my satisfaction that you have been so good as to give me + an opportunity of explaining myself in a private letter, in which I could + give my reasons more in detail than might have been done in a public + answer: and I pray you to accept the assurances of my high esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0064" id="link2H_4_0064"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXIV.—TO COLONEL MONROE, February 18, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO COLONEL MONROE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, February 18, 1808. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + You informed me that the instruments you had been so kind as to bring for + me from England, would arrive at Richmond with your baggage, and you + wished to know what was to be done with them there. I will ask the favor + of you to deliver them to Mr. Jefferson, who will forward them to + Monticello in the way I shall advise him. And I must intreat you to send + me either a note of their amount, or the bills, that I may be enabled to + reimburse you. There can be no pecuniary matter between us, against which + this can be any set-off. But if, contrary to my recollection or knowledge, + there were any thing, I pray that that may be left to be settled by + itself. If I could have known the amount beforehand, I should have + remitted it, and asked the advance only under the idea that it should be + the same as ready money to you on your arrival. I must again, therefore, + beseech you to let me know its amount. + </p> + <p> + I see with infinite grief a contest arising between yourself and another, + who have been very dear to each other, and equally so to me. I sincerely + pray that these dispositions may not be affected between you; with me I + confidently trust they will not. For independently of the dictates of + public duty, which prescribes neutrality to me, my sincere friendship for + you both will insure its sacred observance. I suffer no one to converse + with me on the subject. I already perceive my old friend Clinton + estranging himself from me. No doubt lies are carried to him, as they will + be to the other two candidates, under forms, which, however false he can + scarcely question. Yet I have been equally careful as to him also, never + to say a word on his subject. The object of the contest is a fair and + honorable one, equally open to you all; and I have no doubt the personal + conduct of all will be so chaste, as to offer no ground of dissatisfaction + with each other. But your friends will not be as delicate. I know too well + from experience the progress of political controversy, and the + exacerbation of spirit into which it degenerates, not to fear for the + continuance of your mutual esteem. One piquing thing said, draws on + another, that a third, and always with increasing acrimony, until all + restraint is thrown off, and it becomes difficult for yourselves to keep + clear of the toils in which your friends will endeavor to interlace you, + and to avoid the participation in their passions which they will endeavor + to produce. A candid recollection of what you know of each other will be + the true corrective. With respect to myself, I hope they will spare me. My + longings for retirement are so strong, that I with difficulty encounter + the daily drudgeries of my duty. But my wish for retirement itself is not + stronger than that of carrying into it the affections of all my friends. I + have ever viewed Mr. Madison and yourself as two principal pillars of my + happiness. Were either to be withdrawn, I should consider it as among the + greatest calamities which could assail my future peace of mind. I have + great confidence that the candor and high understanding of both will guard + me against this misfortune, the bare possibility of which has so far + weighed on my mind, that I could not be easy without unburthening it. + </p> + <p> + Accept my respectful salutations for yourself and Mrs. Monroe, and be + assured of my constant and sincere friendship. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0065" id="link2H_4_0065"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXV.—TO COLONEL MONROE, March 10, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO COLONEL MONROE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 10, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + From your letter of the 27th ultimo, I perceive that painful impressions + have been made on your mind during your late mission, of which I had never + entertained a suspicion. I must, therefore, examine the grounds, because + explanations between reasonable men can never but do good. 1. You consider + the mission of Mr. Pinckney as an associate, to have been in some way + injurious to you. Were I to take that measure on myself, I might say in + its justification, that it has been the regular and habitual practice of + the United States to do this, under every form in which their government + has existed. I need not recapitulate the multiplied instances, because you + will readily recollect them. I went as an adjunct to Dr. Franklin and Mr. + Adams, yourself as an adjunct first to Mr. Livingston, and then to Mr. + Pinckney, and I really believe there has scarcely been a great occasion + which has not produced an extraordinary mission. Still, however, it is + well known, that I was strongly opposed to it in the case of which you + complain. A committee of the Senate called on me with two resolutions of + that body on the subject of impressment and spoliations by Great Britain, + and requesting that I would demand satisfaction. After delivering the + resolutions, the committee entered into free conversation, and observed, + that although the Senate could not, in form, recommend any extraordinary + mission, yet that as individuals, there was but one sentiment among them + on the measure, and they pressed it. I was so much averse to it, and gave + them so hard an answer, that they felt it, and spoke of it. But it did not + end here. The members of the other House took up the subject, and set upon + me individually, and these the best friends to you, as well as myself, and + represented the responsibility which a failure to obtain redress would + throw on us both, pursuing a conduct in opposition to the opinion of + nearly every member of the legislature. I found it necessary, at length, + to yield my own opinion, to the general sense of the national council, and + it really seemed to produce a jubilee among them; not from any want of + confidence in you, but from a belief in the effect which an extraordinary + mission would have on the British mind, by demonstrating the degree of + importance which this country attached to the rights which we considered + as infracted. + </p> + <p> + 2. You complain of the manner in which the treaty was received. But what + was that manner? I cannot suppose you to have given a moment’s credit to + the stuff which was crowded in all sorts of forms into the public papers, + or to the thousand speeches they put into my mouth, not a word of which I + had ever uttered. I was not insensible at the time of the views to + mischief, with which these lies were fabricated. But my confidence was + firm, that neither yourself nor the British government, equally outraged + by them, would believe me capable of making the editors of newspapers the + confidants of my speeches or opinions. The fact was this. The treaty was + communicated to us by Mr. Erskine on the day Congress was to rise. Two of + the Senators inquired of me in the evening, whether it was my purpose to + detain them on account of the treaty. My answer was, ‘that it was not: + that the treaty containing no provision against the impressment of our + seamen, and being accompanied by a kind of protestation of the British + ministers, which would leave that government free to consider it as a + treaty or no treaty, according to their own convenience, I should not give + them the trouble of deliberating on it.’ This was substantially, and + almost verbally, what I said whenever spoken to about it, and I never + failed when the occasion would admit of it, to justify yourself and Mr. + Pinckney, by expressing my conviction, that it was all that could be + obtained from the British government; that you had told their + commissioners that your government could not be pledged to ratify, because + it was contrary to their instructions; of course, that it should be + considered but as a projet; and in this light I stated it publicly in my + message to Congress on the opening of the session. Not a single article of + the treaty was ever made known beyond the members of the administration, + nor would an article of it be known at this day, but for its publication + in the newspapers, as communicated by somebody from beyond the water, as + we have always understood. But as to myself, I can solemnly protest, as + the most sacred of truths, that I never, one instant, lost sight of your + reputation and favorable standing with your country, and never omitted to + justify your failure to attain our wish, as one which was probably + unattainable. Reviewing, therefore, this whole subject, I cannot doubt you + will become sensible, that your impressions have been without just ground. + I cannot, indeed, judge what falsehoods may have been written or told you; + and that, under such forms as to command belief. But you will soon find, + my dear Sir, that so inveterate is the rancor of party spirit among us, + that nothing ought to be credited but what we hear with our own ears. If + you are less on your guard than we are here, at this moment, the designs + of the mischief-makers will not fail to be accomplished, and brethren and + friends will be made strangers and enemies to each other, without ever + having said or thought a thing amiss of each other. I presume that the + most insidious falsehoods are daily carried to you, as they are brought to + me, to engage us in the passions of our informers, and stated so + positively and plausibly as to make even doubt a rudeness to the narrator; + who, imposed on himself, has no other than the friendly view of putting us + on our guard. My answer is, invariably, that my knowledge of your + character is better testimony to me of a negative, than any affirmative + which my informant did not hear from yourself with his own ears. In fact, + when you shall have been a little longer among us, you will find that + little is to be believed which interests the prevailing passions, and + happens beyond the limits of our own senses. Let us not then, my dear + friend, embark our happiness and our affections on the ocean of slander, + of falsehood, and of malice, on which our credulous friends are floating. + If you have been made to believe that I ever did, said, or thought a thing + unfriendly to your fame and feelings, you do me injury as causeless as it + is afflicting to me. In the present contest in which you are concerned, I + feel no passion, I take no part, I express no sentiment. Whichever of my + friends is called to the supreme cares of the nation, I know that they + will be wisely and faithfully administered, and as far as my individual + conduct can influence, they shall be cordially supported, + </p> + <p> + For myself I have nothing further to ask of the world, than to preserve in + retirement so much of their esteem as I may have fairly earned, and to be + permitted to pass in tranquillity, in the bosom of my family and friends, + the days which yet remain for me. Having reached the harbor myself, I + shall view with anxiety (but certainly not with a wish to be in their + place) those who are still buffeting the storm, uncertain of their fate. + Your voyage has so far been favorable, and that it may continue with + entire prosperity, is the sincere prayer of that friendship which I have + ever borne you, and of which I now assure you, with the tender of my high + respect and affectionate salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson, + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0066" id="link2H_4_0066"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXVI.—TO RICHARD M. JOHNSON, March 10, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO RICHARD M. JOHNSON. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 10, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I am sure you can too justly estimate my occupations, to need an apology + for this tardy acknowledgment of your favor of February the 27th. I cannot + but be deeply sensible of the good opinion you are pleased to express of + my conduct in the administration of our government. This approbation of my + fellow-citizens is the richest reward I can receive. I am conscious of + having always intended to do what was best for them: and never, for a + single moment, to have listened to any personal interest of my own. It has + been a source of great pain to me, to have met with so many among our + opponents, who had not the liberality to distinguish between political and + social opposition; who transferred at once to the person, the hatred they + bore to his political opinions. I suppose, indeed, that in public life, a + man whose political principles have any decided character, and who has + energy enough to give them effect, must always expect to encounter + political hostility from those of adverse principles. But I came to the + government under circumstances calculated to generate peculiar acrimony. I + found all its offices in the possession of a political sect, who wished to + transform it ultimately into the shape of their darling model, the English + government; and in the mean time, to familiarize the public mind to the + change, by administering it on English principles, and in English forms. + The elective interposition of the people had blown all their designs, and + they found themselves and their fortresses of power and profit put in a + moment into the hands of other trustees. Lamentations and invective were + all that remained to them. This last was naturally directed against the + agent selected to execute the multiplied reformations, which their + heresies had rendered necessary. I became of course the butt of every + thing which reason, ridicule, malice, and falsehood could supply. They + have concentrated all their hatred on me, till they have really persuaded + themselves, that I am the sole source of all their imaginary evils. I + hope, therefore, that my retirement will abate some of their disaffection + to the government of their country, and that my successor will enter on a + calmer sea than I did. He will at least find the vessel of state in the + hands of his friends, and not of his foes. Federalism is dead, without + even the hope of a day of resurrection. The quondam leaders, indeed, + retain their rancor and principles; but their followers are amalgamated + with us in sentiment, if not in name. If our fellow-citizens, now solidly + republican, will sacrifice favoritism towards men for the preservation of + principle, we may hope that no divisions will again endanger a degeneracy + in our government. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0067" id="link2H_4_0067"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXVII.—TO LEVI LINCOLN, March 23, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO LEVI LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 23, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter on the subject of Mr. Lee came safely to hand. You know our + principles render federalists in office safe, if they do not employ their + influence in opposing the government, but only give their own vote + according to their conscience. And this principle we act on as well with + those put in office by others, as by ourselves. + </p> + <p> + We have received from your presses a very malevolent and incendiary + denunciation of the administration, bottomed on absolute falsehood from + beginning to end. The author would merit exemplary punishment for so + flagitious a libel, were not the torment of his own abominable temper + punishment sufficient for even as base a crime as this. The termination of + Mr. Rose’s mission, <i>re infectâ</i>, put it in my power to communicate + to Congress yesterday, every thing respecting our relations with England + and France, which will effectually put down Mr. Pickering, and his worthy + coadjutor Quincy. Their tempers are so much alike, and really their + persons, as to induce a supposition that they are related. The embargo + appears to be approved, even by the federalists of every quarter except + yours. The alternative was between that and war, and, in fact, it is the + last card we have to play, short of war. But if peace does not take place + in Europe, and if France and England will not consent to withdraw the + operation of their decrees and orders from us, when Congress shall meet in + December, they will have to consider at what point of time the embargo, + continued, becomes a greater evil than war. I am inclined to believe, we + shall have this summer and autumn to prepare for the defence of our + sea-port towns, and hope that in that time the works of defence will be + completed, which have been provided for by the legislature. I think + Congress will rise within three weeks. I salute you with great affection + and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0068" id="link2H_4_0068"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXVIII.—TO CHARLES PINCKNEY, March 30, 1808 + </h2> + <h3> + TO CHARLES PINCKNEY. + </h3> + <p> + Washington, March 30, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of the 8th was received on the 25th, and I proceed to state to + you my views of the present state and prospect of foreign affairs, under + the confidence that you will use them for your own government and opinions + only, and by no means let them get out as from me. With France we are in + no immediate danger of war. Her future views it is impossible to estimate. + The immediate danger we are in of a rupture with England, is postponed for + this year. This is effected by the embargo, as the question was simply + between that and war. That may go on a certain time, perhaps through the + year, without the loss of their property to our citizens, but only its + remaining unemployed on their hands. A time would come, however, when war + would be preferable to a continuance of the embargo. Of this Congress may + have to decide at their next meeting. In the mean time, we have good + information, that a negotiation for peace between France and England is + commencing through the medium of Austria. The way for it has been smoothed + by a determination expressed by France (through the Moniteur, which is + their government paper), that herself and her allies will demand from + Great Britain no renunciation of her maritime principles; nor will they + renounce theirs. Nothing shall be said about them in the treaty, and both + sides will be left in the next war to act on their own. No doubt the + meaning of this is, that all the Continental powers of Europe will form + themselves into an armed neutrality, to enforce their own principles. + Should peace be made, we shall have safely rode out the storm in peace and + prosperity. If we have any thing to fear, it will be after that. Nothing + should be spared from this moment in putting our militia into the best + condition possible, and procuring arms. I hope, that this summer, we shall + get our whole sea-ports put into that state of defence, which Congress has + thought proportioned to our circumstances and situation; that is to say, + put <i>hors d’insulte</i> from a maritime attack, by a moderate squadron. + If armies are combined with their fleets, then no resource can be + provided, but to meet them in the field. We propose to raise seven + regiments only for the present year, depending always on our militia for + the operations of the first year of war. On any other plan, we should be + obliged always to keep a large standing army. Congress will adjourn in + about three weeks. I hope Captain McComb is going on well with your + defensive works. We shall be able by mid-summer, to give you a sufficient + number of gun-boats to protect Charleston from any vessels which can cross + the bar; but the militia of the place must be depended on to fill up the + complement of men necessary for action in the moment of an attack, as we + shall man them, in ordinary, but with their navigating crew of eight or + ten good seamen. I salute you with great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0069" id="link2H_4_0069"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXIX.—TO DOCTOR LEIB, June 23, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR LEIB. + </p> + <p> + Washington, June 23, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have duly received your favor covering a copy of the talk to the Tammany + society, for which I thank you, and particularly for the favorable + sentiments expressed towards myself. Certainly, nothing will so much + sweeten the tranquillity and comfort of retirement, as the knowledge that + I carry with me the good will and approbation of my republican + fellow-citizens, and especially of the individuals in unison with whom I + have so long acted. With respect to the federalists, I believe we think + alike; for when speaking of them, we never mean to include a worthy + portion of our fellow-citizens, who consider themselves as in duty bound + to support the constituted authorities of every branch, and to reserve + their opposition to the period of election. These having acquired the + appellation of federalists, while a federal administration was in place, + have not cared about throwing off their name, but, adhering to their + principle, are the supporters of the present order of things. The other + branch of the federalists, those who are so in principle as well as in + name, disapprove of the republican principles and features of our + constitution, and would, I believe, welcome any public calamity (war with + England excepted) which might lessen the confidence of our country in + those principles and forms. I have generally considered them rather as + subjects for a madhouse. But they are now playing a game of the most + mischievous tendency, without perhaps being themselves aware of it. They + are endeavoring to convince England, that we suffer more by the embargo + than they do, and that, if they will but hold out a while, we must abandon + it. It is true, the time will come when we must abandon it. But if this is + before the repeal of the orders of council, we must abandon it only for a + state of war. The day is not distant, when that will be preferable to a + longer continuance of the embargo. But we can never remove that, and let + our vessels go out and be taken under these orders, without making + reprisal. Yet this is the very state of things which these federal + monarchists are endeavoring to bring about; and in this it is but too + possible they may succeed. But the fact is, that if we have war with + England, it will be solely produced by their manoeuvres. I think that in + two or three months we shall know what will be the issue. I salute you + with esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0070" id="link2H_4_0070"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXX.—TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON, October 15, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON. + </p> + <p> + Washington, October 15, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of September the 22nd waited here for my return, and it is not + till now that I have been able to acknowledge it. The explanation of his + principles, given you by the French Emperor, in conversation, is correct + as far as it goes. He does not wish us to go to war with England, knowing + we have no ships to carry on that war. To submit to pay to England the + tribute on our commerce which she demands by her orders of council, would + be to aid her in the war against him, and would give him just ground to + declare war with us. He concludes, therefore, as every rational man must, + that the embargo, the only remaining alternative, was a wise measure. + These are acknowledged principles, and should circumstances arise, which + may offer advantage to our country in making them public, we shall avail + ourselves of them. But as it is not usual nor agreeable to governments to + bring their conversations before the public, I think it would be well to + consider this on your part as confidential, leaving to the government to + retain or make it public, as the general good may require. Had the Emperor + gone further, and said that he condemned our vessels going voluntarily + into his ports in breach of his municipal laws, we might have admitted it + rigorously legal, though not friendly. But his condemnation of vessels + taken on the high seas by his privateers, and carried involuntarily into + his ports, is justifiable by no law, is piracy, and this is the wrong we + complain of against him. + </p> + <p> + Supposing that you may be still at Clermont, from whence your letter is + dated, I avail myself of this circumstance to request your presenting my + friendly respects to Chancellor Livingston. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0071" id="link2H_4_0071"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXI.—TO DOCTOR JAMES BROWN, October 27, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR JAMES BROWN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, October 27, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + You will wonder that your letter of June the 3rd should not be + acknowledged till this date. I never received it till September the 12th, + and coming soon after to this place, the accumulation of business I found + here has prevented my taking it up till now. That you ever participated in + any plan for a division of the Union, I never for one moment believed. I + knew your Americanism too well. But as the enterprise against Mexico was + of a very different character, I had supposed what I heard on that subject + to be possible. You disavow it; that is enough for me, and I for ever + dismiss the idea. I wish it were possible to extend my belief of innocence + to a very different description of men in New Orleans; but I think there + is sufficient evidence of there being there a set of foreign adventurers, + and native malcontents, who would concur in any enterprise to separate + that country from this. I did wish to see these people get what they + deserved; and under the maxim of the law itself, that <i>inter arma silent + leges</i>, that in an encampment expecting daily attack from a powerful + enemy, self-preservation is paramount to all law, I expected that instead + of invoking the forms of the law to cover traitors, all good citizens + would have concurred in securing them. Should we have ever gained our + Revolution, if we had bound our hands by manacles of the law, not only in + the beginning, but in any part of the revolutionary conflict? There are + extreme cases where the laws become inadequate even to their own + preservation, and where the universal resource is a dictator, or martial + law. Was New Orleans in that situation? Although we knew here that the + force destined against it was suppressed on the Ohio, yet we supposed this + unknown at New Orleans at the time that Burr’s accomplices were calling in + the aid of the law to enable them to perpetrate its suppression, and that + it was reasonable, according to the state of information there, to act on + the expectation of a daily attack. Of this you are the best judge. + </p> + <p> + Burr is in London, and is giving out to his friends that that government + offers him two millions of dollars the moment he can raise an ensign of + rebellion as big as an handkerchief. Some of his partisans will believe + this, because they wish it. But those who know him best will not believe + it the more because he says it. For myself, even in his most flattering + periods of the conspiracy, I never entertained one moment’s fear. My long + and intimate knowledge of my countrymen satisfied and satisfies me, that, + let there ever be occasion to display the banners of the law, and the + world will see how few and pitiful are those who shall array themselves in + opposition. I as little fear foreign invasion. I have indeed thought it a + duty to be prepared to meet even the most powerful, that of a Bonaparte, + for instance, by the only means competent, that of a classification of the + militia, and placing the junior classes at the public disposal: but the + lesson he receives in Spain extirpates all apprehensions from my mind. If, + in a peninsula, the neck of which is adjacent to him, and at his command, + where he can march any army without the possibility of interception or + obstruction from any foreign power, he finds it necessary to begin with an + army of three hundred thousand men, to subdue a nation of five millions, + brutalized by ignorance, and enervated by long peace, and should find + constant reinforcements of thousands after thousands necessary to effect + at last a conquest as doubtful as deprecated, what numbers would be + necessary against eight millions of free Americans, spread over such an + extent of country as would wear him down by mere marching, by want of + food, autumnal diseases, &c.? How would they be brought, and how + reinforced, across an ocean of three thousand miles, in possession of a + bitter enemy, whose peace, like the repose of a dog, is never more than + momentary? And for what? For nothing but hard blows. If the Orleanese + Creoles would but contemplate these truths, they would cling to the + American Union, soul and body, as their first affection, and we should be + as safe there as we are every where else. I have no doubt of their + attachment to us in preference of the English. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with sincere friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0072" id="link2H_4_0072"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXII.—TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR LINCOLN, November 13, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + Washington, November 13, 1808. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I enclose you a petition from Nantucket, and refer it for your decision. + Our opinion here is, that that place has been so deeply concerned in + smuggling, that if it wants, it is because it has illegally sent away what + it ought to have retained for its own consumption. Be so good as to bear + in mind that I have asked the favor of you to see that your State + encounters no real want, while, at the same time, where applications are + made merely to cover fraud, no facilities towards that be furnished. I + presume there can be no want in Massachusetts, as yet, as I am informed + that Governor Sullivan’s permits are openly bought and sold here and in + Alexandria, and at other markets. The Congressional campaign is just + opening: three alternatives alone are to be chosen from. 1. Embargo. 2. + War. 3. Submission and tribute. And, wonderful to tell, the last will not + want advocates. The real question, however, will lie between the two + first, on which there is considerable division. As yet the first seems + most to prevail; but opinions are by no means yet settled down. Perhaps + the advocates of the second may, to a formal declaration of war, prefer + general letters of mark and reprisal, because, on a repeal of their edicts + by the belligerent, a revocation of the letters of mark restores peace + without the delay, difficulties, and ceremonies of a treaty. On this + occasion, I think it fair to leave to those who are to act on them, the + decisions they prefer, being to be myself but a spectator. I should not + feel justified in directing measures which those who are to execute them + would disapprove. Our situation is truly difficult. We have been pressed + by the belligerents to the very wall, and all further retreat is + impracticable. I salute you with sincere friendship. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0073" id="link2H_4_0073"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXIII.—TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH, November 24, 1808 + </h2> + <p> + TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH. + </p> + <p> + Washington, November 24, 1808. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Jefferson, + </p> + <p> + Your situation, thrown at such a distance from us and alone, cannot but + give us all great anxieties for you. As much has been secured for you, by + your particular position and the acquaintance to which you have been + recommended, as could be done towards shielding you from the dangers which + surround you. But thrown on a wide world, among entire strangers, without + a friend or guardian to advise, so young, too, and with so little + experience of mankind, your dangers are great, and still your safety must + rest on yourself. A determination never to do what is wrong, prudence, and + good humor, will go far towards securing to you the estimation of the + world. When I recollect that at fourteen years of age, the whole care and + direction of myself was thrown on myself entirely, without a relation or + friend qualified to advise or guide me, and recollect the various sorts of + bad company with which I associated from time to time, I am astonished I + did not turn off with some of them, and become as worthless to society as + they were. I had the good fortune to become acquainted very early with + some characters of very high standing, and to feel the incessant wish that + I could ever become what they were. Under temptations and difficulties, I + would ask myself what would Dr. Small, Mr. Wythe, Peyton Randolph do in + this situation? What course in it will insure me their approbation? I am + certain that this mode of deciding on my conduct, tended more to its + correctness than any reasoning powers I possessed. Knowing the even and + dignified line they pursued, I could never doubt for a moment which of two + courses would be in character for them. Whereas, seeking the same object + through a process of moral reasoning, and with the jaundiced eye of youth, + I should often have erred. From the circumstances of my position, I was + often thrown into the society of horse-racers, card-players, fox-hunters, + scientific and professional men, and of dignified men; and many a time + have I asked myself, in the enthusiastic moment of the death of a fox, the + victory of a favorite horse, the issue of a question eloquently argued at + the bar, or in the great council of the nation, well, which of these kinds + of reputation should I prefer? That of a horse-jockey? a fox-hunter? an + orator? or the honest advocate of my country’s rights? Be assured, my dear + Jefferson, that these little returns into ourselves, this self-catechizing + habit, is not trifling, nor useless, but leads to the prudent selection + and steady pursuit of what is right. + </p> + <p> + I have mentioned good humor as one of the preservatives of our peace and + tranquillity. It is among the most effectual, and its effect is so well + imitated and aided, artificially, by politeness, that this also becomes an + acquisition of first-rate value. In truth, politeness is artificial good + humor, it covers the natural want of it, and ends by rendering habitual a + substitute nearly equivalent to the real virtue. It is the practice of + sacrificing to those whom we meet in society, all the little conveniences + and preferences which will gratify them, and deprive us of nothing worth a + moment’s consideration; it is the giving a pleasing and flattering turn to + our expressions, which will conciliate others, and make them pleased with + us as well as themselves. How cheap a price for the good will of another! + When this is in return for a rude thing said by another, it brings him to + his senses, it mortifies and corrects him in the most salutary way, and + places him at the feet of your good nature, in the eyes of the company. + But in stating prudential rules for our government in society I must not + omit the important one of never entering into dispute or argument with + another. I never yet saw an instance of one of two disputants convincing + the other by argument. I have seen many, of their getting warm, becoming + rude, and shooting one another. Conviction is the effect of our own + dispassionate reasoning, either in solitude, or weighing within ourselves, + dispassionately, what we hear from others, standing uncommitted in + argument ourselves. It was one of the rules, which, above all others, made + Doctor Franklin the most amiable of men in society, ‘never to contradict + any body.’ If he was urged to announce an opinion, he did it rather by + asking questions, as if for information, or by suggesting doubts. When I + hear another express an opinion which is not mine, I say to myself, he has + a right to his opinion, as I to mine; why should I question it? His error + does me no injury, and shall I become a Don Quixote, to bring all men by + force of argument to one opinion? If a fact be misstated, it is probable + he is gratified by a belief of it, and I have no right to deprive him of + the gratification. If he wants information, he will ask it, and then I + will give it in measured terms; but if he still believes his own story, + and shows a desire to dispute the fact with me, I hear him, and say + nothing. It is his affair, not mine, if he prefers error. There are two + classes of disputants most frequently to be met with among us. The first + is of young students, just entered the threshold of science, with a first + view of its outlines, not yet filled up with the details and modifications + which a further progress would bring to their knowledge. The other + consists of the ill-tempered and rude men in society, who have taken up a + passion for politics. (Good humor and politeness never introduce into + mixed society a question on which they foresee there will be a difference + of opinion.) From both of those classes of disputants, my dear Jefferson, + keep aloof, as you would from the infected subjects of yellow fever or + pestilence. Consider yourself, when with them, as among the patients of + Bedlam, needing medical more than moral counsel. Be a listener only, keep + within yourself, and endeavor to establish with yourself the habit of + silence, especially on politics. In the fevered state of our country, no + good can ever result from any attempt to set one of these fiery zealots to + rights, either in fact or principle. They are determined as to the facts + they will believe, and the opinions on which they will act. Get by them, + therefore, as you would by an angry bull: it is not for a man of sense to + dispute the road with such an animal. You will be more exposed than others + to have these animals shaking their horns at you, because of the relation + in which you stand with me. Full of political venom, and willing to see me + and to hate me as a chief in the antagonist party, your presence will be + to them what the vomit-grass is to the sick dog, a nostrum for producing + ejaculation. Look upon them exactly with that eye, and pity them as + objects to whom you can administer only occasional ease. My character is + not within their power. It is in the hands of my fellow-citizens at large, + and will be consigned to honor or infamy by the verdict of the republican + mass of our country, according to what themselves will have seen, not what + their enemies and mine shall have said. Never, therefore, consider these + puppies in politics as requiring any notice from you, and always show, + that you are not afraid to leave my character to the umpirage of public + opinion. Look steadily to the pursuits which have carried you to + Philadelphia, be very select in the society you attach yourself to, avoid + taverns, drinkers, smokers, idlers, and dissipated persons generally; for + it is with such that broils and contentions arise; and you will find your + path more easy and tranquil. The limits of my paper warn me that it is + time for me to close with my affectionate adieu. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P. S. Present me affectionately to Mr. Ogilvie, and in doing the same to + Mr. Peale, tell him I am writing with his polygraph, and shall send him + mine the first moment I have leisure enough to pack it. T. J. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0074" id="link2H_4_0074"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXIV.—TO DOCTOR EUSTIS, January 14, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR EUSTIS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, January 14, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of December + the 24th, and of the resolutions of the republican citizens of Boston, of + the 19th of that month. These are worthy of the ancient character of the + sons of Massachusetts, and of the spirit of concord with her sister + States, which, and which alone, carried us successfully through the + revolutionary war, and finally placed us under that national government, + which constitutes the safety of every part, by uniting for its protection + the powers of the whole. The moment for exerting these united powers, to + repel the injuries of the belligerents of Europe, seems likely to be + pressed upon us. They have interdicted our commerce with nearly the whole + world. They have declared it shall be carried on with such places, in such + articles, and in such measure only, as they shall dictate; thus + prostrating all the principles of right, which have hitherto protected it. + After exhausting the cup of forbearance and conciliation to its dregs, we + found it necessary, on behalf of that commerce, to take time to call it + home into a state of safety, to put the towns and harbors which carry it + on into a condition of defence, and to make further preparation for + enforcing the redress of its wrongs, and restoring it to its rightful + freedom. This required a certain measure of time, which, although not + admitting specific limitation, must, from its avowed objects, have been + obvious to all: and the progress actually made towards the accomplishment + of these objects, proves it now to be near its term. + </p> + <p> + While thus endeavoring to secure, and preparing to vindicate that + commerce, the absurd opinion has been propagated, that this temporary and + necessary arrangement was to be a permanent system, and was intended for + its destruction. The sentiments expressed in the paper you were so kind as + to enclose me, show that those who have concurred in them, have judged + with more candor the intentions of their government, and are sufficiently + aware of the tendency of the excitements and misrepresentations which have + been practised on this occasion. And such, I am persuaded, will be the + disposition of the citizens of Massachusetts at large, whenever truth can + reach them. Associated with her sister States in a common government, the + fundamental principle of which is, that the will of the majority is to + prevail, sensible, that in the present difficulty, that will has been + governed by no local interests or jealousies, that to save permanent + rights, temporary sacrifices were necessary, that these have fallen as + impartially on all, as in a situation so peculiar they could be made to + do, she will see, in the existing measures, a legitimate and honest + exercise of the will and wisdom of the whole. And her citizens, faithful + to themselves and their associates, will not, to avoid a transient + pressure, yield to the seductions of enemies to their independence, + foreign or domestic, and take a course equally subversive of their + well-being, as of that of their brethren. + </p> + <p> + The approbation expressed by the republican citizens of the town of + Boston, of the course pursued by the national government, is truly + consoling to its members: and, encouraged by the declaration of the + continuance of their confidence, and by the assurance of their support, + they will continue to pursue the line of their high duties according to + the best of their understandings, and with undeviating regard to the good + of the whole. Permit me to avail myself of this occasion of tendering you + personally the assurances of my great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0075" id="link2H_4_0075"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXV.—TO COLONEL MONROE, January 28, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO COLONEL MONROE. + </p> + <p> + Washington, January 28, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 18th was received in due time, and the answer has been + delayed as well by a pressure of business, as by the expectation of your + absence from Richmond. + </p> + <p> + The idea of sending a special mission to France or England is not + entertained at all here. After so little attention to us from the former, + and so insulting an answer from Canning, such a mark of respect as an + extraordinary mission, would be a degradation against which all minds + revolt here. The idea was hazarded in the House of Representatives a few + days ago, by a member, and an approbation expressed by another, but + rejected indignantly by every other person who spoke, and very generally + in conversation by all others: and I am satisfied such a proposition would + get no vote in the Senate. The course the legislature means to pursue, may + be inferred from the act now passed for a meeting in May, and a + proposition before them for repealing the embargo in June, and then + resuming and maintaining by force our right of navigation. There will be + considerable opposition to this last proposition, not only from the + federalists, old and new, who oppose every thing, but from sound members + of the majority. Yet it is believed it will obtain a good majority, and + that it is the only proposition which can be devised that could obtain a + majority of any kind. Final propositions, will, therefore, be soon + despatched to both the belligerents through the resident ministers, so + that their answers will be received before the meeting in May, and will + decide what is to be done. This last trial for peace is not thought + desperate. If, as is expected, Bonaparte should be successful in Spain, + however every virtuous and liberal sentiment revolts at it, it may induce + both powers to be more accommodating with us. England will see here the + only asylum for her commerce and manufactures, worth more to her than her + orders of council. And Bonaparte, having Spain at his feet, will look + immediately to the Spanish colonies, and think our neutrality cheaply + purchased by a repeal of the illegal parts of his decrees, with perhaps + the Floridas thrown into the bargain. Should a change in the aspect of + affairs in Europe produce this disposition in both powers, our peace and + prosperity may be revived and long continue. Otherwise, we must again take + the tented field, as we did in 1776 under more inauspicious circumstances. + </p> + <p> + There never has been a situation of the world before, in which such + endeavors as we have made would not have secured our peace. It is probable + there never will be such another. If we go to war now, I fear we may + renounce for ever the hope of seeing an end of our national debt. If we + can keep at peace eight years longer, our income, liberated from debt, + will be adequate to any war, without new taxes or loans, and our position + and increasing strength will put us <i>hors d’insulte</i> from any nation. + I am now so near the moment of retiring, that I take no part in affairs + beyond the expression of an opinion. I think it fair, that my successor + should now originate those measures of which he will be charged with the + execution and responsibility, and that it is my duty to clothe them with + the forms of authority. Five weeks more will relieve me from a drudgery to + which I am no longer equal, and restore me to a scene of tranquillity, + amidst my family and friends, more congenial to my age and natural + inclinations. In that situation, it will always be a pleasure to me to see + you, and to repeat to you the assurances of my constant friendship and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0076" id="link2H_4_0076"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXVI.—TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH, February 7, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. + </p> + <p> + Washington, February 7, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly for continuing their + embargo till June, and then war. But a sudden and unaccountable revolution + of opinion took place the last week, chiefly among the New England and New + York members, and in a kind of panic, they voted the 4th of March for + removing the embargo, and by such a majority as gave all reason to + believe, they would not agree either to war or non-intercourse. This, too, + was after we had become satisfied, that the Essex Junto had found their + expectation desperate, of inducing the people there to either separation + or forcible opposition. The majority of Congress, however, has now rallied + to the removing the embargo on the 4th of March, non-intercourse with + France and Great Britain, trade every where else, and continuing war + preparations. The further details are not yet settled, but I believe it is + perfectly certain that the embargo will be taken off the 4th of March. + Present my warmest affections to my dearest Martha, and the young ones, + and accept the assurances of them to yourself. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0077" id="link2H_4_0077"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXVII.—TO JOHN HOLLINS, February 19, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN HOLLINS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, February 19, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + A little transaction of mine, as innocent an one as I ever entered into, + and where an improper construction was never less expected, is making some + noise, I observe, in your city. I beg leave to explain it to you, because + I mean to ask your agency in it. The last year, the Agricultural Society + of Paris, of which I am a member, having had a plough presented to them, + which, on trial with a graduated instrument, did equal work with half the + force of their best ploughs, they thought it would be a benefit to mankind + to communicate it. They accordingly sent one to me, with a view to its + being made known here, and they sent one to the Duke of Bedford also, who + is one of their members, to be made use of for England, although the two + nations were then at war. By the Mentor, now going to France, I have given + permission to two individuals in Delaware and New York, to import two + parcels of Merino sheep from France, which they have procured there, and + to some gentlemen in Boston, to import a very valuable machine which spins + cotton, wool, and flax equally. The last spring, the Society informed me + they were cultivating the cotton of the Levant and other parts of the + Mediterranean, and wished to try also that of our southern States. I + immediately got a friend to have two tierces of seed forwarded to me. They + were consigned to Messrs. Falls and Brown of Baltimore, and notice of it + being given me, I immediately wrote to them to re-ship them to New York, + to be sent by the Mentor. Their first object was to make a show of my + letter, as something very criminal, and to carry the subject into the + newspapers. I had, on a like request, some time ago (but before the + embargo), from the President of the Board of Agriculture of London, of + which I am also a member, to send them some of the genuine May wheat of + Virginia, forwarded to them two or three barrels of it. General + Washington, in his time, received from the same Society the seed of the + perennial succory, which Arthur Young had carried over from France to + England, and I have since received from a member of it the seed of the + famous turnip of Sweden, now so well known here. I mention these things, + to show the nature of the correspondence which is carried on between + societies instituted for the benevolent purpose of communicating to all + parts of the world whatever useful is discovered in any one of them. These + societies are always in peace, however their nations may be at war. Like + the republic of letters, they form a great fraternity spreading over the + whole earth, and their correspondence is never interrupted by any + civilized nation. Vaccination has been a late and remarkable instance of + the liberal diffusion of a blessing newly discovered. It is really + painful, it is mortifying, to be obliged to note these things, which are + known to every one who knows any thing, and felt with approbation by every + one who has any feeling. But we have a faction to whose hostile passions + the torture even of right into wrong is a delicious gratification. Their + malice I have long learned to disregard, their censure to deem praise. But + I observe, that some republicans are not satisfied (even while we are + receiving liberally from others) that this small return should be made. + They will think more justly at another day: but, in the mean time, I wish + to avoid offence. My prayer to you, therefore, is, that you will be so + good, under the enclosed order, as to receive these two tierces of seed + from Falls and Brown, and pay them their disbursements for freight, &c. + which I will immediately remit you on knowing the amount. Of the seed, + when received, be so good as to make manure for your garden. When rotted + with a due mixture of stable manure or earth, it is the best in the world. + I rely on your friendship to excuse this trouble, it being necessary I + should not commit myself again to persons of whose honor, or the want of + it, I know nothing. + </p> + <p> + Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0078" id="link2H_4_0078"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXVIII.—TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS, March 2, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 2, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + My last to you was of May the 2nd; since which I have received yours of + May the 25th, June the 1st, July the 23rd, 24th, and September the 5th, + and distributed the two pamphlets according to your desire. They are read + with the delight which every thing from your pen gives. + </p> + <p> + After using every effort which could prevent or delay our being entangled + in the war of Europe, that seems now our only resource. The edicts of the + two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean, we met by an + embargo. This gave us time to call home our seamen, ships, and property, + to levy men and put our sea-ports into a certain state of defence. We have + now taken off the embargo, except as to France and England and their + territories, because fifty millions of exports annually sacrificed, are + the treble of what war would cost us; besides, that by war we should take + something, and lose less than at present. But to give you a true + description of the state of things here, I must refer you to Mr. Coles, + the bearer of this, my secretary, a most worthy, intelligent, and + well-informed young man, whom I recommend to your notice, and conversation + on our affairs. His discretion and fidelity may be relied on. I expect he + will find you with Spain at your feet, but England still afloat, and a + barrier to the Spanish colonies. But all these concerns I am now leaving + to be settled by my friend Mr. Madison. Within a few days I retire to my + family, my books, and farms; and having gained the harbor myself, I shall + look on my friends still buffeting the storm, with anxiety indeed, but not + with envy. Never did a prisoner, released from his chains, feel such + relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended me + for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme + delight. But the enormities of the times in which I have lived, have + forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the + boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank God for the opportunity of + retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most + consoling proofs of public approbation. I leave every thing in the hands + of men so able to take care of them, that if we are destined to meet + misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them. Should + you return to the United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you to + visit the hermit of Monticello. He will receive you with affection and + delight; hailing you in the mean time with his affectionate salutations, + and assurances of constant esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P. S. If you return to us, bring a couple of pair of true-bred shepherd’s + dogs. You will add a valuable possession to a country now beginning to pay + great attention to the raising sheep. + </p> + <p> + T.J. <a name="link2H_4_0079" id="link2H_4_0079"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXIX.—TO THE PRESIDENT, March 17, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE PRESIDENT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 17, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + On opening my letters from France, in the moment of my departure from + Washington, I found from their signatures that they were from literary + characters, except one from Mr. Short, which mentioned in the outset that + it was private, and that his public communications were in the letter to + the Secretary of State, which I sent you. I find, however, on reading his + letter to me (which I did not do till I got home) a passage of some + length, proper to be communicated to you, and which I have therefore + extracted. + </p> + <p> + I had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads excessively bad, + although I have seen them worse. The last three days I found it better to + be on horseback, and travelled eight hours through as disagreeable a snow + storm as I was ever in. Feeling no inconvenience from the expedition but + fatigue, I have more confidence in my <i>vis vitæ</i> than I had before + entertained. The spring is remarkably backward. No oats sown, not much + tobacco seed, and little done in the gardens. Wheat has suffered + considerably. No vegetation visible yet but the red maple, weeping-willow, + and lilac. Flour is said to be at eight dollars at Richmond, and all + produce is hurrying down. + </p> + <p> + I feel great anxiety for the occurrences of the ensuing four or five + months. If peace can be preserved, I hope and trust you will have a smooth + administration. I know no government which would be so embarrassing in war + as ours. This would proceed very much from the lying and licentious + character of our papers; but much, also, from the wonderful credulity of + the members of Congress in the floating lies of the day. And in this no + experience seems to correct them. I have never seen a Congress during the + last eight years, a great majority of which I would not implicitly have + relied on in any question, could their minds have been purged of all + errors of fact. The evil, too, increases greatly with the protraction of + the session, and I apprehend, in case of war, their session would have a + tendency to become permanent. It is much, therefore, to be desired that + war may be avoided, if circumstances will admit. Nor in the present maniac + state of Europe, should I estimate the point of honor by the ordinary + scale. I believe we shall, on the contrary, have credit with the world, + for having made the avoidance of being engaged in the present unexampled + war, our first object. War, however, may become a less losing business + than unresisted depredation. With every wish that events may be propitious + to your administration, I salute you with sincere affection and every + sympathy of the heart. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0080" id="link2H_4_0080"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXX.—TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, April 3, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA, + </p> + <p> + Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to the society of + those with whom I was raised, and who have been ever dear to me, I + receive, fellow-citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible pleasure, the + cordial welcome you are so good as to give me. Long absent on duties which + the history of a wonderful era made incumbent on those called to them, the + pomp, the turmoil, the bustle, and splendor of office, have drawn but + deeper sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of private + life, for the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse with you, my + neighbors and friends, and the endearments of family love, which nature + has given us all, as the sweetener of every hour. For these I gladly lay + down the distressing burthen of power, and seek, with my fellow-citizens, + repose and safety under the watchful cares, the labors, and perplexities + of younger and abler minds. The anxieties you express to administer to my + happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness; and the measure will + be complete, if my endeavors to fulfil my duties in the several public + stations to which I have been called, have obtained for me the approbation + of my country. The part which I have acted on the theatre of public life, + has been before them; and to their sentence I submit it: but the testimony + of my native county, of the individuals who have known me in private life, + to my conduct in its various duties and relations, is the more grateful, + as proceeding from eye-witnesses and observers, from triers of the + vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I may ask, in the face of the world, + ‘Whose ox have I taken, or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed, + or of whose hand have I received a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?’ On + your verdict I rest with conscious security. Your wishes for my happiness + are received with just sensibility, and I offer sincere prayers for your + own welfare and prosperity. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + April 3, 1809. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0081" id="link2H_4_0081"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXI.—TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS, June 13, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 13, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I did not know till Mr. Patterson called on us, a few days ago, that you + had passed on to Washington. I had recently observed in the debates of + Congress, a matter introduced, on which I wished to give explanations more + fully in conversation, which I will now do by abridgment in writing. Mr. + Randolph has proposed an inquiry into certain prosecutions at common law + in Connecticut, for libels on the government, and not only himself, but + others have stated them with such affected caution, and such hints at the + same time, as to leave on every mind the impression that they had been + instituted either by my direction, or with my acquiescence, at least. This + has not been denied by my friends, because probably the fact is unknown to + them. I shall state it for their satisfaction, and leave it to be disposed + of as they think best. + </p> + <p> + I had observed in a newspaper (some years ago, I do not recollect the time + exactly), some dark hints of a prosecution in Connecticut, but so + obscurely hinted, that I paid little attention to it. Some considerable + time after, it was again mentioned, so that I understood that some + prosecution was going on in the federal court there, for calumnies uttered + from the pulpit against me by a clergyman. I immediately wrote to Mr. + Granger, who, I think, was in Connecticut at the time, stating that I had + laid it down as a law to myself, to take no notice of the thousand + calumnies issued against me, but to trust my character to my own conduct, + and the good sense and candor of my fellow-citizens; that I had found no + reason to be dissatisfied with that course, and I was unwilling it should + be broke through by others as to any matter concerning me; and I therefore + requested him to desire the district attorney to dismiss the prosecution. + Some time after this, 1 heard of subpoenas being served on General Lee, + David M. Randolph, and others, as witnesses to attend the trial. I then, + for the first time, conjectured the subject of the libel. I immediately + wrote to Mr. Granger, to require an immediate dismission of the + prosecution. The answer of Mr. Huntington, the district attorney, was, + that these subpoenas had been issued by the defendant without his + knowledge, that it had been his intention to dismiss all the prosecutions + at the first meeting of the court, and to accompany it with an avowal of + his opinion, that they could not be maintained, because the federal court + had no jurisdiction over libels. This was accordingly done. I did not till + then know that there were other prosecutions of the same nature, nor do I + now know what were their subjects. But all went off together; and I + afterwards saw, in the hands of Mr. Granger, a letter written by the + clergyman, disavowing any personal ill will towards me, and solemnly + declaring he had never uttered the words charged. I think Mr. Granger + either showed me, or said there were affidavits of at least half a dozen + respectable men who were present at the sermon, and swore no such + expressions were uttered, and as many equally respectable who swore the + contrary. But the clergyman expressed his gratification at the dismission + of the prosecution. I write all this from memory, and after too long an + interval of time to be certain of the exactness of all the details; but I + am sure there is no variation material, and Mr. Granger, correcting small + lapses of memory, can confirm every thing substantial. Certain it is, that + the prosecutions had been instituted, and had made considerable progress, + without my knowledge; that they were disapproved by me as soon as known, + and directed to be discontinued. The attorney did it on the same ground on + which I had acted myself in the cases of Duane, Callender, and others; to + wit, that the sedition law was unconstitutional and null, and that my + obligation to execute what was law, involved that of not suffering rights + secured by valid laws, to be prostrated by what was no law. I always + understood that these prosecutions had been invited, if not instituted, by + Judge Edwards, and the marshal, being republican, had summoned a grand + jury partly or wholly republican: but that Mr. Huntington declared from + the beginning against the jurisdiction of the court, and had determined to + enter <i>nolle-prosequis</i> before he received my directions. + </p> + <p> + I trouble you with another subject. The law making my letters post free, + goes to those to me only, not those from me. The bill had got to its + passage before this was observed (and first I believe by Mr. Dana), and + the house under too much pressure of business near the close of the + session to bring in another bill. As the privilege of freedom was given to + the letters from as well as to both my predecessors, I suppose no reason + exists for making a distinction. And in so extensive a correspondence as I + am subject to, and still considerably on public matters, it would be a + sensible convenience to myself, as well as those who have occasion to + receive letters from me. It happens, too, as I was told at the time (for I + have never looked into it myself), that it was done by two distinct acts + on both the former occasions. Mr. Eppes, I think, mentioned this to me. I + know from the Post Master General, that Mr. Adams franks all his letters. + I state this matter to you as being my representative, which must + apologize for the trouble of it. We have been seasonable since you left + us. Yesterday evening and this morning we have had refreshing showers, + which will close and confirm the business of planting. Affectionately + yours, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0082" id="link2H_4_0082"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXII.—TO THE PRESIDENT, August 17, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE PRESIDENT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 17, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + I never doubted the chicanery of the Anglomen, on whatsoever measures you + should take in consequence of the disavowal of Erskine; yet I am satisfied + that both the proclamations have been sound. The first has been sanctioned + by universal approbation; and although it was not literally the case + foreseen by the legislature, yet it was a proper extension of their + provision to a case similar, though not the same. It proved to the whole + world our desire of accommodation, and must have satisfied every candid + federalist on that head. It was not only proper on the well-grounded + confidence that the arrangement would be honestly executed, but ought to + have taken place even had the perfidy of England been foreseen. Their + dirty gain is richly remunerated to us by our placing them so shamefully + in the wrong, and by the union it must produce among ourselves. The last + proclamation admits of quibbles, of which advantage will doubtless be + endeavored to be taken, by those to whom gain is their god, and their + country nothing. But it is soundly defensible. The British minister + assured us, that the orders of council would be revoked before the 10th of + June. The executive, trusting in that assurance, declared by proclamation + that the revocation was to take place, and that on that event the law was + to be suspended. But the event did not take place, and the consequence, of + course, could not follow. This view is derived from the former + non-intercourse law only, having never read the latter one. I had doubted + whether Congress must not be called; but that arose from another doubt, + whether their second law had not changed the ground, so as to require + their agency to give operation to the law. Should Bonaparte have the + wisdom to correct his injustice towards us, I consider war with England as + inevitable. Our ships will go to France and its dependencies, and they + will take them. This will be war on their part, and leaves no alternative + but reprisal. I have no doubt you will think it safe to act on this + hypothesis, and with energy. The moment that open war shall be apprehended + from them, we should take possession of Baton Rouge. If we do not, they + will, and New Orleans becomes irrecoverable, and the western country + blockaded during the war. It would be justifiable towards Spain on this + ground, and equally so on that of title to West Florida, and reprisal + extended to East Florida. Whatever turn our present difficulty may take, I + look upon all cordial conciliation with England as desperate during the + life of the present King. I hope and doubt not that Erskine will justify + himself. My confidence is founded in a belief of his integrity, and in the + ——— of Canning. I consider the present as the most + shameless ministry which ever disgraced England. Copenhagen will + immortalize their infamy. In general their administrations are so + changeable, and they are obliged to descend to such tricks to keep + themselves in place, that nothing like honor or morality can ever be + counted on in transactions with them. I salute you with all possible + affection. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0083" id="link2H_4_0083"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXIII.—TO DOCTOR BARTON, September 21, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR BARTON. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, September 21, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received last night your favor of the 14th, and would with all possible + pleasure have communicated to you any part or the whole of the Indian + vocabularies which I had collected, but an irreparable misfortune has + deprived me of them. I have now been thirty years availing myself of every + possible opportunity of procuring Indian vocabularies to the same set of + words: my opportunities were probably better than will ever occur again to + any person having the same desire. I had collected about fifty, and had + digested most of them in collateral columns, and meant to have printed + them the last year of my stay in Washington. But not having yet digested + Captain Lewis’s collection, nor having leisure then to do it, I put it off + till I should return home. The whole, as well digest as originals, were + packed in a trunk of stationery, and sent round by water with about thirty + other packages of my effects, from Washington, and while ascending James + river, this package, on account of its weight and presumed precious + contents, was singled out and stolen. The thief, being disappointed on + opening it, threw into the river all its contents, of which he thought he + could make no use. Among these were the whole of the vocabularies. Some + leaves floated ashore, and were found in the mud; but these were very few, + and so defaced by the mud and water, that no general use can ever be made + of them. On the receipt of your letter I turned to them, and was very + happy to find, that the only morsel of an original vocabulary among them, + was Captain Lewis’s of the Pani language, of which you say you have not + one word. I therefore enclose it to you as it is, and a little fragment of + some other, which I see is in his hand-writing, but no indication remains + on it of what language it is. It is a specimen of the condition of the + little which was recovered. I am the more concerned at this accident, as + of the two hundred and fifty words of my vocabularies, and the one hundred + and thirty words of the great Russian vocabularies of the languages of the + other quarters of the globe, seventy-three were common to both, and would + have furnished materials for a comparison, from which something might have + resulted. Although I believe no general use can ever be made of the wrecks + of my loss, yet I will ask the return of the Pani vocabulary when you are + done with it. Perhaps I may make another attempt to collect, although I am + too old to expect to make much progress in it. + </p> + <p> + I learn, with pleasure, your acquisition of the pamphlet on the astronomy + of the ancient Mexicans. If it be ancient and genuine, or modern and + rational, it will be of real value. It is one of the most interesting + countries of our hemisphere, and merits every attention. + </p> + <p> + I am thankful for your kind offer of sending the original Spanish for my + perusal. But I think it a pity to trust it to the accidents of the post, + and whenever you publish the translation, I shall be satisfied to read + that which shall be given by your translator, who is, I am sure, a greater + adept in the language than I am. + </p> + <p> + Accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0084" id="link2H_4_0084"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXIV.—TO DON VALENTINE DE FORONDA, October 4, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO DON VALENTINE DE FORONDA. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 4, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of August the 26th came to hand in the succeeding month, and + have now to thank you for the pamphlet it contained. I have read it with + pleasure, and find the constitution proposed would probably be as free as + is consistent with hereditary institutions. It has one feature which I + like much; that which provides that when the three co-ordinate branches + differ in their construction of the constitution, the opinion of two + branches shall overrule the third. Our constitution has not sufficiently + solved this difficulty. + </p> + <p> + Among the multitude of characters with which public office leads us to + official intercourse, we cannot fail to observe many, whose personal worth + marks them as objects of particular esteem, whom we would wish to select + for our society in private life. I avail myself gladly of the present + occasion, of assuring you that I was peculiarly impressed with your merit + and talents, and that I have ever entertained for them a particular + respect. To those whose views are single and direct, it is a great comfort + to have to do business with frank and honorable minds. And here give me + leave to make an avowal, for which, in my present retirement, there can be + no motive but a regard for truth. Your predecessor, soured on a question + of etiquette against the administration of this country, wished to impute + wrong to them in all their actions, even where he did not believe it + himself. In this spirit, he wished it to be believed that we were in + unjustifiable co-operation in Miranda’s expedition. I solemnly, and on my + personal truth and honor, declare to you, that this was entirely without + foundation, and that there was neither co-operation nor connivance on our + part. He informed us he was about to attempt the liberation of his native + country from bondage, and intimated a hope of our aid, or connivance at + least. He was at once informed, that, although we had great cause of + complaint against Spain, and even of war, yet whenever we should think + proper to act as her enemy, it should be openly and above board, and that + our hostility should never be exercised by such petty means. We had no + suspicion that he expected to engage men here, but merely to purchase + military stores. Against this there was no law, nor consequently any + authority for us to interpose obstacles. On the other hand, we deemed it + improper to betray his voluntary communication to the agents of Spain. + Although his measures were many days in preparation at New York, we never + had the least intimation or suspicion of his engaging men in his + enterprise, until he was gone; and I presume the secrecy of his + proceedings kept them equally unknown to the Marquis Yrujo at + Philadelphia, and the Spanish Consul at New York, since neither of them + gave us any information of the enlistment of men, until it was too late + for any measures taken at Washington to prevent their departure. The + officer in the Customs, who participated in this transaction with Miranda, + we immediately removed, and should have had him and others further + punished, had it not been for the protection given them by private + citizens at New York, in opposition to the government, who, by their + impudent falsehoods and calumnies, were able to overbear the minds of the + jurors. Be assured, Sir, that no motive could induce me, at this time, to + make this declaration so gratuitously, were it not founded in sacred + truth: and I will add further, that I never did, or countenanced, in + public life, a single act inconsistent with the strictest good faith; + having never believed there was one code of morality for a public, and + another for a private man. + </p> + <p> + I receive, with great pleasure, the testimonies of personal esteem which + breathe through your letter; and I pray you to accept those equally + sincere with which I now salute you. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0085" id="link2H_4_0085"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXV.—TO ALBERT GALLATIN, October 11, 1809 + </h2> + <p> + TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 11, 1809. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I do not know whether the request of Monsieur Moussier, explained in the + enclosed letter, is grantable or not. But my partialities in favor of + whatever may promote either the useful or liberal arts, induce me to place + it under your consideration, to do in it whatever is right, neither more + nor less. I would then ask you to favor me with three lines, in such form + as I may forward him by way of answer. + </p> + <p> + I have reflected much and painfully on the change of dispositions which + has taken place among the members of the cabinet, since the new + arrangement, as you stated to me in the moment of our separation. It would + be, indeed, a great public calamity, were it to fix you in the purpose + which you seemed to think possible. I consider the fortunes of our + republic as depending, in an eminent degree, on the extinguishment of the + public debt before we engage in any war: because, that done, we shall have + revenue enough to improve our country in peace, and defend it in war, + without recurring either to new taxes or loans. But if the debt should + once more be swelled to a formidable size, its entire discharge will be + despaired of, and we shall be committed to the English career of debt, + corruption, and rottenness, closing with revolution. The discharge of the + debt, therefore, is vital to the destinies of our government, and it hangs + on Mr. Madison and yourself alone. We shall never see another President + and Secretary of the Treasury making all other objects subordinate to + this. Were either of you to be lost to the public, that great hope is + lost. I had always cherished the idea that you would fix on that object + the measure of your fame, and of the gratitude which our country will owe + you. Nor can I yield up this prospect to the secondary considerations + which assail your tranquillity. For sure I am, they never can produce any + other serious effect. Your value is too justly estimated by our + fellow-citizens at large, as well as their functionaries, to admit any + remissness in their support of you. My opinion always was, that none of us + ever occupied stronger ground in the esteem of Congress than yourself, and + I am satisfied there is no one who does not feel your aid to be still as + important for the future, as it has been for the past. You have nothing, + therefore, to apprehend in the dispositions of Congress, and still less of + the President, who, above all men, is the most interested and + affectionately disposed to support you. I hope, then, you will abandon + entirely the idea you expressed to me, and that you will consider the + eight years to come as essential to your political career. I should + certainly consider any earlier day of your retirement, as the most + inauspicious day our new government has ever seen. In addition to the + common interest in this question, I feel particularly for myself the + considerations of gratitude which I personally owe you for your valuable + aid during my administration of the public affairs, a just sense of the + large portion of the public approbation which was earned by your labors, + and belongs to you, and the sincere friendship and attachment which grew + out of our joint exertions to promote the common good; and of which I pray + you now to accept the most cordial and respectful assurances. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0086" id="link2H_4_0086"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXVI.—TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY, February 10, 1810 + </h2> + <p> + TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 10, 1810. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have to thank you for your favor of the 31st ultimo, which is just now + received. It has been peculiarly unfortunate for us, personally, that the + portion in the history of mankind, at which we were called to take a share + in the direction of their affairs, was such an one as history has never + before presented. At any other period, the even-handed justice we have + observed towards all nations, the efforts we have made to merit their + esteem by every act which candor or liberality could exercise, would have + preserved our peace, and secured the unqualified confidence of all other + nations in our faith and probity. But the hurricane which is now blasting + the world, physical and moral, has prostrated all the mounds of reason as + well as right. All those calculations which, at any other period, would + have been deemed honorable, of the existence of a moral sense in man, + individually or associated, of the connection which the laws of nature + have established between his duties and his interests, of a regard for + honest fame and the esteem of our follow-men, have been a matter of + reproach on us, as evidences of imbecility. As if it could be a folly for + an honest man to suppose that others could be honest also, when it is + their interest to be so. And when is this state of things to end? The + death of Bonaparte would, to be sure, remove the first and chiefest + apostle of the desolation of men and morals, and might withdraw the + scourge of the land. But what is to restore order and safety on the ocean? + The death of George III? Not at all. He is only stupid; and his ministers, + however weak and profligate in morals, are ephemeral. But his nation is + permanent, and it is that which is the tyrant of the ocean. The principle + that force is right, is become the principle of the nation itself. They + would not permit an honest minister, were accident to bring such an one + into power, to relax their system of lawless piracy. These were the + difficulties when I was with you. I know they are not lessened, and I pity + you. + </p> + <p> + It is a blessing, however, that our people are reasonable; that they are + kept so well informed of the state of things as to judge for themselves, + to see the true sources of their difficulties, and to maintain their + confidence undiminished in the wisdom and integrity of their + functionaries. <i>Macte virtute</i> therefore. Continue to go straight + forward, pursuing always that which is right, as the only clue which can + lead us out of the labyrinth. Let nothing be spared of either reason or + passion, to preserve the public confidence entire, as the only rock of our + safety. In times of peace the people look most to their representatives; + but in war, to the executive solely. It is visible that their confidence + is even now veering in that direction; that they are looking to the + executive to give the proper direction to their affairs, with a confidence + as auspicious as it is well founded. + </p> + <p> + I avail myself of this, the first occasion of writing to you, to express + all the depth of my affection for you; the sense I entertain of your + faithful co-operation in my late labors, and the debt I owe for the + valuable aids I received from you. Though separated from my + fellow-laborers in place and pursuit, my affections are with you all, and + I offer daily prayers that ye love one another, as I love you. God bless + you. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0087" id="link2H_4_0087"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXVII.*—TO SAMUEL KERCHEVAL, February 19,1810 + </h2> + <h3> + TO SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, February 19,1810. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [* This letter is endorsed, ‘not sent.‘] +</pre> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Yours of the 7th instant has been duly received, with the pamphlet + enclosed, for which I return you my thanks. Nothing can be more exactly + and seriously true than what is there stated; that but a short time + elapsed after the death of the great reformer of the Jewish religion, + before his principles were departed from by those who professed to be his + special servants, and perverted into an engine for enslaving mankind, and + aggrandizing their oppressors in Church and State; that the purest system + of morals ever before preached to man, has been adulterated and + sophisticated by artificial constructions, into a mere contrivance to + filch wealth and power to themselves; that rational men not being able to + swallow their impious heresies, in order to force them down their throats, + they raise the hue and cry of infidelity, while themselves are the + greatest obstacles to the advancement of the real doctrines of Jesus, and + do in fact constitute the real Anti-Christ. + </p> + <p> + You expect that your book will have some effect on the prejudices which + the society of Friends entertain against the present and late + administrations. In this I think you will be disappointed. The Friends are + men, formed with the same passions, and swayed by the same natural + principles and prejudices as others. In cases where the passions are + neutral, men will display their respect for the religious professions of + their sect. But where their passions are enlisted, these professions are + no obstacle. You observe very truly, that both the late and present + administration conducted the government on principles professed by the + Friends. Our efforts to preserve peace, our measures as to the Indians, as + to slavery, as to religious freedom, were all in consonance with their + professions. Yet I never expected we should get a vote from them, and in + this I was neither deceived nor disappointed. There is no riddle in this, + to those who do not suffer themselves to be duped by the professions of + religious sectaries. The theory of American Quakerism is a very obvious + one. The mother society is in England. Its members are English by birth + and residence, devoted to their own country, as good citizens ought to be. + The Quakers of these States are colonies or filiations from the mother + society, to whom that society sends its yearly lessons. On these the + filiated societies model their opinions, their conduct, their passions, + and attachments. A Quaker is, essentially an Englishman, in whatever part + of the earth he is born or lives. The outrages of Great Britain on our + navigation and commerce have kept us in perpetual bickerings with her. The + Quakers here have taken side against their own government; not on their + profession of peace, for they saw that peace was our object also; but from + devotion to the views of the mother society. In 1797 and 8, when an + administration sought war with France, the Quakers were the most clamorous + for war. Their principle of peace, as a secondary one, yielded to the + primary one of adherence to the Friends in England, and what was + patriotism in the original became treason in the copy. On that occasion, + they obliged their good old leader, Mr. Pemberton, to erase his name from + a petition to Congress, against war, which had been delivered to a + Representative of Pennsylvania, a member of the late and present + administration. He accordingly permitted the old gentleman to erase his + name. You must not, therefore, expect that your book will have any more + effect on the society of Friends here, than on the English merchants + settled among us. I apply this to the Friends in general, not universally. + I know individuals among them as good patriots as we have. + </p> + <p> + I thank you for the kind wishes and sentiments towards myself, expressed + in your letter, and sincerely wish to yourself the blessings of health and + happiness. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0088" id="link2H_4_0088"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXVIII.—TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO, February 26, 1810 + </h2> + <p> + TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 26, 1810. + </p> + <p> + My Dear General and Friend, + </p> + <p> + I have rarely written to you; never but by safe conveyances; and avoiding + every thing political, lest coming from one in the station I then held, it + might be imputed injuriously to our country, or perhaps even excite + jealousy of you. Hence my letters were necessarily dry. Retired now from + public concerns, totally unconnected with them, and avoiding all curiosity + about what is done or intended, what I say is from myself only, the + workings of my own mind, imputable to nobody else. + </p> + <p> + The anxieties which I know you have felt, on seeing exposed to the + justlings of a warring world, a country to which, in early life, you + devoted your sword and services when oppressed by foreign dominion, were + worthy of your philanthropy and disinterested attachment to the freedom + and happiness of man. Although we have not made all the provisions which + might be necessary for a war in the field of Europe, yet we have not been + inattentive to such as would be necessary here. From the moment that the + affair of the Chesapeake rendered the prospect of war imminent, every + faculty was exerted to be prepared for it, and I think I may venture to + solace you with the assurance, that we are, in a good degree, prepared. + Military stores for many campaigns are on hand, all the necessary articles + (sulphur excepted), and the art of preparing them among ourselves, + abundantly; arms in our magazines for more men than will ever be required + in the field, and forty thousand new stand yearly added, of our own + fabrication, superior to any we have ever seen from Europe; heavy + artillery much beyond our need; an increasing stock of field-pieces, + several founderies casting one every other day each; a military school of + about fifty students, which has been in operation a dozen years; and the + manufacture of men constantly going on, and adding forty thousand young + soldiers to our force every year that the war is deferred: at all our + sea-port towns of the least consequence we have erected works of defence, + and assigned them gunboats, carrying one or two heavy pieces, either + eighteen, twenty-four, or thirty-two pounders, sufficient in the smallest + harbors to repel the predatory attacks of privateers or single armed + ships, and proportioned in the larger harbors to such more serious attacks + as they may probably be exposed to. All these were nearly completed, and + their gunboats in readiness, when I retired from the government. The works + of New York and New Orleans alone, being on a much larger scale, are not + yet completed. The former will be finished this summer, mounting four + hundred and thirty-eight guns, and, with the aid of from fifty to one + hundred gunboats, will be adequate to the resistance of any fleet which + will ever be trusted across the Atlantic. The works for New Orleans are + less advanced. These are our preparations. They are very different from + what you will be told by newspapers, and travellers, even Americans. But + it is not to them the government communicates the public condition. Ask + one of them if he knows the exact state of any particular harbor, and you + will find probably that he does not know even that of the one he comes + from. You will ask, perhaps, where are the proofs of these preparations + for one who cannot go and see them. I answer, in the acts of Congress, + authorizing such preparations, and in your knowledge of me, that, if + authorized, they would be executed. + </p> + <p> + Two measures have not been adopted which I pressed on Congress repeatedly + at their meetings. The one, to settle the whole ungranted territory of + Orleans, by donations of land to able bodied young men, to be engaged and + carried there at the public expense, who would constitute a force always + ready on the spot to defend New Orleans. The other was, to class the + militia according to the years of their birth, and make all those from + twenty to twenty-five liable to be trained and called into service at a + moment’s warning. This would have given us a force of three hundred + thousand young men, prepared, by proper training, for service in any part + of the United States; while those who had passed through that period would + remain at home, liable to be used in their own or adjacent States. These + two measures would have completed what I deemed necessary for the entire + security of our country. They would have given me, on my retirement from + the government of the nation, the consolatory reflection, that having + found, when I was called to it, not a single sea-port town in a condition + to repel a levy of contribution by a single privateer or pirate, I had + left every harbor so prepared by works and gun-boats, as to be in a + reasonable state of security against any probable attack; the territory of + Orleans acquired, and planted with an internal force sufficient for its + protection; and the whole territory of the United States organized by such + a classification of its male force, as would give it the benefit of all + its young population for active service, and that of a middle and advanced + age for stationary defence. But these measures will, I hope, be completed + by my successor, who, to the purest principles of republican patriotism, + adds a wisdom and foresight second to no man on earth. + </p> + <p> + So much as to my country. Now a word as to myself. I am retired to + Monticello, where, in the bosom of my family, and surrounded by my books, + I enjoy a repose to which I have been long a stranger. My mornings are + devoted to correspondence. From breakfast to dinner, I am in my shops, my + garden, or on horseback among my farms; from dinner to dark, I give to + society and recreation with my neighbors and friends; and from + candle-light to early bed-time, I read. My health is perfect; and my + strength considerably reinforced by the activity of the course I pursue; + perhaps it is as great as usually falls to the lot of near sixty-seven + years of age. I talk of ploughs and harrows, seeding and harvesting, with + my neighbors, and of politics too, if they choose, with as little reserve + as the rest of my fellow-citizens, and feel, at length, the blessing of + being free to say and do what I please, without being responsible for it + to any mortal. A part of my occupation, and by no means the least + pleasing, is the direction of the studies of such young men as ask it. + They place themselves in the neighboring village, and have the use of my + library and counsel, and make a part of my society. In advising the course + of their reading, I endeavor to keep their attention fixed on the main + objects of all science, the freedom and happiness of man. So that coming + to bear a share in the councils and government of their country, they will + keep ever in view the sole objects of all legitimate government. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Instead of the unalloyed happiness of retiring unembarrassed and + independent, to the enjoyment of my estate, which is ample for my limited + views, I have to pass such a length of time in a thraldom of mind never + before known to me. Except, for this, my happiness would have been + perfect. That yours may never know disturbance, and that you may enjoy as + many years of life, health, and ease as yourself shall wish, is the + sincere prayer of your constant and affectionate friend. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0089" id="link2H_4_0089"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER LXXXIX.—TO DOCTOR JONES, March 5, 1810 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR JONES. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 5, 1810. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received duly your favor of the 19th ultimo, and I salute you with all + antient and recent recollections of friendship. I have learned, with real + sorrow, that circumstances have risen among our executive counsellors, + which have rendered foes those who once were friends. To themselves it + will be a source of infinite pain and vexation, and therefore chiefly I + lament it, for I have a sincere esteem for both parties. To the President + it will be really inconvenient: but to the nation I do not know that it + can do serious injury, unless we were to believe the newspapers, which + pretend that Mr. Gallatin will go out. That indeed would be a day of + mourning for the United States: but I hope that the position of both + gentlemen may be made so easy as to give no cause for either to withdraw. + The ordinary business of every day is done by consultation between the + President and the Head of the department alone to which it belongs. For + measures of importance or difficulty, a consultation is held with the + Heads of departments, either assembled, or by taking their opinions + separately in conversation or in writing. The latter is most strictly in + the spirit of the constitution. Because the President, on weighing the + advice of all, is left free to make up an opinion for himself. In this way + they are not brought together, and it is not necessarily known to any what + opinion the others have given. This was General Washington’s practice for + the first two or three years of his administration, till the affairs of + France and England threatened to embroil us, and rendered consideration + and discussion desirable. In these discussions, Hamilton and myself were + daily pitted in the cabinet like two cocks. We were then but four in + number, and, according to the majority, which of course was three to one, + the President decided. The pain was for Hamilton and myself, but the + public experienced no inconvenience. I practised this last method, because + the harmony was so cordial among us all, that we never failed, by a + contribution of mutual views of the subject, to form an opinion acceptable + to the whole. I think there never was one instance to the contrary, in any + case of consequence. Yet this does, in fact, transform the executive into + a directory, and I hold the other method to be more constitutional. It is + better calculated, too, to prevent collision and irritation, and to cure + it, or at least suppress its effects when it has already taken place. It + is the obvious and sufficient remedy in the present case, and will + doubtless be resorted to. + </p> + <p> + Our difficulties are indeed great, if we consider ourselves alone. But + when viewed in comparison with those of Europe, they are the joys of + Paradise. In the eternal revolution of ages, the destinies have placed our + portion of existence amidst such scenes of tumult and outrage, as no other + period, within our knowledge, had presented. Every government but one on + the continent of Europe, demolished, a conqueror roaming over the earth + with havoc and destruction, a pirate spreading misery and ruin over the + face of the ocean. Indeed, my friend, ours is a bed of roses. And the + system of government which shall keep us afloat amidst this wreck of the + world, will be immortalized in history. We have, to be sure, our petty + squabbles and heart-burnings, and we have something of the blue devils at + times, as to these raw heads and bloody bones who are eating up other + nations. But happily for us, the Mammoth cannot swim, nor the Leviathan + move on dry land: and if we will keep out of their way, they cannot get at + us. If, indeed, we choose to place ourselves within the scope of their + tether, a gripe of the paw, or flounce of the tail, may be our fortune. + Our business certainly was to be still. But a part of our nation chose to + declare against this, in such a way as to control the wisdom of the + government. I yielded with others, to avoid a greater evil. But from that + moment, I have seen no system which could keep us entirely aloof from + these agents of destruction. If there be any, I am certain that you, my + friends, now charged with the care of us all, will see and pursue it. I + give myself, therefore, no trouble with thinking or puzzling about it. + Being confident in my watchmen, I sleep soundly. God bless you all, and + send you a safe deliverance. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0090" id="link2H_4_0090"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XC.—TO GOVERNOR LANGDON, March 5, 1810 + </h2> + <h3> + TO GOVERNOR LANGDON. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, March 5, 1810. + </p> + <p> + Your letter, my dear friend, of the 18th ultimo, comes like the refreshing + dews of the evening on a thirsty soil. It recalls antient as well as + recent recollections, very dear to my heart. For five and thirty years we + have walked together through a land of tribulations. Yet these have passed + away, and so I trust will those of the present day. The toryism with which + we struggled in ‘77, differed but in name from the federalism of ‘99, with + which we struggled also; and the Anglicism, of 1808, against which we are + now struggling, is but the same thing still, in another form. It is a + longing for a King, and an English King, rather than any other. This is + the true source of their sorrows and wailings. + </p> + <p> + The fear that Bonaparte will come over to us and conquer us also, is too + chimerical to be genuine. Supposing him to have finished Spain and + Portugal, he has yet England and Russia to subdue. The maxim of war was + never sounder than in this case, not to leave an enemy in the rear; and + especially where an insurrectionary flame is known to be under the embers, + merely smothered, and ready to burst at every point. These two subdued + (and surely the Anglomen will not think the conquest of England alone a + short work), ancient Greece and Macedonia, the cradle of Alexander, his + prototype, and Constantinople, the seat of empire for the world, would + glitter more in his eye than our bleak mountains and rugged forests. + Egypt, too, and the golden apples of Mauritania, have for more than half a + century fixed the longing eyes of France; and with Syria, you know, he has + an old affront to wipe out. Then come ‘Pontus and Galatia, Cappadocia, + Asia, and Bithynia,’ the fine countries on the Euphrates and Tigris, the + Oxus and Indus, and all beyond the Hyphasis, which bounded the glories of + his Macedonian rival; with the invitations of his new British subjects on + the banks of the Ganges, whom, after receiving under his protection the + mother country, he cannot refuse to visit. When all this is done and + settled, and nothing of the old world remains unsubdued, he may turn to + the new one. But will he attack us first, from whom he will get but hard + knocks, and no money? Or will he first lay hold of the gold and silver of + Mexico and Peru, and the diamonds of Brazil? A republican Emperor, from + his affection to republics, independent of motives of expediency, must + grant to ours the Cyclops’ boon of being the last devoured. While all this + is doing, we are to suppose the chapter of accidents read out, and that + nothing can happen to cut short or disturb his enterprises. + </p> + <p> + But the Anglomen, it seems, have found out a much safer dependence, than + all these chances of death or disappointment. That is, that we should + first let England plunder us, as she has been doing for years, for fear + Bonaparte should do it; and then ally ourselves with her, and enter into + the war. A conqueror, whose career England could not arrest when aided by + Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Spain, and Portugal, she is now to + destroy, with all these on his side, by the aid of the United States + alone. This, indeed, is making us a mighty people. And what is to be our + security, that when embarked for her in the war, she will not make a + separate peace, and leave us in the lurch? Her good faith! The faith of a + nation of merchants! The <i>Punica fides</i> of modern Carthage! Of the + friend and protectress of Copenhagen! Of the nation who never admitted a + chapter of morality into her political code! And is now boldly avowing, + that whatever power can make hers, is hers of right. Money, and not + morality, is the principle of commerce and commercial nations. But, in + addition to this, the nature of the English government forbids, of itself, + reliance on her engagements; and it is well known she has been the least + faithful to her alliances of any nation of Europe, since the period of her + history wherein she has been distinguished for her commerce and + corruption, that is to say, under the houses of Stuart and Brunswick. To + Portugal alone she has steadily adhered, because, by her Methuin treaty, + she had made it a colony, and one of the most valuable to her. It may be + asked, what, in the nature of her government, unfits England for the + observation of moral duties? In the first place, her King is a cipher; his + only function being to name the oligarchy which is to govern her. The + parliament is, by corruption, the mere instrument of the will of the + administration. The real power and property in the government is in the + great aristocratical families of the nation. The nest of office being too + small for all of them to cuddle into at once, the contest is eternal, + which shall crowd the other out. For this purpose they are divided into + two parties, the Ins and the Outs, so equal in weight, that a small matter + turns the balance. To keep themselves in, when they are in, every + stratagem must be practised, every artifice used, which may flatter the + pride, the passions, or power of the nation. Justice, honor, faith, must + yield to the necessity of keeping themselves in place. The question, + whether a measure is moral, is never asked; but whether it will nourish + the avarice of their merchants, or the piratical spirit of their navy, or + produce any other effect which may strengthen them in their places. As to + engagements, however positive, entered into by the predecessors of the + Ins, why, they were their enemies; they did every thing which was wrong; + and to reverse every thing they did, must, therefore, be right. This is + the true character of the English government in practice, however + different its theory; and it presents the singular phenomenon of a nation, + the individuals of which are as faithful to their private engagements and + duties, as honorable, as worthy, as those of any nation on earth, and + whose government is yet the most unprincipled at this day known. In an + absolute government there can be no such equiponderant parties. The despot + is the government. His power, suppressing all opposition, maintains his + ministers firm in their places. What he has contracted, therefore, through + them, he has the power to observe with good faith; and he identifies his + own honor and faith with that of his nation. + </p> + <p> + When I observed, however, that the King of England was a cipher, I did not + mean to confine the observation to the mere individual now on that throne. + The practice of Kings marrying only into the families of Kings, has been + that of Europe for some centuries. Now, take any race of animals, confine + them in idleness and inaction, whether in a sty, a stable, or a + state-room, pamper them with high diet, gratify all their sexual + appetites, immerse them in sensualities, nourish their passions, let every + thing bend before them, and banish whatever might lead them to think, and + in a few generations they become all body, and no mind: and this, too, by + a law of nature, by that very law by which we are in the constant practice + of changing the characters and propensities of the animals we raise for + our own purposes. Such is the regimen in raising Kings, and in this way + they have gone on for centuries. While in Europe, I often amused myself + with contemplating the characters of the then reigning sovereigns of + Europe. Louis the XVI. was a fool, of my own knowledge, and in despite of + the answers made for him at his trial. The King of Spain was a fool, and + of Naples the same. They passed their lives in hunting, and despatched two + couriers a week, one thousand miles, to let each other know what game they + had killed the preceding days. The King of Sardinia was a fool. All these + were Bourbons. The Queen of Portugal, a Braganza, was an idiot by nature. + And so was the King of Denmark. Their sons, as regents, exercised the + powers of government. The King of Prussia, successor to the great + Frederick, was a mere hog in body as well as in mind. Gustavus of Sweden, + and Joseph of Austria, were really crazy, and George of England you know + was in a straight waistcoat. There remained, then, none but old Catherine, + who had been too lately picked up to have lost her common sense. In this + state Bonaparte found Europe; and it was this state of its rulers which + lost it with scarce a struggle. These animals had become without mind and + powerless; and so will every hereditary monarch be after a few + generations. Alexander, the grandson of Catherine, is as yet an exception. + He is able to hold his own. But he is only of the third generation. His + race is not yet worn out. And so endeth the book of Kings, from all of + whom the Lord deliver us and have you, my friend, and all such good men + and true, in his holy keeping. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0091" id="link2H_4_0091"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCI.—TO GENERAL DEARBORN, July 16,1810 + </h2> + <h3> + TO GENERAL DEARBORN. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, July 16,1810. + </p> + <p> + Dear General and Friend, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of May the 31st was duly received, and I join in + congratulations with you on the resurrection of republican principles in + Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and the hope that the professors of these + principles will not again easily be driven off their ground. The + federalists, during their short-lived ascendancy, have, nevertheless, by + forcing us from the embargo, inflicted a wound on our interests which can + never be cured, and on our affections which will require time to + cicatrize. I ascribe all this to one pseudo-republican, Story. He came on + (in place of Crowningshield, I believe) and staid only a few days; long + enough, however, to get complete hold of Bacon, who giving in to his + representations, became panic-struck, and communicated his panic to his + colleagues, and they to a majority of the sound members of Congress. They + believed in the alternative of repeal or civil war, and produced the fatal + measure of repeal. This is the immediate parent of all our present evils, + and has reduced us to a low standing in the eyes of the world. I should + think that even the federalists themselves must now be made, by their + feelings, sensible of their error. The wealth which the embargo brought + home safely, has now been thrown back into the laps of our enemies; and + our navigation completely crushed, and by the unwise and unpatriotic + conduct of those engaged in it. Should the orders prove genuine, which are + said to have been given against our fisheries, they, too, are gone: and if + not true as yet, they will be true on the first breeze of success which + England shall feel: for it has now been some years, that I am perfectly + satisfied her intentions have been to claim the ocean as her conquest, and + prohibit any vessel from navigating it, but on such a tribute as may + enable her to keep up such a standing navy as will maintain her dominion + over it. She has hauled in, or let herself out, been bold or hesitating, + according to occurrences, but has in no situation done any thing which + might amount to an acknowledged relinquishment of her intentions. I have + ever been anxious to avoid a war with England, unless forced by a + situation more losing than war itself. But I did believe we could coerce + her to justice by peaceable means, and the embargo, evaded as it was, + proved it would have coerced her, had it been honestly executed. The proof + she exhibited on that occasion, that she can exercise such an influence in + this country, as to control the will of its government and three fourths + of its people, and oblige the three fourths to submit to one fourth, is to + me the most mortifying circumstance which has occurred since the + establishment of our government. The only prospect I see of lessening that + influence, is in her own conduct, and not from any thing in our power. + Radically hostile to our navigation and commerce, and fearing its rivalry, + she will completely crush it, and force us to resort to agriculture, not + aware that we shall resort to manufactures also, and render her conquests + over our navigation and commerce useless, at least, if not injurious to + herself in the end, and perhaps salutary to us, as removing out of our way + the chief causes and provocations to war. + </p> + <p> + But these are views which concern the present and future generation, among + neither of which I count myself. You may live to see the change in our + pursuits, and chiefly in those of your own State, which England will + effect. I am not certain that the change on Massachusetts, by driving her + to agriculture, manufactures, and emigration, will lessen her happiness. + But once more to be done with politics. How does Mrs. Dearborn do? How do + you both like your situation? Do you amuse yourself with a garden, a farm, + or what? That your pursuits, whatever they be, may make you both easy, + healthy, and happy, is the prayer of your sincere friend, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0092" id="link2H_4_0092"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCII.—TO J. B. COLVIN, September 20, 1810 + </h2> + <h3> + TO J. B. COLVIN. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, September 20, 1810. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 14th has been duly received, and I have to thank you for + the many obliging things respecting myself which are said in it. If I have + left in the breasts of my fellow-citizens a sentiment of satisfaction with + my conduct in the transaction of their business, it will soften the pillow + of my repose through the residue of life. + </p> + <p> + The question you propose, whether circumstances do not sometimes occur, + which make it a duty in officers of high trust, to assume authorities + beyond the law, is easy of solution in principle, but sometimes + embarrassing in practice. A strict observance of the written laws, is + doubtless one of the high duties of a good citizen: but it is not the + highest. The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our + country when in danger, are of higher obligation. To lose our country by a + scrupulous adherence to written law, would be to lose the law itself, with + life, liberty, property, and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus + absurdly sacrificing the end to the means. When, in the battle of + Germantown, General Washington’s army was annoyed from Chew’s house, he + did not hesitate to plant his cannon against it, although the property of + a citizen. When he besieged Yorktown, he leveled the suburbs, feeling that + the laws of property must be postponed to the safety of the nation. While + the army was before York, the Governor of Virginia took horses, carriages, + provisions, and even men, by force, to enable that army to stay together + till it could master the public enemy; and he was justified. A ship at sea + in distress for provisions, meets another having abundance, yet refusing a + supply; the law of self-preservation authorizes the distressed to take a + supply by force. In all these cases, the unwritten laws of necessity, of + self-preservation, and of the public safety, control the written laws of + <i>meum</i> and <i>tuum</i>. Further to exemplify the principle, I will + state an hypothetical case. Suppose it had been made known to the + executive of the Union in the autumn of 1805, that we might have the + Floridas for a reasonable sum, that that sum had not indeed been so + appropriated by law, but that Congress were to meet within three weeks, + and might appropriate it on the first or second day of their session. + Ought he, for so great an advantage to his country, to have risked himself + by transcending the law and making the purchase? The public advantage + offered, in this supposed case, was indeed immense: but a reverence for + law, and the probability that the advantage might still be legally + accomplished by a delay of only three weeks, were powerful reasons against + hazarding the act. But suppose it foreseen that a John Randolph would find + means to protract the proceeding on it by Congress, until the ensuing + spring, by which time new circumstances would change the mind of the other + party. Ought the executive, in that case, and with that foreknowledge, to + have secured the good to his country, and to have trusted to their justice + for the transgression of the law? I think he ought, and that the act would + have been approved. After the affair of the Chesapeake, we thought war a + very possible result. Our magazines were illy provided with some necessary + articles, nor had any appropriations been made for their purchase. We + ventured, however, to provide them, and to place our country in safety; + and stating the case to Congress, they sanctioned the act. + </p> + <p> + To proceed to the conspiracy of Burr, and particularly to General + Wilkinson’s situation in New Orleans. In judging this case, we are bound + to consider the state of the information, correct and incorrect, which he + then possessed. He expected Burr and his band from above, a British fleet + from below, and he knew there was a formidable conspiracy within the city. + Under these circumstances, was he justifiable, 1. In seizing notorious + conspirators? On this there can be but two opinions; one, of the guilty + and their accomplices; the other, that of all honest men. 2. In sending + them to the seat of government, when the written law gave them a right to + trial in the territory? The danger of their rescue, of their continuing + their machinations, the tardiness and weakness of the law, apathy of the + judges, active patronage of the whole tribe of lawyers, unknown + disposition of the juries, an hourly expectation of the enemy, salvation + of the city, and of the Union itself, which would have been convulsed to + its centre, had that conspiracy succeeded; all these constituted a law of + necessity and self-preservation, and rendered the <i>salus populi</i> + supreme over the written law. The officer who is called to act on this + superior ground, does indeed risk himself on the justice of the + controlling powers of the constitution, and his station makes it his duty + to incur that risk. But those controlling powers, and his fellow-citizens + generally, are bound to judge according to the circumstances under which + he acted. They are not to transfer the information of this place or moment + to the time and place of his action; but to put themselves into his + situation. We knew here that there never was danger of a British fleet + from below, and that Burr’s band was crushed before it reached the + Mississippi. But General Wilkinson’s information was very different, and + he could act on no other. + </p> + <p> + From these examples and principles you may see what I think on the + question proposed. They do not go to the case of persons charged with + petty duties, where consequences are trifling, and time allowed for a + legal course, nor to authorize them to take such cases out of the written + law. In these, the example of overleaping the law is of greater evil than + a strict adherence to its imperfect provisions. It is incumbent on those + only who accept of great charges, to risk themselves on great occasions, + when the safety of the nation, or some of its very high interests are at + stake. + </p> + <p> + An officer is bound to obey orders: yet he would be a bad one who should + do it in cases for which they were not intended, and which involved the + most important consequences. The line of discrimination between cases may + be difficult; but the good officer is bound to draw it at his own peril, + and throw himself on the justice of his country, and the rectitude of his + motives. + </p> + <p> + I have indulged freer views on this question, on your assurances that they + are for your own eye only, and that they will not get into the hands of + news-writers. I met their scurrilities without concern, while in pursuit + of the great interests with which I was charged. But in my present + retirement, no duty forbids my wish for quiet. + </p> + <p> + Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0093" id="link2H_4_0093"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCIII.—TO MR. LAW, January 15, 1811 + </h2> + <h3> + TO MR. LAW. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, January 15, 1811. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + An absence from home of some length has prevented my sooner acknowledging + the receipt of your letter, covering the printed pamphlet, which the same + absence has as yet prevented me from taking up, but which I know I shall + read with great pleasure. Your favor of December the 22nd is also + received. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Wagner’s malignity, like that of the rest of his tribe of brother + printers, who deal out calumnies for federal readers, gives me no pain. + When a printer cooks up a falsehood, it is as easy to put it into the + mouth of a Mr. Fox, as of a smaller man, and safer into that of a dead + than a living one. Your sincere attachment to this country, as well as to + your native one, was never doubted by me; and in that persuasion, I felt + myself free to express to you my genuine sentiments with respect to + England. No man was more sensible than myself of the just value of the + friendship of that country. There are between us so many of those + circumstances which naturally produce and cement kind dispositions, that + if they could have forgiven our resistance to their usurpations, our + connections might have been durable, and have insured duration to both our + governments. I wished, therefore, a cordial friendship with them, and I + spared no occasion of manifesting this in our correspondence and + intercourse with them; not disguising, however, my desire of friendship + with their enemy also. During the administration of Mr. Addington, I + thought I discovered some friendly symptoms on the part of that + government; at least, we received some marks of respect from the + administration, and some of regret at the wrongs we were suffering from + their country. So, also, during the short interval of Mr. Fox’s power. But + every other administration since our Revolution has been equally wanton in + their injuries and insults, and has manifested equal hatred and aversion. + Instead, too, of cultivating the government itself, whose principles are + those of the great mass of the nation, they have adopted the miserable + policy of teazing and embarrassing it, by allying themselves with a + faction here, not a tenth of the people, noisy and unprincipled, and which + never can come into power while republicanism is the spirit of the nation, + and that must continue to be so, until such a condensation of population + shall have taken place as will require centuries. Whereas, the good will + of the government itself would give them, and immediately, every benefit + which reason or justice would permit it to give. With respect to myself, I + saw great reason to believe their ministers were weak enough to credit the + newspaper trash about a supposed personal enmity in myself towards + England. This wretched party imputation was beneath the notice of wise + men. England never did me a personal injury, other than in open war, and + for numerous individuals there, I have great esteem and friendship. And I + must have had a mind far below the duties of my station, to have felt + either national partialities or antipathies in conducting the affairs + confided to me. My affections were first for my own country, and then, + generally, for all mankind; and nothing but minds placing themselves above + the passions, in the functionaries of this country, could have preserved + us from the war to which their provocations have been constantly urging + us. The war interests in England include a numerous and wealthy part of + their population; and their influence is deemed worth courting by + ministers wishing to keep their places. Continually endangered by a + powerful opposition, they find it convenient to humor the popular passions + at the expense of the public good. The shipping interest, commercial + interest, and their janizaries of the navy, all fattening on war, will not + be neglected by ministers of ordinary minds. Their tenure of office is so + infirm that they dare not follow the dictates of wisdom, justice, and the + well calculated interests of their country. This vice, in the English + constitution, renders a dependance on that government very unsafe. The + feelings of their King, too, fundamentally averse to us, have added + another motive for unfriendliness in his ministers. This obstacle to + friendship, however, seems likely to be soon removed; and I verily believe + the successor will come in with fairer and wiser dispositions towards us; + perhaps on that event their conduct may be changed. But what England is to + become on the crush of her internal structure, now seeming to be begun, I + cannot foresee. Her monied interest, created by her paper system, and now + constituting a baseless mass of wealth equal to that of the owners of the + soil, must disappear with that system, and the medium for paying great + taxes thus failing, her navy must be without support. That it shall be + supported by permitting her to claim dominion of the ocean, and to levy + tribute on every flag traversing that, as lately attempted and not yet + relinquished, every nation must contest, even <i>ad internecionem</i>. And + yet, that, retiring from this enormity, she should continue able to take a + fair share in the necessary equilibrium,of power on that element, would be + the desire of every nation. + </p> + <p> + I feel happy in withdrawing my mind from these anxieties, and resigning + myself, for the remnant of life, to the care and guardianship of others. + Good wishes are all an old man has to offer to his country or friends. + Mine attend yourself, with sincere assurances of esteem and respect, + which, however, I should be better pleased to tender you in person, should + your rambles ever lead you into the vicinage of Monticello. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0094" id="link2H_4_0094"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCIV.—TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH, January 16, 1811 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 16, 1811. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I had been considering for some days, whether it was not time by a letter, + to bring myself to your recollection, when I received your welcome favor + of the 2nd instant. I had before heard of the heart-rending calamity you + mention, and had sincerely sympathized with your afflictions. But I had + not made it the subject of a letter, because I knew that condolences were + but renewals of grief. Yet I thought, and still think, this is one of the + cases wherein we should ‘not sorrow, even as others who have no hope.’ + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + You ask if I have read Hartley? I have not. ‘My present course of life + admits less reading than I wish. From breakfast, or noon at latest, to + dinner, I am mostly on horseback, attending to my farms or other concerns, + which I find healthful to my body, mind, and affairs; and the few hours I + can pass in my cabinet, are devoured by correspondences; not those with my + intimate friends, with whom I delight to interchange sentiments, but with + others, who, writing to me on concerns of their own in which I have had an + agency, or from motives of mere respect and approbation, are entitled to + be answered with respect and a return of good will. My hope is that this + obstacle to the delights of retirement will wear away with the oblivion + which follows that, and that I may at length be indulged in those studious + pursuits, from which nothing but revolutionary duties would ever have + called me. + </p> + <p> + I shall receive your proposed publication, and read it with the pleasure + which every thing gives me from your pen. Although much of a sceptic in + the practice of medicine, I read with pleasure its ingenious theories. + </p> + <p> + I receive with sensibility your observations on the discontinuance of + friendly correspondence between Mr. Adams and myself, and the concern you + take in its restoration. This discontinuance has not proceeded from me, + nor from the want of sincere desire, and of effort on my part, to renew + our intercourse. You know the perfect coincidence of principle and of + action, in the early part of the Revolution, which produced a high degree + of mutual respect and esteem between Mr. Adams and myself. Certainly no + man was ever truer than he was, in that day, to those principles of + rational republicanism, which, after the necessity of throwing off our + monarchy, dictated all our efforts in the establishment of a new + government. And although he swerved, afterwards, towards the principles of + the English constitution, our friendship did not abate on that account. + While he was Vice-President, and I Secretary of State, I received a letter + from President Washington, then at Mount Vernon, desiring me to call + together the Heads of departments, and to invite Mr. Adams to join us + (which, by the bye, was the only instance of that being done) in order to + determine on some measure which required despatch; and he desired me to + act on it, as decided, without again recurring to him. I invited them to + dine with me, and after dinner, sitting at our wine, having settled our + question, other conversation came on, in which a collision of opinion + arose between Mr. Adams and Colonel Hamilton, on the merits of the British + Constitution, Mr. Adams giving it as his opinion, that, if some of its + defects and abuses were corrected, it would be the most perfect + constitution of government ever devised by man. Hamilton, on the contrary, + asserted, that with its existing vices, it was the most perfect model of + government that could be formed; and that the correction of its vices + would render it an impracticable government. And this you may be assured + was the real line of difference between the political principles of these + two gentlemen. Another incident took place on the same occasion, which + will further delineate Hamilton’s political principles. The room being + hung around with a collection of the portraits of remarkable men, among + them were those of Bacon, Newton, and Locke. Hamilton asked me who they + were. I told him they were my trinity of the three greatest men the world + had ever produced, naming them. He paused for some time: ‘The greatest + man,’ said he, ‘that ever lived, was Julius Caesar.’ Mr. Adams was honest + as a politician, as well as a man; Hamilton honest as a man, but, as a + politician, believing in the necessity of either force or corruption to + govern men. + </p> + <p> + You remember the machinery which the federalists played off, about that + time, to beat down the friends to the real principles of our constitution, + to silence by terror every expression in their favor, to bring us into war + with France and alliance with England, and finally to homologize our + constitution with that of England. Mr. Adams, you know, was overwhelmed + with feverish addresses, dictated by the fear, and often by the pen of the + <i>bloody buoy</i>, and was seduced by them into some open indications of + his new principles of government, and in fact, was so elated as to mix + with his kindness a little superciliousness towards me. Even Mrs. Adams, + with all her good sense and prudence, was sensibly flushed. And you + recollect the short suspension of our intercourse, and the circumstance + which gave rise to it, which you were so good as to bring to an early + explanation, and have set to rights, to the cordial satisfaction of us + all. The nation at length passed condemnation on the political principles + of the federalists, by refusing to continue Mr. Adams in the Presidency. + On the day on which we learned in Philadelphia the vote of the city of New + York, which it was well known would decide the vote of the State, and + that, again, the vote of the Union, I called on Mr. Adams on some official + business. He was very sensibly affected, and accosted me with these words. + ‘Well, I understand that you are to beat me in this contest, and I will + only say that I will be as faithful a subject as any you will have.’ ‘Mr. + Adams,’ said I, ‘this is no personal contest between you and me. Two + systems of principles on the subject of government divide our + fellow-citizens into two parties. With one of these you concur, and I with + the other. As we have been longer on the public stage than most of those + now living, our names happen to be more generally known. One of these + parties, therefore, has put your name at its head, the other mine. Were we + both to die to-day, to-morrow two other names would be in the place of + ours, without any change in the motion of the machine. Its motion is from + its principle, not from you or myself. ‘I believe you are right,’ said he, + ‘that we are but passive instruments, and should not suffer this matter to + affect our personal dispositions.’ But he did not long retain this just + view of the subject. I have always believed that the thousand calumnies + which the federalists, in bitterness of heart, and mortification at their + ejection, daily invented against me, were carried to him by their busy + intriguers, and made some impression. When the election between Burr and + myself was kept in suspense by the federalists, and they were meditating + to place the President of the Senate at the head of the government, I + called on Mr. Adams with a view to have this desperate measure prevented + by his negative. He grew warm in an instant, and said with a vehemence he + had not used towards me before, ‘Sir, the event of the election is within + your own power. You have only to say you will do justice to the public + creditors, maintain the navy, and not disturb those holding offices, and + the government will instantly be put into your hands. We know it is the + wish of the people it should be so.‘ ‘Mr. Adams,’ said I, ‘I know not what + part of my conduct, in either public or private life, can have authorized + a doubt of my fidelity to the public engagements. I say, however, I will + not come into the government by capitulation. I will not enter on it, but + in perfect freedom to follow the dictates of my own judgment.’ I had + before given the same answer to the same intimation from Gouverneur + Morris. ‘Then,’ said he, ‘things must take their course.’ I turned the + conversation to something else, and soon took my leave. It was the first + time in our lives we had ever parted with any thing like dissatisfaction. + And then followed those scenes of midnight appointment, which have been + condemned by all men. The last day of his political power, the last hours, + and even beyond the midnight, were employed in filling all offices and + especially permanent ones, with the bitterest federalists, and providing + for me the alternative, either to execute the government by my enemies, + whose study it would be to thwart and defeat all my measures, or to incur + the odium of such numerous removals from office, as might bear me down. A + little time and reflection effaced in my mind this temporary + dissatisfaction with Mr. Adams, and restored me to that just estimate of + his virtues and passions, which a long acquaintance had enabled me to fix. + And my first wish became that of making his retirement easy by any means + in my power; for it was understood he was not rich. I suggested to some + republican members of the delegation from his State, the giving him, + either directly or indirectly, an office, the most lucrative in that + State, and then offered to be resigned, if they thought he would not deem + it affrontive. They were of opinion he would take great offence at the + offer; and, moreover, that the body of republicans would consider such a + step in the outset, as auguring very ill of the course I meant to pursue. + I dropped the idea, therefore, but did not cease to wish for some + opportunity of renewing our friendly understanding. + </p> + <p> + Two or three years after, having had the misfortune to lose a daughter, + between whom and Mrs. Adams there had been a considerable attachment, she + made it the occasion of writing me a letter, in which, with the tenderest + expressions of concern at this event, she carefully avoided a single one + of friendship towards myself, and even concluded it with the wishes ‘of + her who once took pleasure in subscribing herself your friend, Abigail + Adams.’ Unpromising as was the complexion of this letter, I determined to + make an effort towards removing the clouds from between us. This brought + on a correspondence which I now enclose for your perusal, after which be + so good as to return it to me, as I have never communicated it to any + mortal breathing, before. I send it to you, to convince you I have not + been wanting either in the desire, or the endeavor to remove this + misunderstanding. Indeed, I thought it highly disgraceful to us both, as + indicating minds not sufficiently elevated to prevent a public competition + from affecting our personal friendship. I soon found from the + correspondence that conciliation was desperate, and yielding to an + intimation in her last letter, I ceased from further explanation. I have + the same good opinion of Mr. Adams which I ever had. I know him to be an + honest man, an able one with his pen, and he was a powerful advocate on + the floor of Congress. He has been alienated from me, by belief in the + lying suggestions contrived for electioneering purposes, that I perhaps + mixed in the activity and intrigues of the occasion. My most intimate + friends can testify that I was perfectly passive. They would sometimes, + indeed, tell me what was going on; but no man ever heard me take part in + such conversations; and none ever misrepresented Mr. Adams in my presence + without my asserting his just character. With very confidential persons I + have doubtless disapproved of the principles and practices of his + administration. This was unavoidable. But never with those with whom it + could do him any injury. Decency would have required this conduct from me, + if disposition had not: and I am satisfied Mr. Adams’s conduct was equally + honorable towards me. But I think it part of his character to suspect foul + play in those of whom he is jealous, and not easily to relinquish his + suspicions. + </p> + <p> + I have gone, my dear friend, into these details, that you might know every + thing which had passed between us, might be fully possessed of the state + of facts and dispositions, and judge for yourself whether they admit a + revival of that friendly intercourse for which you are so kindly + solicitous. I shall certainly not be wanting in any thing on my part which + may second your efforts; which will be the easier with me, inasmuch as I + do not entertain a sentiment of Mr. Adams, the expression of which could + give him reasonable offence. And I submit the whole to yourself, with the + assurance, that whatever be the issue, my friendship and respect for + yourself will remain unaltered and unalterable. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0095" id="link2H_4_0095"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCV.—TO M. DESTUTT TRACY, January 26, 1811 + </h2> + <h3> + TO M. DESTUTT TRACY. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, January 26, 1811. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + The length of time your favor of June the 12th, 1809, was on its way to + me, and my absence from home the greater part of the autumn, delayed very + much the pleasure which awaited me of reading the packet which accompanied + it. I cannot express to you the satisfaction which I received from its + perusal. I had, with the world, deemed Montesquieu’s a work of much merit; + but saw in it, with every thinking man, so much of paradox, of false + principle, and misapplied fact, as to render its value equivocal on the + whole. Williams and others had nibbled only at its errors. A radical + correction of them, therefore, was a great desideratum. This want is now + supplied, and with a depth of thought, precision; of idea, of language, + and of logic, which will force conviction into every mind. I declare to + you, Sir, in the spirit of truth and sincerity, that I consider it the + most precious gift the present age has received. But what would it have + been, had the author, or would the author, take up the whole scheme of + Montesquieu’s work, and following the correct analysis he has here + developed, fill up all its parts according to his sound views of them. + Montesquieu’s celebrity would be but a small portion of that which would + immortalize the author. And with whom? With the rational and high-minded + spirits of the present and all future ages. With those whose approbation + is both incitement and reward to virtue and ambition. Is then the hope + desperate? To what object can the occupation of his future life be devoted + so usefully to the world, so splendidly to himself? But I must leave to + others who have higher claims on his attention, to press these + considerations. + </p> + <p> + My situation, far in the interior of the country, was not favorable to the + object of getting this work translated and printed. Philadelphia is the + least distant of the great towns of our States, where there exists any + enterprise in this way; and it was not till the spring following the + receipt of your letter, that I obtained an arrangement for its execution. + The translation is just now completed. The sheets came to me by post, from + time to time, for revisal; but not being accompanied by the original, I + could not judge of verbal accuracies. I think, however, it is + substantially correct, without being an adequate representation of the + excellences of the original; as indeed no translation can be. I found it + impossible to give it the appearance of an original composition in our + language. I therefore think it best to divert inquiries after the author + towards a quarter where he will not be found; and with this view, propose + to prefix the prefatory epistle now enclosed. As soon as a copy of the + work can be had, I will send it to you by duplicate. The secret of the + author will be faithfully preserved during his and my joint lives; and + those into whose hands my papers will fall at my death will be equally + worthy of confidence. When the death of the author, or his living consent + shall permit the world to know their benefactor, both his and my papers + will furnish the evidence. In the mean time, the many important truths the + works so solidly establishes, will, I hope, make it the political rudiment + of the young, and manual of our older citizens. + </p> + <p> + One of its doctrines, indeed, the preference of a plural over a singular + executive, will probably not be assented to here. When our present + government was first established, we had many doubts on this question, and + many leanings towards a supreme executive council. It happened that at + that time the experiment of such an one was commenced in France, while the + single executive was under trial here. We watched the motions and effects + of these two rival plans, with an interest and anxiety proportioned to the + importance of a. choice between them. The experiment in France failed + after a short course, and not from any circumstance peculiar to the times + or nation, but from those internal jealousies and dissensions in the + Directory, which will ever arise among men equal in power, without a + principal to decide and control their differences. We had tried a similar + experiment in 1784, by establishing a committee of the States, composed of + a member from every State, then thirteen, to exercise the executive + functions during the recess of Congress. They fell immediately into + schisms and dissensions, which became at length so inveterate as to render + all co-operation among them impracticable: they dissolved themselves, + abandoning the helm of government, and it continued without a head, until + Congress met the ensuing winter. This was then imputed to the temper of + two or three individuals; but the wise ascribed it to the nature of man. + The failure of the French Directory, and from the same cause, seems to + have authorized a belief that the form of a plurality, however promising + in theory, is impracticable with men constituted with the ordinary + passions. While the tranquil and steady tenor of our single executive, + during a course of twenty-two years of the most tempestuous times the + history of the world has ever presented, gives a rational hope that this + important problem is at length solved. Aided by the counsels of a cabinet + of Heads of departments, originally four, but now five, with whom the + President consults, either singly or all together, he has the benefit of + their wisdom and information, brings their views to one centre, and + produces an unity of action and direction in all the branches of the + government. The excellence of this construction of the executive power has + already manifested itself here under very opposite circumstances. During + the administration of our first President, his cabinet of four members was + equally divided, by as marked an opposition of principle, as monarchism + and republicanism could bring into conflict. Had that cabinet been a + directory, like positive and negative quantities in Algebra, the opposing + wills would have balanced each other, and produced a state of absolute + inaction. But the President heard with calmness the opinions and reasons + of each, decided the course to be pursued, and kept the government + steadily in it, unaffected by the agitation. The public knew well the + dissensions of the cabinet, but never had an uneasy thought on their + account; because they knew also they had provided a regulating power, + which would keep the machine in steady movement. I speak with an intimate + knowledge of these scenes, <i>quorum pars fui</i>; as I may of others of a + character entirely opposite. The third administration, which was of eight + years, presented an example of harmony in a cabinet of six persons, to + which perhaps history has furnished no parallel. There never arose, during + the whole time, an instance of an unpleasant thought or word between the + members. We sometimes met under differences of opinion, but scarcely ever + failed, by conversing and reasoning, so to modify each other’s ideas, as + to produce an unanimous result. Yet, able and amiable as these members + were, I am not certain this would have been the case, had each possessed + equal and independent powers. Ill defined limits of their respective + departments, jealousies, trifling at first, but nourished and strengthened + by repetition of occasions, intrigues without doors of designing persons + to build an importance to themselves on the divisions of others, might, + from small beginnings, have produced persevering oppositions. But the + power of decision in the President left no object for internal dissension, + and external intrigue was stifled in embryo by the knowledge which + incendiaries possessed, that no divisions they could foment would change + the course of the executive power. I am not conscious that my + participations in executive authority have produced any bias in favor of + the single executive; because the parts I have acted have been in the + subordinate, as well as superior stations, and because, if I know myself, + what I have felt, and what I have wished, I know that I have never been so + well pleased, as when I could shift power from my own, on the shoulders of + others; nor have I ever been able to conceive how any rational being could + propose happiness to himself from the exercise of power over others. + </p> + <p> + I am still, however, sensible of the solidity of your principle, that, to + insure the safety of the public liberty, its depository should be subject + to be changed with the greatest ease possible, and without suspending or + disturbing for a moment the movements of the machine of government. You + apprehend that a single executive, with, eminence of talent, and + destitution of principle, equal to the object, might, by usurpation, + render his powers hereditary. Yet I think history furnishes as many + examples of a single usurper arising out of a government by a plurality, + as of temporary trusts of power in a single hand rendered permanent by + usurpation. I do not believe, therefore, that this danger is lessened in + the hands of a plural executive. Perhaps it is greatly increased, by the + state of inefficiency to which they are liable from feuds and divisions + among themselves. The conservative body you propose might be so + constituted, as, while it would be an admirable sedative in a variety of + smaller cases, might also be a valuable sentinel and check on the + liberticide views of an ambitious individual. I am friendly to this idea. + But the true barriers of our liberty in this country are our State + governments: and the wisest conservative power ever contrived by man, is + that of which our Revolution and present government found us possessed. + Seventeen distinct States, amalgamated into one as to their foreign + concerns, but single and independent as to their internal administration, + regularly organized with a legislature and governor resting on the choice + of the people, and enlightened by a free press, can never be so fascinated + by the arts of one man, as to submit voluntarily to his usurpation. Nor + can they be constrained to it by any force he can possess. While that may + paralyze the single State in which it happens to be encamped, sixteen + others, spread over a country of two thousand miles diameter, rise up on + every side, ready organized for deliberation by a constitutional + legislature, and for action by their governor, constitutionally the + commander of the militia of the State, that is to say, of every man in it, + able to bear arms; and that militia, too, regularly formed into regiments + and battalions, into infantry, cavalry, and artillery, trained under + officers general and subordinate, legally appointed, always in readiness, + and to whom they are already in habits of obedience. The republican + government of France was lost without a struggle, because the party of ‘<i>un + et indivisible</i>’ had prevailed: no provincial organizations existed to + which the people might rally under authority of the laws, the seats of the + directory were virtually vacant, and a small force sufficed to turn the + legislature out of their chamber and to salute its leader chief of the + nation. But with us, sixteen out of seventeen States rising in mass, under + regular organization and legal commanders, united in object and action by + their Congress, or, if that be in duresse, by a special convention, + present such obstacles to an usurper as for ever to stifle ambition in the + first conception of that object. + </p> + <p> + Dangers of another kind might more reasonably be apprehended from this + perfect and distinct organization, civil and military, of the States; to + wit, that certain States, from local and occasional discontents, might + attempt to secede from the Union. This is certainly possible; and would be + befriended by this regular organization. But it is not probable that local + discontents can spread to such an extent, as to be able to face the sound + parts of so extensive an union: and if ever they could reach the majority, + they would then become the regular government, acquire the ascendancy in + Congress, and be able to redress their own grievances by laws peaceably + and constitutionally passed. And even the States in which local + discontents might engender a commencement of fermentation, would be + paralyzed and self-checked by that very division into parties into which + we have fallen, into which all States must fall wherein men are at liberty + to think, speak, and act freely, according to the diversities of their + individual conformations, and which are, perhaps, essential to preserve + the purity of the government, by the censorship which these parties + habitually exercise over each other. + </p> + <p> + You will read, I am sure, with indulgence, the explanations of the grounds + on which I have ventured to form an opinion differing from yours. They + prove my respect for your judgment, and diffidence of my own, which have + forbidden me to retain, without examination, an opinion questioned by you. + Permit me now to render my portion of the general debt of gratitude, by + acknowledgments in advance for the singular benefaction which is the + subject of this letter, to tender my wishes for the continuance of a life + so usefully employed, and to add the assurances of my perfect esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0096" id="link2H_4_0096"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCVI.—TO COLONEL MONROE, May 5, 1811 + </h2> + <h3> + TO COLONEL MONROE. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, May 5, 1811. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor on your departure from Richmond came to hand in due time. + Although I may not have been among the first, I am certainly with the + sincerest, who congratulate you on your re-entrance into the national + councils. Your value there has never been unduly estimated by those whom + personal feelings did not misguide. The late misunderstandings at + Washington have been a subject of real concern to me. I know that the + dissolutions of personal friendships are among the most painful + occurrences in human life. I have sincere esteem for all who have been + affected by them, having passed with them eight years of great harmony and + affection. These incidents are rendered more distressing in our country + than elsewhere, because our printers ravin on the agonies of their + victims, as wolves do on the blood of the lamb. But the printers and the + public are very different personages. The former may lead the latter a + little out of their track, while the deviation is insensible: but the + moment they usurp their direction and that of their government, they will + be reduced to their true places. The two last Congresses have been the + theme of the most licentious reprobation for printers thirsting after war, + some against France, and some against England. But the people wish for + peace with both. They feel no incumbency on them to become the reformers + of the other hemisphere, and to inculcate, with fire and sword, a return + to moral order. When, indeed, peace shall become more losing than war, + they may owe to their interest, what these Quixottes are clamoring for on + false estimates of honor. The public are unmoved by these clamors, as the + re-election of their legislators shows, and they are firm to their + executive on the subject of the more recent clamors. + </p> + <p> + We are suffering here both in the gathered and the growing crop. The + lowness of the river, and great quantity of produce brought to Milton this + year, render it almost impossible to get our crops to market. This is the + case of mine as well as yours: and the Hessian fly appears alarmingly in + our growing crop. Every thing is in distress for the want of rain. + </p> + <p> + Present me respectfully to Mrs. Monroe, and accept yourself assurances of + my constant and affectionate esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0097" id="link2H_4_0097"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCVII.—TO GENERAL DEARBORN, August 14, 1811 + </h2> + <p> + TO GENERAL DEARBORN. + </p> + <p> + Poplar Forest, August 14, 1811. + </p> + <p> + Dear General and Friend, + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + I am happy to learn that your own health is good, and I hope it will long + continue so. The friends we left behind us have fallen out by the way. I + sincerely lament it, because I sincerely esteem them all, and because it + multiplies schisms where harmony is safety. As far as I have been able to + judge, however, it has made no sensible impression against the government. + Those who were murmuring before are a little louder now; but the mass of + our citizens is firm and unshaken. It furnishes, as an incident, another + proof that they are perfectly equal to the purposes of self-government, + and that we have nothing to fear for its stability. The spirit, indeed, + which manifests itself among the tories of your quarter, although I + believe there is a majority there sufficient to keep it down in peaceable + times, leaves me not without some disquietude. Should the determination of + England, now formally expressed, to take possession of the ocean, and to + suffer no commerce on it but through her ports, force a war upon us, I + foresee a possibility of a separate treaty between her and your Essex men, + on the principles of neutrality and commerce. Pickering here, and his + nephew Williams there, can easily negotiate this. Such a lure to the + quietists in our ranks with you, might recruit theirs to a majority. Yet, + excluded as they would be from intercourse with the rest of the Union and + of Europe, I scarcely see the gain they would propose to themselves, even + for the moment. The defection would certainly disconcert the other States, + but it could not ultimately endanger their safety. They are adequate, in + all points, to a defensive war. However, I hope your majority, with the + aid it is entitled to, will save us from this trial, to which I think it + possible we are advancing. The death of George may come to our relief; but + I fear the dominion of the sea is the insanity of the nation itself also. + Perhaps, if some stroke of fortune were to rid us at the same time from + the Mammoth of the land as well as the Leviathan of the ocean, the people + of England might lose their fears, and recover their sober senses again. + Tell my old friend, Governor Gerry, that I gave him glory for the rasping + with which he rubbed down his herd of traitors. Let them have justice and + protection against personal violence, but no favor. Powers and + pre-eminences conferred on them are daggers put into the hands of + assassins, to be plunged into our own bosoms in the moment the thrust can + go home to the heart. Moderation can never reclaim them. They deem it + timidity, and despise without fearing the tameness from which it flows. + Backed by England, they never lose the hope that their day is to come, + when the terrorism of their earlier power is to be merged in the more + gratifying system,of deportation and the guillotine. Being now <i>hors de + combat</i> myself, I resign to others these cares. A long attack of + rheumatism has greatly enfeebled me, and warns me, that they will not very + long be within my ken. But you may have to meet the trial, and in the + focus of its fury. God send you a safe deliverance, a happy issue out of + all afflictions, personal and public, with long life, long health, and + friends as sincerely attached, as yours affectionately, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0098" id="link2H_4_0098"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCVIII.—TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH + </h2> + <h3> + TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. + </h3> + <p> + Poplar Forest, December 5, 1811. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + While at Monticello I am so much engrossed by business or society, that I + can only write on matters of strong urgency. Here I have leisure, as I + have every where the disposition, to think of my friends. I recur, + therefore, to the subject of your kind letters relating to Mr. Adams and + myself, which a late occurrence has again presented to me. I communicated + to you the correspondence which had parted Mrs. Adams and myself, in proof + that I could not give friendship in exchange for such sentiments as she + had recently taken up towards myself, and avowed and maintained in her + letters to me. Nothing but a total renunciation of these could admit a + reconciliation, and that could be cordial only in proportion as the return + to ancient opinions was believed sincere. In these jaundiced sentiments of + hers I had associated Mr. Adams, knowing the weight which her opinions had + with him, and notwithstanding she declared in her letters that they were + not communicated to him. A late incident has satisfied me that I wronged + him as well as her in not yielding entire confidence to this assurance on + her part. Two of the Mr. ———, my neighbors and friends, + took a tour to the northward during the last summer. In Boston they fell + into company with Mr. Adams, and by his invitation passed a day with him + at Braintree. He spoke out to them every thing which came uppermost, and + as it occurred to his mind, without any reserve, and seemed most disposed + to dwell on those things which happened during his own administration. He + spoke of his masters, as he called his Heads of departments, as acting + above his control, and often against his opinions. Among many other + topics, he adverted to the unprincipled licentiousness of the press + against myself, adding, ‘I always loved Jefferson, and still love him.’ + </p> + <p> + This is enough for me. I only needed this knowledge to revive towards him + all the affections of the most cordial moments of our lives. Changing a + single word only in Dr. Franklin’s character of him, I knew him to be + always an honest man, often a great one, but sometimes incorrect and + precipitate in his judgments: and it is known to those who have ever heard + me speak of Mr. Adams, that I have ever done him justice myself, and + defended him when assailed by others, with the single exception as to his + political opinions. But with a man possessing so many other estimable + qualities, why should we be dissocialized by mere differences of opinion + in politics, in religion, in philosophy, or any thing else. His opinions + are as honestly formed as my own. Our different views of the same subject + are the result of a difference in our organization and experience. I never + withdrew from the society of any man on this account, although many have + done it from me; much less should I do it from one with whom I had gone + through, with hand and heart, so many trying scenes. I wish, therefore, + but for an apposite occasion to express to Mr. Adams my unchanged + affections for him. There is an awkwardness which hangs over the resuming + a correspondence so long discontinued, unless something could arise which + should call for a letter. Time and chance may perhaps generate such an + occasion, of which I shall not be wanting in promptitude to avail myself. + From this fusion of mutual affections, Mrs. Adams is of course separated. + It will only be necessary that I never name her. In your letters to Mr. + Adams, you can, perhaps, suggest my continued cordiality towards him, and + knowing this, should an occasion of writing first present itself to him, + he will perhaps avail himself of it, as I certainly will, should it first + occur to me. No ground for jealousy now existing, he will certainly give + fair play to the natural warmth of his heart. Perhaps I may open the way + in some letter to my old friend Gerry, who I know is in habits of the + greatest intimacy with him. + </p> + <p> + I have thus, my friend, laid open my heart to you, because you were so + kind as to take an interest in healing again revolutionary affections, + which have ceased in expression only, but not in their existence. God ever + bless you, and preserve you in life and health. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0099" id="link2H_4_0099"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER XCIX.—TO JOHN ADAMS, January 21, 1812 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 21, 1812. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I thank you beforehand (for they are not yet arrived) for the specimens of + homespun you have been so kind as to forward me by post. I doubt not their + excellence, knowing how far you are advanced in these things in your + quarter. Here we do little in the fine way, but in coarse and middling + goods a great deal. Every family in the country is a manufactory within + itself, and is very generally able to make within itself all the stouter + and middling stuffs for its own clothing and household use. We consider a + sheep for every person in the family as sufficient to clothe it, in + addition to the cotton, hemp, and flax, which we raise ourselves. For fine + stuff we shall depend on your northern manufactories. Of these, that is to + say, of company establishments, we have none. We use little machinery. The + spinning jenny, and loom with the flying shuttle, can be managed in a + family; but nothing more complicated. The economy and thriftiness + resulting from our household manufactures are such that they will never + again be laid aside; and nothing more salutary for us has ever happened + than the British obstructions to our demands for their manufactures. + Restore free intercourse when they will, their commerce with us will have + totally changed its form, and the articles we shall in future want from + them will not exceed their own consumption of our produce. + </p> + <p> + A letter from you calls up recollections very dear to my mind. It carries + me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were + fellow-laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to + man, his right of self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with + some wave ever ahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless + under our bark, we knew not how, we rode through the storm with heart and + hand, and made a happy port. Still we did not expect to be without rubs + and difficulties; and we have had them. First the detention of the western + posts: then the coalition of Pilnitz, outlawing our commerce with France, + and the British enforcement of the outlawry. In your day, French + depredations: in mine, English, and the Berlin and Milan decrees: now, the + English orders of council, and the piracies they authorize. When these + shall be over, it will be the impressment of our seamen, or something + else: and so we have gone on, and so we shall go on, puzzled and + prospering beyond example in the history of man. And I do believe we shall + continue to growl, to multiply, and prosper, until we exhibit an + association, powerful, wise, and happy, beyond what has yet been seen by + men. As for France and England, with all their pre-eminence in science, + the one is a den of robbers, and the other of pirates. And if science + produces no better fruits than tyranny, murder, rapine, and destitution of + national morality, I would rather wish our country to be ignorant, honest, + and estimable, as our neighboring savages are. But whither is senile + garrulity leading me? Into politics, of which I have taken final leave. I + think little of them, and say less. I have given up newspapers in exchange + for Tacitus and Thucydides, for Newton and Euclid, and I find myself much + the happier. Sometimes, indeed, I look back to former occurrences, in + remembrance of our old friends and fellow-laborers, who have fallen before + us. Of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, I see now living + not more than half a dozen on your side of the Potomac, and on this side, + myself alone. You and I have been wonderfully spared, and myself with + remarkable health, and a considerable activity of body and mind. I am on + horseback three or four hours of every day; visit three or four times a + year a possession I have ninety miles distant, performing the winter + journey on horseback. I walk little, however, a single mile being too much + for me; and I live in the midst of my grandchildren, one of whom has + lately promoted me to be a great-grandfather. I have heard with pleasure + that you also retain good health, and a greater power of exercise in + walking than I do. But I would rather have heard this from yourself, and + that, writing a letter like mine, full of egotisms, and of details of your + health, your habits, occupations, and enjoyments, I should have the + pleasure of knowing, that in the race of life, you do not keep, in its + physical decline, the same distance ahead of me, which you have done in + political honors and achievements. No circumstances have lessened the + interest I feel in these particulars respecting yourself; none have + suspended for one moment my sincere esteem for you, and I now salute you + with unchanged affection and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0100" id="link2H_4_0100"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER C.—TO JOHN ADAMS, April 20, 1812 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 20, 1812. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have it now in my power to send you a piece of homespun in return for + that I received from you. Not of the fine texture, or delicate character + of yours, or, to drop our metaphor, not filled as that was with that + display of imagination which constitutes excellence in Belles Lettres, but + a mere sober, dry, and formal piece of logic. <i>Ornari res ipsa negat</i>. + Yet you may have enough left of your old taste for law reading, to cast an + eye over some of the questions it discusses. At any rate, accept it as the + offering of esteem and friendship. + </p> + <p> + You wish to know something of the Richmond and Wabash prophets. Of Nimrod + Hews I never before heard. Christopher Macpherson I have known for twenty + years. He is a man of color, brought up as a book-keeper by a merchant, + his master, and afterwards enfranchised. He had understanding enough to + post up his leger from his journal, but not enough to bear up against + hypochrondriac affections, and the gloomy forebodings they inspire. He + became crazy, foggy, his head always in the clouds, and rhapsodizing what + neither himself nor any one else could understand. I think he told me he + had visited you personally while you were in the administration, and wrote + you letters, which you have probably forgotten in the mass of the + correspondences of that crazy class, of whose complaints, and terrors, and + mysticisms, the several Presidents have been the regular depositories. + Macpherson was too honest to be molested by any body, and too inoffensive + to be a subject for the mad-house; although, I believe, we are told in the + old book, that ‘every man that is mad, and maketh himself a prophet, thou + shouldst put him in prison and in the stocks.’ + </p> + <p> + The Wabash prophet is a very different character, more rogue than fool, if + to be a rogue is not the greatest of all follies. He arose to notice while + I was in the administration, and became, of course, a proper subject of + inquiry for me. The inquiry was made with diligence. His declared object + was the reformation of his red brethren, and their return to their + pristine manner of living. He pretended to be in constant communication + with the Great Spirit; that he was instructed by him to make known to the + Indians that they were created by him distinct from the whites, of + different natures, for different purposes, and placed under different + circumstances, adapted to their nature and destinies; that they must + return from all the ways of the whites to the habits and opinions of their + forefathers; they must not eat the flesh of hogs, of bullocks, of sheep, + &c. the deer and buffalo having been created for their food; they must + not make bread of wheat, but of Indian corn; they must not wear linen nor + woollen, but dress like their fathers in the skins and furs of animals; + they must not drink ardent spirits: and I do not remember whether he + extended his inhibitions to the gun and gunpowder, in favor of the bow and + arrow. I concluded from all this that he was a visionary, enveloped in the + clouds of their antiquities, and vainly endeavoring to lead back his + brethren to the fancied beatitudes of their golden age. I thought there + was little danger of his making many proselytes from the habits and + comforts they had learned from the whites, to the hardships and privations + of savagism, and no great harm if he did. We let him go on, therefore, + unmolested. But his followers increased till the English thought him worth + corruption, and found him corruptible. I suppose his views were then + changed; but his proceedings in consequence of them were after I left the + administration, and are, therefore, unknown to me; nor have I ever been + informed what were the particular acts on his part, which produced, an + actual commencement of hostilities on ours. I have no doubt, however, that + his subsequent proceedings are but a chapter apart, like that of Henry and + Lord Liverpool, in the book of the Kings of England. + </p> + <p> + Of this mission of Henry, your son had got wind in the time of the + embargo, and communicated it to me. But he had learned nothing of the + particular agent, although, of his workings, the information he had + obtained appears now to have been correct. He stated a particular which + Henry has not distinctly brought forward, which was, that the eastern + States were not to be required to make a formal act of separation from the + Union, and to take a part in the war against it; a measure deemed much too + strong for their people: but to declare themselves in a state of + neutrality, in consideration of which they were to have peace and free + commerce, the lure most likely to insure popular acquiescence. Having no + indications of Henry as the intermediate in this negotiation of the Essex + junto, suspicions fell on Pickering, and his nephew Williams in London. If + he was wronged in this, the ground of the suspicion is to be found in his + known practices and avowed opinions, as that of his accomplices in the + sameness of sentiment and of language with Henry, and subsequently by the + fluttering of the wounded pigeons. + </p> + <p> + This letter, with what it encloses, has given you enough, I presume, of + law and the prophets. I will only add to it, therefore, the homage of my + respects to Mrs. Adams, and to yourself the assurances of affectionate + esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0101" id="link2H_4_0101"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CI.—TO JAMES MAURY, April 25, 1812 + </h2> + <p> + TO JAMES MAURY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 25, 1812. + </p> + <p> + My Dear and Ancient Friend and Classmate, + </p> + <p> + Often has my heart smote me for delaying acknowledgments to you, + receiving, as I do, such frequent proofs of your kind recollection in the + transmission of papers to me. But instead of acting on the good old maxim + of not putting off to to-morrow what we can do to-day, we are too apt to + reverse it, and not to do today what we can put off to to-morrow. But this + duty can be no longer put off. To-day we are at peace; to-morrow war. The + curtain of separation is drawing between us, and probably will not be + withdrawn till one, if not both of us, will be at rest with our fathers. + Let me now, then, while I may, renew to you the declarations of my warm + attachment, which in no period of life has ever been weakened, and seems + to become stronger as the remaining objects of our youthful affections are + fewer. + </p> + <p> + Our two countries are to be at war, but not you and I. And why should our + two countries be at war, when by peace we can be so much more useful to + one another? Surely the world will acquit our government of having sought + it. Never before has there been an instance of a nation’s bearing so much + as we have borne. Two items alone in our catalogue of wrongs will for ever + acquit us of being the aggressors; the impressment of our seamen, and the + excluding us from the ocean. The first foundations of the social compact + would be broken up, were we definitively to refuse to its members the + protection of their persons and property, while in their lawful pursuits. + I think the war will not be short, because the object of England, long + obvious, is to claim the ocean as her domain, and to exact transit duties + from every vessel traversing it. This is the sum of her orders of council, + which were only a step in this bold experiment, never meant to be + retracted if it could be permanently maintained. And this object must + continue her in war with all the world. To this I see no termination, + until her exaggerated efforts, so much beyond her natural strength and + resources, shall have exhausted her to bankruptcy. The approach of this + crisis is, I think, visible in the departure of her precious metals, and + depreciation of her paper medium. We, who have gone through that + operation, know its symptoms, its course, and consequences. In England + they will be more serious than elsewhere, because half the wealth of her + people is now in that medium, the private revenue of her money-holders, or + rather of her paper-holders, being, I believe, greater than that of her + land-holders. Such a proportion of property, imaginary and baseless as it + is, cannot be reduced to vapor, but with great explosion. She will rise + out of its ruins, however, because her lands, her houses, her arts, will + remain, and the greater part of her men. And these will give her again + that place among nations which is proportioned to her natural means, and + which we all wish her to hold. We believe that the just standing of all + nations is the health and security of all. We consider the overwhelming + power of England on the ocean, and of France on the land, as destructive + of the prosperity and happiness of the world, and wish both to be reduced + only to the necessity of observing moral duties. We believe no more in + Bonaparte’s fighting merely for the liberty of the seas, than in Great + Britain’s fighting for the liberties of mankind. The object of both is the + same, to draw to themselves the power, the wealth, and the resources of + other nations. We resist the enterprises of England first, because they + first come vitally home to us. And our feelings repel the logic of bearing + the lash of George the III. for fear of that of Bonaparte at some future + day. When the wrongs of France shall reach us with equal effect, we shall + resist them also. But one at a time is enough: and having offered a choice + to the champions, England first takes up the gauntlet. + </p> + <p> + The English newspapers suppose me the personal enemy of their nation. I am + not so. I am an enemy to its injuries, as I am to those of France. If I + could permit myself to have national partialities, and if the conduct of + England would have permitted them to be directed towards her, they would + have been so. I thought that, in the administration of Mr. Addington, I + discovered some dispositions towards justice, and even friendship and + respect for us, and began to pave the way for cherishing these + dispositions, and improving them into ties of mutual good will. But we had + then a federal minister there, whose dispositions to believe himself, and + to inspire others with a belief, in our sincerity, his subsequent conduct + has brought into doubt; and poor Merry, the English minister here, had + learned nothing of diplomacy but its suspicions, without head enough to + distinguish when they were misplaced. Mr. Addington and Mr. Fox passed + away too soon to avail the two countries of their dispositions. Had I been + personally hostile to England, and biassed in favor of either the + character or views of her great antagonist, the affair of the Chesapeake + put war into my hand. I had only to open it, and let havoc loose. But if + ever I was gratified with the possession of power, and of the confidence + of those who had entrusted me with it, it was on that occasion, when I was + enabled to use both for the prevention of war, towards which the torrent + of passion here was directed almost irresistibly, and when not another + person in the United States, less supported by authority and favor, could + have resisted it. And now that a definitive adherence to her impressments + and orders of council renders war no longer avoidable, my earnest prayer + is, that our government may enter into no compact of common cause with the + other belligerent, but keep us free to make a separate peace, whenever + England will separately give us peace, and future security. But Lord + Liverpool is our witness, that this can never be but by her removal from + our neighborhood. + </p> + <p> + I have thus, for a moment, taken a range into the field of politics, to + possess you with the view we take of things here. But in the scenes which + are to ensue, I am to be but a spectator. I have withdrawn myself from all + political intermeddlings, to indulge the evening of my life with what have + been the passions of every portion of it, books, science, my farms, my + family, and friends. + </p> + <p> + To these every hour of the day is now devoted. I retain a good activity of + mind, not quite as much of body, but uninterrupted health. Still the hand + of age is upon me. All my old friends are nearly gone. Of those in my + neighborhood, Mr. Divers and Mr. Lindsay alone remain. If you could make + it a <i>partie quarrée</i>, it would be a comfort indeed. We would beguile + our lingering hours with talking over our youthful exploits, our hunts on + Peter’s Mountain, with a long train of <i>et cetera</i> in addition, and + feel, by recollection at least, a momentary flash of youth. Reviewing the + course of a long and sufficiently successful life, I find in no portion of + it happier moments than those were. I think the old hulk in which you are, + is near her wreck, and that like a prudent rat, you should escape in time. + However, here, there, and every where, in peace or in war, you will have + my sincere affections, and prayers for your life, health, and happiness. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0102" id="link2H_4_0102"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CII.—TO THE PRESIDENT, May 30, 1812 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE PRESIDENT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, May 30, 1812. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Another communication is enclosed, and the letter of the applicant is the + only information I have of his qualifications. I barely remember such a + person as the secretary of Mr. Adams, and messenger to the Senate while I + was of that body. It enlarges the sphere of choice by adding to it a + strong federalist. The triangular war must be the idea of the Anglomen and + malcontents; in other words, the federalists and quids. Yet it would + reconcile neither. It would only change the topic of abuse with the + former, and not cure the mental disease of the latter. It would prevent + our eastern capitalists and seamen from employment in privateering, take + away the only chance of conciliating them, and keep them at home, idle, to + swell the discontents; it would completely disarm us of the most powerful + weapon we can employ against Great Britain, by shutting every port to our + prizes, and yet would not add a single vessel to their number; it would + shut every market to our agricultural productions, and engender impatience + and discontent with that class which, in fact, composes the nation; it + would insulate us in general negotiations for peace, making all the + parties our opposers, and very indifferent about peace with us, if they + have it with the rest of the world; and would exhibit a solecism worthy of + Don Quixotte only, that of a choice to fight two enemies at a time, rather + than to take them by succession. And the only motive for all this is a + sublimated impartiality, at which the world will laugh, and our own people + will turn upon us in mass as soon as it is explained to them, as it will + be by the very persons who are now laying that snare. These are the hasty + views of one who rarely thinks on these subjects. Your own will be better, + and I pray to them every success, and to yourself every felicity. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0103" id="link2H_4_0103"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CIII.—TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, June 11, 1812 + </h2> + <p> + TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 11, 1812. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + It has given me great pleasure to receive a letter from you. It seems as + if, our ancient friends dying off, the whole mass of the affections of the + heart survives undiminished to the few who remain. I think our + acquaintance commenced in 1764, both then just of age. We happened to take + lodgings in the same house in New York. Our next meeting was in the + Congress of 1775, and at various times afterwards in the exercise of that + and other public functions, until your mission to Europe. Since we have + ceased to meet, we have still thought and acted together, ‘<i>et idem + velle, atque idem nolle, ea demum amicitia est</i>.’ Of this harmony of + principle, the papers you enclosed me are proof sufficient. I do not + condole with you on your release from your government. The vote of your + opponents is the most honorable mark by which the soundness of your + conduct could be stamped. I claim the same honorable testimonial. There + was but a single act of my whole administration of which that party + approved. That was the proclamation on the attack of the Chesapeake. And + when I found they approved of it, I confess I began strongly to apprehend + I had done wrong, and to exclaim with the Psalmist, ‘Lord, what have I + done, that the wicked should praise me!’ + </p> + <p> + What, then, does this English faction with you mean? Their newspapers say + rebellion, and that they will not remain united with us unless we will + permit them to govern the majority. If this be their purpose, their + anti-republican spirit, it ought to be met at once. But a government like + ours should be slow in believing this, should put forth its whole might + when necessary to suppress it, and promptly return to the paths of + reconciliation. The extent of our country secures it, I hope, from the + vindictive passions of the petty incorporations of Greece. I rather + suspect that the principal office of the other seventeen States will be to + moderate and restrain the local excitement of our friends with you, when + they (with the aid of their brethren of the other States, if they need it) + shall have brought the rebellious to their feet. They count on British + aid. But what can that avail them by land? They would separate from their + friends, who alone furnish employment for their navigation, to unite with + their only rival for that employment. When interdicted the harbors of + their quondam brethren, they will go, I suppose, to ask a share in the + carrying-trade of their rivals, and a dispensation with their navigation + act. They think they will be happier in an association under the rulers of + Ireland, the East and West Indies, than in an independent government, + where they are obliged to put up with their proportional share only in the + direction of its affairs. But I trust that such perverseness will not be + that of the honest and well meaning mass of the federalists of + Massachusetts; and that when the questions of separation and rebellion + shall be nakedly proposed to them, the Gores and the Pickerings will find + their levees crowded with silk-stocking gentry, but no yeomanry; an army + of officers without soldiers. I hope, then, all will still end well: the + Anglomen will consent to make peace with their bread and butter, and you + and I shall sink to rest, without having been actors or spectators in + another civil war. + </p> + <p> + How many children have you? You beat me, I expect, in that count; but I + you in that of our grand-children. We have not timed these things well + together, or we might have begun a re-alliance between Massachusetts and + the Old Dominion, faithful companions in the war of Independence, + peculiarly tallied in interests, by each wanting exactly what the other + has to spare; and estranged to each other, in latter times, only by the + practices of a third nation, the common enemy of both. Let us live only to + see this re-union, and I will say with old Simeon, ‘Lord, now lettest thou + thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.’ In + that peace may you long remain, my friend, and depart only in the fulness + of years, all passed in health and prosperity. God bless you. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P.S. June 13. I did not condole with you on the reprobation of your + opponents, because it proved your orthodoxy. Yesterday’s post brought me + the resolution of the republicans of Congress, to propose you as + Vice-President. On this I sincerely congratulate you. It is a stamp of + double proof. It is a notification to the factionaries that their nay is + the yea of truth, and its best test. We shall be almost within striking + distance of each other. Who knows but you may fill up some short recess of + Congress with a visit to Monticello, where a numerous family will hail you + with a hearty country welcome. T.J. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0104" id="link2H_4_0104"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CIV.—TO JUDGE TYLER, June 17,1812 + </h2> + <p> + TO JUDGE TYLER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 17,1812. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + On the other subject of your letter, the application of the common law to + our present situation, I deride with you the ordinary doctrine, that we + brought with us from England the common law rights. This narrow notion was + a favorite in the first moment of rallying to our rights against Great + Britain. But it was that of men who felt their rights before they had + thought of their explanation. The truth is, that we brought with us the + rights of men; of expatriated men. On our arrival here, the question would + at once arise, by what law will we govern ourselves? The resolution seems + to have been, by that system with which we are familiar, to be altered by + ourselves occasionally, and adapted to our new situation. The proofs of + this resolution are to be found in the form of the oaths of the judges, 1 + Hening’s Stat. 169, 187; of the Governor, ib. 504; in the act for a + provisional government, ib. 372; in the preamble to the laws of 1661-2; + the uniform current of opinions and decisions; and in the general + recognition of all our statutes framed on that basis. But the state of the + English law at the date of our emigration, constituted the system adopted + here. We may doubt, therefore, the propriety of quoting in our courts + English authorities subsequent to that adoption; still more, the admission + of authorities posterior to the Declaration of Independence, or rather to + the accession of that King, whose reign, <i>ab initio</i>, was that very + tissue of wrongs which rendered the Declaration at length necessary. The + reason for it had inception at least as far back as the commencement of + his reign. This relation to the beginning of his reign, would add the + advantage of getting us rid of all Mansfield’s innovations, or + civilizations of the common law. For however I admit the superiority of + the civil, over the common law code, as a system of perfect justice, yet + an incorporation of the two would be like Nebuchadnezzar’s image of metals + and clay, a thing without cohesion of parts. The only natural improvement + of the common law, is through its homogeneous ally, the chancery, in which + new principles are to be examined, concocted, and digested. But when, by + repeated decisions and modifications, they are rendered pure and certain, + they should be transferred by statute to the courts of common law, and + placed within the pale of juries. The exclusion from the courts of the + malign influence of all authorities after the <i>Georgium sidus</i> became + ascendant, would uncanonize Blackstone, whose book, although the most + elegant and best digested of our law catalogue, has been perverted more + than all others to the degeneracy of legal science. A student finds there + a smattering of every thing, and his indolence easily persuades him, that + if he understands that book, he is master of the whole body of the law. + The distinction between these and those who have drawn their stores from + the deep and rich mines of Coke’s Littleton, seems well understood even by + the unlettered common people, who apply the appellation of + Blackstone-lawyers to these ephemeral insects of the law. + </p> + <p> + Whether we should undertake to reduce the common law, our own, and so much + of the English statutes as we have adopted, to a text, is a question of + transcendant difficulty. It was discussed at the first meeting of the + committee of the revised code, in 1776, and decided in the negative, by + the opinions of Wythe, Mason, and myself, against Pendleton and Thomas + Lee. Pendleton proposed to take Blackstone for that text, only purging him + of what was inapplicable, or unsuitable to us. In that case, the meaning + of every word of Blackstone would have become a source of litigation, + until it had been settled by repeated legal decisions. And to come at that + meaning, we should have had produced, on all occasions, that very pile of + authorities from which it would be said he drew his conclusion, and which, + of course, would explain it, and the terms in which it is couched. Thus we + should have retained the same chaos of law-lore from which we wished to be + emancipated, added to the evils of the uncertainty which a new text and + new phrases would have generated. An example of this may be found in the + old statutes, and commentaries on them, in Coke’s second institute; but + more remarkably, in the institute of Justinian, and the vast masses, + explanatory or supplementary of that, which fill the libraries of the + civilians. We were deterred from the attempt by these considerations, + added to which, the bustle of the times did not permit leisure for such an + undertaking. + </p> + <p> + Your request of my opinion on this subject has given you the trouble of + these observations. If your firmer mind in encountering difficulties, + would have added your vote to the minority of the committee, you would + have had on your side one of the greatest men of our age, and, like him, + have detracted nothing from the sentiments of esteem and respect which I + bore to him, and tender with sincerity the assurance of to yourself. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0105" id="link2H_4_0105"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CV.—TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE, October 1, 1812 + </h2> + <p> + TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 1, 1812. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of September the 20th has been duly received, and I cannot but + be gratified by the assurance it expresses, that my aid in the councils of + our government would increase the public confidence in them; because it + admits an inference that they have approved of the course pursued, when I + heretofore bore a part in those councils. I profess, too, so much of the + Roman principle, as to deem it honorable for the general of yesterday to + act as a corporal to-day, if his services can be useful to his country; + holding that to be false pride, which postpones the public good to any + private or personal considerations. But I am past service. The hand of age + is upon me. The decay of bodily faculties apprizes me that those of the + mind cannot be unimpaired, had I not still better proofs. Every year + counts by increased debility, and departing faculties keep the score. The + last year it was the sight, this it is the hearing, the next something + else will be going, until all is gone. Of all this I was sensible before I + left Washington, and probably my fellow-laborers saw it before I did. The + decay of memory was obvious: it is now become distressing. But the mind, + too, is weakened. When I was young, mathematics was the passion of my + life. The same passion has returned upon me, but with unequal powers. + Processes which I then read off with the facility of common discourse, now + cost me labor, and time, and slow investigation. When I offered this, + therefore, as one of the reasons deciding my retirement from office, it + was offered in sincerity and a consciousness of its truth. And I think it + a great blessing that I retain understanding enough to be sensible how + much of it I have lost, and to avoid exposing myself as a spectacle for + the pity of my friends; that I have surmounted the difficult point of + knowing when to retire. As a compensation for faculties departed, nature + gives me good health, and a perfect resignation to the laws of decay which + she has prescribed to all the forms and combinations of matter. + </p> + <p> + The detestable treason of Hull has, indeed, excited a deep anxiety in all + breasts. The depression was in the first moment gloomy and portentous. But + it has been succeeded by a revived animation, and a determination to meet + the occurrence with increased efforts; and I have so much confidence in + the vigorous minds and bodies of our countrymen, as to be fearless as to + the final issue. The treachery of Hull, like that of Arnold, cannot be + matter of blame on our government. His character, as an officer of skill + and bravery, was established on the trials of the last war, and no + previous act of his life had led to doubt his fidelity. Whether the Head + of the war department is equal to his charge, I am not qualified to + decide. I knew him only as a pleasant, gentlemanly man in society; and the + indecision of his character rather added to the amenity of his + conversation. But when translated from the colloquial circle to the great + stage of national concerns, and the direction of the extensive operations + of war, whether he has been able to seize at one glance the long line of + defenceless border presented by our enemy, the masses of strength which we + hold on different points of it, the facility this gave us of attacking + him, on the same day, on all his points, from the extremity of the lakes + to the neighborhood of Quebec, and the perfect indifference with which + this last place, impregnable as it is, might be left in the hands of the + enemy to fall of itself; whether, I say, he could see and prepare + vigorously for all this, or merely wrapped himself in the cloak of cold + defence, I am uninformed. I clearly think with you on the competence of + Monroe to embrace great views of action. The decision of his character, + his enterprise, firmness, industry, and unceasing vigilance, would, I + believe, secure, as I am sure they would merit, the public confidence, and + give us all the success which our means can accomplish. If our operations + have suffered or languished from any want of energy in the present head + which directs them, I have so much confidence in the wisdom and + conscientious integrity of Mr. Madison, as to be satisfied, that, however + torturing to his feelings, he will fulfil his duty to the public and to + his own reputation, by making the necessary change. Perhaps he may be + preparing it while we are talking about it: for of all these things I am + uninformed. I fear that Hull’s surrender has been more than the mere loss + of a year to us. Besides bringing on us the whole mass of savage nations, + whom fear and not affection had kept in quiet, there is danger that in + giving time to an enemy who can send reinforcements of regulars faster + than we can raise them, they may strengthen Canada and Halifax beyond the + assailment of our lax and divided powers. Perhaps, however, the patriotic + efforts from Kentucky and Ohio, by recalling the British force to its + upper posts, may yet give time to Dearborn to strike a blow below. + Effectual possession of the river from Montreal to the Chaudiere, which is + practicable, would give us the upper country at our leisure, and close for + ever the scenes of the tomahawk and scalping-knife. + </p> + <p> + But these things are for others to plan and achieve. The only succor from + the old, must lie in their prayers. These I offer up with sincere + devotion; and in my concern for the great public, I do not overlook my + friends, but supplicate for them, as I do for yourself, a long course of + freedom, happiness, and prosperity. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0106" id="link2H_4_0106"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CVI.—TO MR. MELISH, January 13, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. MELISH. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 13, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received duly your favor of December the 15th, and with it the copies of + your map and travels, for which be pleased to accept my thanks. The book I + have read with extreme satisfaction and information. As to the western + States, particularly, it has greatly edified me; for of the actual + condition of that interesting portion of our country, I had not an + adequate idea. I feel myself now as familiar with it as with the condition + of the maritime States. I had no conception that manufactures had made + such progress there, and particularly of the number of carding and + spinning machines dispersed through the whole country. We are but + beginning here to have them in our private families. Small + spinning-jennies of from half a dozen to twenty spindles, will soon, + however, make their way into the humblest cottages, as well as the richest + houses; and nothing is more certain, than that the coarse and middling + clothing for our families, will for ever hereafter continue to be made + within ourselves. I have hitherto myself depended entirely on foreign + manufactures: but I have now thirty-five spindles a going, a hand + carding-machine, and looms with the flying shuttle, for the supply of my + own farms, which will never be relinquished in my time. The continuance of + the war will fix the habit generally, and out of the evils of impressment + and of the orders of council, a great blessing for us will grow. I have + not formerly been an advocate for great manufactories. I doubted whether + our labor, employed in agriculture, and aided by the spontaneous energies + of the earth, would not procure us more than we could make ourselves of + other necessaries. But other considerations entering into the question, + have settled my doubts. + </p> + <p> + The candor with which you have viewed the manners and condition of our + citizens, is so unlike the narrow prejudices of the French and English + travellers preceding you, who, considering each the manners and habits of + their own people as the only orthodox, have viewed every thing differing + from that test as boorish and barbarous, that your work will be read here + extensively, and operate great good. + </p> + <p> + Amidst this mass of approbation which is given to every other part of the + work, there is a single sentiment which I cannot help wishing to bring to + what I think the correct one; and, on a point so interesting, I value your + opinion too highly not to ambition its concurrence with my own. Stating in + volume first, page sixty-third, the principle of difference between the + two great political parties here, you conclude it to be, ‘whether the + controlling power shall be vested in this or that set of men.’ That each + party endeavors to get into the administration of the government, and to + exclude the other from power, is true, and may be stated as a motive of + action: but this is only secondary; the primary motive being a real and + radical difference of political principle. I sincerely wish our + differences were but personally who should govern and that the principles + of our constitution were those of both parties. Unfortunately, it is + otherwise; and the question of preference between monarchy and + republicanism, which has so long divided mankind elsewhere, threatens a + permanent division here. + </p> + <p> + Among that section of our citizens called federalists, there are three + shades of opinion. Distinguishing between the leaders and people who + compose it, the leaders consider the English constitution as a model of + perfection, some, with a correction of its vices, others, with all its + corruptions and abuses. This last was Alexander Hamilton’s opinion, which + others, as well as myself, have often heard him declare, and that a + correction of what are called its vices, would render the English an + impracticable government.. This government they wished to have established + here, and only accepted and held fast, at first, to the present + constitution, as a stepping-stone to the final establishment of their + favorite model. This party has therefore always clung to England, as their + prototype, and great auxiliary in promoting and effecting this change. A + weighty minority, however, of these leaders, considering the voluntary + conversion of our government into a monarchy as too distant, if not + desperate, wish to break off from our Union its eastern fragment, as + being, in truth, the hot-bed of American monarchism, with a view to a + commencement of their favorite government, from whence the other States + may gangrene by degrees, and the whole be thus brought finally to the + desired point. For Massachusetts, the prime mover in this enterprise, is + the last State in the Union to mean a final separation, as being of all + the most dependant on the others. Not raising bread for the sustenance her + own inhabitants, not having a stick of timber for the construction of + vessels, her principal occupation, nor an article to export in them, where + would she be, excluded from the ports of the other States, and thrown into + dependance on England, her direct and natural, but now insidious, rival? + At the head of this minority is what is called the Essex Junto of + Massachusetts. But the majority of these leaders do not aim at separation. + In this they adhere to the known principle of General Hamilton, never, + under any views, to break the Union. Anglomany, monarchy, and separation, + then, are the principles of the Essex federalists; Anglomany and monarchy, + those of the Hamiltonians, and Anglomany alone, that of the portion among + the people who call themselves federalists. These last are as good + republicans as the brethren whom they oppose, and differ from them only in + the devotion to England and hatred of France, which they have imbibed from + their leaders. The moment that these leaders should avowedly propose a + separation of the Union, or the establishment of regal government, their + popular adherents would quit them to a man, and join the republican + standard; and the partisans of this change, even in Massachusetts, would + thus find themselves an army of officers without a soldier. + </p> + <p> + The party called republican is steadily for the support of the present + constitution. They obtained, at its commencement, all the amendments to it + they desired. These reconciled them to it perfectly, and if they have any + ulterior view, it is only, perhaps, to popularize it further, by + shortening the Senatorial term, and devising a process for the + responsibility of judges, more practicable than that of impeachment. They + esteem the people of England and France equally, and equally detest the + governing powers of both. + </p> + <p> + This I verily believe, after an intimacy of forty years with the public + councils and characters, is a true statement of the grounds on which they + are at present divided, and that it is not merely an ambition for power. + An honest man can feel no pleasure in the exercise of power over his + fellow-citizens. And considering as the only offices of power those + conferred by the people directly, that is to say, the executive and + legislative functions of the General and State governments, the common + refusal of these, and multiplied resignations, are proofs sufficient that + power is not alluring to pure minds, and is not, with them, the primary + principle of contest. This is my belief of it; it is that on which I have + acted; and had it been a mere contest who should be permitted to + administer the government according to its genuine republican principles, + there has never been a moment of my life, in which I should not have + relinquished for it the enjoyments of my family, my farm, my friends, and + books. + </p> + <p> + You expected to discover the difference of our party principles in General + Washington’s Valedictory, and my Inaugural Address. Not at all. General + Washington did not harbor one principle of federalism. He was neither an + Angloman, a monarchist, nor a separatist. He sincerely wished the people + to have as much self-government as they were competent to exercise + themselves. The only point in which he and I ever differed in opinion, + was, that I had more confidence than he had in the natural integrity and + discretion of the people, and in the safety and extent to which they might + trust themselves with a control over their government. He has asseverated + to me a thousand times his determination that the existing government + should have a fair trial, and that in support of it he would spend the + last drop of his blood. He did this the more repeatedly, because he knew + General Hamilton’s political bias, and my apprehensions from it. It is a + mere calumny, therefore, in the monarchists, to associate General + Washington with their principles. But that may have happened in this case + which has been often seen in ordinary cases, that, by often repeating an + untruth, men come to believe it themselves. It is a mere artifice in this + party, to bolster themselves up on the revered name of that first of our + worthies. If I have dwelt longer on this subject than was necessary, it + proves the estimation in which I hold your ultimate opinions, and my + desire of placing the subject truly before them. In so doing, I am certain + I risk no use of the communication which may draw me into contention + before the public. Tranquillity is the <i>summum bonum</i> of a <i>Septagénaire</i>. + </p> + <p> + To return to the merits of your work; I consider it as so lively a picture + of the real state of our country, that if I can possibly obtain + opportunities of conveyance, I propose to send a copy to a friend in + France, and another to one in Italy, who, I know, will translate and + circulate it as an antidote to the misrepresentations of former + travellers. But whatever effect my profession of political faith may have + on your general opinion, a part of my object will be obtained, if it + satisfies you as to the principles of my own action, and of the high + respect and consideration with which I tender you my salutations. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0107" id="link2H_4_0107"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CVII.—TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN, May 24, 1818 + </h2> + <p> + TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN. + </p> + <p> + United States of America, + </p> + <p> + May 24, 1818. + </p> + <p> + I received with great pleasure, my dear Madam and friend, your letter of + November the 10th, from Stockholm, and am sincerely gratified by the + occasion it gives me of expressing to you the sentiments of high respect + and esteem which I entertain for you. It recalls to my remembrance a happy + portion of my life, passed in your native city; then the seat of the most + amiable and polished society of the world, and of which yourself and your + venerable father were such distinguished members. But of what scenes has + it since been the theatre, and with what havoc has it overspread the + earth! Robespierre met the fate, and his memory the execration, he so + justly merited. The rich were his victims, and perished by thousands. It + is by millions that Bonaparte destroys the poor, and he is eulogized and + deified by the sycophants—even of science. These merit more than the + mere oblivion to which they will be consigned; and the day will come when + a just posterity will give to their hero the only pre-eminence he has + earned, that of having been the greatest of the destroyers of the human + race. What year of his military life has not consigned a million of human + beings to death, to poverty, and wretchedness? What field in Europe may + not raise a monument of the murders, the burnings, the desolations, the + famines, and miseries, it has witnessed from him! And all this to acquire + a reputation, which Cartouche attained with less injury to mankind, of + being fearless of God or man. + </p> + <p> + To complete and universalize the desolation of the globe, it has been the + will of Providence to raise up, at the same time, a tyrant as unprincipled + and as overwhelming, for the ocean. Not in the poor maniac George, but in + his government and nation. Bonaparte will die, and his tyrannies with him. + But a nation never dies. The English government and its piratical + principles and practices, have no fixed term of duration. Europe feels, + and is writhing under the scorpion whips of Bonaparte. We are assailed by + those of England. The one continent thus placed under the gripe of + England, and the other of Bonaparte, each has to grapple with the enemy + immediately pressing on itself. We must extinguish the fire kindled in our + own house, and leave to our friends beyond the water that which is + consuming theirs. It was not till England had taken one thousand of our + ships, and impressed into her service more than six thousand of our + citizens; till she had declared, by the proclamation of her Prince Regent, + that she would not repeal her aggressive orders as to us, until Bonaparte + should have repealed his as to all nations; till her minister, in formal + conference with ours, declared, that no proposition for protecting our + seamen from being impressed, under color of taking their own, was + practicable or admissible; that, the door to justice and to all amicable + arrangement being closed, and negotiation become both desperate and + dishonorable, we concluded that the war she had been for years waging + against us, might as well become a war on both sides. She takes fewer + vessels from us since the declaration of war than before, because they + venture more cautiously; and we now make full reprisals where before we + made none. England is, in principle, the enemy of all maritime nations, as + Bonaparte is of the continental; and I place in the same line of insult to + the human understanding, the pretension of conquering the ocean, to + establish continental rights, as that of conquering the continent, to + restore maritime rights. No, my dear Madam; the object of England is the + permanent dominion of the ocean, and the monopoly of the trade of the + world. To secure this, she must keep a larger fleet than her own resources + will maintain. The resources of other nations, then, must be impressed to + supply the deficiency of her own. This is sufficiently developed and + evidenced by her successive strides towards the usurpation of the sea. + Mark them, from her first war after William Pitt, the little, came into + her administration. She first forbade to neutrals all trade with her + enemies in time of war, which they had not in time of peace. This deprived + them of their trade from port to port of the same nation. Then she forbade + them to trade from the port of one nation to that of any other at war with + her, although a right fully exercised in time of peace. Next, instead of + taking vessels only entering a blockaded port, she took them over the + whole ocean, if destined to that port, although ignorant of the blockade, + and without intention to violate it. Then she took them returning from + that port, as if infected by previous infraction of blockade. Then came + her paper blockades, by which she might shut up the whole world without + sending a ship to sea, except to take all those sailing on it, as they + must, of course, be bound to some port. And these were followed by her + orders of council, forbidding every nation to go to the port of any other, + without coming first to some port of Great Britain, there paying a tribute + to her, regulated by the cargo, and taking from her a license to proceed + to the port of destination; which operation the vessel was to repeat with + the return cargo on its way home. According to these orders, we could not + send a vessel from St. Mary’s to St. Augustine, distant six hour’s sail, + on our own coast, without crossing the Atlantic four times, twice with the + outward cargo, and twice with the inward. She found this too daring and + outrageous for a single step, retracted as to certain articles of + commerce, but left it in force as to others which constitute important + branches of our exports. And finally, that her views may no longer rest on + inference, in a recent debate, her minister declared in open parliament, + that the object of the present war is a monopoly of commerce. + </p> + <p> + In some of these atrocities, France kept pace with her fully in + speculative wrong, which her impotence only shortened in practical + execution. This was called retaliation by both; each charging the other + with the initiation of the outrage. As if two combatants might retaliate + on an innocent bystander, the blows they received from each other. To make + war on both would have been ridiculous. In order, therefore, to single out + an enemy, we offered to both, that if either would revoke its hostile + decrees, and the other should refuse, we would interdict all intercourse + whatever with that other; which would be war of course, as being an avowed + departure from neutrality. France accepted the offer, and revoked her + decrees as to us. England not only refused, but declared by a solemn + proclamation of her Prince Regent, that she would not revoke her orders + even as to us, until those of France should be annulled as to the whole + world. We thereon declared war, and with abundant additional cause. + </p> + <p> + In the mean time, an examination before parliament of the ruinous effects + of these orders on her own manufacturers, exposing them to the nation and + to the world, their Prince issued a palinodial proclamation, suspending + the orders on certain conditions, but claiming to renew them at pleasure, + as a matter of right. Even this might have prevented the war, if done and + known here before its declaration. But the sword being once drawn, the + expense of arming incurred, and hostilities in full course, it would have + been unwise to discontinue them, until effectual provision should be + agreed to by England, for protecting our citizens on the high seas from + impressment by her naval commanders, through, error, voluntary or + involuntary; the fact being notorious, that these officers, entering our + ships at sea under pretext of searching for their seamen, (which they have + no right to do by the law or usage of nations, which they neither do, nor + ever did, as to any other nation but ours, and which no nation ever before + pretended to do in any case), entering our ships, I say, under pretext of + searching for and taking out their seamen, they took ours, native as well + as naturalized, knowing them to be ours, merely because they wanted them; + insomuch, that no American could safely cross the ocean, or venture to + pass by sea from one to another of our own ports. It is not long since + they impressed at sea two nephews of General Washington, returning from + Europe, and put them, as common seamen, under the ordinary discipline of + their ships of war. There are certainly other wrongs to be settled between + England and us; but of a minor character, and such as a proper spirit of + conciliation on both sides would not permit to continue them at war. The + sword, however, can never again be sheathed, until the personal safety of + an American on the ocean, among the most important and most vital of the + rights we possess, is completely provided for. + </p> + <p> + As soon as we heard of her partial repeal of her orders of council, we + offered instantly to suspend hostilities by an armistice, if she would + suspend her impressments, and meet us in arrangements for securing our + citizens against them. She refused to do it, because impracticable by any + arrangement, as she pretends; but, in truth, because a body of sixty to + eighty thousand of the finest seamen in the world, which we possess, is + too great a resource for manning her exaggerated navy, to be relinquished, + as long as she can keep it open. Peace is in her hand, whenever she will + renounce the practice of aggression on the persons of our citizens. If she + thinks it worth eternal war, eternal war we must have. She alleges that + the sameness of language, of manners, of appearance, renders it impossible + to distinguish us from her subjects. But because we speak English, and + look like them, are we to be punished? Are free and independent men to be + submitted to their bondage? + </p> + <p> + England has misrepresented to all Europe this ground of the war. She has + called it a new pretension, set up since the repeal of her orders of + council. She knows there has never been a moment of suspension of our + reclamations against it, from General Washington’s time inclusive, to the + present day: and that it is distinctly stated in our declaration of war, + as one of its principal causes. She has pretended we have entered into the + war, to establish the principle of ‘free bottoms, free goods,’ or to + protect her seamen against her own right over them. We contend for neither + of these. She pretends we are partial to France; that we have observed a + fraudulent and unfaithful neutrality between her and her enemy. She knows + this to be false, and that if there has been any inequality in our + proceedings towards the belligerents, it has been in her favor. Her + ministers are in possession of full proofs of this. Our accepting at once, + and sincerely, the mediation of the virtuous Alexander, their greatest + friend, and the most aggravated enemy of Bonaparte, sufficiently proves + whether we have partialities on the side of her enemy. I sincerely pray + that this mediation may produce a just peace. It will prove that the + immortal character, which has first stopped by war the career of the + destroyer of mankind, is the friend of peace, of justice, of human + happiness, and the patron of unoffending and injured nations. He is too + honest and impartial to countenance propositions of peace derogatory to + the freedom of the seas. + </p> + <p> + Shall I apologize to you, my dear Madam, for this long political letter? + But yours justifies the subject, and my feelings must plead for the + unreserved expression of them; and they have been the less reserved, as + being from a private citizen, retired from all connection with the + government of his country, and whose ideas, expressed without + communication with any one, are neither known, nor imputable to them. + </p> + <p> + The dangers of the sea are now so great, and the possibilities of + interception by sea and land such, that I shall subscribe no name to this + letter. You will know from whom it comes, by its reference to the date of + time and place of yours, as well as by its subject in answer to that. This + omission must not lessen in your view the assurances of my great esteem, + of my sincere sympathies for the share which you bear in the afflictions + of your country, and the deprivations to which a lawless will has + subjected you. In return, you enjoy the dignified satisfaction of having + met them, rather than be yoked, with the abject, to his car; and that, in + withdrawing from oppression, you have followed the virtuous example of a + father, whose name will ever be dear to your country and to mankind. With + my prayers that you may be restored to it, that you may see it + re-established in that temperate portion of liberty which does not infer + either anarchy or licentiousness, in that high degree of prosperity which + would be the consequence of such a government, in that, in short, which + the constitution of 1789 would have insured it, if wisdom could have + stayed at that point the fervid but imprudent zeal of men, who did not + know the character of their own countrymen, and that you may long live in + health and happiness under it, and leave to the world a well educated and + virtuous representative and descendant of your honored father, is the + ardent prayer of the sincere and respectful friend who writes this letter. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0108" id="link2H_4_0108"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CVIII.—TO JOHN ADAMS, May 27, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, May 27, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Another of our friends of seventy-six is gone, my Dear Sir, another of the + co-signers of the Independence of our country. And a better man than Rush + could not have left us, more benevolent, more learned, of finer genius, or + more honest. We too must go; and that ere long. I believe we are under + half a dozen at present; I mean the signers of the Declaration. Yourself, + Gerry, Carroll, and myself, are all I know to be living. I am the only one + south of the Potomac. Is Robert Treat Paine, or Floyd living? It is long + since I heard of them, and yet I do not recollect to have heard of their + deaths. + </p> + <p> + Moreton’s deduction of the origin of our Indians from the fugitive + Trojans, stated in your letter of January the 26th, and his manner of + accounting for the sprinkling of their Latin with Greeks is really + amusing. Adair makes them talk Hebrew. Reinold Foster derives them from + the soldiers sent by Kouli Khan to conquer Japan. Brerewood, from the + Tartars, as well as our bears, wolves, foxes, &c. which, he says, + ‘must of necessity fetch their beginning from Noah’s ark, which rested + after the deluge, in Asia, seeing they could not proceed by the course of + nature, as the imperfect sort of living creatures do, from putrefaction.’ + Bernard Romans is of opinion that God created an original man and woman in + this part of the globe. Doctor Barton thinks they are not specifically + different from the Persians; but, taking afterwards a broader range, he + thinks, ‘that in all the vast countries of America, there is but one + language, nay, that it may be proven, or rendered highly probable, that + all the languages of the earth bear some affinity together.’ This reduces + it to a question of definition, in which every one is free to use his own: + to wit, What constitutes identity, or difference in two things, in the + common acceptation of sameness? All languages may be called the same, as + being all made up of the same primitive sounds, expressed by the letters + of the different alphabets. But, in this sense, all things on earth are + the same, as consisting of matter. This gives up the useful distribution + into genera and species, which we form, arbitrarily indeed, for the relief + of our imperfect memories. To aid the question, from whence our Indian + tribes descended, some have gone into their religion, their morals, their + manners, customs, habits, and physical forms. By such helps it may be + learnedly proved, that our trees and plants of every kind are descended + from those of Europe; because, like them, they have no locomotion, they + draw nourishment from the earth, they clothe themselves with leaves in + spring, of which they divest themselves in autumn for the sleep of winter, + he. Our animals too must be descended from those of Europe, because our + wolves eat lambs, our deer are gregarious, our ants hoard, &c. But + when, for convenience, we distribute languages, according to common + understanding, into classes originally different, as we choose to consider + them, as the Hebrew, the Greek, the Celtic, the Gothic; and these again + into genera, or families, as the Icelandic, German, Swedish, Danish, + English; and these last into species, or dialects, as English, Scotch, + Irish, we then ascribe other meanings to the terms, ‘same’ and + ‘different.’ In some one of these senses, Barton, and Adair, and Foster, + and Brerewood, and Moreton, may be right, every one according to his own + definition of what constitutes ‘identity.’ Romans, indeed, takes a higher + stand, and supposes a separate creation. On the same unscriptural ground, + he had but to mount one step higher, to suppose no creation at all, but + that all things have existed without beginning in time, as they now exist, + and may for ever exist, producing and reproducing in a circle, without + end. This would very summarily dispose of Mr. Moreton’s learning, and show + that the question of Indian origin, like many others, pushed to a certain + height, must receive the same answer, ‘Ignoro.’ You ask if the usage of + hunting in circles has ever been known among any of our tribes of Indians? + It has been practised by them all; and is to this day, by those still + remote from the settlements of the whites. But their numbers not enabling + them, like Genghis Khan’s seven hundred thousand, to form themselves into + circles of one hundred miles diameter, they make their circle by firing + the leaves fallen on the ground, which gradually forcing the animals to a + centre, they there slaughter them with arrows, darts, and other missiles. + This is called fire-hunting, and has been practised in this State within + my time, by the white inhabitants. This is the most probable cause of the + origin and extension of the vast prairies in the western country, where + the grass having been of extraordinary luxuriance, has made a + conflagration sufficient to kill even the old as well as the young timber. + </p> + <p> + I sincerely congratulate you on the successes of our little navy; which + must be more gratifying to you than to most men, as having been the early + and constant advocate of wooden walls. If I have differed with you on this + ground, it was not on the principle, but the time; supposing that we + cannot build or maintain a navy, which will not immediately fall into the + same gulph which has swallowed not only the minor navies, but even those + of the great second-rate powers of the sea. Whenever these can be + resuscitated, and brought so near to a balance with England that we can + turn the scale, then is my epoch for aiming at a navy. In the mean time, + one competent to keep the Barbary States in order is necessary; these + being the only smaller powers disposed to quarrel with us. But I respect + too much the weighty opinions of others to be unyielding on this point, + and acquiesce with the prayer, ‘<i>quod felix faustumque sit</i>’; adding + ever a sincere one for your health and happiness. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0109" id="link2H_4_0109"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CIX.—TO JOHN ADAMS, June 15, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 15, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I wrote you a letter on the 27th of May, which probably would reach you + about the 3rd instant, and on the 9th I received yours of the 29th of May. + Of Lindsay’s Memoirs I had never before heard, and scarcely indeed of + himself. It could not, therefore, but be unexpected, that two letters of + mine should have any thing to do with his life. The name of his editor was + new to me, and certainly presents itself for the first time under + unfavorable circumstances. Religion, I suppose, is the scope of his book; + and that a writer on that subject should usher himself to the world in the + very act of the grossest abuse of confidence, by publishing private + letters which passed between two friends, with no views to their ever + being made public, is an instance of inconsistency as well as of + infidelity, of which I would rather be the victim than the author. + </p> + <p> + By your kind quotation of the dates of my two letters, I have been enabled + to turn to them. They had completely vanished from my memory. The last is + on the subject of religion, and by its publication will gratify the + priesthood with new occasion of repeating their comminations against me. + They wish it to be believed, that he can have no religion who advocates + its freedom. This was not the doctrine of Priestley; and I honored him for + the example of liberality he set to his order. The first letter is + political. It recalls to our recollection the gloomy transactions of the + times, the doctrines they witnessed, and the sensibilities they excited. + It was a confidential communication of reflections on these from one + friend to another, deposited in his bosom, and never meant to trouble the + public mind. Whether the character of the times is justly portrayed or + not, posterity will decide. But on one feature of them, they can never + decide, the sensations excited in free yet firm minds by the terrorism of + the day. None can conceive who did not witness them, and they were felt by + one party only. This letter exhibits their side of the medal. The + federalists, no doubt, have presented the other, in their private + correspondences, as well as open action. If these correspondences should + ever be laid open to the public eye, they will probably be found not + models of comity towards their adversaries. The readers of my letter + should be cautioned not to confine its view to this country alone. England + and its alarmists were equally under consideration. Still less must they + consider it as looking personally towards you. You happen, indeed, to be + quoted, because you happened to express more pithily than had been done by + themselves, one of the mottos of the party. This was in your answer to the + address of the young men of Philadelphia. [See Selection of Patriotic + Addresses, page 198.] One of the questions, you know, on which our parties + took different sides, was on the improvability of the human mind, in + science, in ethics, in government, &c. Those who advocated reformation + of institutions, <i>pari passu</i> with the progress of science, + maintained that no definite limits could be assigned to that progress. The + enemies of reform, on the other hand, denied improvement, and advocated + steady adherence to the principles, practices, and institutions of our + fathers, which they represented as the consummation of wisdom, and acme of + excellence, beyond which the human mind could never advance. Although in + the passage of your answer alluded to, you expressly disclaim the wish to + influence the freedom of inquiry, you predict that that will produce + nothing more worthy of transmission to posterity than the principles, + institutions, and systems of education received from their ancestors. I do + not consider this as your deliberate opinion. You possess yourself too + much science, not to see how much is still ahead of you, unexplained and + unexplored. Your own consciousness must place you as far before our + ancestors, as in the rear of our posterity. I consider it as an expression + lent to the prejudices of your friends; and although I happened to cite it + from you, the whole letter shows I had them only in view. In truth, my + dear Sir, we were far from considering you as the author of all the + measures we blamed. They were placed under the protection of your name, + but we were satisfied they wanted much of your approbation. We ascribed + them to their real authors, the Pickerings, the Wolcotts, the Tracys, the + Sedgwicks, <i>et id genus omne</i>, with whom we supposed you in a state + of <i>duresse</i>. I well remember a conversation with you in the morning + of the day on which you nominated to the Senate a substitute for + Pickering, in which you expressed a just impatience under ‘the legacy of + Secretaries which General Washington had left you,’ and whom you seemed, + therefore, to consider as under public protection. Many other incidents + showed how differently you would have acted with less impassioned + advisers; and subsequent events have proved that your minds were not + together. You would do me great injustice, therefore, by taking to + yourself what was intended for men who were then your secret, as they are + now your open enemies. Should you write on the subject, as you propose, I + am sure we shall see you place yourself farther from them than from us. + </p> + <p> + As to myself, I shall take no part in any discussions. I leave others to + judge of what I have done, and to give me exactly that place which they + shall think I have occupied. Marshall has written libels on one side; + others, I suppose, will be written on the other side; and the world will + sift both, and separate the truth as well as they can. I should see with + reluctance the passions of that day rekindled in this, while so many of + the actors are living, and all are too near the scene not to participate + in sympathies with them. About facts you and I cannot differ; because + truth is our mutual guide. And if any opinions you may express should be + different from mine, I shall receive them with the liberality and + indulgence which I ask for my own, and still cherish with warmth the + sentiments of affectionate respect of which I can with so much truth + tender you the assurance. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0110" id="link2H_4_0110"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CX.—TO JOHN W. EPPES, June 24, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN W. EPPES. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 24, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + This letter will be on politics only. For although I do not often permit + myself to think on that subject, it sometimes obtrudes itself, and + suggests ideas which I am tempted to pursue. Some of these, relating to + the business of finance, I will hazard to you, as being at the head of + that committee, but intended for yourself individually, or such as you + trust, but certainly not for a mixed committee. + </p> + <p> + It is a wise rule, and should be fundamental in a government disposed to + cherish its credit, and at the same time to restrain the use of it within + the limits of its faculties, ‘never to borrow a dollar without laying a + tax in the same instant for paying the interest annually, and the + principal within a given term; and to consider that tax as pledged to the + creditors on the public faith.’ On such a pledge as this, sacredly + observed, a government may always command, on a reasonable interest, all + the lendable money of their citizens, while the necessity of an equivalent + tax is a salutary warning to them and their constituents against + oppressions, bankruptcy, and its inevitable consequence, revolution. But + the term of redemption must be moderate, and, at any rate, within the + limits of their rightful powers. But what limits, it will be asked, does + this prescribe to their powers? What is to hinder them from creating a + perpetual debt? The laws of nature, I answer. The earth belongs to the + living, not to the dead. The will and the power of man expire with his + life, by nature’s law. Some societies give it an artificial continuance, + for the encouragement of industry; some refuse it, as our aboriginal + neighbors, whom we call barbarians. The generations of men may be + considered as bodies or corporations. Each generation has the usufruct of + the earth during the period of its continuance. When it ceases to exist, + the usufruct passes on to the succeeding generation, free and + unincumbered, and so on, successively, from one generation to another for + ever. We may consider each generation as a distinct nation, with a right, + by the will of its majority, to bind themselves, but none to bind the + succeeding generation, more than the inhabitants of another country. Or + the case may be likened to the ordinary one of a tenant for life, who may + hypothecate the land for his debts, during the continuance of his + usufruct; but at his death, the reversioner (who is also for life only) + receives it exonerated from all burthen. The period of a generation, or + the term of its life, is determined by the laws of mortality, which, + varying a little only in different climates, offer a general average, to + be found by observation. I turn, for instance, to Buffon’s tables, of + twenty-three thousand nine hundred and ninety-four deaths, and the ages at + which they happened, and I find that of the numbers of all ages living at + one moment, half will be dead in twenty-four years and eight months. Bat + (leaving out minors, who have not the power of self-government) of the + adults (of twenty-one years of age) living at one moment, a majority of + whom act for the society, one half will be dead in eighteen years and + eight months. At nineteen years then from the date of a contract, the + majority of the contractors are dead, and their contract with them. Let + this general theory be applied to a particular case. Suppose the annual + births of the State of New York to be twenty-three thousand nine hundred + and ninety-four: the whole number of its inhabitants, according to Buffon, + will be six hundred and seventeen thousand seven hundred and three, of all + ages. Of these there would constantly be two hundred and sixty-nine + thousand two hundred and eighty-six minors, and three hundred and + forty-eight thousand four hundred and seventeen adults, of which last, one + hundred and seventy-four thousand two hundred and nine will be a majority. + Suppose that majority, on the first day of the year 1794, had borrowed a + sum of money equal to the fee simple value of the State, and to have + consumed it in eating, drinking, and making merry in their day; or, if you + please, in quarrelling and fighting with their unoffending neighbors. + Within eighteen years and eight months, one half of the adult citizens + were dead. Till then, being the majority, they might rightfully levy the + interest of their debt annually on themselves and their fellow-revellers, + or fellow-champions. But at that period, say at this moment, a new + majority have come into place, in their own right, and not under the + rights, the conditions, or laws of their predecessors. Are they bound to + acknowledge the debt, to consider the preceding generation as having had a + right to eat up the whole soil of their country in the course of a life, + to alienate it from them (for it would be an alienation to the creditors), + and would they think themselves either legally or morally bound to give up + their country, and emigrate to another for subsistence? Every one will say + no: that the soil is the gift of God to the living, as much as it had been + to the deceased generation; and that the laws of nature impose no + obligation on them to pay this debt. And although, like some other natural + rights, this has not yet entered into any declaration of rights, it is no + less a law, and ought to be acted on by honest governments. It is, at the + same time, a salutary curb on the spirit of war and indebtment, which, + since the modern theory of the perpetuation of debt, has drenched the + earth with blood, and crushed its inhabitants under burthens ever + accumulating. Had this principle been declared in the British bill of + rights, England would have been placed under the happy disability of + waging eternal war, and of contracting her thousand millions of public + debt. In seeking, then, for an ultimate term for the redemption of our + debts, let us rally to this principle, and provide for their payment + within the term of nineteen years, at the farthest. Our government has + not, as yet, begun to act on the rule, of loans and taxation going hand in + hand. Had any loan taken place in my time, I should have strongly urged a + redeeming tax. For the loan which has been made since the last session of + Congress, we should now set the example of appropriating some particular + tax, sufficient to pay the interest annually, and the principal within a + fixed term, less than nineteen years. And I hope yourself and your + committee will render the immortal service of introducing this practice. + Not that it is expected that Congress should formally declare such a + principle. They wisely enough avoid deciding on abstract questions. But + they may be induced to keep themselves within its limits. + </p> + <p> + I am sorry to see our loans begin at so exorbitant an interest. And yet, + even at that, you will soon be at the bottom of the loan-bag. We are an + agricultural nation. Such an one employs its sparings in the purchase or + improvement of land or stocks. The lendable money among them is chiefly + that of orphans and wards in the hands of executors and guardians, and + that which the farmer lays by till he has enough for the purchase in view. + In such a nation there is one and one only resource for loans, sufficient + to carry them through the expense of a war; and that will always be + sufficient, and in the power of an honest government, punctual in the + preservation of its faith. The fund I mean, is the mass of circulating + coin. Every one knows, that, although not literally, it is nearly true, + that every paper dollar emitted banishes a silver one from the + circulation. A nation, therefore, making its purchases and payments with + bills fitted for circulation, thrusts an equal sum of coin out of + circulation. This is equivalent to borrowing that sum, and yet the vendor, + receiving payment in a medium as effectual as coin for his purchases or + payments, has no claim to interest. And so the nation may continue to + issue its bills as far as its wants require, and the limits of the + circulation will admit. Those limits are understood to extend with us, at + present, to two hundred millions of dollars, a greater sum than would be + necessary for any war. But this, the only resource which the government + could command with certainty, the States have unfortunately fooled away, + nay corruptly alienated to swindlers and shavers, under the cover of + private banks. Say, too, as an additional evil, that the disposable funds + of individuals, to this great amount, have thus been withdrawn from + improvement and useful enterprise, and employed in the useless, usurious, + and demoralizing practices of bank directors and their accomplices. In the + war of 1755, our State availed itself of this fund by issuing a paper + money, bottomed on a specific tax for its redemption, and, to insure its + credit, bearing an interest of five per cent. Within a very short time, + not a bill of this emission was to be found in circulation. It was locked + up in the chests of executors, guardians, widows, farmers, &tc. We + then issued bills, bottomed on a redeeming tax, but bearing no interest. + These were readily received, and never depreciated a single farthing. In + the revolutionary war, the old Congress and the States issued bills + without interest, and without tax. They occupied the channels of + circulation very freely, till those channels were overflowed by an excess + beyond all the calls of circulation. But although we have so improvidently + suffered the field of circulating medium to be filched from us by private + individuals, yet I think we may recover it in part, and even in the whole, + if the States will co-operate with us. If treasury bills are emitted on a + tax appropriated for their redemption in fifteen years, and (to insure + preference in the first moments of competition) bearing an interest of six + per cent., there is no one who would not take them in preference to the + bank-paper now afloat, on a principle of patriotism as well as interest: + and they would be withdrawn from circulation into private hoards to a + considerable amount. Their credit once established, others might be + emitted, bottomed also on a tax, but not bearing interest: and if ever + their credit faltered, open public loans, on which these bills alone + should be received as specie. These, operating as a sinking fund, would + reduce the quantity in circulation, so as to maintain that in an + equilibrium with specie. It is not easy to estimate the obstacles which, + in the beginning, we should encounter in ousting the banks from their + possession of the circulation: but a steady and judicious alternation of + emissions and loans, would reduce them in time. But while this is going + on, another measure should be pressed, to recover ultimately our right to + the circulation. The States should be applied to, to transfer the right of + issuing circulating paper to Congress exclusively, <i>in perpetuum</i>, if + possible, but during the war at least, with a saving of charter rights. I + believe that every State west and south of Connecticut river, except + Delaware, would immediately do it; and the others would follow in time. + </p> + <p> + Congress would, of course, begin by obliging unchartered banks to wind up + their affairs within a short time, and the others as their charters + expired, forbidding the subsequent circulation of their paper. This they + would supply with their own, bottomed, every emission, on an adequate tax, + and bearing or not bearing interest, as the state of the public pulse + should indicate. Even in the non-complying States, these bills would make + their way, and supplant the unfunded paper of their banks, by their + solidity, by the universality of their currency, and by their + receivability for customs and taxes. It would be in their power, too, to + curtail those banks to the amount of their actual specie, by gathering up + their paper, and running it constantly on them. The national paper might + thus take place even in the non-complying States. In this way, I am not + without a hope, that this great, this sole resource for loans in an + agricultural country, might yet be recovered for the use of the nation + during war: and, if obtained in perpetuum, it would always be sufficient + to carry us through any war; provided, that, in the interval between war + and war, all the outstanding paper should be called in, coin be permitted + to flow in again, and to hold the field of circulation until another war + should require its yielding place again to the national medium. + </p> + <p> + But it will be asked, are we to have no banks? Are merchants and others to + be deprived of the resource of short accommodations, found so convenient? + I answer, let us have banks: but let them be such as are alone to be found + in any country on earth, except Great Britain. There is not a bank of + discount on the continent of Europe (at least there was not one when I was + there), which offers any thing but cash in exchange for discounted bills. + No one has a natural right to the trade of a money-lender, but he who has + the money to lend. Let those then among us, who have a monied capital, and + who prefer employing it in loans rather than otherwise, set up banks, and + give cash or national bills for the notes they discount. Perhaps, to + encourage them, a larger interest than is legal in the other cases might + be allowed them, on the condition of their lending for short periods only. + It is from Great Britain we copy the idea of giving paper in exchange for + discounted bills: and while we have derived from that country some good + principles of government and legislation, we unfortunately run into the + most servile imitation of all her practices, ruinous as they prove to her, + and with the gulph yawning before us into which those very practices are + precipitating her. The unlimited emission of bank-paper has banished all + her specie, and is now, by a depreciation acknowledged by her own + statesmen, carrying her rapidly to bankruptcy, as it did France, as it did + us, and will do us again, and every country permitting paper to be + circulated, other than that by public authority, rigorously limited to the + just measure for circulation. Private fortunes, in the present state of + our circulation, are at the mercy of those self-created money-lenders, and + are prostrated by the floods of nominal money with which their avarice + deluges us. He who lent his money to the public or to an individual, + before the institution of the United States bank, twenty years ago, when + wheat was well sold at a dollar the bushel, and receives now his nominal + sum when it sells at two dollars, is cheated of half his fortune: and by + whom? By the banks, which, since that, have thrown into circulation ten + dollars of their nominal money where there was one at that time. + </p> + <p> + Reflect, if you please, on these ideas, and use them or not as they appear + to merit. They comfort me in the belief, that they point out a resource + ample enough, without overwhelming war-taxes, for the expense of the war, + and possibly still recoverable; and that they hold up to all future time a + resource within ourselves, ever at the command of government, and + competent to any wars into which we may be forced. Nor is it a slight + object to equalize taxes through peace and war. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Ever affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0111" id="link2H_4_0111"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXI.—TO JOHN ADAMS, June 21, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 21, 1813. + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0005" id="linkimage-0005"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page201.jpg" alt="Page201 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + And I too, my dear Sir, like the wood-cutter of Ida, should doubt where to + begin, were I to enter the forest of opinions, discussions, and + contentions which have occurred in our day. I should say with Theocritus, + </p> + <p> + But I shall not do it. The <i>summum bonum</i> with me is now truly + epicurean, ease of body and tranquillity of mind; and to these I wish to + consign my remaining days. Men have differed in opinion, and been divided + into parties by these opinions, from the first origin of societies; and in + all governments, where they have been permitted freely to think and to + speak. The same political parties which now agitate the United States, + have existed through all time. Whether the power of the people, or that of + the<img alt="page202 (1K)" src="images/page202.jpg" height="18" width="63" /> + should prevail, were questions which kept the States of Greece and Rome in + eternal convulsions; as they now schismatize every people whose minds and + mouths are not shut up by the gag of a despot. And in fact, the terms of + whig and tory belong to natural, as well as to civil history. They denote + the temper and constitution of mind of different individuals. To come to + our own country, and to the times when you and I became first acquainted: + we well remember the violent parties which agitated the old Congress, and + their bitter contests. There you and I were together, and the Jays, and + the Dickinsons, and other anti-independents were arrayed against us. They + cherished the monarchy of England, and we the rights of our countrymen. + When our present government was in the mew, passing from Confederation to + Union, how bitter was the schism between the Feds and Antis. Here you and + I were together again. For although, for a moment, separated by the + Atlantic from the scene of action, I favored the opinion that nine States + should confirm the constitution, in order to secure it, and the others + hold off, until certain amendments, deemed favorable to freedom, should be + made. I rallied in the first instant to the wiser proposition of + Massachusetts, that all should confirm, and then all instruct their + delegates to urge those amendments. The amendments were made, and all were + reconciled to the government. But as soon as it was put into motion, the + line of division was again drawn. We broke into two parties, each wishing + to give the government a different direction; the one to strengthen the + most popular branch, the other the more permanent branches, and to extend + their permanence. Here you and I separated for the first time: and as we + had been longer than most others on the public theatre, and our names + therefore were more familiar to our countrymen, the party which considered + you as thinking with them, placed your name at their head; the other, for + the same reason, selected mine. But neither decency nor inclination + permitted us to become the advocates of ourselves, or to take part + personally in the violent contests which followed. We suffered ourselves, + as you so well expressed it, to be passive subjects of public discussion. + And these discussions, whether relating to men, measures, or opinions, + were conducted by the parties with an animosity, a bitterness, and an + indecency, which had never been exceeded. All the resources of reason and + of wrath were exhausted by each party in support of its own, and to + prostrate the adversary opinions; one was upbraided with receiving the + anti-federalists, the other the old tories and refugees, into their bosom. + Of this acrimony, the public papers of the day exhibit ample testimony, in + the debates of Congress, of State legislatures, of stump-orators, in + addresses, answers, and newspaper essays; and to these, without question, + may be added the private correspondences of individuals; and the less + guarded in these, because not meant for the public eye, not restrained by + the respect due to that, but poured forth from the overflowings of the + heart into the bosom of a friend, as a momentary easement of our feelings. + In this way and in answers to addresses, you and I could indulge + ourselves. We have probably done it, sometimes with warmth, often with + prejudice, but always, as we believed, adhering to truth. I have not + examined my letters of that day. I have no stomach to revive the memory of + its feelings. But one of these letters, it seems, has got before the + public, by accident and infidelity, by the death of one friend to whom it + was written, and of his friend to whom it had been communicated, and by + the malice and treachery of a third person, of whom I had never before + heard, merely to make mischief, and in the same Satanic spirit, in which + the same enemy had intercepted and published, in 1776, your letter + animadverting on Dickinson’s character. How it happened that I quoted you + in my letter to Doctor Priestley, and for whom, and not for yourself, the + strictures were meant, has been explained to you in my letter of the 15th, + which had been committed to the post eight days before I received yours of + the 10th, 11th, and 14th. That gave you the reference which these asked to + the particular answer alluded to in the one to Priestley. The renewal of + these old discussions, my friend, would be equally useless and irksome. To + the volumes then written on these subjects, human ingenuity can add + nothing new, and the rather, as lapse of time has obliterated many of the + facts. And shall you and I, my Dear Sir, at our age, like Priam of old, + gird on the + </p> + <p> + Shall we, at our age, become the athletes of party, and exhibit ourselves, + as gladiators, in the arena of the newspapers? Nothing in the universe + could induce me to it. My mind has been long fixed to bow to the judgment + of the world, who will judge by my acts, and will never take counsel from + me as to what that judgment shall be. If your objects and opinions have + been misunderstood, if the measures and principles of others have been + wrongfully imputed to you, as I believe they have been, that you should + leave an explanation of them, would be an set of justice to yourself. I + will add, that it has been hoped that you would leave such explanations as + would place every saddle on its right horse, and replace on the shoulders + of others the burdens they shifted to yours. + </p> + <p> + But all this, my friend, is offered merely for your consideration and + judgment, without presuming to anticipate what you alone are qualified to + decide for yourself. I mean to express my own purpose only, and the + reflections which have led to it. To me, then, it appears, that there have + been differences of opinion and party differences, from the first + establishment of governments to the present day, and on the same question + which now divides our own country: that these will continue through all + future time: that every one takes his side in favor of the many, or of the + few, according to his constitution, and the circumstances in which he is + placed: that opinions, which are equally honest on both sides, should not + affect personal esteem or social intercourse: that as we judge between the + Claudii and the Gracchi, the Wentworths and the Hampdens of past ages, so, + of those among us whose names may happen to be remembered for a while, the + next generations will judge, favorably or unfavorably, according to the + complexion of individual minds, and the side they shall themselves have + taken: that nothing new can be added by you or me to what has been said by + others, and will be said in every age in support of the conflicting + opinions on government: and that wisdom and duty dictate an humble + resignation to the verdict of our future peers. I doing this myself, I + shall certainly not suffer moot questions to affect the sentiments of + sincere friendship and respect, consecrated to you by so long a course of + time, and of which I now repeat sincere assurances, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0112" id="link2H_4_0112"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXII.—TO JOHN ADAMS, August 22, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 22, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Since my letter of June the 27th, I am in your debt for many; all of which + I have read with infinite delight. They open a wide field for reflection, + and offer subjects enough to occupy the mind and the pen indefinitely. I + must follow the good example you have set; and when I have not time to + take up every subject, take up a single one. Your approbation of my + outline to Dr. Priestley is a great gratification to me; and I very much + suspect that if thinking men would have the courage to think for + themselves, and to speak what they think, it would be found they do not + differ in religious opinions, as much as is supposed. I remember to have + heard Dr. Priestley say, that if all England would candidly examine + themselves, and confess, they would find that Unitarianism was really the + religion of all: and I observe a bill is now depending in parliament for + the relief of Anti-Trinitarians. It is too late in the day for men of + sincerity to pretend they believe in the Platonic mysticisms that three + are one, and one is three; and yet that the one is not three, and the + three are not one: to divide mankind by a single letter into<a + name="linkimage-0009" id="linkimage-0009"> + <!-- IMG --></a><img alt="page205 (2K)" src="images/page205.jpg" + height="26" width="222" /> </p> + <p> + But this constitutes the craft, the power, and the profit of the priests. + Sweep away their gossamer fabrics of factitious religion, and they would + catch no more flies. We should all then, like the Quakers, live without an + order of priests, moralize for ourselves, follow the oracle of conscience, + and say nothing about what no man can understand, nor therefore believe; + for I suppose belief to be the assent of the mind to an intelligible + proposition. + </p> + <p> + It is with great pleasure I can inform you, that Priestley finished the + comparative view of the doctrines of the philosophers of antiquity, and of + Jesus, before his death; and that it was printed soon after. And with + still greater pleasure, that I can have a copy of his work forwarded from + Philadelphia, by a correspondent there, and presented for your acceptance, + by the same mail which carries you this, or very soon after. The branch of + the work which the title announces, is executed with learning and candor, + as was every thing Priestley wrote: but perhaps a little hastily; for he + felt himself pressed by the hand of death. The Abbe Batteux had, in fact, + laid the foundation of this part in his ‘Causes Premieres’; with which he + has given us the originals of Ocellus and Timzeus, who first committed the + doctrines of Pythagoras to writing: and Enfield, to whom the Doctor + refers, had done it more copiously. But he has omitted the important + branch, which, in your letter of August the 9th, you say you have never + seen executed, a comparison of the morality of the Old Testament with that + of the New. And yet, no two things were ever more unlike. I ought not to + have asked him to give it. He dared not. He would have been eaten alive by + his intolerant brethren, the Cannibal priests. And yet, this was really + the most interesting branch of the work. + </p> + <p> + Very soon after my letter to Doctor Priestley, the subject being still in + my mind, I had leisure, during an abstraction from business for a day or + two, while on the road, to think a little more on it, and to sketch more + fully than I had done to him, a syllabus of the matter which I thought + should enter into the work. I wrote it to Doctor Rush; and there ended all + my labor on the subject; himself and Doctor Priestley being the only + depositories of my secret. The fate of my letter to Priestley, after his + death, was a warning to me on that of Doctor Rush; and at my request, his + family were so kind as to quiet me by returning my original letter and + syllabus. By this you will be sensible how much interest I take in keeping + myself clear of religious disputes before the public; and especially of + seeing my syllabus disembowelled by the Aruspices of the modern Paganism. + Yet I enclose it to you with entire confidence, free to be perused by + yourself and Mrs. Adams, but by no one else; and to be returned to me. + </p> + <p> + You are right in supposing, in one of yours, that I had not read much of + Priestley’s Predestination, his no-soul system, or his controversy with + Horsley. But I have read his Corruptions of Christianity, and Early + Opinions of Jesus, over and over again; and I rest on them, and on + Middleton’s writings, especially his letters from Rome, and to Waterland, + as the basis of my own faith. These writings have never been answered, nor + can be answered by quoting historical proofs, as they have done. For these + facts, therefore, I cling to their learning, so much superior to my own. + </p> + <p> + I now fly off in a tangent to another subject. Marshall, in the first + volume of his history, chapter 3, p. 180, ascribes the petition to the + King, of 1774, (1 Journ. Cong. 67) to the pen of Richard Henry Lee. I + think myself certain, it was not written by him, as well from what I + recollect to have heard, as from the internal evidence of style. He was + loose, vague, frothy, rhetorical. He was a poorer writer than his brother + Arthur; and Arthur’s standing may be seen in his Monitor’s Letters, to + insure the sale of which, they took the precaution of tacking to them a + new edition of the Farmer’s Letters; like Mezentius, who ‘<i>mortua + jungebat corpora vivis</i>.’ You were of the committee, and can tell me + who wrote this petition; and who wrote the Address to the Inhabitants of + the Colonies, ib. 45. Of the papers of July 1775, I recollect well that + Mr. Dickinson drew the petition to the King, ib. 149; I think Robert R. + Livingston drew the Address to the Inhabitants of Great Britain, ib. 152. + Am I right in this? And who drew the Address to the People of Ireland, ib. + 180? On these questions, I ask of your memory to help mine. Ever and + affectionately yours, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0113" id="link2H_4_0113"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXIII.—TO JOHN W. EPPES, November 6, 1813 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN W. EPPES. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, November 6, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I had not expected to have troubled you again on the subject of finance; + but since the date of my last, I have received from Mr. Law a letter + covering a memorial on that subject, which, from its tenor, I conjecture + must have been before Congress at their two last sessions. This paper + contains two propositions; the one for issuing treasury notes, bearing + interest, and to be circulated as money; the other for the establishment + of a national bank. The first was considered in my former letter; and the + second shall be the subject of the present. + </p> + <p> + The scheme is for Congress to establish a national bank, suppose of thirty + millions capital, of which they shall contribute ten millions in new six + per cent, stock, the States ten millions, and individuals ten millions, + one half of the two last contributions to be of similar stock, for which + the parties are to give cash to Congress: the whole, however, to be under + the exclusive management of the individual subscribers, who are to name + all the directors; neither Congress nor the States having any power of + interference in its administration. Discounts are to be at five per cent., + but the profits are expected to be seven per cent. Congress then will be + paying six per cent, on twenty millions, and receiving seven per cent, on + ten millions, being its third of the institution: so that on the ten + millions cash which they receive from the States and individuals, they + will, in fact, have to pay but five per cent, interest. This is the bait. + The charter is proposed to be for forty or fifty years, and if any future + augmentations should take place, the individual proprietors are to have + the privilege of being the sole subscribers for that. Congress are further + allowed to issue to the amount of three millions of notes, bearing + interest, which they are to receive back in payment for lands at a premium + of five or ten per cent., or as subscriptions for canals, roads, and + bridges, in which undertakings they are, of course, to be engaged. This is + a summary of the scheme, as I understand it: but it is very possible I may + not understand it in all its parts, these schemes being always made + Unintelligible for the gulls who are to enter into them. The advantages + and disadvantages shall be noted promiscuously as they occur; leaving out + the speculation of canals, &c. which, being an episode only in the + scheme, may be omitted, to disentangle it as much as we can. + </p> + <p> + 1. Congress are to receive five millions from the States (if they will + enter into this partnership, which few probably will), and five millions + from the individual subscribers, in exchange for ten millions of six per + cent, stock, one per cent, of which, however, they will make on their ten + millions of stock remaining in bank, and so reduce it, in effect, to a + loan of ten millions at five per cent, interest. This is good: but + </p> + <p> + 2. They authorize this bank to throw into circulation ninety millions of + dollars, (three times the capital), which increases our circulating medium + fifty per cent., depreciates proportionably the present value of the + dollar, and raises the price of all future purchases in the same + proportion. + </p> + <p> + 3. This loan of ten millions at five per cent., is to be once for all, + only. Neither the terms of the scheme, nor their own prudence could ever + permit them to add to the circulation in the same, or any other way, for + the supplies of the succeeding years of the war. These succeeding years + then are to be left unprovided for, and the means of doing it in a great + measure precluded. + </p> + <p> + 4. The individual subscribers, on paying their own five millions of cash + to Congress, become the depositories of ten millions of stock belonging to + Congress, five millions belonging to the States, and five millions to + themselves, say twenty millions, with which, as no one has a right ever to + see their books, or to ask a question, they may choose their time for + running away, after adding to their booty the proceeds of as much of their + own notes as they shall be able to throw into circulation. + </p> + <p> + 5. The subscribers may be one, two, or three, or more individuals, (many + single individuals being able to pay in the five millions,) whereupon this + bank oligarchy or monarchy enters the field with ninety millions of + dollars, to direct and control the politics of the nation; and of the + influence of these institutions on our politics, and into what scale it + will be thrown, we have had abundant experience. Indeed, England herself + may be the real, while her friend and trustee here shall be the nominal + and sole subscriber. + </p> + <p> + 6. This state of things is to be fastened on us, without the power of + relief, for forty or fifty years. That is to say, the eight millions of + people now existing, for the sake of receiving one dollar and twenty-five + cents apiece at five per cent, interest, are to subject the fifty millions + of people who are to succeed them within that term, to the payment of + forty-five millions of dollars, principal and interest, which will be + payable in the course of the fifty years. + </p> + <p> + 7. But the great and national advantage is to be the relief of the present + scarcity of money, which is produced and proved by, + </p> + <p> + 1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles for the + troops, ammunition, he. + </p> + <p> + 2. By the cash sent to the frontiers, and the vacuum occasioned in the + trading towns by that. + </p> + <p> + 3. By the late loans. + </p> + <p> + 4. By the necessity of recurring to shavers with good paper, which the + existing banks are not able to take up; and + </p> + <p> + 5. By the numerous applications for bank charters, showing that an + increase of circulating medium is wanting. + </p> + <p> + Let us examine these causes and proofs of the want of an increase of + medium, one by one. + </p> + <p> + 1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles for + troops, ammunition, &c. Now I had always supposed that war produced a + diminution of industry, by the number of hands it withdraws from + industrious pursuits, for employment in arms &c. which are totally + unproductive. And if it calls for new industry in the articles of + ammunition and other military supplies, the hands are borrowed from other + branches on which the demand is slackened by the war; so that it is but a + shifting of these hands from one pursuit to another. + </p> + <p> + 2. The cash sent to the frontiers occasions a vacuum in the trading towns, + which requires a new supply. Let us examine what are the calls for money + to the frontiers. Not for clothing, tents, ammunition, arms, which are all + bought in the trading towns. Not for provisions; for although these are + bought partly in the intermediate country, bank-bills are more acceptable + there than even in the trading towns. The pay of the army calls for some + cash; but not a great deal, as bank-notes are as acceptable with the + military men, perhaps more so; and what cash is sent must find its way + back again, in exchange for the wants of the upper from the lower country. + For we are not to suppose that cash stays accumulating there for ever. + </p> + <p> + 3. This scarcity has been occasioned by the late loans. But does the + government borrow money to keep it in their coffers? Is it not instantly + restored to circulation by payment for its necessary supplies? And are we + to restore a vacuum of twenty millions of dollars by an emission of ninety + millions? + </p> + <p> + 4. The want of medium is proved by the recurrence of individuals with good + paper to brokers at exorbitant interest; and + </p> + <p> + 5. By the numerous applications to the State governments for additional + banks; New York wanting eighteen millions, Pennsylvania ten millions, + &c. But say more correctly, the speculators and spendthrifts of New + York and Pennsylvania, but never consider them as being the States of New + York and Pennsylvania. These two items shall be considered together. + </p> + <p> + It is a litigated question, whether the circulation of paper, rather than + of specie, is a good or an evil. In the opinion of England and of English + writers it is a good; in that of all other nations it is an evil; and + excepting England and her copyist, the United States, there is not a + nation existing, I believe, which tolerates a paper circulation. The + experiment is going on, however, desperately in England, pretty boldly + with us, and at the end of the chapter, we shall see which opinion + experience approves: for I believe it to be one of those cases where + mercantile clamor will bear down reason, until it is corrected by ruin. In + the mean time, however, let us reason on this new call for a national + bank. + </p> + <p> + After the solemn decision of Congress against the renewal of the charter + of the bank of the United States, and the grounds of that decision (the + want of constitutional power), I had imagined that question at rest, and + that no more applications would be made to them for the incorporation of + banks. The opposition on that ground to its first establishment, the small + majority by which it was overborne, and the means practised for obtaining + it, cannot be already forgotten. The law having passed, however, by a + majority, its opponents, true to the sacred principle of submission to a + majority, suffered the law to flow through its term without obstruction. + During this, the nation had time to consider the constitutional question, + and when the renewal was proposed, they condemned it, not by their + representatives in Congress only, but by express instructions from + different organs of their will. Here then we might stop, and consider the + memorial as answered. But, setting authority apart, we will examine + whether the legislature ought to comply with it, even if they had the + power. + </p> + <p> + Proceeding to reason on this subject, some principles must be premised as + forming its basis. The adequate price of a thing depends on the capital + and labor necessary to produce it. (In the term capital, I mean to include + science, because capital as well as labor has been employed to acquire + it.) Two things requiring the same capital and labor should be of the same + price. If a gallon of wine requires for its production the same capital + and labor with a bushel of wheat, they should be expressed by the same + price, derived from the application of a common measure to them. The + comparative prices of things being thus to be estimated, and expressed by + a common measure, we may proceed to observe, that were a country so + insulated as to have no commercial intercourse with any other, to confine + the interchange of all its wants and supplies within itself, the amount of + circulating medium, as a common measure for adjusting these exchanges, + would be quite immaterial. If their circulation, for instance, were of a + million of dollars, and the annual produce of their industry equivalent to + ten millions of bushels of wheat, the price of a bushel of wheat might be + one dollar. If, then, by a progressive coinage, their medium should be + doubled, the price of a bushel of wheat might become progressively two + dollars, and without, inconvenience. Whatever be the proportion of the + circulating medium to the value of the annual produce of industry, it may + be considered as the representative of that industry. In the first case, a + bushel of wheat will be represented by one dollar; in the second, by two + dollars. This is well explained by Hume, and seems admitted by Adam Smith, + (B. 2. c. 2. 436, 441, 490.) But where a nation is in a full course of + interchange of wants and supplies with all others, the proportion of its + medium to its produce is no longer indifferent, (lb. 441.) To trade on + equal terms, the common measure of values should be as nearly as possible + on a par with that of its corresponding nations, whose medium is in a + sound state; that is to say, not in an accidental state of excess or + deficiency. Now, one of the great advantages of specie as a medium is, + that being of universal value, it will keep itself at a general level, + flowing out from where it is too high into parts where it is lower. + Whereas, if the medium be of local value only, as paper-money, if too + little, indeed, gold and silver will flow in to supply the deficiency; but + if too much, it accumulates, banishes the gold and silver not locked up in + vaults and hoards, and depreciates itself; that is to say, its proportion + to the annual produce of industry being raised, more of it is required to + represent any particular article of produce than in the other countries. + This is agreed by Smith (B. 2. c. 2. 437.), the principal advocate for a + paper circulation; but advocating it on the sole condition that it be + strictly regulated. He admits, nevertheless, that ‘the commerce and + industry of a country cannot be so secure when suspended on the Daedalian + wings of paper-money, as on the solid ground of gold and silver; and that + in time of war the insecurity is greatly increased, and great confusion + possible where the circulation is for the greater part in paper.‘(B. 2. c. + 2. 484.) But in a country where loans are uncertain, and a specie + circulation the only sure resource for them, the preference of that + circulation assumes a far different degree of importance, as is explained + in my former letters. + </p> + <p> + The only advantage which Smith proposes by substituting paper in the room + of gold and silver money (B. 2. c. 2. 434.), is, ‘to replace an expensive + instrument with one much less costly, and sometimes equally convenient’; + that is to say, (page 437,) to allow the gold and silver to be sent abroad + and converted into foreign goods,’ and to substitute paper as being a + cheaper measure. But this makes no addition to the stock or capital of the + nation. The coin sent out was worth as much, while in the country, as the + goods imported and taking its place. It is only, then, a change of form in + a part of the national capital, from that of gold and silver to other + goods. He admits, too, that while a part of the goods received in exchange + for the coin exported, may be materials, tools, and provisions for the + employment of an additional industry, a part also may be taken back in + foreign wines, silks, &c. to be consumed by idle people who produce + nothing; and so far the substitution promotes prodigality, increases + expense and consumption, without increasing production. So far also, then, + it lessens the capital of the nation. What may be the amount which the + conversion of the part exchanged for productive goods, may add to the + former productive mass, it is not easy to ascertain, because, as he says, + (page 441,) ‘It is impossible to determine what is the proportion which + the circulating money of any country bears to the whole value of the + annual produce. It has been computed by different authors, from a fifth* + to a thirtieth of that value.’ + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The real cash or money necessary to carry on the + circulation and barter of a State, is nearly one third part + of all the annual rents of the proprietors of the said + State; that is, one ninth of the whole produce of the land. + Sir William Petty supposes one tenth part of the value of + the whole produce sufficient. Postlethwayt, <i>voce</i>, Cash. +</pre> + <p> + In the United States it must be less than in any other part of the + commercial world; because the great mass of their inhabitants being in + responsible circumstances, the great mass of their exchanges in the + country is effected on credit, in their merchant’s ledger, who supplies + all their wants through the year, and at the end of it receives the + produce of their farms, or other articles of their industry. It is a fact, + that a farmer, with a revenue of ten thousand dollars a year, may obtain + all his supplies from his merchant, and liquidate them at the end of the + year, by the sale of his produce to him, without the intervention of a + single dollar of cash. This, then, is merely barter, and in this way of + barter a great portion of the annual produce of the United States is + exchanged without the intermediation of cash. We might safely, then, state + our medium at the minimum of one thirtieth. But what is one thirtieth of + the value of the annual produce of the industry of the United States? Or + what is the whole value of the annual produce of the United States? An + able writer and competent judge of the subject, in 1799, on as good + grounds as probably could be taken, estimated it, on the then population + of four and a half millions of inhabitants, to be thirty-seven and a half + millions sterling, or one hundred and sixty-eight and three fourths + millions of dollars. See Cooper’s Political Arithmetic, page 47. According + to the same estimate, for our present population it will be three hundred + millions of dollars, one thirtieth of which, Smith’s minimum, would be ten + millions, and one fifth, his maximum, would be sixty millions for the + quantum of circulation. But suppose, that, instead of our needing the + least circulating medium of any nation, from the circumstance before + mentioned, we should place ourselves in the middle term of the + calculation, to wit, at thirty-five millions. One fifth of this, at the + least, Smith thinks should be retained in specie, which would leave + twenty-eight millions of specie to be exported in exchange for other + commodities; and if fifteen millions of that should be returned in + productive goods, and not in articles of prodigality, that would be the + amount of capital which this operation would add to the existing mass. But + to what mass? Not that of the three hundred millions, which is only its + gross annual produce; but to that capital of which the three hundred + millions are but the annual produce. But this being gross, we may infer + from it the value of the capital by considering that the rent of lands is + generally fixed at one third of the gross produce, and is deemed its nett + profit, and twenty times that its fee simple value. The profits on landed + capital may, with accuracy enough for our purpose, be supposed on a par + with those of other capital. This would give us then for the United + States, a capital of two thousand millions, all in active employment, and + exclusive of unimproved lands lying in a great degree dormant. Of this, + fifteen millions would be the hundred and thirty-third part. And it is for + this petty addition to the capital of the nation, this minimum of one + dollar, added to one hundred and thirty-three and a third, or three + fourths per cent., that we are to give up our gold and silver medium, its + intrinsic solidity, its universal value, and its saving powers in time of + war, and to substitute for it paper, with all its train of evils, moral, + political, and physical, which I will not pretend to enumerate. + </p> + <p> + There is another authority to which we may appeal for the proper quantity + of circulating medium for the United States. The old Congress, when we + were estimated at about two millions of people, on a long and able + discussion, June the 22nd, 1775, decided the sufficient quantity to be two + millions of dollars, which sum they then emitted.* According to this, it + should be eight millions, now that we are eight millions of people. This + differs little from Smith’s minimum of ten millions, and strengthens our + respect for that estimate. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Within five months after this they were compelled, by the + necessities of the war, to abandon the idea of emitting only + an adequate circulation, and to make those necessities the + sole measure of their emissions. +</pre> + <p> + There is, indeed, a convenience in paper; its easy transmission from one + place to another. But this may be mainly supplied by bills of exchange, so + as to prevent any great displacement of actual coin. Two places trading + together balance their dealings, for the most part, by their mutual + supplies, and the debtor individuals of either may, instead of cash, remit + the bills of those who are creditors in the same dealings; or may obtain + them through some third place with which both have dealings. The cases + would be rare where such bills could not be obtained, either directly or + circuitously, and too unimportant to the nation to overweigh the train of + evils flowing from paper circulation. + </p> + <p> + From eight to thirty-five millions then being our proper circulation, and + two hundred millions the actual one, the memorial proposes to issue ninety + millions more, because, it says, a great scarcity of money is proved by + the numerous applications for banks; to wit, New York for eighteen + millions, Pennsylvania ten millions, &c. The answer to this shall be + quoted, from Adam Smith (B. 2, c. 2, page 462), where speaking of the + complaints of the traders against the Scotch bankers, who had already gone + too far in their issues of paper, he says, ‘Those traders and other + undertakers having got so much assistance from banks, wished to get still + more. The banks, they seem to have thought, could extend their credits to + whatever sum might be wanted, without incurring any other expense besides + that of a few reams of paper. They complained of the contracted views and + dastardly spirit of the directors of those banks, which did not, they + said, extend their credits in proportion to the extension of the trade of + the country; meaning, no doubt, by the extension of that trade, the + extension of their own projects beyond what they could carry on, either + with their own capital, or with what they had credit to borrow of private + people in the usual way of bond or mortgage. The banks, they seem to have + thought, were in honor bound to supply the deficiency, and to provide them + with all the capital which they wanted to trade with.’ And again (page + 470): ‘When bankers discovered that certain projectors were trading, not + with any capital of their own, but with that which they advanced them, + they endeavored to withdraw gradually, making every day greater and + greater difficulties about discounting. These difficulties alarmed and + enraged in the highest degree those projectors. Their own distress, of + which this prudent and necessary reserve of the banks was no doubt the + immediate occasion, they called the distress of the country; and this + distress of the country, they said, was altogether owing to the ignorance, + pusillanimity, and bad conduct of the banks, which did not give a + sufficiently liberal aid to the spirited undertakings of those who exerted + themselves in order to beautify, improve, and enrich the country. It was + the duty of the banks, they seemed to think, to lend for as long a time, + and to as great an extent, as they might wish to borrow.’ It is, probably, + the good paper of these projectors, which, the memorial says, the banks + being unable to discount, goes into the hands of brokers, who (knowing the + risk of this good paper) discount it at a much higher rate than legal + interest, to the great distress of the enterprising adventurers, who had + rather try trade on borrowed capital, than go to the plough or other + laborious calling. Smith again says, (page 478,) ‘That the industry of + Scotland languished for want of money to employ it, was the opinion of the + famous Mr. Law. By establishing a bank of a particular kind, which he + seems to have imagined might issue paper to the amount of the whole value + of all the lands in the country, he proposed to remedy this want of money. + It was afterwards adopted, with some variations, by the Duke of Orleans, + at that time Regent of France. The idea of the possibility of multiplying + paper to almost any extent, was the real foundation of what is called the + Mississippi scheme, the most extravagant project both of banking and + stockjobbing, that perhaps the world ever saw. The principles upon which + it was founded are explained by Mr. Law himself, in a discourse concerning + money and trade, which he published in Scotland when he first proposed his + project. The splendid but visionary ideas which are set forth in that and + some other works upon the same principles, still continue to make an + impression upon many people, and have perhaps, in part, contributed to + that excess of banking which has of late been complained of both in + Scotland and in other places.’ The Mississippi scheme, it is well known, + ended in France in the bankruptcy of the public treasury, the crush of + thousands and thousands of private fortunes, and scenes of desolation and + distress equal to those of an invading army, burning and laying waste all + before it. + </p> + <p> + At the time we were funding our national debt, we heard much about ‘a + public debt being a public blessing’; that the stock representing it was a + creation of active capital for the aliment of commerce, manufactures, and + agriculture. This paradox was well adapted to the minds of believers in + dreams, and the gulls of that size entered <i>bonâ fide</i> into it. But + the art and mystery of banks is a wonderful improvement on that. It is + established on the principle, that ‘private debts are a public blessing;’ + that the evidences of those private debts, called bank-notes, become + active capital, and aliment the whole commerce, manufactures, and + agriculture of the United States. Here are a set of people, for instance, + who have bestowed on us the great blessing of running in our debt about + two hundred millions of dollars, without our knowing who they are, where + they are, or what property they have to pay this debt when called on; nay, + who have made us so sensible of the blessings of letting them run in our + debt, that we have exempted them by law from the repayment of these debts + beyond a given proportion, (generally estimated at one third.) And to fill + up the measure of blessing, instead of paying, they receive an interest on + what they owe from those to whom they owe; for all the notes, or evidences + of what they owe, which we see in circulation, have been lent to somebody + on an interest which is levied again on us through the medium of commerce. + And they are so ready still to deal out their liberalities to us, that + they are now willing to let themselves run in our debt ninety millions + more, on our paying them the same premium of six or eight per cent, + interest, and on the same legal exemption from the repayment of more than + thirty millions of the debt, when it shall be called for. But let us look + at this principle in its original form, and its copy will then be equally + understood. ‘A public debt is a public blessing.’ That our debt was + juggled from forty-three up to eighty millions, and funded at that amount, + according to this opinion, was a great public blessing, because the + evidences of it could be vested in commerce, and thus converted into + active capital, and then the more the debt was made to be, the more active + capital was created. That is to say, the creditors could now employ in + commerce the money due them from the public, and make from it an annual + profit of five per cent., or four millions of dollars. But observe, that + the public were at the same time paying on it an interest of exactly the + same amount of four millions of dollars. Where then is the gain to either + party, which makes it a public blessing? There is no change in the state + of things, but of persons only. A has a debt due to him from the public, + of which he holds their certificate as evidence, and on which he is + receiving an annual interest. He wishes, however, to have the money + itself, and to go into business with it. B has an equal sum of money in + business, but wishes now to retire, and live on the interest. He therefore + gives it to A, in exchange for A’s certificates of public stock. Now, + then, A has the money to employ in business, which B so employed before. B + has the money on interest to live on, which A lived on before: and the + public pays the interest to B, which they paid to A before. Here is no new + creation of capital, no additional money employed, nor even a change in + the employment of a single dollar. The only change is of place between A + and B, in which we discover no creation of capital, nor public blessing. + Suppose, again, the public to owe nothing. Then A not having lent his + money to the public, would be in possession of it himself, and would go + into business without the previous operation of selling stock. Here again, + the same quantity of capital is employed as in the former case, though no + public debt exists. In neither case is there any creation of active + capital, nor other difference than that there is a public debt in the + first case, and none in the last; and we may safely ask which of the two + situations is most truly a public blessing? If, then, a public debt be no + public blessing, we may pronounce <i>a fortiori</i>, that a private one + cannot be so. If the debt which the banking companies owe be a blessing to + any body, it is to themselves alone, who are realizing a solid interest of + eight or ten per cent, on it. As to the public, these companies have + banished all our gold and silver medium, which, before their institution, + we had without interest, which never could have perished in our hands, and + would have been our salvation now in the hour of war; instead of which, + they have given us two hundred millions of froth and bubble, on which we + are to pay them heavy interest, until it shall vanish into air, as + Morris’s notes did. We are warranted, then, in affirming that this parody + on the principle of ‘a public debt being a public blessing,’ and its + mutation into the blessing of private instead of public debts, is as + ridiculous as the original principle itself. In both cases, the truth is, + that capital may be produced by industry, and accumulated by economy: but + jugglers only will propose to create it by legerdemain tricks with paper. + I have called the actual circulation of bank paper in the United States, + two hundred millions of dollars. I do not recollect where I have seen this + estimate; but I retain the impression that I thought it just at the time. + It may be tested, however, by a list of the banks now in the United + States, and the amount of their capital. I have no means of recurring to + such a list for the present day: but I turn to two lists in my possession + for the years of 1803 and 1804. + </p> + <p> + In 1803, there were thirty-four banks, whose capital was $28,902,000 + </p> + <p> + In 1804, there were sixty-six, consequently thirty-two additional ones. + Their capital is not stated, but at the average of the others (excluding + the highest, that of the United States, which was of ten millions) they + would be of six hundred thousand dollars each, and add.........19,200,000 + </p> + <p> + Making a total of........ $48,102,000 + </p> + <p> + or say, of fifty millions in round numbers. Now every one knows the + immense multiplication of these institutions since 1804. If they have only + doubled, their capital will be of one hundred millions, and if trebled, as + I think probable, it will be of one hundred and fifty millions, on which + they are at liberty to circulate treble the amount. I should sooner, + therefore, believe two hundred millions to be far below than above the + actual circulation. In England, by a late parliamentary document, (see + Virginia Argus of October the 18th, 1813, and other public papers of about + that date) it appears that six years ago, the bank of England had twelve + millions of pounds sterling in circulation, which had increased to + forty-two millions in 1812, or to one hundred and eighty-nine millions of + dollars. What proportion all the other banks may add to this, I do not + know: if we were allowed to suppose they equal it, this would give a + circulation of three hundred and seventy-eight millions, or the double of + ours on a double population. But that nation is essentially commercial, + ours essentially agricultural, and needing, therefore, less circulating + medium, because the produce of the husbandman comes but once a year, and + is then partly consumed at home, partly exchanged by barter. The dollar, + which was of four shillings and six pence sterling, was, by the same + document, stated to be then six shillings and nine pence, a depreciation + of exactly fifty per cent. The average price of wheat on the continent of + Europe, at the commencement of its present war with England, was about a + French crown, of one hundred and ten cents, the bushel. With us it was one + hundred cents, and consequently we could send it there in competition with + their own. That ordinary price has now doubled with us, and more than + doubled in England; and although a part of this augmentation may proceed + from the war demand, yet from the extraordinary nominal rise in the prices + of land and labor here, both of which have nearly doubled in that period, + and are still rising with every new bank, it is evident that were a + general peace to take place to-morrow, and time allowed for the + re-establishment of commerce, justice, and order, we could not afford to + raise wheat for much less than two dollars, while the continent of Europe, + having no paper circulation, and that of its specie not being augmented, + would raise it at their former price of one hundred and ten cents. It + follows, then, that with our redundancy of paper, we cannot, after peace, + send a bushel of wheat to Europe, unless extraordinary circumstances + double its price in particular places, and that then the exporting + countries of Europe could undersell us. It is said our paper is as good as + silver, because we may have silver for it at the bank where it issues. + This is not true. One, two, or three persons might have it: but a general + application would soon exhaust their vaults, and leave a ruinous + proportion of their paper in its intrinsic worthless form. It is a + fallacious pretence, for another reason. The inhabitants of the banking + cities might obtain cash for their paper, as far as the cash of the vaults + would hold out; but distance puts it out of the power of the country to do + this. A farmer having a note of a Boston or Charleston bank, distant + hundreds of miles, has no means of calling for the cash. And while these + calls are impracticable for the country, the banks have no fear of their + being made from the towns; because their inhabitants are mostly on their + books, and there on sufferance only and during good behavior. + </p> + <p> + In this state of things, we are called on to add ninety millions more to + the circulation. Proceeding in this career, it is infallible, that we must + end where the revolutionary paper ended. Two hundred millions was the + whole amount of all the emissions of the old Congress, at which point + their bills ceased to circulate. We are now at that sum; but with treble + the population, and of course a longer tether. Our depreciation is, as + yet, but at about two for one. Owing to the support its credit receives + from the small reservoirs of specie in the vaults of the banks, it is + impossible to say at what point their notes will stop. Nothing is + necessary to effect it but a general alarm; and that may take place + whenever the public shall begin to reflect on, and perceive, the + impossibility that the banks should repay this sum. At present, caution is + inspired no farther than to keep prudent men from selling property on long + payments. Let us suppose the panic to arise at three hundred millions, a + point to which every session of the legislatures hastens us by long + strides. Nobody dreams that they would have three hundred millions of + specie to satisfy the holders of their notes. Were they even to stop now, + no one supposes they have two hundred millions in cash, or even the + sixty-six and two-thirds millions, to which amount alone the law obliges + them to repay. One hundred and thirty-three and one-third millions of + loss, then, is thrown on the public by law; and as to the sixty-six and + two-thirds, which they are legally bound to pay, and ought to have in + their vaults, every one knows there is no such amount of cash in the + United States, and what would be the course with what they really have + there? Their notes are refused. Cash is called for. The inhabitants of the + banking towns will get what is in the vaults, until a few banks declare + their insolvency; when, the general crush becoming evident, the others + will withdraw even the cash they have, declare their bankruptcy at once, + and leave an empty house and empty coffers for the holders of their notes. + In this scramble of creditors, the country gets nothing, the towns but + little. What are they to do? Bring suits? A million of creditors bring a + million of suits against John Nokes and Robert Styles, wheresoever to be + found? All nonsense. The loss is total. And a sum is thus swindled from + our citizens, of seven times the amount of the real debt, and four times + that of the factitious one of the United States, at the close of the war. + All this they will justly charge on their legislatures; but this will be + poor satisfaction for the two or three hundred millions they will have + lost. It is time, then, for the public functionaries to look to this. + Perhaps it may not be too late. Perhaps, by giving time to the banks, they + may call in and pay off their paper by degrees. But no remedy is ever to + be expected while it rests with the State legislatures. Personal motives + can be excited through so many avenues to their will, that, in their + hands, it will continue to go on from bad to worse, until the catastrophe + overwhelms us. I still believe, however, that on proper representations of + the subject, a great proportion of these legislatures would cede to + Congress their power of establishing banks, saving the charter rights + already granted. And this should be asked, not by way of amendment to the + constitution, because until three fourths should consent, nothing could be + done; but accepted from them one by one, singly, as their consent might be + obtained. Any single State, even if no other should come into the measure, + would find its interest in arresting foreign bank-paper immediately, and + its own by degrees. Specie would flow in on them as paper disappeared. + Their own banks would call in and pay off their notes gradually, and their + constituents would thus be saved from the general wreck. Should the + greater part of the States concede, as is expected, their power over banks + to Congress, besides insuring their own safety, the paper of the + non-conceding States might be so checked and circumscribed, by prohibiting + its receipt in any of the conceding States, and even in the non-conceding + as to duties, taxes, judgments, or other demands of the United States, or + of the citizens of other States, that it would soon die of itself, and the + medium of gold and silver be universally restored. This is what ought to + be done. But it will not be done. <i>Carthago non delebitur</i>. The + overbearing clamor of merchants, speculators, and projectors, will drive + us before them with our eyes open, until, as in France, under the + Mississippi bubble, our citizens will be overtaken by the crash of this + baseless fabric, without other satisfaction than that of execrations on + the heads of those functionaries, who, from ignorance, pusillanimity, or + corruption, have betrayed the fruits of their industry into the hands of + projectors and swindlers. + </p> + <p> + When I speak comparatively of the paper emissions of the old Congress and + the present banks, let it not be imagined that I cover them under the same + mantle. The object of the former was a holy one; for if ever there was a + holy war, it was that which saved our liberties and gave us independence. + The object of the latter, is to enrich swindlers at the expense of the + honest and industrious part of the nation. + </p> + <p> + The sum of what has been said is, that pretermitting the constitutional + question on the authority of Congress, and considering this application on + the grounds of reason alone, it would be best that our medium should be so + proportioned to our produce, as to be on a par with that of the countries + with which we trade, and whose medium is in a sound state: that specie is + the most perfect medium, because it will preserve its own level; because, + having intrinsic and universal value, it can never die in our hands, and + it is the surest resource of reliance in time of war: that the trifling + economy of paper, as a cheaper medium, or its convenience for + transmission, weighs nothing in opposition to the advantages of the + precious metals: that it is liable to be abused, has been, is, and for + ever will be abused, in every country in which it is permitted; that it is + already at a term of abuse in these States, which has never been reached + by any other nation, France excepted, whose dreadful catastrophe should be + a warning against the instrument which produced it: that we are already at + ten or twenty times the due quantity of medium; insomuch, that no man + knows what his property is now worth, because it is bloating while he is + calculating; and still less what it will be worth when the medium shall be + relieved from its present dropsical state: and that it is a palpable + falsehood to say we can have specie for our paper whenever demanded. + Instead, then, of yielding to the cries of scarcity of medium set up by + speculators, projectors, and commercial gamblers, no endeavors should be + spared to begin the work of reducing it by such gradual means as may give + time to private fortunes to preserve their poise, and settle down with the + subsiding medium; and that, for this purpose, the States should be urged + to concede to the General Government, with a saving of chartered rights, + the exclusive power of establishing banks of discount for paper. + </p> + <p> + To the existence of banks of discount for cash, as on the continent of + Europe, there can be no objection, because there can be no danger of + abuse, and they are a convenience both to merchants and individuals. I + think they should even be encouraged, by allowing them a larger than + legal, interest on short discounts, and tapering thence, in proportion as + the term of discount is lengthened, down to legal interest on those of a + year or more. Even banks of deposite, where cash should be lodged, and a + paper acknowledgment taken out as its representative, entitled to a return + of the cash on demand, would be convenient for remittances, travelling + persons, he. But, liable as its cash would be to be pilfered and robbed, + and its paper to be fraudulently re-issued, or issued without deposite, it + would require skilful and strict regulation. This would differ from the + bank of Amsterdam, in the circumstance that the cash could be re-demanded + on returning the note. + </p> + <p> + When I commenced this letter to you, my dear Sir, on Mr. Law’s memorial, I + expected a short one would have answered that. But as I advanced, the + subject branched itself before me into so many collateral questions, that + even the rapid views I have taken of each have swelled the volume of my + letter beyond my expectations, and, I fear, beyond your patience. Yet on a + revisal of it, I find no part which has not so much bearing on the subject + as to be worth merely the time of perusal. I leave it then as it is; and + will add only the assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0114" id="link2H_4_0114"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXIV.—TO JOHN ADAMS, October 13, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 13, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Since mine of August the 22nd, I have received your favors of August the + 16th, September the 2nd, 14th, 15th, and, and Mrs. Adams’s, of September + the 20th. I now send you, according to your request, a copy of the + syllabus. To fill up this skeleton with arteries, with veins, with nerves, + muscles, and flesh, is really beyond my time and information. Whoever + could undertake it, would find great aid in Enfield’s judicious abridgment + of Brucker’s History of Philosophy, in which he has reduced five or six + quarto volumes, of one thousand pages each of Latin closely printed, to + two moderate octavos of English open type. + </p> + <p> + To compare the morals of the Old, with those of the New Testament, would + require an attentive study of the former, a search through all its books + for its precepts, and through all its history for its practices, and the + principles they prove. As commentaries, too, on these, the philosophy of + the Hebrews must be inquired into, their Mishna, their Gemara, Cabbala, + Jezirah, Sonar, Cosri, and their Talmud, must be examined and understood, + in order to do them full justice. Brucker, it would seem, has gone deeply + into these repositories of their ethics, and Enfield his epitomizer, + concludes in these words. ‘Ethics were so little understood among the + Jews, that, in their whole compilation called the Talmud, there is only + one treatise on moral subjects. Their books of morals chiefly consisted in + a minute enumeration of duties. From the law of Moses were deduced six + hundred and thirteen precepts, which were divided into two classes, + affirmative and negative, two hundred and forty-eight in the former, and + three hundred and sixty-five in the latter. It may serve to give the + reader some idea of the low state of moral philosophy among the Jews in + the middle age, to add, that of the two hundred and forty-eight + affirmative precepts, only three were considered as obligatory upon women; + and that, in order to obtain salvation, it was judged sufficient to fulfil + any one single law in the hour of death; the observance of the rest being + deemed necessary, only to increase the felicity of the future life. What a + wretched depravity of sentiment and manners must have prevailed, before + such corrupt maxims could have obtained credit! It is impossible to + collect from these writings a consistent series of moral doctrine. + (Enfield, B. 4. chap. 3.) It was the reformation of this wretched + depravity of morals which Jesus undertook. In extracting the pure + principles which he taught, we should have to strip off the artificial + vestments in which they have been muffled by priests who have travestied + them into various forms, as instruments of riches and power to themselves. + We must dismiss the Platonists and Plotinists, the Stagyrites and + Gamalielites, the Eclectics, the Gnostics and Scholastics, their essences + and emanations, their Logos and Demiurgos, Æons, and Daemons, male and + female, with a long train of &c. &c. &c. or, shall I say at + once, of nonsense. We must reduce our volume to the simple evangelists, + select, even from them, the very words only of Jesus, paring off the + amphiboligisms into which they have been led, by forgetting often, or not + understanding, what had fallen from him, by giving their own + misconceptions as his dicta, and expressing unintelligibly for others what + they had not understood themselves. There will be found remaining the most + sublime and benevolent code of morals which has ever been offered to man. + I have performed this operation for my own use, by cutting verse by verse + out of the printed book, and arranging the matter which is evidently his, + and which is as easily distinguishable as diamonds, in a dunghill. The + result is an octavo of forty-six pages, of pure and unsophisticated + doctrines, such as were professed and acted on by the unlettered Apostles, + the Apostolic Fathers, and the Christians, of the first century. Their + Platonizing successors, indeed, in after times, in order to legitimate the + corruptions which they had incorporated into the doctrines of Jesus, found + it necessary to disavow the primitive Christians, who had taken their + principles from the mouth of Jesus himself, of his Apostles, and the + Fathers cotemporary with them. They excommunicated their followers as + heretics, branding them with the opprobrious name of Ebionites and + Beggars. For a comparison of the Grecian philosophy with that of Jesus, + materials might be largely drawn from the same source. Enfield gives a + history and detailed account of the opinions and principles of the + different sects. These relate to the Gods, their natures, grades, places, + and powers; the demi-Gods and Demons, and their agency with man; the + universe, its structure, extent, and duration; the origin of things from + the elements of fire, water, air, and earth; the human soul, its essence + and derivation; the <i>summum bonum</i>, and <i>finis bonorum</i>; with a + thousand idle dreams and fancies on these and other subjects, the + knowledge of which is withheld from man; leaving but a short chapter for + his moral duties, and the principal section of that given to what he owes + himself, to precepts for rendering him impassible, and unassailable by the + evils of life, and for preserving his mind in a state of constant + serenity. + </p> + <p> + Such a canvass is too broad for the age of seventy, and especially of one + whose chief occupations have been in the practical business of life. We + must leave, therefore, to others, younger and more learned than we are, to + prepare this euthanasia for Platonic Christianity, and its restoration to + the primitive simplicity of its founder. I think you give a just outline + of the theism of the three religions, when you say that the principle of + the Hebrew was the fear, of the Gentile the honor, and of the Christian + the love of God. + </p> + <p> + An expression in your letter of September the 14th, that ‘the human + understanding is a revelation from its maker,’ gives the best solution + that I believe can be given of the question, ‘What did Socrates mean by + his Daemon?’ He was too wise to believe, and too honest to pretend, that + he had real and familiar converse with a superior and invisible being. He + probably considered the suggestions of his conscience, or reason, as + revelations, or inspirations from the Supreme mind, bestowed, on important + occasions, by a special superintending providence. + </p> + <p> + I acknowledge all the merit of the hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter, which you + ascribe to it. It is as highly sublime as a chaste and correct imagination + can permit itself to go. Yet in the contemplation of a being so + superlative, the hyperbolic flights of the Psalmist may often be followed + with approbation, even with rapture; and I have no hesitation in giving + him the palm over all the hymnists of every language, and of every time. + Turn to the 148th psalm in Brady and Tate’s version. Have such conceptions + been ever before expressed? Their version of the 15th psalm is more to be + esteemed for its pithiness than its poetry. Even Sternhold, the leaden + Sternhold, kindles, in a single instance, with the sublimity of his + original, and expresses the majesty of God descending on the earth, in + terms not unworthy of the subject. + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0010" id="linkimage-0010"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page225.jpg" alt="Page225 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + The Latin versions of this passage by Buchanan and by Johnston, are but + mediocres. But the Greek of Duport is worthy of quotation. + </p> + <p> + The best collection of these psalms is that of the Octagonian dissenters + of Liverpool, in their printed form of prayer; but they are not always the + best versions. Indeed, bad is the best of the English versions; not a ray + of poetical genius having ever been employed on them. And how much depends + on this, may be seen by comparing Brady and Tate’s 15th psalm with + Blacklock’s <i>Justum et tenacem propositi virum</i> of Horace, quoted in + Hume’s History, Car. 2. ch. 66. A translation of David in this style, or + in that of Pompei’s Cleanthes, might give us some idea of the merit of the + original. The character, too, of the poetry of these hymns is singular to + us; written in monostichs, each divided into strophe and antistrophe, the + sentiment of the first member responded with amplification or antithesis + in the second. + </p> + <p> + On the subject of the Postscript of yours of August the 16th and of Mrs. + Adams’s letter, I am silent. I know the depth of the affliction it has + caused, and can sympathize with it the more sensibly, inasmuch as there is + no degree of affliction, produced by the loss of those dear to us, which + experience has not taught me to estimate. I have ever found time and + silence the only medicine, and these but assuage, they never can suppress, + the deep-drawn sigh which recollection for ever brings up, until + recollection and life are extinguished together. Ever affectionately + yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0115" id="link2H_4_0115"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXV.—TO JOHN ADAMS, October 28, 1813 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 28, 1813. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + According to the reservation between us, of taking up one of the subjects + of our correspondence at a time, I turn to your letters of August the 16th + and September the 2nd. + </p> + <p> + The passage you quote from Theognis, I think has an ethical rather than a + political object. The whole piece is a moral exhortation, + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0011" id="linkimage-0011"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page226.jpg" alt="Page226 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + and this passage particularly seems to be a reproof to man, who, while + with his domestic animals he is curious to improve the race, by employing + always the finest male, pays no attention to the improvement of his own + race, but intermarries with the vicious, the ugly, or the old, for + considerations of wealth or ambition. It is in conformity with the + principle adopted afterwards by the Pythagoreans, and expressed by Ocellus + in another form; + </p> + <p> + which, as literally as intelligibility will admit, may be thus translated; + ‘Concerning the interprocreation of men, how, and of whom it shall be, in + a perfect manner, and according to the laws of modesty and sanctity, + conjointly, this is what I think right. First, to lay it down that we do + not commix for the sake of pleasure, but of the procreation of children. + For the powers, the organs, and desires for coition have not been given by + God to man for the sake of pleasure, but for the procreation of the race. + For as it were incongruous for a mortal born to partake of divine life, + the immortality of the race being taken away, God fulfilled the purpose by + making the generations uninterrupted and continuous. This, therefore, we + are especially to lay down as a principle, that coition is not for the + sake of pleasure.’ But nature, not trusting to this moral and abstract + motive, seems to have provided more securely for the perpetuation of the + species, by making it the effect of the <i>oestrum</i> implanted in the + constitution of both sexes. And not only has the commerce of love been + indulged on this unhallowed impulse, but made subservient also to wealth + and ambition by marriages, without regard to the beauty, the healthiness, + the understanding, or virtue of the subject from which we are to breed. + The selecting the best male for a Haram of well chosen females, also, + which Theognis seems to recommend from the example of our sheep and asses, + would doubtless improve the human, as it does the brute animal, and + produce a race of veritable<a name="linkimage-0013" id="linkimage-0013"> + <!-- IMG --></a><img alt="page227 (1K)" src="images/page227.jpg" + height="21" width="65" /> </p> + <p> + For experience proves, that the moral and physical qualities of man, + whether good or evil, are transmissible in a certain degree from father to + son. But I suspect that the equal rights of men will rise up against this + privileged Solomon and his Haram, and oblige us to continue acquiescence + under the<a name="linkimage-0014" id="linkimage-0014"> + <!-- IMG --></a> <img alt="page227a (2K)" src="images/page227a.jpg" + height="23" width="209" /> which Theognis complains of, and to content + ourselves with the accidental <i>aristoi</i> produced by the fortuitous + concourse of breeders. For I agree with you, that there is a natural + aristocracy among men. The grounds of this are virtue and talents. + Formerly, bodily powers gave place among the <i>aristoi</i>. But since the + invention of gunpowder has armed the weak as well as the strong with + missile death, bodily strength, like beauty, good humor, politeness, and + other accomplishments, has become but an auxiliary ground of distinction. + There is also an artificial aristocracy, founded on wealth and birth, + without either virtue or talents; for with these it would belong to the + first class. The natural aristocracy I consider as the most precious gift + of nature, for the instruction, the trusts, and government of society. + And, indeed, it would have been inconsistent in creation to have formed + man for the social state, and not to have provided virtue and wisdom + enough to manage the concerns of the society. May we not even say, that + that form of government is the best, which provides the most effectually + for a pure selection of these natural <i>aristoi</i> into the offices of + government? The artificial aristocracy is a mischievous ingredient in + government, and provision should be made to prevent its ascendancy. On the + question, what is the best provision, you and I differ; but we differ as + rational friends, using the free exercise of our own reason, and mutually + indulging its errors. You think it best to put the pseudo-aristoi into a + separate chamber of legislation, where they may be hindered from doing + mischief by their co-ordinate branches, and where, also, they may be a + protection to wealth against the Agrarian and plundering enterprises of + the majority of the people. I think that to give them power in order to + prevent them from doing mischief, is arming them for it, and increasing + instead of remedying the evil. For if the co-ordinate branches can arrest + their action, so may they that of the co-ordinates. Mischief may be done + negatively as well as positively. Of this, a cabal in the Senate of the + United States has furnished many proofs. Nor do I believe them necessary + to protect the wealthy; because enough of these will find their way into + every branch of the legislation, to protect themselves. From fifteen to + twenty legislatures of our own, in action for thirty years past, have + proved that no fears of an equalization of property are to be apprehended + from them. I think the best remedy is exactly that provided by all our + constitutions, to leave to the citizens the free election and separation + of the <i>aristoi</i> from the <i>pseudo-aristoi</i>, of the wheat from + the chaff. In general, they will elect the really good and wise. In some + instances, wealth may corrupt, and birth blind them; but not in sufficient + degree to endanger the society. + </p> + <p> + It is probable that our difference of opinion may, in some measure, be + produced by a difference of character in those among whom we live. From + what I have seen of Massachusetts and Connecticut myself, and still more + from what I have heard, and the character given of the former by yourself, + (Vol. I, page 111,) who know them so much better, there seems to be in + those two States a traditionary reverence for certain families, which has + rendered the offices of government nearly hereditary in those families. I + presume that from an early period of your history, members of these + families happening to possess virtue and talents, have honestly exercised + them for the good of the people, and by their services have endeared their + names to them. In coupling Connecticut with you, I mean it politically + only, not morally. For having made the Bible the common law of their land, + they seem to have modeled their morality on the story of Jacob and Laban. + But although this hereditary succession to office with you may, in some + degree, be founded in real family merit, yet in a much higher degree, it + has proceeded from your strict alliance of Church and State. These + families are canonized in the eyes of the people on the common principle, + ‘You tickle me, and I will tickle you.’ In Virginia, we have nothing of + this. Our clergy, before the revolution, having been secured against + rivalship by fixed salaries, did not give themselves the trouble of + acquiring influence over the people. Of wealth, there were great + accumulations in particular families, handed down from generation to + generation, under the English law of entails. But the only object of + ambition for the wealthy was a seat in the King’s Council. All their court + then was paid to the crown and its creatures; and they Philipized in all + collisions between the King and the people. Hence they were unpopular; and + that unpopularity continues attached to their names. A Randolph, a Carter, + or a Burwell must have great personal superiority over a common + competitor, to be elected by the people, even at this day. At the first + session of our legislature after the Declaration of Independence, we + passed a law abolishing entails. And this was followed by one abolishing + the privilege of primogeniture, and dividing the lands of intestates + equally among all their children, or other representatives. These laws, + drawn by myself, laid the axe to the root of pseudo-aristocracy. And had + another which I prepared been adopted by the legislature, our work would + have been complete. It was a bill for the more general diffusion of + learning. This proposed to divide every county into wards of five or six + miles square, like your townships; to establish in each ward a free school + for reading, writing, and common arithmetic; to provide for the annual + selection of the best subjects from these schools, who might receive, at + the public expense, a higher degree of education at a district school; and + from these district schools to select a certain number of the most + promising subjects, to be completed at an University, where all the useful + sciences should be taught. Worth and genius would thus have been sought + out from every condition of life, and completely prepared by education for + defeating the competition of wealth and birth for public trusts. My + proposition had, for a further object, to impart to these wards those + portions of self-government for which they are best qualified, by + confiding to them the care of their poor, their roads, police, elections, + the nomination of jurors, administration of justice in small cases, + elementary exercises of militia; in short, to have made them little + republics, with a warden at the head of each, for all those concerns + which, being under their eye, they would better manage than the larger + republics of the county or State. A general call of ward-meetings by their + wardens on the same day through the State, would at any time produce the + genuine sense of the people on any required point, and would enable the + State to act in mass, as your people have so often done, and with so much + effect, by their town-meetings. The law for religious freedom, which made + a part of this system, having put down the aristocracy of the clergy, and + restored to the citizen the freedom of the mind, and those of entails and + descents nurturing an equality of condition among them, this on education + would have raised the mass of the people to the high ground of moral + respectability necessary to their own safety, and to orderly government; + and would have completed the great object of qualifying them to select the + veritable aristoi, for the trusts of government, to the exclusion of the + pseudalists: and the same Theognis, who has furnished the epigraphs of + your two letters, assures us that<a name="linkimage-0015" + id="linkimage-0015"> + <!-- IMG --></a> <img alt="page229 (4K)" src="images/page229.jpg" + height="24" width="395" /> Although this law has not yet been acted on but + in a small and inefficient degree, it is still considered as before the + legislature, with other bills of the revised code, not yet taken up, and I + have great hope that some patriotic spirit will, at a favorable moment, + call it up, and make it the key-stone of the arch of our government. + </p> + <p> + With respect to aristocracy, we should further consider, that before the + establishment of the American States, nothing was known to history but the + man of the old world, crowded within limits either small or overcharged, + and steeped in the vices which that situation generates. A government + adapted to such men would be one thing; but a very different one, that for + the man of these States. Here every one may have land to labor for + himself, if he chooses; or, preferring the exercise of any other industry, + may exact for it such compensation as not only to afford a comfortable + subsistence, but wherewith to provide for a cessation from labor in old + age. Every one, by his property or by his satisfactory situation, is + interested in the support of law and order. And such men may safely and + advantageously reserve to themselves a wholesome control over their public + affairs, and a degree of freedom, which, in the hands of the canaille of + the cities of Europe, would be instantly perverted to the demolition and + destruction of every thing public and private. The history of the last + twenty-five years of France, and of the last forty years in America, nay, + of its last two hundred years, proves the truth of both parts of this + observation. + </p> + <p> + But even in Europe a change has sensibly taken place in the mind of man. + Science had liberated the ideas of those who read and reflect, and the + American example had kindled feelings of right in the people. An + insurrection has consequently begun, of science, talents, and courage, + against rank and birth, which have fallen into contempt. It has failed in + its first effort, because the mobs of the cities, the instrument used for + its accomplishment, debased by ignorance, poverty, and vice, could not be + restrained to rational action. But the world will recover from the panic + of this first catastrophe. Science is progressive, and talents and + enterprise on the alert. Resort may be had to the people of the country, a + more governable power from their principles and subordination; and rank + and birth and tinsel-aristocracy will finally shrink into insignificance, + even there. This, however, we have no right to meddle with. It suffices + for us, if the moral and physical condition of our own citizens qualifies + them to select the able and good for the direction of their government, + with a recurrence of elections at such short periods as will enable them + to displace an unfaithful servant, before the mischief he meditates may be + irremediable, I have thus stated my opinion on a point on which we differ, + not with a view to controversy, for we are both too old to change opinions + which are the result of a long life of inquiry and reflection; but on the + suggestion of a former letter of yours, that we ought not to die before we + have explained ourselves to each other. We acted in perfect harmony, + through a long and perilous contest for our liberty and independence. A + constitution has been acquired, which, though neither of us thinks + perfect, yet both consider as competent to render our fellow-citizens the + happiest and the securest on whom the sun has ever shone. If we do not + think exactly alike as to its imperfections, it matters little to our + country, which, after devoting to it long lives of disinterested labor we + have delivered over to our successors in life, who will be able to take + care of it and of themselves. + </p> + <p> + Of the pamphlet on aristocracy which has been sent to you, or who may be + its author, I have heard nothing but through your letter. If the person + you suspect, it may be known from the quaint, mystical, and hyperbolical + ideas, involved in affected, newfangled, and pedantic terms, which stamp + his writings. Whatever it be, I hope your quiet is not to be affected at + this day by the rudeness or intemperance of scribblers; but that you may + continue in tranquillity to live and to rejoice in the prosperity of our + country, until it shall be your own wish to take your seat among the <i>aristoi</i> + who have gone before you. + </p> + <p> + Ever and affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0116" id="link2H_4_0116"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXVI.—TO THOMAS LIEPER, January 1, 1814 + </h2> + <p> + TO THOMAS LIEPER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 1, 1814. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I had hoped, when I retired from the business of the world, that I should + have been permitted to pass the evening of life in tranquillity, + undisturbed by the peltings and passions of which the public papers are + the vehicles. I see, however, that I have been dragged into the newspapers + by the infidelity of one with whom I was formerly intimate, but who has + abandoned the American principles out of which that intimacy grew, and + become the bigoted partisan of England, and malcontent of his own + government. In a letter which he wrote me, he earnestly besought me to + avail our country of the good understanding which subsisted between the + executive and myself, by recommending an offer of such terms to our enemy + as might produce a peace, towards which he was confident that enemy was + disposed. In my answer, I stated the aggressions, the insults, and + injuries which England had been heaping on us for years, our long + forbearance in the hope she might be led by time and reflection to a + sounder view of her own interests, and of their connection with justice to + us, the repeated propositions for accommodation made by us, and rejected + by her, and at length her Prince Regent’s solemn proclamation to the + world, that he would never repeal the orders in council as to us, until + France should have revoked her illegal decrees as to all the world, and + her minister’s declaration to ours, that no admissible precaution against + the impressment of our seamen could be proposed: that the unavoidable + declaration of war which followed these was accompanied by advances for + peace, on terms which no American could dispense with, made through + various channels, and unnoticed and unanswered through any: but that if he + could suggest any other conditions which we ought to accept, and which had + not been repeatedly offered and rejected, I was ready to be the channel of + their conveyance to the government: and, to show him that neither that + attachment to Bonaparte nor French influence, which they allege eternally + without believing it, themselves, affected my mind, I threw in the two + little sentences, of the printed extract enclosed in your friendly favor + of the 9th ultimo, and exactly these two little sentences, from a letter + of two or three pages, he has thought proper to publish, naked, alone, and + with my name, although other parts of the letter would have shown that I + wished such limits only to the successes of Bonaparte, as should not + prevent his completely closing Europe against British manufactures and + commerce; and thereby reducing her to just terms of peace with us. + </p> + <p> + Thus am I situated. I receive letters from all quarters, some from known + friends, some from those who write like friends, on various subjects. What + am I to do? Am I to button myself up in Jesuitical reserve, rudely + declining any answer, or answering in terms so unmeaning, as only to prove + my distrust? Must I withdraw myself from all interchange of sentiment with + the world? I cannot do this. It is at war with my habits and temper. I + cannot act as if all men were unfaithful, because some are so; nor believe + that all will betray me, because some do. I had rather be the victim of + occasional infidelities, than relinquish my general confidence in the + honesty of man. + </p> + <p> + So far as to the breach of confidence which has brought me into the + newspapers, with a view to embroil me with my friends, by a supposed + separation in opinion and principle from them. But it is impossible there + can be any difference of opinion among us on the two propositions + contained in these two little sentences, when explained, as they were + explained in the context from which they were insulated. That Bonaparte is + an unprincipled tyrant, who is deluging the continent of Europe with + blood, there is not a human being, not even the wife of his bosom, who + does not see: nor can there, I think, be a doubt as to the line we ought + to wish drawn between his successes and those of Alexander. Surely none of + us wish to see Bonaparte conquer Russia, and lay thus at his feet the + whole continent of Europe. This done, England would be but a breakfast: + and although I am free from the visionary fears which the votaries of + England have affected to entertain, because I believe he cannot effect the + conquest of Europe; yet put all Europe into his hands, and he might spare + such a force, to be sent in British ships, as I would as lieve not have to + encounter, when I see how much trouble a handful of British soldiers in + Canada has given us. No. It cannot be our interest that all Europe should + be reduced to a single monarchy. The true line of interest for us is, that + Bonaparte should be able to effect the complete exclusion of England from + the whole continent of Europe, in order, as the same letter said, ‘by this + peaceable engine of constraint, to make her renounce her views of dominion + over the ocean, of permitting no other nation to navigate it but with her + license, and on tribute to her, and her aggressions on the persons of our + citizens who may choose to exercise their right of passing over that + element.’ And this would be effected by Bonaparte’s succeeding so far as + to close the Baltic against her. This success I wished him the last year, + this I wish him this year; but were he again advanced to Moscow, I should + again wish him such disasters as would prevent his reaching Petersburg. + And were the consequences even to be the longer continuance of our war, I + would rather meet them, than see the whole force of Europe wielded by a + single hand. + </p> + <p> + I have gone into this explanation, my friend, because I know you will not + carry my letter to the newspapers, and because I am willing to entrust to + your discretion the explaining me to our honest fellow-laborers, and the + bringing them to pause and reflect, if any of them have not sufficiently + reflected on the extent of the success we ought to wish to Bonaparte, with + a view to our own interests only; and even were we not men, to whom + nothing human should be indifferent. But is our particular interest to + make us insensible to all sentiments of morality? Is it then become + criminal, the moral wish that the torrents of blood this man is shedding + in Europe, the sufferings of so many human beings, good as ourselves, on + whose necks he is trampling, the burnings of ancient cities, devastations + of great countries, the destruction of law and order, and demoralization + of the world, should be arrested, even if it should place our peace a + little further distant? No. You and I cannot differ in wishing that + Russia, and Sweden, and Denmark, and Germany, and Spain, and Portugal, and + Italy, and even England, may retain their independence. And if we differ + in our opinions about Towers and his four beasts and ten kingdoms, we + differ as friends, indulging mutual errors, and doing justice to mutual + sincerity and honesty. In this spirit of sincere confidence and affection, + I pray God to bless you here and hereafter. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0117" id="link2H_4_0117"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXVII.—TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES, January 2,1814 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 2,1814. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of November the 25th reached this place December the 21st, + having been near a month on the way. How this could happen I know not, as + we have two mails a week both from Fredericksburg and Richmond. It found + me just returned from a long journey and absence, during which so much + business had accumulated, commanding the first attentions, that another + week has been added to the delay. + </p> + <p> + I deplore, with you, the putrid state into which our newspapers have + passed, and the malignity, the vulgarity, and mendacious spirit of those + who write for them; and I enclose you a recent sample, the production of a + New England judge, as a proof of the abyss of degradation into which we + are fallen. These ordures are rapidly depraving the public taste, and + lessening its relish for sound food. As vehicles of information, and a + curb on our functionaries, they have rendered themselves useless, by + forfeiting all title to belief. That this has, in a great degree, been + produced by the violence and malignity of party spirit, I agree with you; + and I have read with great pleasure the paper you enclosed me on that + subject, which I now return. It is at the same time a perfect model of the + style of discussion which candor and decency should observe, of the tone + which renders difference of opinion even amiable, and a succinct, correct, + and dispassionate history of the origin and progress of party among us. It + might be incorporated, as it stands, and without changing a word, into the + history of the present epoch, and would give to posterity a fairer view of + the times than they will probably derive from other sources. In reading + it, with great satisfaction, there was but a single passage where I wished + a little more developement of a very sound and catholic idea; a single + intercalation to rest it solidly on true bottom. It is near the end of the + first page, where you make a statement of genuine republican maxims; + saying, ‘that the people ought to possess as much political power as can + possibly consist with the order and security of society.’ Instead of this, + I would say, ‘that the people, being the only safe depository of power, + should exercise in person every function which their qualifications enable + them to exercise consistently with the order and security of society; that + we now find them equal to the election of those who shall be invested with + their executive and legislative powers, and to act themselves in the + judiciary, as judges in questions of fact; that the range of their powers + ought to be enlarged,’ &c. This gives both the reason and + exemplification of the maxim you express, ‘that they ought to possess as + much political power,’ &c. I see nothing to correct either in your + facts or principles. + </p> + <p> + You say that in taking General Washington on your shoulders, to bear him + harmless through the federal coalition, you encounter a perilous topic. I + do not think so. You have given the genuine history of the course of his + mind through the trying scenes in which it was engaged, and of the + seductions by which it was deceived, but not depraved. I think I knew + General Washington intimately and thoroughly; and were I called on to + delineate his character, it should be in terms like these. + </p> + <p> + His mind was great and powerful, without being of the very first order; + his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of a Newton, Bacon, or + Locke; and as far as he saw, no judgment was ever sounder. It was slow in + operation, being little aided by invention or imagination, but sure in + conclusion. Hence the common remark of his officers, of the advantage he + derived from councils of war, where, hearing all suggestions, he selected + whatever was best; and certainly no General ever planned his battles more + judiciously. But if deranged during the course of the action, if any + member of his plan was dislocated by sudden circumstances, he was slow in + a re-adjustment. The consequence was, that he often failed in the field, + and rarely against an enemy in station, as at Boston and York. He was + incapable of fear, meeting personal dangers with the calmest unconcern. + Perhaps the strongest feature in his character was prudence, never acting + until every circumstance, every consideration, was maturely weighed; + refraining if he saw a doubt, but, when once decided, going through with + his purpose, whatever obstacles opposed. His integrity was most pure, his + justice the most inflexible I have ever known, no motives of interest or + consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. + He was, indeed, in every sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great + man. His temper was naturally irritable and high-toned; but reflection and + resolution had obtained a firm and habitual ascendancy over it. If ever, + however, it broke its bonds, he was most tremendous in his wrath. In his + expenses he was honorable, but exact; liberal in contributions to whatever + promised utility; but frowning and unyielding on all visionary projects, + and all unworthy calls on his charity. His heart was not warm in its + affections; but he exactly calculated every man’s value, and gave him a + solid esteem proportioned to it. His person, you know, was fine, his + stature exactly what one would wish, his deportment easy, erect, and + noble; the best horseman of his age, and the most, graceful figure that + could be seen on horseback. Although in the circle of his friends, where + he might be unreserved with safety, he took a free share in conversation, + his colloquial talents were not above mediocrity, possessing neither + copiousness of ideas, nor fluency of words. In public, when called on for + a sudden opinion, he was unready, short, and embarrassed. Yet he wrote + readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and correct style. This he had + acquired by conversation with the world, for his education was merely + reading, writing, and common arithmetic, to which he added surveying at a + later day. His time was employed in action chiefly, reading little, and + that only in agriculture and English history. His correspondence became + necessarily extensive, and, with journalizing his agricultural + proceedings, occupied most of his leisure hours within doors. On the + whole, his character was, in its mass, perfect, in nothing bad, in few + points indifferent; and it may truly be said, that never did nature and + fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great, and to place him in + the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited from man an + everlasting remembrance. For his was the singular destiny and merit, of + leading the armies of his country successfully through an arduous war, for + the establishment of its independence; of conducting its councils through + the birth of a government, new in its forms and principles, until it had + settled down into a quiet and orderly train; and of scrupulously obeying + the laws through the whole of his career, civil and military, of which the + history of the world furnishes no other example. How, then, can it be + perilous for you to take such a man on your shoulders? I am satisfied the + great body of republicans think of him as I do. We were, indeed, + dissatisfied with him on his ratification of the British treaty. But this + was short-lived. We knew his honesty, the wiles with which he was + encompassed, and that age had already begun to relax the firmness of his + purposes; and I am convinced he is more deeply seated in the love and + gratitude of the republicans, than in the Pharisaical homage of the + federal monarchists. For he was no monarchist from preference of his + judgment. The soundness of that gave him correct views of the rights of + man, and his severe justice devoted him to them. He has often declared to + me that he considered our new constitution as an experiment on the + practicability of republican government, and with what dose of liberty man + could be trusted for his own good; that he was determined the experiment + should have a fair trial, and would lose the last drop of his blood in + support of it. And these declarations he repeated to me the oftener and + the more pointedly, because he knew my suspicions of Colonel Hamilton’s + views, and probably had heard from him the same declarations which I had, + to wit, ‘that the British constitution, with its unequal representation, + corruption, and other existing abuses, was the most perfect government + which had ever been established on earth, and that a reformation of these + abuses would make it an impracticable government.’ I do believe that + General Washington had not a firm confidence in the durability of our + government. He was naturally distrustful of men, and inclined to gloomy + apprehensions: and I was ever persuaded that a belief that we must at + length end in something like a British constitution, had some weight in + his adoption of the ceremonies of levees, birthdays, pompous meetings with + Congress, and other forms of the same character, calculated to prepare us + gradually for a change which he believed possible, and to let it come on + with as little shock as might be to the public mind. + </p> + <p> + These are my opinions of General Washington, which I would vouch at the + judgment-seat of God, having been formed on an acquaintance of thirty + years. I served with him in the Virginia legislature from 1769 to the + Revolutionary war, and again, a short time in Congress, until he left us + to take command of the army. During the war and after it we corresponded + Occasionally, and in the four years of my continuance in the office of + Secretary of State, our intercourse was daily, confidential, and cordial. + After I retired from that office, great and malignant pains were taken by + our federal monarchists, and not entirely without effect, to make him view + me as a theorist, holding French principles of government, which would + lead infallibly to licentiousness and anarchy. And to this he listened the + more easily, from my known disapprobation of the British treaty. I never + saw him afterwards, or these malignant insinuations should have been + dissipated before his just judgment, as mists before the sun. I felt on + his death, with my countrymen, that ‘verily a great man hath fallen this + day in Israel.’ + </p> + <p> + More time and recollection would enable me to add many other traits of his + character; but why add them to you, who knew him well? And I cannot + justify to myself a longer detention of your paper. + </p> + <p> + <i>Vale, proprieque tuum me esse tibi persuadeas</i>. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0118" id="link2H_4_0118"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXVIII.—TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, January 31, 1814 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, January 31, 1814. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 23d is received. Say had come to hand safely. But I + regretted having asked the return of him; for I did not find in him one + new idea on the subject I had been contemplating; nothing more than a + succinct, judicious digest of the tedious pages of Smith. + </p> + <p> + You ask my opinion on the question, whether the States can add any + qualifications to those which the constitution has prescribed for their + members of Congress? It is a question I had never before reflected on; yet + had taken up an off-hand opinion, agreeing with your first, that they + could not: that to add new qualifications to those of the constitution, + would be as much an alteration, as to detract from them. And so I think + the House of Representatives of Congress decided in some case; I believe + that of a member from Baltimore. But your letter having induced me to look + into the constitution, and to consider the question a little, I am again + in your predicament, of doubting the correctness of my first opinion. Had + the constitution been silent, nobody can doubt but that the right to + prescribe all the qualifications and disqualifications of those they would + send to represent them, would have belonged to the State. So also the + constitution might have prescribed the whole, and excluded all others. It + seems to have preferred the middle way. It has exercised the power in + part, by declaring some disqualifications, to wit, those of not being + twenty-five years of age, of not having been a citizen seven years, and of + not being an inhabitant of the State at the time of election. But it does + not declare, itself, that the member shall not be a lunatic, a pauper, a + convict of treason, of murder, of felony, or other infamous crime, or a + non-resident of his district; nor does it prohibit to the State the power + of declaring these, or any other disqualifications which its particular + circumstances may call for: and these may be different in different + States. Of course, then, by the tenth amendment, the power is reserved to + the State. If, wherever the constitution assumes a single power out of + many which belong to the same subject, we should consider it as assuming + the whole, it would vest the General Government with a mass of powers + never contemplated. On the contrary, the assumption of particular powers + seems an exclusion of all not assumed. This reasoning appears to me to be + sound; but, on so recent a change of view, caution requires us not to be + too confident, and that we admit this to be one of the doubtful questions + on which honest men may differ with the purest motives; and the more + readily, as we find we have differed from ourselves on it. + </p> + <p> + I have always thought, that where the line of demarcation between the + powers of the General and State governments was doubtfully or indistinctly + drawn, it would be prudent and praiseworthy in both parties, never to + approach it but under the most urgent necessity. Is the necessity now + urgent, to declare that no non-resident of his district shall be eligible + as a member of Congress? It seems to me that, in practice, the + partialities of the people are a sufficient security against such an + election; and that if, in any instance, they should ever choose a + non-resident, it must be in one of such eminent merit and qualifications, + as would make it a good, rather than an evil; and that, in any event, the + examples will be so rare, as never to amount to a serious evil. If the + case then be neither clear nor urgent, would it not be better to let it + lie undisturbed? Perhaps its decision may never be called for. But if it + be indispensable to establish this disqualification now, would it not look + better to declare such others, at the same time, as may be proper? I + frankly confide to yourself these opinions, or rather no-opinions, of + mine; but would not wish to have them go any farther. I want to be quiet: + and although some circumstances now and then excite me to notice them, I + feel safe, and happier in leaving events to those whose turn it is to take + care of them; and, in general, to let it be understood, that I meddle + little or not at all with public affairs. There are two subjects, indeed, + which I shall claim a right to further as long as I breathe, the public + education and the subdivision of the counties into wards. I consider the + continuance of republican government as absolutely hanging on these two + hooks. Of the first, you will, I am sure, be an advocate, as having + already reflected on it, and of the last, when you shall have reflected. + Ever affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0119" id="link2H_4_0119"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXIX.—TO JOHN ADAMS, July 5, 1814 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, July 5, 1814 + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Since mine of January the 24th, yours of March the 14th has been received. + It was not acknowledged in the short one of May the 18th, by Mr. Rives, + the only object of that having been to enable one of our most promising + young men to have the advantage of making his bow to you. I learned with + great regret the serious illness mentioned in your letter; and I hope Mr. + Rives will be able to tell me you are entirely restored. But our machines + have now been running seventy or eighty years, and we must expect that, + worn as they are, here a pivot, there a wheel, now a pinion, next a + spring, will be giving way; and however we may tinker them up for a while, + all will at length surcease motion. Our watches, with works of brass and + steel, wear out within that period. Shall you and I last to see the course + the seven-fold wonders of the times will take? The Attila of the age + dethroned, the ruthless destroyer of ten millions of the human race, whose + thirst for blood appeared unquenchable, the great oppressor of the rights + and liberties of the world, shut up within the circuit of a little island + of the Mediterranean, and dwindled to the condition of an humble and + degraded pensioner on the bounty of those he has most injured. How + miserably, how meanly, has he closed his inflated career! What a sample of + the bathos will his history present! He should have perished on the swords + of his enemies, under the walls of Paris. + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0016" id="linkimage-0016"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page240.jpg" alt="Page240 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + But Bonaparte was a lion in the field only. In civil life, a cold-blooded, + calculating, unprincipled usurper, without a virtue; no statesman, knowing + nothing of commerce, political economy, or civil government, and supplying + ignorance by bold presumption. I had supposed him a great man until his + entrance into the Assembly <i>des Cinq Cens</i>, eighteenth <i>Brumaire</i> + (an 8.) From that date, however, I set him down as a great scoundrel only. + To the wonders of his rise and fall, we may add that of a Czar of Muscovy, + dictating, in Paris, laws and limits to all the successors of the Caesars, + and holding even the balance in which the fortunes of this new world are + suspended. I own, that while I rejoice, for the good of mankind, in the + deliverance of Europe from the havoc which would have never ceased while + Bonaparte should have lived in power, I see with anxiety the tyrant of the + ocean remaining in vigor, and even participating in the merit of crushing + his brother tyrant. While the world is thus turned upside down, on which + side of it are we? All the strong reasons, indeed, place us on the side of + peace; the interests of the continent, their friendly dispositions, and + even the interests of England. Her passions alone are opposed to it. Peace + would seem now to be an easy work, the causes of the war being removed. + Her orders of council will no doubt be taken care of by the allied powers, + and, war ceasing, her impressment of our seamen ceases of course. But I + fear there is foundation for the design intimated in the public papers, of + demanding a cession of our right in the fisheries. What will Massachusetts + say to this? I mean her majority, which must be considered as speaking + through the organs it has appointed itself, as the index of its will. She + chose to sacrifice the liberty of our sea-faring citizens, in which we + were all interested, and with them her obligations to the co-States, + rather than war with England. Will she now sacrifice the fisheries to the + same partialities? This question is interesting to her alone; for to the + middle, the southern, and western States, they are of no direct concern; + of no more than the culture of tobacco, rice, and cotton to Massachusetts. + I am really at a loss to conjecture what our refractory sister will say on + this occasion. I know what, as a citizen of the Union, I would say to her. + ‘Take this question ad referendum. It concerns you alone. If you would + rather, give up the fisheries than war with England, we give them up. If + you had rather fight for them, we will defend your interests to the last + drop of our blood, choosing rather to set a good example than follow a bad + one.’ And I hope she will determine to fight for them. With this, however, + you and I shall have nothing to do; ours being truly the case wherein ‘<i>Non + tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis, tempus eget</i>.’ Quitting this + subject, therefore, I will turn over another leaf. + </p> + <p> + I am just returned from one of my long absences, having been at my other + home for five weeks past. Having more leisure there than here for reading, + I amused myself with reading seriously Plato’s Republic. I am wrong, + however, in calling it amusement, for it was the heaviest task-work I ever + went through. I had occasionally before taken up some of his other works, + but scarcely ever had patience to go through a whole dialogue. While + wading through the whimsies, the puerilities, and unintelligible jargon of + this work, I laid it down often to ask myself, how it could have been that + the world should have so long consented to give reputation to such + nonsense as this. How the soi-disant Christian world, indeed, should have + done it, is a piece of historical curiosity. But how could the Roman good + sense do it? And particularly, how could Cicero bestow such eulogies on + Plato? Although Cicero did not wield the dense logic of Demosthenes, yet + he was able, learned, laborious, practised in the business of the world + and honest. He could not be the dupe of mere style, of which he was + himself the first master in the world. With the moderns, I think, it is + rather a matter of fashion and authority. Education is chiefly in the + hands of persons who, from their profession, have an interest in the + reputation and the dreams of Plato. They give the tone while at school, + and few in their after years have occasion to revise their college + opinions. But fashion and authority apart, and bringing Plato to the test + of reason, take from him, his sophisms, futilities, and + incomprehensibilities, and what remains? In truth, he is one of the race + of genuine sophists, who has escaped the oblivion of his brethren, first, + by the elegance of his diction, but chiefly by the adoption and + incorporation of his whimsies into the body of artificial Christianity. + His foggy mind is for ever presenting the semblances of objects which, + half seen through a mist, can be defined neither in form nor dimension. + Yet this, which should have consigned him to early oblivion, really + procured him immortality of fame and reverence. The Christian priesthood, + finding the doctrines of Christ levelled to every understanding, and too + plain to need explanation, saw in the mysticisms of Plato materials with + which they might build up an artificial system, which might, from its + indistinctness, admit everlasting controversy, give employment for their + order, and introduce it to profit, power, and pre-eminence. The doctrines + which flowed from the lips of Jesus himself are within the comprehension + of a child; but thousands of volumes have not yet explained the Platonisms + engrafted on them: and for this obvious reason, that nonsense can never be + explained. Their purposes, however, are answered. Plato is canonized: and + it is now deemed as impious to question his merits as those of an Apostle + of Jesus. He is peculiarly appealed to as an advocate of the immortality + of the soul; and yet I will venture to say, that were there no better + arguments than his in proof of it, not a man in the world would believe + it. It is fortunate for us, that Platonic republicanism has not obtained + the same favor as Platonic Christianity; or we should now have been all + living, men, women, and children, pell-mell together, like the beasts of + the field or forest. Yet ‘Plato is a great philosopher,’ said La Fontaine. + But, says Fontenelle, ‘Do you find his ideas very clear.’ ‘Oh, no! he is + of an obscurity impenetrable.’ ‘Do you not find him full of + contradictions?’ ‘Certainly,’ replied La Fontaine, ‘he is but a sophist.’ + Yet immediately after, he exclaims again, ‘Oh, Plato was a great + philosopher.’ Socrates had reason, indeed, to complain of the + misrepresentations of Plato; for, in truth, his dialogues are libels on + Socrates. + </p> + <p> + But why am I dosing you with these antediluvian topics? Because I am glad + to have some one to whom they are familiar, and who will not receive them + as if dropped from the moon. Our post-revolutionary youth are born under + happier stars than you and I were. They acquire all learning in their + mother’s womb, and bring it into the world ready made. The information of + books is no longer necessary; and all knowledge which is not innate is in + contempt, or neglect at least. Every folly must run its round; and so, I + suppose, must that of self-learning and self-sufficiency; of rejecting the + knowledge acquired in past ages, and starting on the new ground of + intuition. When sobered by experience, I hope our successors will turn + their attention to the advantages of education. I mean of education on the + broad scale, and not that of the petty academies, as they call themselves, + which are starting up in every neighborhood, and where one or two men, + possessing Latin, and sometimes Greek, a knowledge of the globes, and the + first six books of Euclid, imagine and communicate this as the sum of + science. They commit their pupils to the theatre of the world, with just + taste enough of learning to be alienated from industrious pursuits, and + not enough to do service in the ranks of science. We have some exceptions, + indeed. I presented one to you lately, and we have some others. But the + terms I use are general truths. I hope the necessity will, at length, be + seen of establishing institutions here, as in Europe, where every branch + of science, useful at this day, may be taught in its highest degree. Have + you ever turned your thoughts to the plan of such an institution? I mean + to a specification of the particular sciences of real use in human + affairs, and how they might be so grouped as to require so many professors + only, as might bring them within the views of a just but enlightened + economy? I should be happy in a communication of your ideas on this + problem, either loose or digested. But to avoid my being run away with by + another subject, and adding to the length and ennui of the present letter, + I will here present to Mrs. Adams and yourself, the assurance of my + constant and sincere friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0120" id="link2H_4_0120"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXX.—TO COLONEL MONROE, January 1, 1815 + </h2> + <h3> + TO COLONEL MONROE. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, January 1, 1815. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letters of November the 30th and December the 21st have been received + with great pleasure. A truth now and then projecting into the ocean of + newspaper lies, serves like headlands to correct our course. Indeed, my + scepticism as to every thing I see in a newspaper, makes me indifferent + whether I ever see one. The embarrassments at Washington, in August last, + I expected would be great in any state of things; but they proved greater + than expected. I never doubted that the plans of the President were wise + and sufficient. Their failure we all impute, 1. To the insubordinate + temper of Armstrong: and, 2. To the indecision of Winder. However, it ends + well. It mortifies ourselves, and so may check, perhaps, the silly + boasting spirit of our newspapers, and it enlists the feelings of the + world on our side: and the advantage of public opinion is like that of the + weather-gage in a naval action. In Europe, the transient possession of our + Capital can be no disgrace. Nearly every Capital there was in possession + of its enemy some often and long. But diabolical as they paint that enemy, + he burnt neither public edifices nor private dwellings. It was reserved + for England to show that Bonaparte, in atrocity, was an infant to their + ministers and their generals. They are taking his place in the eyes of + Europe, and have turned into our channel all its good will. This will be + worth the million of dollars the repairs of their conflagrations will cost + us. I hope that to preserve this weather-gage of public opinion, and to + counteract the slanders and falsehoods disseminated by the English papers, + the government will make it a standing instruction to their ministers at + foreign courts, to keep Europe truly informed of occurrences here, by + publishing in their papers the naked truth always, whether favorable or + unfavorable. For they will believe the good, if we candidly tell them the + bad also. + </p> + <p> + But you have two more serious causes of uneasiness; the want of men and + money. For the former, nothing more wise or efficient could have been + imagined than what you proposed. It would have filled our ranks with + regulars, and that, too, by throwing a just share of the burthen on the + purses of those whose persons are exempt either by age or office; and it + would have rendered our militia, like those of the Greeks and Romans, a + nation of warriors. But the go-by seems to have been given to your + proposition, and longer sufferance is necessary to force us to what is + best. We seem equally incorrigible in our financial course. Although a + century of British experience has proved to what a wonderful extent the + funding on specific redeeming taxes enables a nation to anticipitate in + war the resources of peace, and although the other nations of Europe have + tried and trodden every path of force or folly in fruitless quest of the + same object, yet we still expect to find, in juggling tricks and banking + dreams, that money can be made out of nothing, and in sufficient quantity + to meet the expenses of a heavy war by sea and land. It is said, indeed, + that money cannot be borrowed from our merchants as from those of England. + But it can be borrowed from our people. They will give you all the + necessaries of war they produce, if, instead of the bankrupt trash they + now are obliged to receive for want of any other, you will give them a + paper-promise funded on a specific pledge, and of a size for common + circulation. But you say the merchants will not take this paper. What the + people take the merchants must take, or sell nothing. All these doubts and + fears prove only the extent of the dominion which the banking institutions + have obtained over the minds of our citizens, and especially of those + inhabiting cities or other banking places; and this dominion must be + broken, or it will break us. But here, as in the other case, we must make + up our mind to suffer yet longer before we can get right. The misfortune + is, that in the mean time, we shall plunge ourselves into inextinguishable + debt, and entail on our posterity an inheritance of eternal taxes, which + will bring our government and people into the condition of those of + England, a nation of pikes and gudgeons, the latter bred merely as food + for the former. But, however these two difficulties of men and money may + be disposed of, it is fortunate that neither of them will affect our war + by sea. Privateers will find their own men and money. Let nothing be + spared to encourage them. They are the dagger which strikes at the heart + of the enemy, their commerce. Frigates and seventy-fours are a sacrifice + we must make, heavy as it is, to the prejudices of a part of our citizens. + They have, indeed, rendered a great moral service, which has delighted me + as much as any one in the United States. But they have had no physical + effect sensible to the enemy; and now, while we must fortify them in our + harbors, and keep armies to defend them, our privateers are bearding and + blockading the enemy in their own sea-ports. Encourage them to burn all + their prizes, and let the public pay for them. They will cheat us + enormously. No matter; they will make the merchants of England feel, and + squeal, and cry out for peace. + </p> + <p> + I much regretted your acceptance of the war department. Not that I know a + person who I think would better conduct it. But, conduct it ever so + wisely, it will be a sacrifice of yourself. Were an angel from Heaven to + undertake that office, all our miscarriages would be ascribed to him. Raw + troops, no troops, insubordinate militia, want of arms, want of money, + want of provisions, all will be charged to want of management in you. I + speak from experience, when I was Governor of Virginia. Without a regular + in the State, and scarcely a musket to put into the hands of the militia, + invaded by two armies, Arnold’s from the sea-board, and Cornwallis’s from + the southward,—when we were driven from Richmond and + Charlottesville, and every member of my council fled to their homes, it + was not the total destitution of means, but the mismanagement of them, + which, in the querulous voice of the public, caused all our misfortunes. + It ended, indeed, in the capture of the whole hostile force, but not till + means were brought us by General Washington’s army, and the French fleet + and army. And although the legislature, who were personally intimate with + both the means and measures, acquitted me with justice and thanks, yet + General Lee has put all those imputations among the romances of his + historical novel, for the amusement of credulous and uninquisitive + readers. Not that I have seen the least disposition to censure you. On the + contrary, your conduct on the attack of Washington has met the praises of + every one, and your plan for regulars and militia, their approbation. But + no campaign is as yet opened. No generals have yet an interest in shifting + their own incompetence on you, no army agents, their rogueries. I + sincerely pray you may never meet censure where you will deserve most + praise, and that your own happiness and prosperity may be the result of + your patriotic services. + </p> + <p> + Ever and affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0121" id="link2H_4_0121"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXI.—TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, February 14, 1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 14, 1815. + </p> + <p> + Mr Dear Friend, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of August the 14th has been received and read, again and + again, with extraordinary pleasure. It is the first glimpse which has been + furnished me of the interior workings of the late unexpected but fortunate + revolution of your country. The newspapers told us only that the great + beast was fallen; but what part in this the patriots acted, and what the + egoists, whether the former slept while the latter were awake to their own + interests only, the hireling scribblers of the English press said little, + and knew less. I see now the mortifying alternative under which the + patriot there is placed, of being either silent, or disgraced by an + association in opposition with the remains of Bonaparteism. A full measure + of liberty is not now perhaps to be expected by your nation; nor am I + confident they are prepared to preserve it. More than a generation will be + requisite, under the administration of reasonable laws favoring the + progress of knowledge in the general mass of the people, and their + habituation to an independent security of person and property, before they + will be capable of estimating the value of freedom, and the necessity of a + sacred adherence to the principles on which it rests for preservation. + Instead of that liberty which takes root and growth in the progress of + reason, if recovered by mere force or accident, it becomes, with an + unprepared people, a tyranny still, of the many, the few, or the one. + Possibly you may remember, at the date of the <i>jeu de paume</i>, how + earnestly I urged yourself and the patriots of my acquaintance to enter + then into a compact with the King, securing freedom of religion, freedom + of the press, trial by jury, habeas corpus, and a national legislature, + all of which it was known he would then yield, to go home, and let these + work on the amelioration of the condition of the people, until they should + have rendered them capable of more, when occasions would not fail to arise + for communicating to them more. This was as much as I then thought them + able to bear, soberly and usefully for themselves. You thought otherwise, + and that the dose might still be larger. And I found you were right; for + subsequent events proved they were equal to the constitution of 1791. + Unfortunately, some of the most honest and enlightened of our patriotic + friends (but closet politicians merely, unpractised in the knowledge of + man) thought more could still be obtained and borne. They did not weigh + the hazards of a transition from one form of government to another, the + value of what they had already rescued from those hazards, and might hold + in security if they pleased, nor the imprudence of giving up the certainty + of such a degree of liberty, under a limited monarch, for the uncertainty + of a little more under the form of a republic. You differed from them. You + were for stopping there, and for securing the constitution which the + National Assembly had obtained. Here, too, you were right; and from this + fatal error of the republicans, from their separation from yourself and + the constitutionalists, in their councils, flowed all the subsequent + sufferings and crimes of the French nation. The hazards of a second change + fell upon them by the way. The foreigner gained time to anarchize by gold + the government he could not overthrow by arms, to crush in their own + councils the genuine republicans, by the fraternal embraces of exaggerated + and hired pretenders, and to turn the machine of Jacobinism from the + change to the destruction of order: and, in the end, the limited monarchy + they had secured was exchanged for the unprincipled and bloody tyranny of + Robespierre, and the equally unprincipled and maniac tyranny of Bonaparte. + You are now rid of him, and I sincerely wish you may continue so. But this + may depend on the wisdom and moderation of the restored dynasty. It is for + them now to read a lesson in the fatal errors of the republicans; to be + contented with a certain portion of power, secured by formal compact with + the nation, rather than, grasping at more, hazard all upon uncertainty, + and risk meeting the fate of their predecessor, or a renewal of their own + exile. We are just informed, too, of an example which merits, if true, + their most profound contemplation. The gazettes say, that Ferdinand of + Spain is dethroned, and his father re-established on the basis of their + new constitution. This order of magistrates must, therefore, see, that + although the attempts at reformation have not succeeded in their whole + length, and some secession from the ultimate point has taken place, yet + that men have by no means fallen back to their former passiveness; but on + the contrary, that a sense of their rights, and a restlessness to obtain + them, remain deeply impressed on every mind, and, if not quieted by + reasonable relaxations of power, will break out like a volcano on the + first occasion, and overwhelm every thing again in its way. I always + thought the present King an honest and moderate man: and having no issue, + he is under a motive the less for yielding to personal considerations. I + cannot, therefore, but hope, that the patriots in and out of your + legislature, acting in phalanx, but temperately and wisely, pressing + unremittingly the principles omitted in the late capitulation of the King, + and watching the occasions which the course of events will create, may get + those principles engrafted into it, and sanctioned by the solemnity of a + national act. + </p> + <p> + With us the affairs of war have taken the more favorable turn which was to + be expected. Our thirty years of peace had taken off, or superannuated, + all our revolutionary officers of experience and grade; and our first + draught in the lottery of untried characters had been most unfortunate. + The delivery of the fort and army of Detroit, by the traitor Hull; the + disgrace at Queenstown, under Van Rensellaer; the massacre at Frenchtown, + under Winchester; and surrender of Boerstler in an open field to one third + of his own numbers, were the inauspicious beginnings of the first year of + our warfare. The second witnessed but the single miscarriage occasioned by + the disagreement of Wilkinson and Hampton, mentioned in my letter to you + of November the 30th, 1813; while it gave us the capture of York by + Dearborn and Pike; the capture of Fort George by Dearborn also; the + capture of Proctor’s army on the Thames by Harrison, Shelby, and Johnson; + and that of the whole British fleet on Lake Erie by Perry. The third year + has been a continued series of victories; to wit, of Brown and Scott at + Chippeway; of the same at Niagara; of Gaines over Drummond at Fort Erie; + that of Brown over Drummond at the same place; the capture of another + fleet on Lake Champlain by M’Donough; the entire defeat of their army + under Prevost, on the same day, by M’Comb, and recently their defeats at + New Orleans by Jackson, Coffee, and Carroll, with the loss of four + thousand men out of nine thousand and six hundred, with their two + Generals, Packingham and Gibbs killed, and a third, Keane, wounded, + mortally, as is said. + </p> + <p> + This series of successes has been tarnished only by the conflagrations at + Washington, a <i>coup de main</i> differing from that at Richmond, which + you remember, in the revolutionary war, in the circumstance only, that we + had, in that case, but forty-eight hour’s notice that an enemy had arrived + within our capes; whereas at Washington there was abundant previous + notice. The force designated by the President was the double of what was + necessary; but failed, as is the general opinion, through the + insubordination of Armstrong, who would never believe the attack intended + until it was actually made, and the sluggishness of Winder before the + occasion, and his indecision during it. Still, in the end, the transaction + has helped rather than hurt us, by arousing the general indignation of our + country, and by marking to the world of Europe the Vandalism and brutal + character of the English government. It has merely served to immortalize + their infamy. And add further, that through the whole period of the war, + we have beaten them single-handed at sea, and so thoroughly established + our superiority over them with equal force, that they retire from that + kind of contest, and never suffer their frigates to cruise singly. The + Endymion would never have engaged the frigate President, but knowing + herself backed by three frigates and a razee, who, though somewhat slower + sailors, would get up before she could be taken. The disclosure to the + world of the fatal secret that they can be beaten at sea with an equal + force, the evidence furnished by the military operations of the last year + that experience is rearing us officers, who, when our means shall be fully + under way, will plant our standard on the walls of Quebec and Halifax, + their recent and signal disaster at New Orleans, and the evaporation of + their hopes from the Hartford Convention, will probably raise a clamor in + the British nation, which will force their ministry into peace. I say + force them; because, willingly, they would never be at peace. The British + ministers find in a state of war rather than of peace, by riding the + various contractors, and receiving douceurs on the vast expenditures of + the war supplies, that they recruit their broken fortunes, or make new + ones, and therefore will not make peace, as long as by any delusions they + can keep the temper of the nation up to the war point. They found some + hopes on the state of our finances. It is true, that the excess of our + banking institutions, and their present discredit, have shut us out from + the best source of credit we could ever command with certainty. But the + foundations of credit still remain to us, and need but skill, which + experience will soon produce, to marshal them into an order which may + carry us through any length of war. But they have hoped more in their + Hartford Convention. Their fears of republican France being now done away, + they are directed to republican America, and they are playing the same + game for disorganization here, which they played in your country. The + Marats, the Dantons, and Robespierres of Massachusetts are in the same + pay, under the same orders, and making the same efforts to anarchize us, + that their prototypes in France did there. + </p> + <p> + I do not say that all who met at Hartford were under the same motives of + money: nor were those of France. Some of them are Outs, and wish to be + Ins; some the mere dupes of the agitators, or of their own party passions; + while the Maratists alone are in the real secret: but they have very + different materials to work on. The yeomanry of the United States are not + the canaille of Paris. We might safely give them leave to go through the + United States recruiting their ranks, and I am satisfied they could not + raise one single regiment (gambling merchants and silk-stocking clerks + excepted), who would support them in any effort to separate from the + Union. The cement of this Union is in the heart-blood of every American. I + do not believe there is on earth a government established on so immovable + a basis. Let them, in any State, even in Massachusetts itself, raise the + standard of separation, and its citizens will rise in mass, and do justice + themselves on their own incendiaries. If they could have induced the + government to some effort of suppression, or even to enter into discussion + with them, it would have given them some importance, have brought them + into some notice. But they have not been able to make themselves even a + subject of conversation, either of public or private societies. A silent + contempt has been the sole notice they could excite; consoled, indeed, + some of them, by the palpable favors of Philip. Have then no fears for us, + my friend. The grounds of these exist only in English newspapers, endited + or endowed by the Castlereaghs or the Cannings, or some other such models + of pure and uncorrupted virtue. Their military heroes, by land and sea, + may sink our oyster-boats, rob our hen-roosts, burn our negro-huts, and + run off. But a campaign or two more will relieve them from further trouble + or expense in defending their American possessions. + </p> + <p> + You once gave me a copy of the journal of your campaign in Virginia, in + 1781, which I must have lent to some one of the undertakers to write the + history of the revolutionary war, and forgot to reclaim. I conclude this, + because it is no longer among my papers, which I have very diligently + searched for it, but in vain. An author of real ability is now writing + that part of the history of Virginia. He does it in my neighborhood, and I + lay open to him all my papers. But I possess none, nor has he any, which + can enable him to do justice to your faithful and able services in that + campaign. If you could be so good as to send me another copy, by the very + first vessel bound to any port of the United States, it might be here in + time; for although he expects to begin to print within a month or two, yet + you know the delays of these undertakings. At any rate, it might be got in + as a supplement. The old Count Rochambeau gave me also his memoire of the + operations at York, which is gone the same way, and I have no means of + applying to his family for it. Perhaps you could render them as well as + us, the service of procuring another copy. + </p> + <p> + I learn, with real sorrow, the deaths of Monsieur and Madame de Tesse. + They made an interesting part in the idle reveries in which I have + sometimes indulged myself, of seeing all my friends of Paris once more, + for a month or two; a thing impossible, which, however, I never permitted + myself to despair of. The regrets, however, of seventy-three at the loss + of friends, may be the less, as the time is shorter within which we are to + meet again, according to the creed of our education. + </p> + <p> + This letter will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman of + Boston, of great erudition, indefatigable industry, and preparation for a + life of distinction, in his own country. He passed a few days with me + here, brought high recommendations from Mr. Adams and others, and appeared + in every respect to merit them. He is well worthy of those attentions + which you so kindly bestow on our countrymen, and for those he may receive + I shall join him in acknowledging personal obligations. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship + and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th; Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P.S. February 26. My letter had not yet been sealed, when I received news + of our peace. I am glad of it, and especially that we closed our war with + the eclat of the action at New Orleans. But I consider it as an armistice + only, because no security is provided against the impressment of our + seamen. While this is unsettled we are in hostility of mind with England, + although actual deeds of arms may be suspended by a truce. If she thinks + the exercise of this outrage is worth eternal war, eternal war it must be, + or extermination of the one or the other party. The first act of + impressment she commits on an American, will be answered by reprisal, or + by a declaration of war here; and the interval must be merely a state of + preparation for it. In this we have much to do, in further fortifying our + seaport towns, providing military stores, classing and disciplining our + militia, arranging our financial, system, and above all, pushing our + domestic manufactures, which have taken such root as never again can be + shaken. Once more, God bless you. T.J. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0122" id="link2H_4_0122"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXII.*—TO MR. WENDOVER, March 13, 1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. WENDOVER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 13, 1815. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [* This is endorsed;’ not sent.‘] +</pre> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of January the 30th was received after long delay on the road, + and I have to thank you for the volume of Discourses which you have been + so kind as to send me. I have gone over them with great satisfaction, and + concur with the able preacher in his estimate of the character of the + belligerents in our late war, and lawfulness of defensive war. I consider + the war, with him, as ‘made on good advice,’ that is, for just causes, and + its dispensation as providential, inasmuch, as it has exercised our + patriotism and submission to order, has planted and invigorated among us + arts of urgent necessity, has manifested the strong and the weak parts of + our republican institutions, and the excellence of a representative + democracy compared with the misrule of Kings, has rallied the opinions of + mankind to the natural rights of expatriation, and of a common property in + the ocean, and raised us to that grade in the scale of nations which the + bravery and liberality of our citizen soldiers, by land and by sea, the + wisdom of our institutions and their observance of justice, entitled us to + in the eyes of the world. All this Mr. McLeod has well proved, and from + those sources of argument particularly which belong to his profession. On + one question only I differ from him, and it is that which constitutes the + subject of his first discourse, the right of discussing public affairs in + the pulpit. I add the last words, because I admit the right in general + conversation and in writing; in which last form it has been exercised in + the valuable book you have now favored me with. + </p> + <p> + The mass of human concerns, moral and physical, is so vast, the field of + knowledge requisite for man to conduct them to the best advantage is so + extensive, that no human being can acquire the whole himself, and much + less in that degree necessary for the instruction of others. It has of + necessity, then, been distributed into different departments, each of + which, singly, may give occupation enough to the whole time and attention + of a single individual. Thus we have teachers of Languages, teachers of + Mathematics, of Natural Philosophy, of Chemistry, of Medicine, of Law, of + History, of Government, &c. Religion, too, is a separate department, + and happens to be the only one deemed requisite for all men, however high + or low. Collections of men associate together, under the name of + congregations, and employ a religious teacher of the particular sect of + opinions of which they happen to be, and contribute to make up a stipend + as a compensation for the trouble of delivering them, at such periods as + they agree on, lessons in the religion they profess. If they want + instruction in other sciences or arts, they apply to other instructers; + and this is generally the business of early life. But I suppose there is + not an instance of a single congregation which has employed their preacher + for the mixt purpose of lecturing them from the pulpit, in Chemistry, in + Medicine, in Law, in the science and principles of Government, or in any + thing but Religion exclusively. Whenever, therefore, preachers, instead of + a lesson in religion, put them off with a discourse on the Copernican + system, on chemical affinities, on the construction of government, or the + characters or conduct of those administering it, it is a breach of + contract, depriving their audience of the kind of service for which they + are salaried, and giving them, instead it, what they did not want, or if + wanted, would rather seek from better sources in that particular art or + science. In choosing our pastor we look to his religious qualifications, + without inquiring into his physical or political dogmas, with which we + mean to have nothing to do. I am aware that arguments may be found, which + may twist a thread of politics into the cord of religious duties. So may + they for every other branch of human art or science. Thus, for example, it + is a religious duty to obey the laws of our country: the teacher of + religion, therefore, must instruct us in those laws, that we may know how + to obey them. It is a religious duty to assist our sick neighbors: the + preacher must, therefore, teach us medicine, that we may do it + understandingly. It is a religious duty to preserve our own health: our + religious teacher, then, must tell us what dishes are wholesome, and give + us recipes in cookery, that we may learn how to prepare them. And so + ingenuity, by generalizing more and more, may amalgamate all the branches + of science into any one of them, and the physician who is paid to visit + the sick, may give a sermon instead of medicine; and the merchant to whom + money is sent for a hat, may send a handkerchief instead of it. But not + withstanding this possible confusion of all sciences into one, common + sense draws lines between them sufficiently distinct for the general + purposes of life, and no one is at a loss to understand that a recipe in + medicine or cookery, or a demonstration in geometry, is not a lesson in + religion. I do not deny that a congregation may, if they please, agree + with their preacher that he shall instruct them in Medicine also, or Law, + or Politics. Then, lectures in these, from the pulpit, become not only a + matter of right, but of duty also. But this must be with the consent of + every individual; because the association being voluntary, the mere + majority has no right to apply the contributions of the minority to + purposes unspecified in the agreement of the congregation. I agree, too, + that on all other occasions the preacher has the right, equally with every + other citizen, to express his sentiments, in speaking or writing, on the + subjects of Medicine, Law, Politics, he, his leisure time being his own, + and his congregation not obliged to listen to his conversation, or to read + his writings; and no one would have regretted more than myself, had any + scruple as to this right, withheld from us the valuable discourses which + have led to the expression of an opinion as to the true limits of the + right. I feel my portion of indebtment to the reverend author, for the + distinguished learning, the logic, and the eloquence, with which he had + proved that religion, as well as reason, confirms the soundness of those + principles on which our government has been founded and its rights + asserted. + </p> + <p> + These are my views of this question. They are in opposition to those of + the highly respected and able preacher, and are therefore the more + doubtingly offered. Difference of opinion leads to inquiry, and inquiry to + truth; and that, I am sure, is the ultimate and sincere object of us both. + We both value too much the freedom of opinion sanctioned by our + constitution, not to cherish its exercise even where in opposition to + ourselves. + </p> + <p> + Unaccustomed to reserve or mystery in the expression of my opinions, I + have opened myself frankly on a question suggested by your letter and + present. And although I have not the honor of your acquaintance, this mark + of attention, and still more the sentiments of esteem so kindly expressed + in your letter, are entitled to a confidence that observations not + intended for the public will not be ushered to their notice, as has + happened to me sometimes. Tranquillity, at my age, is the balm of life. + While I know I am safe in the honor and charity of a McLeod, I do not wish + to be cast forth to the Marats, the Dantons, and the Robespierres of the + priesthood: I mean the Parishes, the Osgoods, and the Gardiners of + Massachusetts. + </p> + <p> + I pray you to accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0123" id="link2H_4_0123"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXIII.—TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY, March 16, 1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 16, 1815. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Friend and Ancient Colleague, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of February the 19th has been received with very sincere + pleasure. It recalls to memory the sociability, the friendship, and the + harmony of action which united personal happiness with public duties, + during the portion of our lives in which we acted together. Indeed, the + affectionate harmony of our cabinet is among the sweetest of my + recollections. I have just received a letter of friendship from General + Dearborn. He writes me that he is now retiring from every species of + public occupation, to pass the remainder of life as a private citizen; and + he promises me a visit in the course of the summer. As you hold out a hope + of the same gratification, if chance or purpose could time your visits + together, it would make a real jubilee. But come as you will, or as you + can, it will always be joy enough to me. Only you must give me a month’s + notice; because I go three or four times a year to a possession ninety + miles southwestward, and am absent a month at a time, and the + mortification would be indelible of losing such a visit by a mistimed + absence. You will find me in habitual good health, great contentedness, + enfeebled in body, impaired in memory, but without decay in my + friendships. + </p> + <p> + Great, indeed, have been the revolutions in the world, since you and I + have had any thing to do with it. To me they have been like the howlings + of the winter storm over the battlements, while warm in my bed. The + unprincipled tyrant of the land is fallen, his power reduced to its + original nothingness, his person only not yet in the mad-house, where it + ought always to have been. His equally unprincipled competitor, the tyrant + of the ocean, in the mad-house indeed, in person, but his power still + stalking over the deep. ‘<i>Quem deus vult perdere, prius dementat</i>.’ + The madness is acknowledged; the perdition of course impending. Are we to + be the instruments? A friendly, a just, and a reasonable conduct on their + part, might make us the main pillar of their prosperity and existence. But + their deep-rooted hatred to us seems to be the means which Providence + permits to lead them to their final catastrophe. ‘<i>Nullam enim in terris + gentem esse, nullum infestiorem populum, nomini Romano</i>, said the + General who erased Capua from the list of powers. What nourishment and + support would not England receive from an hundred millions of industrious + descendants, whom some of her people now born will live to see here. What + their energies are, she has lately tried. And what has she not to fear + from an hundred millions of such men, if she continues her maniac course + of hatred and hostility to them. I hope in God she will change. There is + not a nation on the globe with whom I have more earnestly wished a + friendly intercourse on equal conditions. On no other would I hold out the + hand of friendship to any. I know that their creatures represent me as + personally an enemy to England. But fools only can believe this, or those + who think me a fool. I am an enemy to her insults and injuries. I am an + enemy to the flagitious principles of her administration, and to those + which govern her conduct towards other nations. But would she give to + morality some place in her political code, and especially would she + exercise decency, and at least neutral passions towards us, there is not, + I repeat it, a people on earth with whom I would sacrifice so much to be + in friendship. They can do us, as enemies, more harm than any other + nation; and in peace and in war, they have more means of disturbing us + internally. Their merchants established among us, the bonds by which our + own are chained to their feet, and the banking combinations interwoven + with the whole, have shown the extent of their control, even during a war + with her. They are the workers of all the embarrassments our finances have + experienced during the war. Declaring themselves bankrupt, they have been + able still to chain the government to a dependence on them; and had the + war continued, they would have reduced us to the inability to command a + single dollar. They dared to proclaim that they would not pay their own + paper obligations, yet our government could not venture to avail + themselves of this opportunity of sweeping their paper from the + circulation, and substituting their own notes bottomed on specific taxes + for redemption, which every one would have eagerly taken and trusted, + rather than the baseless trash of bankrupt companies; our government, I + say, have still been overawed from a contest with them, and have even + countenanced and strengthened their influence, by proposing new + establishments, with authority to swindle yet greater sums from our + citizens. This is the British influence to which I am an enemy, and which + we must subject to our government, or it will subject us to that of + Britain. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Come and gratify, by seeing you once more, a friend, who assures you with + sincerity of his constant and affectionate attachment and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0124" id="link2H_4_0124"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXIV.—TO GENERAL DEARBORN, March 17, 1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO GENERAL DEARBORN. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 17, 1815. + </p> + <p> + My Dear General, Friend, and Ancient Colleague, + </p> + <p> + I have received your favor of February the 27th, with very great pleasure, + and sincerely reciprocate congratulations on the late events. Peace was + indeed desirable; yet it would not have been as welcome without the + successes of New Orleans. These last have established truths too important + not to be valued; that the people of Louisiana are sincerely attached to + the Union; that their city can be defended; that the western States make + its defence their peculiar concern; that the militia are brave; that their + deadly aim countervails the manoeuvring skill of their enemy; that we have + officers of natural genius now starting forward from the mass; and that, + putting together all our conflicts, we can beat the British, by sea and by + land, with equal numbers. All this being now proved, I am glad of the + pacification of Ghent, and shall still be more so, if, by a reasonable + arrangement against impressment, they will make it truly a treaty of + peace, and not a mere truce, as we must all consider it, until the + principle of the war is settled. Nor, among the incidents of the war, will + we forget your services. After the disasters produced by the treason or + the cowardice, or both, of Hull, and the follies of some others, your + capture of York and Fort George first turned the tide of success in our + favor; and the subsequent campaigns sufficiently wiped away the disgraces + of the first. If it were justifiable to look to your own happiness only, + your resolution to retire from all public business could not but be + approved. But you are too young to ask a discharge as yet, and the public + counsels too much needing the wisdom of our ablest citizens, to relinquish + their claim on you. And surely none needs your aid more than your own + State. Oh, Massachusetts! how have I lamented the degradation of your + apostacy! Massachusetts, with whom I went with pride in 1776, whose vote + was my vote on every public question, and whose principles were then the + standard of whatever was free or fearless. But then she was under the + counsels of the two Adamses; while Strong, her present leader, was + promoting petitions for submission to British power and British + usurpation. While under her present counsels, she must be contented to be + nothing; as having a vote, indeed, to be counted, but not respected. But + should the State once more buckle on her republican harness, we shall + receive her again as a sister, and recollect her wanderings among the + crimes only of the parricide party, which would have basely sold what + their fathers so bravely won from the same enemy. Let us look forward, + then, to the act of repentance, which, by dismissing her venal traitors, + shall be the signal of return to the bosom and to the principles of her + brethren; and if her late humiliation can just give her modesty enough to + suppose that her southern brethren are somewhat on a par with her in + wisdom, in information, in patriotism, in bravery, and even in honesty, + although not in psalm-singing, she will more justly estimate her own + relative momentum in the Union. With her ancient principles, she would + really be great, if she did not think herself the whole. I should be + pleased to hear that you go into her councils, and assist in bringing her + back to those principles, and to a sober satisfaction with her + proportionable share in the direction of our affairs. + </p> + <p> + Be so good as to lay my homage at the feet of Mrs. Dearborn, and to be + assured that I am ever and affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0125" id="link2H_4_0125"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXV.—TO THE PRESIDENT, March 23,1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE PRESIDENT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 23,1815. + </p> + <p> + Deak Sir, + </p> + <p> + I duly received your favor of the 12th, and with it the pamphlet on the + causes and conduct of the war, which I now return. I have read it with + great pleasure, but with irresistible desire that it should be published. + The reasons in favor of this are strong, and those against it are so + easily gotten over, that there appears to me no balance between them. 1. + We need it in Europe. They have totally mistaken our character. Accustomed + to rise at a feather themselves, and to be always fighting, they will see + in our conduct, fairly stated, that acquiescence under wrong, to a certain + degree, is wisdom, and not pusillanimity; and that peace and happiness are + preferable to that false honor, which, by eternal wars, keeps their people + in eternal labor, want, and wretchedness. 2. It is necessary for the + people of England, who have been deceived as to the causes and conduct of + the war, and do not entertain a doubt, that it was entirely wanton and + wicked on our part, and under the order of Bonaparte. By rectifying their + ideas, it will tend to that conciliation which is absolutely necessary to + the peace and prosperity of both nations. 3. It is necessary for our own + people, who, although they have known the details as they went along, yet + have been so plied with false facts and false views by; the federalists, + that some impression has been left that all has not been right. It may be + said that it will be thought unfriendly. But truths necessary for our own + character, must not be suppressed out of tenderness to its calumniators. + Although written, generally, with great moderation, there may be some + things in the pamphlet which may perhaps irritate. The characterizing + every act, for example, by its appropriate epithet, is not necessary to + show its deformity to an intelligent reader. The naked narrative will + present it truly to his mind, and the more strongly, from its moderation, + as he will perceive that no exaggeration is aimed at. Rubbing down these + roughnesses (and they are neither many nor prominent), and preserving the + original date, might, I think, remove all the offensiveness, and give more + effect to the publication. Indeed, I think that a soothing postscript, + addressed to the interests, the prospects, and the sober reason of both + nations, would make it acceptable to both. The trifling, expense of + reprinting it ought not to be considered a moment. Mr. Gallatin could have + it translated into French, and suffer it to get abroad in Europe without + either avowal or disavowal. But it would be useful to print some copies of + an appendix, containing all the documents referred to, to be preserved in + libraries, and to facilitate to the present and future writers of history, + the acquisition of the materials which test the truths it contains. + </p> + <p> + I sincerely congratulate you on the peace, and more especially on the + eclat with which the war was closed. The affair of New Orleans was fraught + with useful lessons to ourselves, our enemies, and our friends, and will + powerfully influence our future relations with the nations of Europe. It + will show them we mean to take no part in their wars, and count no odds + when engaged in our own. I presume, that, having spared to the pride of + England her formal acknowledgment of the atrocity of impressment in an + article of the treaty, she will concur in a convention for relinquishing + it. Without this, she must understand that the present is but a truce, + determinable on the first act of impressment of an American citizen, + committed by any officer of hers. Would it not be better that this + convention should be a separate act, unconnected with any treaty of + commerce, and made an indispensable preliminary to all other treaty? If + blended with a treaty of commerce, she will make it the price of injurious + concessions. Indeed, we are infinitely better without such treaties with + any nation. We cannot too distinctly detach ourselves from the European + system, which is essentially belligerent, nor too sedulously cultivate an + American system, essentially pacific. But if we go into commercial + treaties at all, they should be with all, at the same time, with whom we + have important commercial relations. France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, + Denmark, Sweden, Russia, all should proceed <i>pari passu</i>. Our + ministers marching in phalanx on the same line, and intercommunicating + freely, each will be supported by the weight of the whole mass, and the + facility with which the other nations will agree to equal terms of + intercourse, will discountenance the selfish higglings of England, or + justify our rejection of them. Perhaps with all of them it would be best + to have but the single article <i>gentis amicissimæ</i>, leaving every + thing else to the usages and courtesies of civilized nations. But all + these things will occur to yourself, with their counter considerations. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Smith wrote to me on the transportation of the library, and + particularly, that it is submitted to your direction. He mentioned also, + that Dougherty would be engaged to superintend it. No one will more + carefully and faithfully execute all those duties which would belong to a + wagon-master. But it requires a character acquainted with books, to + receive the library. I am now employing as many hours of every day as my + strength will permit, in arranging the books, and putting every one in its + place on the shelves, corresponding with its order in the catalogue, and + shall have them numbered correspondently. This operation will employ me a + considerable time yet. Then I should wish a competent agent to attend, + and, with the catalogue in his hand, see that every book is on the + shelves, and have their lids nailed on, one by one, as he proceeds. This + would take such a person about two days; after which, Dougherty’s business + would be the mere mechanical removal, at convenience. I enclose you a + letter from Mr. Milligan, offering his service, which would not cost more + than eight or ten days’ reasonable compensation. This is necessary for my + safety, and your satisfaction, as a just caution for the public. You know + there are persons, both in and out of the public councils, who will seize + every occasion of imputation on either of us, the more difficult to be + repelled in this case, in which a negative could not be proved. If you + approve of it, therefore, as soon as I am through the review, I will give + notice to Mr. Milligan, or any other person whom you will name, to come on + immediately. Indeed it would be well worth while to add to his duty, that + of covering the books with a little paper (the good bindings at least), + and filling the vacancies of the presses with paper-parings, to be brought + from Washington. This would add little more to the time, as he could carry + on both operations at once. + </p> + <p> + Accept the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and + respect, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0126" id="link2H_4_0126"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXVI.—TO JOHN ADAMS, June 10,1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 10,1815. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + It is long since we have exchanged a letter, and yet what volumes might + have been written on the occurrences even of the last three months. In the + first place, peace, God bless it! has returned, to put us all again into a + course of lawful and laudable pursuits: a new trial of the Bourbons has + proved to the world their incompetence to the functions of the station + they have occupied: and the recall of the usurper has clothed him with the + semblance of a legitimate autocrat. If adversity should have taught him + wisdom, of which I have little expectation, he may yet render some service + to mankind, by teaching the ancient dynasties that they can be changed for + misrule, and by wearing down the maritime power of England to limitable + and safe dimensions. But it is not possible he should love us; and of that + our commerce had sufficient proofs during his power. Our military + achievements, indeed, which he is capable of estimating, may in some + degree moderate the effect of his aversions; and he may perhaps fancy that + we are to become the natural enemies of England, as England herself has so + steadily endeavored to make us, and as some of our own over-zealous + patriots would be willing to proclaim; and in this view, he may admit a + cold toleration of some intercourse and commerce between the two nations. + He has certainly had time to see the folly of turning the industry of + France from the cultures for which nature has so highly endowed her, to + those of sugar, cotton, tobacco, and others, which the same creative power + has given to other climates: and, on the whole, if he can conquer the + passions of his tyrannical soul, if he has understanding enough to pursue + from motives of interest, what no moral motives lead him to, the tranquil + happiness and prosperity of his country, rather than a ravenous thirst for + human blood, his return may become of more advantage than injury to us. + And if again some great man could arise in England, who could see and + correct the follies of his nation in their conduct as to us, and by + exercising justice and comity towards ours, bring both into a state of + temperate and useful friendship, it is possible we might thus attain the + place we ought to occupy between these two nations, without being degraded + to the condition of mere partisans of either. + </p> + <p> + A little time will now inform us, whether France, within its proper + limits, is big enough for its ruler, on the one hand, and whether, on the + other, the allied powers are either wicked or foolish enough to attempt + the forcing on the French, a ruler and government which they refuse; + whether they will risk their own thrones to re-establish that of the + Bourbons. If this is attempted, and the European world again committed to + war, will the jealousy of England at the commerce which neutrality will + give us, induce her again to add us to the number of her enemies, rather + than see us prosper in the pursuit of peace and industry? And have our + commercial citizens merited from their country its encountering another + war to protect their gambling enterprises? That the persons of our + citizens shall be safe in freely traversing the ocean, that the + transportation of our own produce, in our own vessels, to the markets of + our choice, and the return to us of the articles we want for our own use, + shall be unmolested, I hold to be fundamental, and that the gauntlet must + be for ever hurled at him who questions it. But whether we shall engage in + every war of Europe, to protect the mere agency of our merchants and + shipowners in carrying on the commerce of other nations, even were those + merchants and ship-owners to take the side of their country in the + contest, instead of that of the enemy, is a question of deep and serious + consideration, with which, however, you and I shall have nothing to do; so + we will leave it to those whom it will concern. + </p> + <p> + I thank you for making known to me Mr. Ticknor and Mr. Gray. They are fine + young men, indeed, and if Massachusetts can raise a few more such, it is + probable she would be better counselled as to social rights and social + duties. Mr. Ticknor is, particularly, the best bibliograph I have met + with, and very kindly and opportunely offered me the means of reprocuring + some part of the literary treasures which I have ceded to Congress, to + replace the devastations of British Vandalism at Washington. I cannot live + without books. But fewer will suffice, where amusement, and not use, is + the only future object. I am about sending him a catalogue, to which less + than his critical knowledge of books would hardly be adequate. + </p> + <p> + Present my high respects to Mrs. Adams, and accept yourself the assurances + of my affectionate attachment. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0127" id="link2H_4_0127"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXVII.—TO MR. LEIPER, June 12, 1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO MR. LEIPER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 12, 1815. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + A journey soon after the receipt of your favor of April the 17th and an + absence from home of some continuance, have prevented my earlier + acknowledgment of it. In that came safely my letter of January the 2nd, + 1814. In our principles of government we differ not at all; nor in the + general object and tenor of political measures. We concur in considering + the government of England as totally without morality, insolent beyond + bearing, inflated with vanity and ambition, aiming at the exclusive + dominion of the sea, lost in corruption, of deep-rooted hatred towards us, + hostile to liberty wherever it endeavors to show its head, and the eternal + disturber of the peace of the world. In our estimate of Bonaparte, I + suspect we differ. I view him as a political engine only, and a very + wicked one; you, I believe, as both political and religious, and obeying, + as an instrument, an unseen hand. I still deprecate his becoming sole lord + of the continent of Europe, which he would have been, had he reached in + triumph the gates of Petersburg. The establishment in our day of another + Roman. empire, spreading vassalage and depravity over the face of the + globe, is not, I hope, within the purposes of Heaven. Nor does the return + of Bonaparte give me pleasure unmixed; I see in his expulsion of the + Bourbons, a valuable lesson to the world, as showing that its ancient + dynasties may be changed for their misrule. Should the allied powers + presume to dictate a ruler and government to France, and follow the + example he had set of parcelling and usurping to themselves their neighbor + nations, I hope he will give them another lesson in vindication of the + rights of independence and self-government, which himself had heretofore + so much abused, and that in this contest he will wear down the maritime + power of England to limitable and safe dimensions. So far, good. It cannot + be denied, on the other hand, that his successful perversion of the force + (committed to him for vindicating the rights and liberties of his country) + to usurp its government, and to enchain it under an hereditary despotism, + is of baneful effect in encouraging future usurpations, and deterring + those under oppression from rising to redress themselves. His restless + spirit leaves no hope of peace to the world; and his hatred of us is only + a little less than that he bears to England, and England to us. Our form + of government is odious to him, as a standing contrast between republican + and despotic rule; and as much from that hatred, as from ignorance in + political economy, he had excluded intercourse between us and his people, + by prohibiting the only articles they wanted from us, that is, cotton and + tobacco. Whether the war we have had with England, the achievements of + that war, and the hope that we may become his instruments and partisans + against that enemy, may induce him, in future, to tolerate our commercial + intercourse with his people, is still to be seen. For my part, I wish that + all nations may recover and retain their independence; that those which + are overgrown may not advance beyond safe measures of power, that a + salutary balance may be ever maintained among nations, and that our peace, + commerce, and friendship may be sought and cultivated by all. It is our + business to manufacture for ourselves whatever we can, to keep all markets + open for what we can spare or want; and the less we have to do with the + amities or enmities of Europe, the better. Not in our day, but at no + distant one, we may shake a rod over the heads of all, which may make the + stoutest of them tremble. But I hope our wisdom will grow with our power, + and teach us that the less we use our power, the greater it will be. + </p> + <p> + The federal misrepresentation of my sentiments, which occasioned my former + letter to you, was gross enough; but that and all others are exceeded by + the impudence and falsehood of the printed extract you sent me from + Ralph’s paper. That a continuance of the embargo for two months longer + would have prevented our war; that the non-importation law which succeeded + it was a wise and powerful measure, I have constantly maintained. My + friendship for Mr. Madison, my confidence in his wisdom and virtue, and my + approbation of all his measures, and especially of his taking up at length + the gauntlet against England, is known to all with whom I have ever + conversed or corresponded on these measures. The word federal, or its + synonyme &c., may therefore be written under every word of Mr. Ralph’s + paragraph. I have ransacked my memory to recollect any incident which + might have given countenance to any particle of it, but I find none. For + if you will except the bringing into power and importance those who were + enemies to himself as well as to the principles of republican government, + I do not recollect a single measure of the President which I have not + approved. Of those under him, and of some very near him, there have been + many acts of which we have all disapproved, and he more than we. We have + at times dissented from the measures, and lamented the dilatoriness of + Congress. I recollect an instance the first winter of the war, when, from + sloth of proceedings, an embargo was permitted to run through the winter, + while the enemy could not cruise, nor consequently restrain the + exportation of our whole produce, and was taken off in the spring, as soon + as they could resume their stations. But this procrastination is + unavoidable. How can expedition be expected from a body which we have + saddled with an hundred lawyers, whose trade is talking? But lies, to sow + divisions among us, are so stale an artifice of the federal prints, and + are so well understood, that they need neither contradiction nor + explanation. As to myself, my confidence in the wisdom and integrity of + the administration is so entire, that I scarcely notice what is passing, + and have almost ceased to read newspapers. Mine remain in our post-office + a week or ten days, sometimes, unasked for. I find more amusement in + studies to which I was always more attached, and from which I was dragged + by the events of the times in which I have happened to live. + </p> + <p> + I rejoice exceedingly that our war with England was single-handed. In that + of the Revolution, we had France, Spain, and Holland on our side, and the + credit of its success was given to them. On the late occasion, unprepared + and unexpecting war, we were compelled to declare it, and to receive the + attack of England, just issuing from a general war, fully armed, and freed + from all other enemies, and have not only made her sick of it, but glad to + prevent, by a peace, the capture of her adjacent possessions, which one or + two campaigns more would infallibly have made ours. She has found that we + can do her more injury than any other enemy on earth, and henceforward + will better estimate the value of our peace. But whether her government + has power, in opposition to the aristocracy of her navy, to restrain their + piracies within the limits of national rights, may well be doubted. I + pray, therefore, for peace, as best for all the world, best for us, and + best for me, who have already lived to see three wars, and now pant for + nothing more than to be permitted to depart in peace. That you also, who + have longer to live, may continue to enjoy this blessing with health and + prosperity, through as long a life as you desire, is the prayer of yours + affectionately. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P. S. June the 14th. Before I had sent my letter to the post-office, I + received the new treaty of the allied powers, declaring that the French + nation shall not have Bonaparte, and shall have Louis XVIII for their + ruler. They are all then as great rascals, as Bonaparte himself. While he + was in the wrong, I wished him exactly as much success as would answer our + purposes, and no more. Now that they are wrong and he in the right, he + shall have all my prayers for success, and that he may dethrone every man + of them. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0128" id="link2H_4_0128"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXVIII.—TO JOHN ADAMS, August 10,1815 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 10,1815. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + The simultaneous movements in our correspondence have been remarkable on + several occasions. It would seem as if the state of the air, or state of + the times, or some other unknown cause, produced a sympathetic effect on + our mutual recollections. I had sat down to answer your letters of June + the 19th, 20th, and 22nds with pen, ink, and paper, before me, when I + received from our mail that of July the 30th. You ask information on the + subject of Camus. All I recollect of him is, that he was one of the + deputies sent to arrest Dumourier at the head of his army, who were, + however, themselves arrested by Dumourier, and long detained as prisoners. + I presume, therefore, he was a Jacobin. You will find his character in the + most excellent revolutionary history of Toulongeon. I believe also, he may + be the same person who has given us a translation of Aristotle’s Natural + History, from the Greek into French. Of his report to the National + Institute on the subject of the Bollandists, your letter gives me the + first information. I had supposed them defunct with the society of + Jesuits, of which they were: and that their works, although above ground, + were, from their bulk and insignificance, as effectually entombed on their + shelves, as if in the graves of their authors. Fifty-two volumes in folio, + of the <i>acta sanctorum</i>, in dog-Latin, would be a formidable + enterprise to the most laborious German. I expect, with you, they are the + most enormous mass of lies, frauds, hypocrisy, and imposture, that ever + was heaped together on this globe. By what chemical process M. Camus + supposed that an extract of truth could be obtained from such a farrago of + falsehood, I must leave to the chemists and moralists of the age to + divine. + </p> + <p> + On the subject of the history of the American Revolution you ask who shall + write it? Who can write it? And who will ever be able to write it? Nobody; + except merely its external facts; all its councils, designs, and + discussions having been conducted by Congress with closed doors, and no + member, as far as I know, having even made notes of them. These, which are + the life and soul of history, must for ever be unknown. Botta, as you + observe, has put his own speculations and reasonings into the mouths of + persons whom he names, but who, you and I know, never made such speeches. + In this he has followed the example of the ancients, who made their great + men deliver long speeches, all of them in the same style, and in that of + the author himself. The work is nevertheless a good one, more judicious, + more chaste, more classical, and more true, than the party diatribe of + Marshall. Its greatest fault is in having taken too much from him. I + possessed the work, and often recurred to considerable portions of it, + although I never read it through. But a very judicious and well informed + neighbor of mine went through it with great attention, and spoke very + highly of it. I have said that no member of the old Congress, as far as I + knew, made notes of the discussions. I did not knew of the speeches you + mention of Dickinson and Witherspoon But on the questions of Independence, + and on the two articles of Confederation respecting taxes and voting, I + took minutes of the heads of the arguments. On the first, I threw all into + one mass, without ascribing to the speakers their respective arguments; + pretty much in the manner of Hume’s summary digests of the reasonings in + parliament for and against a measure. On the last, I stated the heads of + arguments used by each speaker. But the whole of my notes on the question + of Independence does not occupy more than five pages, such as of this + letter: and on the other questions, two such sheets. They have never been + communicated to any one. Do you know that there exists in manuscript the + ablest work of this kind ever yet executed, of the debates of the + constitutional convention of Philadelphia in 1788? The whole of every + thing said and done there was taken down by Mr. Madison, with a labor and + exactness beyond comprehension. + </p> + <p> + I presume that our correspondence has been observed at the post-offices, + and thus has attracted notice. Would you believe, that a printer has had + the effrontery to propose to me the letting him publish it? These people + think they have a right to every thing, however secret or sacred. I had + not before heard of the Boston pamphlet with Priestley’s Letters and mine. + </p> + <p> + At length Bonaparte has got on the right side of a question. From the time + of his entering the legislative hall to his retreat to Elba, no man has + execrated him more than myself. I will not except even the members of the + Essex Junto; although for very different reasons; I, because he was + warring against the liberty of his own country, and independence of + others; they, because he was the enemy of England, the Pope, and the + Inquisition. But at length, and as far as we can judge, he seems to have + become the choice of his nation. At least, he is defending the cause of + his nation, and that of all mankind, the rights of every people to + independence and self-government. He and the allies have now changed + sides. They are parcelling out among themselves Poland, Belgium, Saxony, + Italy, dictating a ruler and government to France, and looking askance at + our republic, the splendid libel on their governments, and he is fighting + for the principles of national independence, of which his whole life + hitherto has been a continued violation. He has promised a free government + to his own country, and to respect the rights of others; and although his + former conduct inspires little confidence in his promises, yet we had + better take the chance of his word for doing right, than the certainty of + the wrong which his adversaries are doing and avowing. If they succeed, + ours is only the boon of the Cyclops to Ulysses, of being the last + devoured. + </p> + <p> + Present me affectionately and respectfully to Mrs. Adams, and Heaven give + you both as much more of life as you wish, and bless it with health and + happiness. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + P. S. August the 11th. I had finished my letter yesterday, and this + morning receive the news of Bonaparte’s second abdication. Very well. For + him personally, I have no feeling but reprobation. The representatives of + the nation have deposed him. They have taken the allies at their word, + that they had no object in the war but his removal. The nation is now free + to give itself a good government, either with or without a Bourbon; and + France unsubdued, will still be a bridle on the enterprises of the + combined powers, and a bulwark to others. T.J. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0129" id="link2H_4_0129"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXIX.—TO DABNEY CARR, January 19, 1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO DABNEY CARR. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 19, 1816. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + At the date of your letter of December the 1st, I was in Bedford, and + since my return, so many letters, accumulated during my absence, having + been pressing for answers, that this is the first moment I have been able + to attend to the subject of yours. While Mr. Girardin was in this + neighborhood writing his continuation of Burke’s History, I had suggested + to him a proper notice of the establishment of the committee of + correspondence here in 1773, and of Mr. Carr, your father, who introduced + it. He has doubtless done this, and his work is now in the press. My + books, journals of the times, &c. being all gone, I have nothing now + but an impaired memory to resort to for the more particular statement you + wish. But I give it with the more confidence, as I find that I remember + old things better than new. The transaction took place in the session of + Assembly of March 1773. Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Frank Lee, your + father, and myself, met by agreement, one evening, about the close of the + session, at the Raleigh Tavern, to consult on the measures which the + circumstances of the times seemed to call for. We agreed, in result, that + concert in the operations of the several Colonies was indispensable; and + that to produce this, some channel of correspondence between them must be + opened: that, therefore, we would propose to our House the appointment of + a committee of correspondence, which should be authorized and instructed + to write to the Speakers of the House of Representatives of the several + Colonies, recommending the appointment of similar committees on their + part, who, by a communication of sentiment on the transactions threatening + us all, might promote a harmony of action salutary to all. This was the + substance, not pretending to remember words. We proposed the resolution, + and your father was agreed on to make the motion. He did it the next day, + March the 12th, with great ability, reconciling all to it, not only by the + reasonings, but by the temper and moderation with which it was developed. + It was adopted by a very general vote. Peyton Randolph, some of us who + proposed it, and who else I do not remember, were appointed of the + committee. We immediately despatched letters by expresses, to the Speakers + of all the other Assemblies. I remember that Mr. Carr and myself, + returning home together, and conversing on the subject by the way, + concurred in the conclusion, that that measure must inevitably beget the + meeting of a Congress of Deputies from all the Colonies, for the purpose + of uniting all in the same principles and measures for the maintenance of + our rights. My memory cannot deceive me, when I affirm that we did it in + consequence of no such proposition from any other Colony. No doubt, the + resolution itself, and the journals of the day, will show that ours was + original, and not merely responsive to one from any other quarter. Yet, I + am certain I remember also, that a similar proposition, and nearly + cotemporary, was made by Massachusetts, and that our northern messenger + passed theirs on the road. This, too, may be settled by recurrence to the + records of Massachusetts. The proposition was generally acceded to by the + other Colonies, and the first effect, as expected, was the meeting of a + Congress at New York the ensuing year. The committee of correspondence + appointed by Massachusetts, as quoted by you from Marshall, under the date + of 1770, must have been for a special purpose, and <i>functus officio</i> + before the date of 1773, or Massachusetts herself would not then have + proposed another. Records should be examined to settle this accurately. I + well remember the pleasure expressed in the countenance and conversation + of the members generally, on this <i>début</i> of Mr. Carr, and the hopes + they conceived as well from the talents as the patriotism it manifested. + But he died within two months after, and in him we lost a powerful + fellow-laborer. His character was of a high order. A spotless integrity, + sound judgment, handsome imagination, enriched by education and reading, + quick and clear in his conceptions, of correct and ready elocution, + impressing every hearer with the sincerity of the heart from which it + flowed. His firmness was inflexible in whatever he thought was right: but + when no moral principle stood in the way, never had man more of the milk + of human kindness, of indulgence, of softness, of pleasantry in + conversation and conduct. The number of his friends, and the warmth of + their affection, were proofs of his worth, and of their estimate of it. To + give to those now living, an idea of the affliction produced by his death + in the minds of all who knew him, I liken it to that lately felt by + themselves on the death of his eldest son, Peter Carr, so like him in all + his endowments and moral qualities, and whose recollection can never recur + without a deep-drawn sigh from the bosom of any one who knew him. You + mention that I showed you an inscription I had proposed for the tomb-stone + of your father. Did I leave it in your hands to be copied? I ask the + question, not that I have any such recollection, but that I find it no + longer in the place of its deposite, and think I never took it out but on + that occasion. Ever and affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0130" id="link2H_4_0130"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXX.—TO JOHN ADAMS, April 8, 1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 8, 1816. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have to acknowledge your two favors of February the 16th and March the + 2nd, and to join sincerely in the sentiment of Mrs. Adams, and regret that + distance separates us so widely. An hour of conversation would be worth a + volume of letters. But we must take things as they come. + </p> + <p> + You ask, if I would agree to live my seventy or rather seventy-three years + over again? To which I say, yea. I think with you that it is a good world + on the whole; that it has been framed on a principle of benevolence, and + more pleasure than pain dealt out to us. There are, indeed, (who might say + nay) gloomy and hypochondriac minds, inhabitants of diseased bodies, + disgusted with the present, and despairing of the future; always counting + that the worst will happen, because it may happen. To these I say, how + much pain have cost us the evils which have never happened! My temperament + is sanguine. I steer my bark with Hope in the head, leaving Fear astern. + My hopes, indeed, sometimes fail; but not oftener than the forebodings of + the gloomy. There are, I acknowledge, even in the happiest life, some + terrible convulsions, heavy set-offs against the opposite page of the + account. I have often wondered for what good end the sensations of grief + could be intended. All our other passions, within proper bounds, have an + useful object. And the perfection of the moral character is, not in a + stoical apathy, so hypocritically vaunted, and so untruly too, because + impossible, but in a just equilibrium of all the passions. I wish the + pathologists then would tell us what is the use of grief in the economy, + and of what good it is the cause, proximate or remote. + </p> + <p> + Did I know Baron Grimm while at Paris? Yes, most intimately. He was the + pleasantest and most conversable member of the diplomatic corps while I + was there; a man of good fancy, acuteness, irony, cunning, and egoism. No + heart, not much of any science, yet enough of every one to speak its + language: his forte was Belles-lettres, painting, and sculpture. In these + he was the oracle of the society, and as such, was the Empress Catharine’s + private correspondent and factor, in all things not diplomatic. It was + through him I got her permission for poor Ledyard to go to Kamschatka, and + cross over thence to the western coast of America, in order to penetrate + across our continent in the opposite direction to that afterwards adopted + for Lewis and Clarke: which permission she withdrew after he had got + within two hundred miles of Kamschatka, had him seized, brought back, and + set down in Poland. Although I never heard Grimm express the opinion + directly, yet I always supposed him to be of the school of Diderot, + D’Alembert, D’Holbach; the first of whom committed his system of atheism + to writing in ‘<i>Le Bon Sens</i>,’ and the last in his ‘<i>Systeme de la + Nature</i>? It was a numerous school in the Catholic countries, while the + infidelity of the Protestant took generally the form of theism. The former + always insisted that it was a mere question of definition between them, + the hypostasis of which on both sides, was ‘<i>Nature</i>,’ or ‘the <i>Universe</i>’: + that both agreed in the order of the existing system, but the one supposed + it from eternity, the other as having begun in time. And when the atheist + descanted on the unceasing motion and circulation of matter through the + animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, never resting, never annihilated, + always changing form, and under all forms gifted with the power of + reproduction; the theist pointing ‘to the heavens above, and to the earth + beneath, and to the waters under the earth,’ asked, if these did not + proclaim a first cause, possessing intelligence and power; power in the + production, and intelligence in the design, and constant preservation of + the system; urged the palpable existence of final causes; that the eye was + made to see, and the ear to hear, and not that we see because we have + eyes, and hear because we have ears; an answer obvious to the senses, as + that of walking across the room, was to the philosopher demonstrating the + non-existence of motion. It was in D’Holbach’s conventicles that Rousseau + imagined all the machinations against him were contrived and he left, in + his Confessions, the most biting anecdotes of Grimm. These appeared after + I left France; but I have heard that poor Grimm was so much afflicted by + them, that he kept his bed several weeks. I have never seen the Memoirs of + Grimm. Their volume has kept them out of our market. + </p> + <p> + I have been lately amusing myself with Levi’s book, in answer to Dr. + Priestley. It is a curious and tough work. His style is inelegant and + incorrect, harsh and petulant to his adversary, and his reasoning flimsy + enough. Some of his doctrines were new to me, particularly that of his two + resurrections: the first, a particular one of all the dead, in body as + well as soul, who are to live over again, the Jews in a state of perfect + obedience to God, the other nations in a state of corporeal punishment for + the sufferings they have inflicted on the Jews. And he explains this + resurrection of bodies to be only of the original stamen of Leibnitz, or + the human <i>calus in semine masculino</i>, considering that as a + mathematical point, insusceptible of separation or division. The second + resurrection, a general one of souls and bodies, eternally to enjoy divine + glory in the presence of the Supreme Being. He alleges that the Jews alone + preserve the doctrine of the unity of God. Yet their God would be deemed a + very indifferent man with us: and it was to correct their anamorphosis of + the Deity, that Jesus preached, as well as to establish the doctrine of a + future state. However, Levi insists, that that was taught in the Old + Testament, and even by Moses himself and the prophets. He agrees that an + anointed prince was prophesied and promised: but denies that the character + and history of Jesus had any analogy with that of the person promised. He + must be fearfully embarrassing to the Hierophants of fabricated + Christianity; because it is their own armor in which he clothes himself + for the attack. For example, he takes passages of scripture from their + context (which would give them a very different meaning), strings them + together, and makes them point towards what object he pleases; he + interprets them figuratively, typically, analogically, hyperbolically; he + calls in the aid of emendation, transposition, ellipsis, metonymy, and + every other figure of rhetoric; the name of one man is taken for another, + one place for another, days and weeks for months and years; and finally he + avails himself of all his advantage over his adversaries by his superior + knowledge of the Hebrew, speaking in the very language of the divine + communication, while they can only fumble on with conflicting and disputed + translations. Such is this war of giants. And how can such pigmies as you + and I decide between them? For myself, I confess, that my head is not + formed <i>tantas componere lites</i>. And as you began yours of March the + 2nd, with a declaration, that you were about to write me the most + frivolous letter I had ever read, so I will close mine by saying, I have + written you a full match for it, and by adding my affectionate respects to + Mrs. Adams, and the assurance of my constant attachment and consideration + for yourself. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0131" id="link2H_4_0131"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXI.—TO JOHN TAYLOR, May 28,1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN TAYLOR. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, May 28,1816. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + On my return from a long journey and considerable absence from home, I + found here the copy of your ‘Enquiry into the Principles of our + Government,’ which you had been so kind as to send me; and for which I + pray you to accept my thanks. The difficulties of getting new works in our + situation, inland and without a single bookstore, are such as had + prevented my obtaining a copy before; and letters which had accumulated + during my absence, and were calling for answers, have not yet permitted me + to give to the whole a thorough reading: yet certain that you and I could + not think differently on the fundamentals of rightful government, I was + impatient, and availed myself of the intervals of repose from the + writing-table, to obtain a cursory idea of the body of the work. + </p> + <p> + I see in it much matter for profound reflection; much which should confirm + our adhesion, in practice, to the good principles of our constitution, and + fix our attention on what is yet to be made good. The sixth section on the + good moral principles of our government, I found so interesting and + replete with sound principles, as to postpone my letter-writing to its + thorough perusal and consideration. Besides much other good matter, it + settles unanswerably the right of instructing representatives, and their + duty to obey. The system of banking we have both equally and ever + reprobated. I contemplate it as a blot left in all our constitutions, + which, if not covered, will end in their destruction, which is already hit + by the gamblers in corruption, and is sweeping away in its progress the + fortunes and morals of our citizens. Funding I consider as limited, + rightfully, to a redemption of the debt within the lives of a majority of + the generation contracting it; every generation coming equally, by the + laws of the Creator of the world, to the free possession of the earth he + made for their subsistence, unincumbered by their predecessors, who, like + them, were but tenants for life. You have successfully and completely + pulverized Mr. Adams’s system of orders, and his opening the mantle of + republicanism to every government of laws, whether consistent or not with + natural right. Indeed, it must be acknowledged, that the term republic is + of very vague application in every language. Witness the self-styled + republics of Holland, Switzerland, Genoa, Venice, Poland. Were I to assign + to this term a precise and definite idea, I would say, that, purely and + simply, it means a government by its citizens in mass, acting directly and + personally, according to rules established by the majority: and that every + other government is more or less republican, in proportion as it has in + its composition more or less of this ingredient of the direct action of + the citizens. Such a government is evidently restrained to very narrow + limits of space and population. I doubt if it would be practicable beyond + the extent of a New England township. The first shade from this pure + element, which, like that of pure vital air, cannot sustain life of + itself, would be where the powers of the government, being divided, should + be exercised each by representatives chosen by the citizens either <i>pro + hac vice</i>, or for such short terms as should render secure the duty of + expressing the will of their constituents. This I should consider as the + nearest approach to a pure republic, which is practicable on a large scale + of country or population. And we have examples of it in some of our State + constitutions, which, if not poisoned by priestcraft, would prove its + excellence over all mixtures with other elements; and, with only equal + doses of poison, would still be the best. Other shades of republicanism + may be found in other forms of government, where the executive, judiciary, + and legislative functions, and the different branches of the latter, are + chosen by the people more or less directly, for longer terms of years, or + for life, or made hereditary; or where there are mixtures of authorities, + some dependent on, and others independent of the peopje. The further the + departure from direct and constant control by the citizens, the less has + the government of the ingredient of republicanism; evidently none where + the authorities are hereditary, as in France, Venice, &c. or + self-chosen, as in Holland; and little, where for life, in proportion as + the life continues in being after the act of election. + </p> + <p> + The purest republican feature in the government of our own State, is the + House of Representatives. The Senate is equally so the first year, less + the second, and so on. The Executive still less, because not chosen by the + people directly. The Judiciary seriously anti-republican, because for + life; and the national arm wielded, as you observe, by military leaders, + irresponsible but to themselves. Add to this the vicious constitution of + our county courts (to whom the justice, the executive administration, the + taxation, police, the military appointments of the county, and nearly all + our daily concerns are confided), self-appointed, self-continued, holding + their authorities for life, and with an impossibility of breaking in on + the perpetual succession of any faction once possessed of the bench. They + are, in truth, the executive, the judiciary, and the military of their + respective counties, and the sum of the counties makes the State. And add, + also, that one half of our brethren who fight and pay taxes, are excluded, + like Helots, from the rights of representation, as if society were + instituted for the soil, and not for the men inhabiting it; or one half of + these could dispose of the rights and the will of the other half, without + their consent. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + What constitutes a State? + Not high-raised battlements, or lahor’d mound, + Thick wall, or moated gate; + Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown’d; + No: men, high-minded men; + Men, who their duties know; + But know their rights; and, knowing, dare maintain. + These constitute a State.’ +</pre> + <p> + In the General Government, the House of Representatives is mainly + republican; the Senate scarcely so at all, as not elected by the people + directly, and so long secured even against those who do elect them; the + Executive more republican than the Senate, from its shorter term, its + election by the people, in practice (for they vote for A only on an + assurance that he will vote for B), and because, in practice, also, a + principle of rotation seems to be in a course of establishment; the + judiciary independent of the nation, their coercion by impeachment being + found nugatory. + </p> + <p> + If, then, the control of the people over the organs of their government be + the measure of its republicanism (and I confess I know no other measure), + it must be agreed that our governments have much less of republicanism + than ought to have been expected; in other words, that the people have + less regular control over their agents, than their rights and their + interest require. And this I ascribe, not to any want of republican + dispositions in those who formed these constitutions, but to a submission + of true principle to European authorities, to speculators on government, + whose fears of the people have been inspired by the populace of their own + great cities, and were unjustly entertained against the independent, the + happy, and therefore orderly citizens of the United States. Much I + apprehend that the golden moment is past for reforming these heresies. The + functionaries of public power rarely strengthen in their dispositions to + abridge it, and an unorganized call for timely amendment is not likely to + prevail against an organized opposition to it. We are always told that + things are going on well; why change them? ‘<i>Chi sta bene, non si muova</i>,’ + says the Italian, ‘Let him who stands well, stand still.’ This is true; + and I verily believe they would go on well with us under an absolute + monarch, while our present character remains, of order, industry, and love + of peace, and restrained, as he would be, by the proper spirit of the + people. But it is while it remains such, we should provide against the + consequences of its deterioration. And let us rest in the hope that it + will yet be done, and spare ourselves the pain of evils which may never + happen. + </p> + <p> + On this view of the import of the term republic, instead of saying, as has + been said, ‘that it may mean any thing or nothing,’ we may say with truth + and meaning, that governments are more or less republican, as they have + more or less of the element of popular election and control in their + composition: and believing, as I do, that the mass of the citizens is the + safest depository of their own rights, and especially, that the evils + flowing from the duperies of the people, are less injurious than those + from the egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition of + government which has in it the most of this ingredient. And I sincerely + believe, with you, that banking establishments are more dangerous than + standing armies; and that the principle of spending money to be paid by + posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling futurity on a large + scale. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with constant friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0132" id="link2H_4_0132"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXII.—TO FRANCIS W. GILMER, June 7,1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO FRANCIS W. GILMER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 7,1816. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received a few-days ago from Mr. Dupont the enclosed manuscript, with + permission to read it, and a request, when read, to forward it to you, in + expectation that you would translate it. It is well worthy of publication + for the instruction of our citizens, being profound, sound, and short. Our + legislators are not sufficiently apprized of the rightful limits of their + powers: that their true office is to declare and enforce only our natural + rights and duties, and to take none of them from us. No man has a natural + right to commit aggression on the equal rights of another; and this is all + from which the laws ought to restrain him: every man is under the natural + duty of contributing to the necessities of the society; and this is all + the laws should enforce on him: and, no man having a natural right to be + the judge between himself and another, it is his natural duty to submit to + the umpirage of an impartial third. When the laws have declared and + enforced all this, they have fulfilled their functions, and the idea is + quite unfounded, that on entering into society we give up any natural + right. The trial of every law by one of these texts, would lessen much the + labors of our legislators, and lighten equally our municipal codes. There + is a work of the first order of merit now in the press at Washington, by + Destutt Tracy, on the subject of political economy, which he brings into + the compass of three hundred pages, octavo. In a preliminary discourse on + the origin of the right of property, he coincides much with the principles + of the present manuscript; but is more developed, more demonstrative. He + promises a future work on morals, in which I lament to see, that he will + adopt the principles of Hobbes, or humiliation to human nature; that the + sense of justice and injustice is not derived from our natural + organization, but founded on convention only. I lament this the more, as + he is unquestionably the ablest writer living, on abstract subjects. + Assuming the fact, that the earth has been created in time, and + consequently the dogma of final causes, we yield, of course, to this short + syllogism. Man was created for social intercourse; but social intercourse + cannot be maintained without a sense of justice; then man must have been + created with a sense of justice. There is an error into which most of the + speculators on government have fallen, and which the well known state of + society of our Indians ought, before now, to have corrected. In their + hypothesis of the origin of government, they suppose it to have commenced + in the patriarchal or monarchical form. Our Indians are evidently in that + state of nature which has passed the association of a single family; and + not yet submitted to the authority of positive laws, or of any + acknowledged magistrate. Every man, with them, is perfectly free to follow + his own inclinations. But if, in doing this, he violates the rights of + another, if the case be slight, he is punished by the disesteem of his + society, or, as we say, by public opinion; if serious, he is tomahawked as + a dangerous enemy. Their leaders conduct them by the influence of their + character only; and they follow, or not, as they please, him of whose + character for wisdom or war they have the highest opinion. Hence the + origin of the parties among them adhering to different leaders, and + governed by their advice, not by their command. The Cherokees, the only + tribe I know to be contemplating the establishment of regular laws, + magistrates, and government, propose a government of representatives, + elected from every town. But of all things, they least think of subjecting + themselves to the will of one man. This, the only instance of actual fact + within our knowledge, will be then a beginning by republican, and not by + patriarchal or monarchical government, as speculative writers have + generally conjectured. + </p> + <p> + We have to join in mutual congratulations on the appointment of our friend + Correa, to be Minister or Envoy of Portugal, here. This, I hope, will give + him to us, for life. Nor will it at all interfere with his botanical + rambles or journeys. The government of Portugal is so peaceable and + inoffensive, that it has never any altercations with its friends. If their + minister abroad writes them once a quarter that all is well, they desire + no more. I learn (though not from Correa himself) that he thinks of paying + us a visit as soon as he is through his course of lectures. Not to lose + this happiness again by my absence, I have informed him I shall set out + for Poplar Forest the 20th instant, and be back the first week of July. I + wish you and he could concert your movements so as to meet here, and that + you would make this your headquarters. It is a good central point from + which to visit your connections; and you know our practice of placing our + guests at their ease, by showing them we are so ourselves, and that we + follow our necessary vocations, instead of fatiguing them by hanging + unremittingly on their shoulders. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with affectionate esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0133" id="link2H_4_0133"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXIII.*—TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN, January 9, 1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 9, 1816. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [* This letter was accidentally misplaced, and is now + inserted out of its regular order.] +</pre> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I acknowledge with pleasure your letter of the 9th of December last. + </p> + <p> + Your opinions on the events which have taken place in France, are entirely + just, so far as these events are yet developed. But we have reason to + suppose, that they have not reached their ultimate termination. There is + still an awful void between the present, and what is to be the last + chapter of that history; and I fear it is to be filled with abominations, + as frightful as those which have already disgraced it. That nation is too + high-minded, has too much innate force, intelligence, and elasticity, to + remain quiet under its present compression. Samson will arise in his + strength, and probably will ere long burst asunder the cords and the webs + of the Philistines. But what are to be the scenes of havoc and horror, and + how widely they may spread between the brethren of one family, our + ignorance of the interior feuds and antipathies of the country places + beyond our view. Whatever may be the convulsions, we cannot but indulge + the pleasing hope, they will end in the permanent establishment of a + representative government; a government in which the will of the people + will be an effective ingredient. This important element has taken root in + the European mind, and will have its growth. Their rulers, sensible of + this, are already offering this modification of their governments, under + the plausible pretence that it is a voluntary concession on their part. + Had Bonaparte used his legitimate power honestly, for the establishment + and support of a free government, France would now have been in prosperity + and rest, and her example operating for the benefit of mankind, every + nation in Europe would eventually have founded a government over which the + will of the people would have had a powerful control. His improper + conduct, however, has checked the salutary progress of principle; but the + object is fixed in the eye of nations, and they will press to its + accomplishment, and to the general amelioration of the condition of man. + What a germ have the freemen of the United States planted, and how + faithfully should they cherish the parent tree at home. Chagrin and + mortification are the punishments our enemies receive. + </p> + <p> + You tell me I am quoted by those who wish to continue our dependence on + England for manufactures. There was a time when I might have been so + quoted with more candor. But within the thirty years which have since + elapsed, how are circumstances changed! We were then in peace; our + independent place among nations was acknowledged. A commerce which offered + the raw material, in exchange for the same material after receiving the + last touch of industry, was worthy of welcome to all nations. It was + expected, that those especially to whom manufacturing industry was + important, would cherish the friendship of such customers by every favor, + and particularly cultivate their peace by every act of justice and + friendship. Under this prospect, the question seemed legitimate, whether, + with such an immensity of unimproved land, courting the hand of husbandry, + the industry of agriculture, or that of manufactures, would add most to + the national wealth. And the doubt on the utility of the American + manufactures was entertained on this consideration, chiefly, that to the + labor of the husbandman a vast addition is made by the spontaneous + energies of the earth on which it is employed. For one grain of wheat + committed to the earth, she renders twenty, thirty, and even fifty fold; + whereas to the labor of the manufacturer nothing is added. Pounds of flax, + in his hands, on the contrary, yield but penny weights of lace. This + exchange, too, laborious as it might seem, what a field did it promise for + the occupation of the ocean; what a nursery for that class of citizens who + were to exercise and maintain our equal rights on that element! This was + the state of things in 1785, when the Notes on Virginia were first + published; when, the ocean being open to all nations, and their common + right in it acknowledged and exercised under regulations sanctioned by the + assent and usage of all, it was thought that the doubt might claim some + consideration. + </p> + <p> + But who, in 1785, could foresee the rapid depravity which was to render + the close of that century a disgrace to the history of man? Who could have + imagined that the two most distinguished in the rank of nations, for + science and civilization, would have suddenly descended from that + honorable eminence, and setting at defiance all those moral laws + established by the Author of Nature between nation and nation, as between + man and man, would cover earth and sea with robberies and piracies, merely + because strong enough to do it with temporal impunity, and that under this + disbandment of nations from social order, we should have been despoiled of + a thousand ships, and have thousands of our citizens reduced to Algerine + slavery. Yet all this has taken place. The British interdicted to our + vessels all harbors of the globe, without having first proceeded to some + one of hers, there paid a tribute proportioned to the cargo, and obtained + her license to proceed to the port of destination. The French declared + them to be lawful prize if they had touched at the port, or been visited + by a ship of the enemy nation. Thus were we completely excluded from the + ocean. Compare this state of things with that of ‘85, and say whether an + opinion founded in the circumstances of that day, can be fairly applied to + those of the present. We have experienced, what we did not then believe, + that there exist both profligacy and power enough to exclude us from the + field of interchange with other nations. That to be independent for the + comforts of life, we must fabricate them ourselves. We must now place the + manufacturer by the side of the agriculturalist. The former question is + suppressed, or rather assumes a new form. The grand inquiry now is, Shall + we make our own comforts, or go without them at the will of a foreign + nation? He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufacture, must be + for reducing us either to dependence on that foreign nation, or to be + clothed in skins, and to live like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I am + not one of these. Experience has taught me that manufactures are now as + necessary to our independence as to our comfort; and if those who quote me + as of a different opinion, will keep pace with me in purchasing nothing + foreign, where an equivalent of domestic fabric can be obtained, without + regard to difference of price, it will not be our fault if we do not soon + have a supply at home equal to our demand, and wrest that weapon of + distress from the hand which has so long wantonly wielded it. If it shall + be proposed to go beyond our own supply, the question of ‘85 will then + recur, Will our surplus labor be then more beneficially employed, in the + culture of the earth, or in the fabrications of art? We have time yet for + consideration, before that question will press upon us; and the axiom to + be applied will depend on the circumstances which shall then exist. For in + so complicated a science as political economy, no one axiom can be laid + down as wise and expedient for all times and circumstances. Inattention to + this is what has called for this explanation, which reflection would have + rendered unnecessary with the candid, while nothing will do it with those + who use the former opinion only as a stalking-horse to cover their + disloyal propensities to keep us in eternal vassalage to a foreign and + unfriendly people. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with assurances of great respect and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0134" id="link2H_4_0134"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXIV.—TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD, June 20, 1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 20, 1816. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I am about to sin against all discretion, and knowingly, by adding to the + drudgery of your letter-reading, this acknowledgment of the receipt of + your favor of May the 31st, with the papers it covered. I cannot, however, + deny myself the gratification of expressing the satisfaction I have + received, not only from the general statement of affairs at Paris, in + yours of December the 12th, 1814, (as a matter of history which I had not + before received,) but most especially and superlatively, from the perusal + of your letter of the 8th of the same month to Mr. Fisk, on the subject of + drawbacks. This most heterogeneous principle was transplanted into ours + from the British system, by a man whose mind was really powerful, but + chained by native partialities to every thing English; who had formed + exaggerated ideas of the superior perfection of the English constitution, + the superior wisdom of their government, and sincerely believed it for the + good of this country to make them their model in every thing; without + considering that what might be wise and good for a nation essentially + commercial, and entangled in complicated intercourse with numerous and + powerful neighbors, might not be so for one essentially agricultural, and + insulated by nature from the abusive governments of the old world. + </p> + <p> + The exercise, by our own citizens, of so much commerce as may suffice to + exchange our superfluities for our wants, may be advantageous for the + whole. But it does not follow, that, with a territory so boundless, it is + the interest of the whole to become a mere city of London, to carry on the + business of one half the world at the expense of eternal war with the + other half. The agricultural capacities of our country constitute its + distinguishing feature; and the adapting our policy and pursuits to that, + is more likely to make us a numerous and happy people, than the mimicry of + an Amsterdam, a Hamburgh, or a city of London. Every society has a right + to fix the fundamental principles of its association, and to say to all + individuals, that, if they contemplate pursuits beyond the limits of these + principles, and involving dangers which the society chooses to avoid, they + must go somewhere else for their exercise; that we want no citizens, and + still less ephemeral and pseudo-citizens, on such terms. We may exclude + them from our territory, as we do persons infected with disease. Such is + the situation of our country. We have most abundant resources of happiness + within ourselves, which we may enjoy in peace and safety, without + permitting a few citizens, infected with the mania of rambling and + gambling, to bring danger on the great mass engaged in innocent and safe + pursuits at home. In your letter to Fisk, you have fairly stated the + alternatives between which we are to choose: 1. licentious commerce and + gambling speculations for a few, with eternal war for the many; or, 2. + restricted commerce, peace, and steady occupations for all. If any State + in the Union will declare that it prefers separation with the first + alternative, to a continuance in union without it, I have no hesitation in + saying, ‘Let us separate.’ I would rather the States should withdraw, + which are for unlimited commerce and war, and confederate with those alone + which are for peace and agriculture. I know that every nation in Europe + would join in sincere amity with the latter, and hold the former at arm’s + length, by jealousies, prohibitions, restrictions, vexations, and war. No + earthly consideration could induce my consent to contract such a debt as + England has by her wars for commerce, to reduce our citizens by taxes to + such wretchedness, as that laboring sixteen of the twenty-four hours, they + are still unable to afford themselves bread, or barely to earn as much + oatmeal or potatoes as will keep soul and body together. And all this to + feed the avidity of a few millionary merchants, and to keep up one + thousand ships of war for the protection of their commercial speculations. + I returned from Europe after our government had got under way, and had + adopted from the British code the law of drawbacks. I early saw its + effects in the jealousies and vexations of Britain; and that, retaining + it, we must become, like her, an essentially warring nation, and meet, in + the end, the catastrophe impending over her. No one can doubt that this + alone produced the orders of council, the depredations which preceded, and + the war which followed them. Had we carried but our own produce, and + brought back but our own wants, no nation would have troubled us. Our + commercial dashers, then, have already cost us so many thousand lives, so + many millions of dollars, more than their persons and all their commerce + were worth. When war was declared, and especially after Massachusetts, who + had produced it, took side with the enemy waging it, I pressed on some + confidential friends in Congress to avail us of the happy opportunity of + repealing the drawback; and I do rejoice to find that you are in that + sentiment. You are young, and may be in the way of bringing it into + effect. Perhaps time, even yet, and change of tone (for there are symptoms + of that in Massachusetts), may not have obliterated altogether the sense + of our late feelings and sufferings; may not have induced oblivion of the + friends we have lost, the depredations and conflagrations we have + suffered, and the debts we have incurred, and to have to labor for through + the lives of the present generation. The earlier the repeal is proposed, + the more it will be befriended by all these recollections and + considerations. This is one of three great measures necessary to insure us + permanent prosperity. This preserves our peace. A second should enable us + to meet any war, by adopting the report of the war department, for placing + the force of the nation at effectual command: and a third should insure + resources of money by the suppression of all paper circulation during + peace, and licensing that of the nation alone during war. The metallic + medium of which we should be possessed at the commencement of a war, would + be a sufficient fund for all the loans we should need through its + continuance; and if the national bills issued, be bottomed (as is + indispensable) on pledges of specific taxes for their redemption within + certain and moderate epochs, and be of proper denominations for + circulation, no interest on them would be necessary or just, because they + would answer to every one the purposes of the metallic money withdrawn and + replaced by them. But possibly these may be the dreams of an old man, or + that the occasions of realizing them may have passed away without return. + A government regulating itself by what is wise and just for the many, + uninfluenced by the local and selfish views of the few who direct their + affairs, has not been seen, perhaps, on earth. Or if it existed, for a + moment, at the birth of ours, it would not be easy to fix the term of its + continuance. Still, I believe it does exist here in a greater degree than + any where else; and for its growth and continuance, as well as for your + personal health and happiness, I offer sincere prayers, with the homage of + my respect and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0135" id="link2H_4_0135"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXV.—TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL, July 12, 1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, July 12, 1816. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I duly received your favor of June the 13th, with the copy of the letters + on the calling a convention, on which you are pleased to ask my opinion. I + have not been in the habit of mysterious reserve on any subject, nor of + buttoning up my opinions within my own doublet. On the contrary, while in + public service especially, I thought the public entitled to frankness, and + intimately to know whom they employed. But I am now retired: I resign + myself, as a passenger, with confidence to those at present at the helm, + and ask but for rest, peace, and good will. The question you propose, on + equal representation, has become a party one, in which I wish to take no + public share. Yet, if it be asked for your own satisfaction only, and not + to be quoted before the public, I have no motive to withhold it, and the + less from you, as it coincides with your own. At the birth of our + republic, I committed that opinion to the world, in the draught of a + constitution annexed to the Notes on Virginia, in which a provision was + inserted for a representation permanently equal. The infancy of the + subject at that moment, and our inexperience of self-government, + occasioned gross departures in that draught from genuine republican + canons. In truth, the abuses of monarchy had so much filled all the space + of political contemplation, that we imagined every thing republican which + was not monarchy. We had not yet penetrated to the mother principle, that + ‘governments are republican only in proportion as they embody the will of + their people, and execute it.’ Hence, our first constitutions had really + no leading principle in them. But experience and reflection have but more + and more confirmed me in the particular importance of the equal + representation then proposed. On that point, then, I am entirely in + sentiment with your letters; and only lament that a copyright of your + pamphlet prevents their appearance in the newspapers, where alone they + would be generally read, and produce general effect. The present vacancy + too, of other matter, would give them place in every paper, and bring the + question home to every man’s conscience. + </p> + <p> + But inequality of representation in both Houses of our legislature, is not + the only republican heresy in this first essay of our revolutionary + patriots at forming a constitution. For let it be agreed that a government + is republican in proportion as every member composing it has his equal + voice in the direction of its concerns, (not indeed in person, which would + be impracticable beyond the limits of a city, or small township, but) by + representatives chosen by himself, and responsible to him at short + periods, and let us bring to the test of this canon every branch of our + constitution. + </p> + <p> + In the legislature, the House of Representatives is chosen by less than + half the people, and not at all in proportion to those who do choose. The + Senate are still more disproportionate, and for long terms of + irresponsibility. In the Executive, the Governor is entirely independent + of the choice of the people, and of their control; his Council equally so, + and at best but a fifth wheel to a wagon. In the Judiciary, the judges of + the highest courts are dependent on none but themselves. In England, where + judges were named and removable at the will of an hereditary executive, + from which branch most misrule was feared, and has flowed, it was a great + point gained, by fixing them for life, to make them independent of that + executive. But in a government founded on the public will, this principle + operates in an opposite direction, and against that will. There, too, they + were still removable on a concurrence of the executive and legislative + branches. But we have made them independent of the nation itself. They are + irremovable, but by their own body, for any depravities of conduct, and + even by their own body for the imbecilities of dotage. The justices of the + inferior courts are self-chosen, are for life, and perpetuate their own + body in succession for ever, so that a faction once possessing themselves + of the bench of a county, can never be broken up, but hold their county in + chains, for ever indissoluble. Yet these justices are the real executive + as well as judiciary, in all our minor and most ordinary concerns. They + tax us at will; fill the office of sheriff, the most important of all the + executive officers of the county; name nearly all our military leaders, + which leaders, once named, are removable but by themselves. The juries, + our judges of all fact, and of law when they choose it, are not selected + by the people, nor amenable to them. They are chosen by an officer named + by the court and executive. Chosen, did I say? Picked up by the sheriff + from the loungings of the court-yard, after every thing respectable has + retired from it. Where then is our republicanism to be found? Not in our + constitution certainly, but merely in the spirit of our people. That would + oblige even a despot to govern us republicanly. Owing to this spirit, and + to nothing in the form of our constitution, all things have gone well. But + this fact, so triumphantly misquoted by the enemies of reformation, is not + the fruit of our constitution, but has prevailed in spite of it. Our + functionaries have done well, because generally honest men. If any were + not so, they feared to show it. + </p> + <p> + But it will be said, it is easier to find faults than to amend them. I do + not think their amendment so difficult as is pretended. Only lay down true + principles, and adhere to them inflexibly. Do not be frightened into their + surrender by the alarms of the timid, or the croakings of wealth against + the ascendancy of the people. If experience be called for, appeal to that + of our fifteen or twenty governments for forty years, and show me where + the people have done half the mischief in these forty years, that a single + despot would have done in a single year; or show half the riots and + rebellions, the crimes and the punishments, which have taken place in any + single nation, under Kingly government, during the same period. The true + foundation of republican government is the equal right of every citizen, + in his person and property, and in their management. Try by this, as a + tally, every provision of our constitution, and see if it hangs directly + on the will of the people. Reduce your legislature to a convenient number + for full, but orderly discussion. Let every man who fights or pays, + exercise his just and equal right in their election. Submit them to + approbation or rejection at short intervals. Let the executive be chosen + in the same way, and for the same term, by those whose agent he is to be; + and leave no screen of a council behind which to skulk from + responsibility. It has been thought that the people are not competent + electors of judges learned in the law. But I do not know that this is + true, and if doubtful, we should follow principle. In this, as in many + other elections, they would be guided by reputation, which would not err + oftener, perhaps, than the present mode of appointment. In one State of + the Union, at least, it has been long tried, and with the most + satisfactory success. The judges of Connecticut have been chosen by the + people every six months, for nearly two centuries, and I believe there has + hardly ever been an instance of change; so powerful is the curb of + incessant responsibility. If prejudice, however, derived from a + monarchical institution, is still to prevail against the vital elective + principle of our own, and if the existing example among ourselves of + periodical election of judges by the people be still mistrusted, let us at + least not adopt the evil, and reject the good, of the English precedent; + let us retain a movability on the concurrence of the executive and + legislative branches, and nomination by the executive alone. Nomination to + office is an executive function. To give it to the legislature, as we do, + is a violation of the principle of the separation of powers. It swerves + the members from correctness, by temptations to intrigue for office + themselves, and to a corrupt barter of votes; and destroys responsibility + by dividing it among a multitude. By leaving nomination in its proper + place, among executive functions, the principle of the distribution of + power is preserved, and responsibility weighs with its heaviest force on a + single head. + </p> + <p> + The organization of our county administrations may be thought more + difficult. But follow principle, and the knot unties itself. Divide the + counties into wards of such size as that every citizen can attend when + called on, and act in person. Ascribe to them the government of their + wards in all things relating to themselves exclusively. A justice, chosen + by themselves, in each, a constable, a military company, a patrol, a + school, the care of their own poor, their own portion of the public roads, + the choice of one or more jurors to serve in some court, and the delivery, + within their own wards, of their own votes for all elective officers of + higher sphere, will relieve the county administration of nearly all its + business, will have it better done, and by making every citizen an acting + member of the government, and in the offices nearest and most interesting + to him, will attach him by his strongest feelings to the independence of + his country, and its republican constitution. The justices thus chosen by + every ward, would constitute the county court, would do its judiciary + business, direct roads and bridges, levy county and poor rates, and + administer all the matters of common interest to the whole county. These + wards, called townships in New England, are the vital principle of their + governments, and have proved themselves the wisest invention ever devised + by the wit of man for the perfect exercise of self-government, and for its + preservation. We should thus marshal our government into, 1. The general + federal republic, for all concerns foreign and federal; 2. That of the + State, for what relates to our own citizens exclusively; 3. The county + republics, for the duties and concerns of the county; and, 4. The ward + republics, for the small, and yet numerous and interesting concerns of the + neighborhood: and in government, as well as in every other business of + life, it is by division and sub-division of duties alone, that all + matters, great and small, can be managed to perfection. And the whole is + cemented by giving to every citizen, personally, a part in the + administration of the public affairs. + </p> + <p> + The sum of these amendments is, 1. General suffrage. 2. Equal + representation in the legislature. 3. An executive chosen by the people. + 4. Judges elective or amovable. 5. Justices, jurors, and sheriffs + elective. 6. Ward divisions. And, 7. Periodical amendments of the + constitution. + </p> + <p> + I have thrown out these, as loose heads of amendment, for consideration + and correction: and their object is to secure self-government by the + republicanism of our constitution, as well as by the spirit of the people; + and to nourish and perpetuate that spirit. I am not among those who fear + the people. They, and not the rich, are our dependence for continued + freedom. And to preserve their independence, we must not let our rulers + load us with perpetual debt. We must make our election between economy and + liberty, or profusion and servitude. If we run into such debts, as that we + must be taxed in our meat and in our drink, in our necessaries and our + comforts, in our labors and our amusements, for our callings and our + creeds, as the people of England are, our people, like them, must come to + labor sixteen hours in the twenty-four, give the earnings of fifteen of + these to the government for their debts and daily expenses; and the + sixteenth being insufficient to afford us bread, we must live, as they now + do, on oatmeal and potatoes; have no time to think, no means of calling + the mismanagers to account; but be glad to obtain subsistence by hiring + ourselves to rivet their chains on the necks of our fellow-sufferers. Our + land-holders, too, like theirs, retaining indeed the title and stewardship + of estates called theirs, but held really in trust for the treasury, must + wander, like theirs, in foreign countries, and be contented with penury, + obscurity, exile, and the glory of the nation. This example reads to us + the salutary lesson that private fortunes are destroyed by public, as well + as by private extravagance. And this is the tendency of all human + governments. A departure from principle in one instance, becomes a + precedent for a second; that second for a third; and so on, till the bulk + of the society is reduced to be mere automatons of misery, to have no + sensibilities left but for sinning and suffering. Then begins, indeed, the + <i>bellum omnium in omnia</i>, which some philosophers observing to be so + general in this world, have mistaken it for the natural, instead of the + abusive state of man. And the fore-horse of this frightful team is public + debt. Taxation follows that, and in its train wretchedness and oppression. + </p> + <p> + Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem + them, like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe + to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what + they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well: I belonged to it, + and labored with it. It deserved well of its country. It was very like the + present, but without the experience of the present; and forty years of + experience in government is worth a century of book-reading: and this they + would say themselves, were they to rise from the dead. I am certainly not + an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions. I + think moderate imperfections had better be borne with; because, when once + known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of + correcting their ill effects. But I know, also, that laws and institutions + must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes + more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths + disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of + circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the + times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted + him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of + their barbarous ancestors. It is this preposterous idea which has lately + deluged Europe in blood. Their monarchs, instead of wisely yielding to the + gradual changes of circumstances, of favoring progressive accommodation to + progressive improvement, have clung to old abuses, entrenched themselves + behind steady habits, and obliged their subjects to seek through blood and + violence rash and ruinous innovations, which, had they been referred to + the peaceful deliberations and collected wisdom of the nation, would have + been put into acceptable and salutary forms. Let us follow no such + examples, nor weakly believe that one generation is not as capable as + another of taking care of itself, and of ordering its own affairs. Let us, + as our sister States have done, avail ourselves of our reason and + experience, to correct the crude essays of our first and unexperienced, + although wise, virtuous, and well-meaning councils. And, lastly, let us + provide in our constitution for its revision at stated periods. What these + periods should be, nature herself indicates. By the European tables of + mortality, of the adults living at any one moment of time, a majority will + be dead in about nineteen years. At the end of that period, then, a new + majority is come into place; or, in other words, a new generation. Each + generation is as independent of the one preceding, as that was of all + which had gone before. It has, then, like them, a right to choose for + itself the form of government it believes most promotive of its own + happiness; consequently, to accommodate to the circumstances in which it + finds itself, that received from its predecessors: and it is for the peace + and good of mankind, that a solemn opportunity of doing this every + nineteen or twenty years, should be provided by the constitution; so that + it may be handed on, with periodical repairs, from generation to + generation, to the end of time, if any thing human can so long endure. It + is now forty years since the constitution of Virginia was formed. The same + tables inform us, that, within that period, two thirds of the adults then + living are now dead. Have then the remaining third, even if they had the + wish, the right to hold in obedience to their will, and to laws heretofore + made by them, the other two thirds, who, with themselves, compose the + present mass of adults? If they have not, who has? The dead? But the dead + have no rights. They are nothing; and nothing cannot own something. Where + there is no substance, there can be no accident. This corporeal globe, and + every thing upon it, belong to its present corporeal inhabitants, during + their generation. They alone have a right to direct what is the concern of + themselves alone, and to declare the law of that direction: and this + declaration can only be made by their majority. That majority, then, has a + right to depute representatives to a convention, and to make the + constitution what they think will be best for themselves. But how collect + their voice? This is the real difficulty. If invited by private authority + to county or district meetings, these divisions are so large, that few + will attend; and their voice will be imperfectly or falsely pronounced. + Here, then, would be one of the advantages of the ward divisions I have + proposed. The mayor of every ward, on a question like the present, would + call his ward together, take the simple yea or nay of its members, convey + these to the county court, who would hand on those of all its wards to the + proper general authority; and the voice of the whole people would be thus + fairly, fully, and peaceably expressed, discussed, and decided by the + common reason of the society. If this avenue be shut to the call of + sufferance, it will make itself heard through that of force, and we shall + go on, as other nations are doing, in the endless circle of oppression, + rebellion, reformation; and oppression, rebellion, reformation, again; and + so on, for ever. + </p> + <p> + These, Sir, are my opinions of the governments we see among men, and of + the principles by which alone we may prevent our own from falling into the + same dreadful track. I have given them at greater length than your letter + called for. But I cannot say things by halves; and I confide them to your + honor, so to use them as to preserve me from the gridiron of the public + papers. If you shall approve and enforce them, as you have done that of + equal representation, they may do some good. If not, keep them to yourself + as the effusions of withered age, and useless time. I shall, with not the + Less truth, assure you of my great respect and consideration. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0136" id="link2H_4_0136"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXVI.—TO JOHN TAYLOR, July 21, 1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN TAYLOR. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, July 21, 1816. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Yours of the 10th is received, and I have to acknowledge a copious supply + of the turnip-seed requested. Besides taking care myself, I shall endeavor + again to commit it to the depository of the neighborhood, generally found + to be the best precaution against losing a good thing. I will add a word + on the political part of our letters. I believe we do not differ on either + of the points you suppose. On education certainly not; of which the proofs + are my bill for the diffusion of knowledge, proposed near forty years ago, + and my uniform endeavors, to this day, to get our counties divided into + wards, one of the principal objects of which is, the establishment of a + primary school in each. But education not being a branch of municipal + government, but, like the other arts and sciences, an accident only, I did + not place it, with election, as a fundamental member in the structure of + government. Nor, I believe, do we differ as to the county courts. I + acknowledge the value of this institution; that it is in truth our + principal executive and judiciary, and that it does much for little + pecuniary reward. It is their self-appointment I wish to correct; to find + some means of breaking up a cabal, when such a one gets possession of the + bench. When this takes place, it becomes the most afflicting of tyrannies, + because its powers are so various, and exercised on every thing most + immediately around us. And how many instances have you and I known of + these monopolies of county administration! I knew a county in which a + particular family (a numerous one) got possession of the bench, and for a + whole generation. never admitted a man on it who was not of its clan or + connection. 1 know a county now of one thousand and five hundred militia, + of which sixty are federalists. Its court is of thirty members, of whom + twenty are federalists, (every third man of the sect.) There are large and + populous districts in it without a justice, because without a federalist + for appointment: the militia are as disproportionably under federal + officers. And there is no authority on earth which can break up this + junto, short of a general convention. The remaining one thousand four + hundred and forty, free, fighting, and paying citizens, are governed by + men neither of their choice nor confidence, and without a hope of relief. + They are certainly excluded from the blessings of a free government for + life, and indefinitely, for aught the constitution has provided. This + solecism may be called any thing but republican, and ought undoubtedly to + be corrected. I salute you with constant friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0137" id="link2H_4_0137"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXVII.—TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL, September 5, 1816 + </h2> + <h3> + TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, September 5, 1816. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of August the 16th is just received. That which I wrote to you + under the address of H. Tompkinson, was intended for the author of the + pamphlet you were so kind as to send me, and therefore, in your hands, + found its true destination. But I must beseech you, Sir, not to admit a + possibility of its being published. Many good people will revolt from its + doctrines, and my wish is to offend nobody; to leave to those who are to + live under it, the settlement of their own constitution, and to pass in + peace the remainder of my time. If those opinions are sound, they will + occur to others, and will prevail by their own weight, without the aid of + names. I am glad to see that the Staunton meeting has rejected the idea of + a limited convention. The article, however, nearest my heart, is the + division of the counties into wards. These will be pure and elementary + republics, the sum of all which, taken together, composes the State, and + will make of the whole a true democracy as to the business of the wards, + which is that of nearest and daily concern. The affairs of the larger + sections, of counties, of States, and of the Union, not admitting personal + transaction by the people, will be delegated to agents elected by + themselves; and representation will thus be substituted, where personal + action becomes impracticable. Yet, even over these representative organs, + should they become corrupt and perverted, the division into wards + constituting the people, in their wards, a regularly organized power, + enables them by that organization to crush, regularly and peaceably, the + usurpations of their unfaithful agents, and rescues them from the dreadful + necessity of doing it insurrectionally. In this way we shall be as + republican as a large society can be; and secure the continuance of purity + in our government, by the salutary, peaceable, and regular control of the + people. No other depositories of power have ever yet been found, which did + not end in converting to their own profit the earnings of those committed + to their charge. George the III., in execution of the trust confided to + him, has, within his own day, loaded the inhabitants of Great Britain with + debts equal to the whole fee-simple value of their island, and under + pretext of governing it, has alienated its whole soil to creditors who + could lend money to be lavished on priests, pensions, plunder, and + perpetual war. This would not have been so, had the people retained + organized means of acting on their agents. In this example, then, let us + read a lesson for ourselves, and not ‘go, and do likewise.’ + </p> + <p> + Since writing my letter of July the 12th, I have been told, that on the + question of equal representation, our fellow-citizens in some sections of + the State claim peremptorily a right of representation for their slaves. + Principle will, in this, as in most other cases, open the way for us to + correct conclusion. Were our State a pure democracy, in which all its + inhabitants should meet together to transact all their business, there + would yet be excluded from their deliberations, 1. Infants, until arrived + at years of discretion. 2. Women, who, to prevent depravation of morals, + and ambiguity of issue, could not mix promiscuously in the public meetings + of men. 3, Slaves, from whom the unfortunate state of things with us takes + away the rights of will and of property. Those, then, who have no will, + could be permitted to exercise none in the popular assembly; and of course + could delegate none to an agent in a representative assembly. The + business, in the first case, would be done by qualified citizens only; + and, in the second, by the representatives of qualified citizens only. It + is true, that in the general constitution, our State is allowed a larger + representation on account of its slaves. But every one knows, that that + constitution was a matter of compromise; a capitulation between + conflicting interests and opinions. In truth, the condition of different + descriptions of inhabitants in any country is a matter of municipal + arrangement, of which no foreign country has a right to take notice. All + its inhabitants are men as to them. Thus, in the New England States, none + have the powers of citizens but those whom they call freemen; and none are + freemen Until admitted by a vote of the freemen of the town. Yet, in the + General Government, these non-freemen are counted in their quantum of + representation and of taxation. So, slaves with us have no powers as + citizens; yet, in representation in the General Government, they count in + the proportion of three to five; and so also in taxation. Whether this is + equal, is not here the question. It is a capitulation of discordant + sentiments and circumstances, and is obligatory on that ground. But this + view shows there is no inconsistency in claiming representation for them + from the other States, and refusing it within our own. + </p> + <p> + Accept the renewal of assurances of my respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0138" id="link2H_4_0138"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXVIII.—TO JOHN ADAMS, October 14, 1816 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS, + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 14, 1816. + </p> + <p> + Your letter, dear Sir, of May the 6th, had already well explained the uses + of grief. That of September the 3rd, with equal truth, adduces instances + of its abuse; and when we put into the same scale these abuses, with the + afflictions of soul which even the uses of grief cost us, we may consider + its value in the economy of the human being, as equivocal at least. Those + afflictions cloud too great a portion of life, to find a counterpoise in + any benefits derived from its uses. For setting aside its paroxyms on the + occasions of special bereavements, all the latter years of aged men are + overshadowed with its gloom. Whither, for instance, can you and I look + without seeing the graves of those we have known? And whom can we call up, + of our early companions, who has not left us to regret his loss? This, + indeed, may be one of the salutary effects of grief; inasmuch as it + prepares us to loose ourselves also without repugnance. Doctor Freeman’s + instances of female levity cured by grief, are certainly to the point, and + constitute an item of credit in the account we examine. I was much + mortified by the loss of the Doctor’s visit, by my absence from home. To + have shown how much I feel indebted to you for making good people known to + me, would have been one pleasure; and to have enjoyed that of his + conversation, and the benefits of his information, so favorably reported + by my family, would have been another. I returned home on the third day + after his departure. The loss of such visits is among the sacrifices which + my divided residence costs me. + </p> + <p> + Your undertaking the twelve volumes of Dupuis, is a degree of heroism to + which I could not have aspired even in my younger days. I have been + contented with the humble achievement of reading the analysis of his work + by Destutt Tracy, in two hundred pages, octavo. I believe I should have + ventured on his own abridgment of the work, in one octavo volume, had it + ever come to my hands; but the marrow of it in Tracy has satisfied my + appetite: and even in that, the preliminary discourse of the analyzer + himself, and his conclusion, are worth more in my eye than the body of the + work. For the object of that seems to be to smother all history under the + mantle of allegory. If histories so unlike as those of Hercules and Jesus, + can, by a fertile imagination and allegorical interpretations, be brought + to the same tally, no line of distinction remains between fact and fancy. + As this pithy morsel will not overburthen the mail in passing and + repassing between Quincy and Monticello, I send it for your perusal. + Perhaps it will satisfy you, as it has me; and may save you the labor of + reading twenty-four times its volume. I have said to you that it was + written by Tracy; and I had so entered it on the title-page, as I usually + do on anonymous works whose authors are known to me. But Tracy requested + me not to betray his anonyme, for reasons which may not yet, perhaps, have + ceased to weigh. I am bound, then, to make the same reserve with you. + Destutt-Tracy is, in my judgment, the ablest writer living on intellectual + subjects, or the operations of the understanding. His three octavo volumes + on Ideology, which constitute the foundation of what he has since written, + I have not entirely read; because I am not fond of reading what is merely + abstract, and unapplied immediately to some useful science. Bonaparte, + with his repeated derisions of Ideologists (squinting at this author) has + by this time felt that true wisdom does not lie in mere practice without + principle. The next work Tracy wrote was the Commentary on Montesquieu, + never published in the original, because not safe; but translated and + published in Philadelphia, yet without the author’s name. He has since + permitted his name to be mentioned. Although called a Commentary, it is, + in truth, an elementary work on the principles of government, comprised in + about three hundred pages octavo. He has lately published a third work on + Political Economy, comprising the whole subject within about the same + compass; in which all its principles are demonstrated with the severity of + Euclid, and, like him, without ever using a superfluous word. I have + procured this to be translated, and have been four years endeavoring to + get it printed: but, as yet, without success. In the mean time, the author + has published the original in France, which he thought unsafe while + Bonaparte was in power. No printed copy, I believe, has yet reached this + country. He has his fourth and last work now in the press at Paris, + closing, as he conceives, the circle of metaphysical sciences. This work, + which is on Ethics, I have not seen, but suspect I shall differ from it in + its foundation, although not in its deductions. I gather from his other + works that he adopts the principle of Hobbes, that justice is founded in + contract solely, and does not result from the constitution of man. I + believe, on the contrary, that it is instinct and innate, that the moral + sense is as much a part of our constitution as that of feeling, seeing, or + hearing; as a wise creator must have seen to be necessary in an animal + destined to live in society: that every human mind feels pleasure in doing + good to another: that the non-existence of justice is not to be inferred + from the fact that the same act is deemed virtuous and right in one + society which is held vicious and wrong in another; because, as the + circumstances and opinions of different societies vary, so the acts which + may do them right or wrong must vary also; for virtue does not consist in + the act we do, but in the end it is to effect. If it is to effect the + happiness of him to whom it is directed, it is virtuous, while, in a + society under different circumstances and opinions, the same act might + produce pain, and would be vicious. The essence of virtue is in doing good + to others, while what is good may be one thing in one society, and its + contrary in another. Yet, however we may differ as to the foundation of + morals (and as many foundations have been assumed as there are writers on + the subject nearly), so correct a thinker as Tracy will give us a sound + system of morals. And, indeed, it is remarkable, that so many writers, + setting out from so many different premises, yet meet all in the same + conclusions. This looks as if they were guided unconsciously, by the + unerring-hand of instinct. + </p> + <p> + Your history of the Jesuits, by what name of the author or other + description is it to be inquired for? + </p> + <p> + What do you think of the present situation of England? Is not this the + great and fatal crush of their funding system, which, like death, has been + foreseen by all, but its hour, like that of death, hidden from mortal + prescience? It appears to me that all the circumstances now exist which + render recovery desperate. The interest of the national debt is now equal + to such a portion of the profits of all the land and the labor of the + island, as not to leave enough for the subsistence of those who labor. + Hence the owners of the land abandon it and retire to other countries, and + the laborer has not enough of his earnings left to him to cover his back + and to fill his belly. The local insurrections, now almost general, are of + the hungry and the naked, who cannot be quieted but by food and raiment. + But where are the means of feeding and clothing them? The landholder has + nothing of his own to give; he is but the fiduciary of those who have lent + him money; the lender is so taxed in his meat, drink, and clothing, that + he has but a bare subsistence left. The landholder, then, must give up his + land, or the lender his debt, or they must compromise by giving up each + one half. But will either consent, peaceably, to such an abandonment of + property? Or must it not be settled by civil conflict? If peaceably + compromised, will they agree to risk another ruin under the same + government unreformed? I think not; but I would rather know what you + think; because you have lived with John Bull, and know better than I do + the character of his herd. I salute Mrs. Adams and yourself with every + sentiment of affectionate cordiality and respect; + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0139" id="link2H_4_0139"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXXXIX.—TO JOHN ADAMS, TO JOHN ADAMS + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 11, 1817. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Forty-three volumes read in one year, and twelve of them quarto! Dear Sir, + how I envy you! Half a dozen octavos in that space of time are as much as + I am allowed. I can read by candlelight only, and stealing long hours from + my rest: nor would that time be indulged to me, could I by that light see + to write. From sunrise to one or two o’clock, and often from dinner to + dark, I am drudging at the writing-table. And all this to answer letters + into which neither interest nor inclination on my part enters; and often + from persons whose names I have never before heard. Yet, writing civilly, + it is hard to refuse them civil answers. This is the burthen of my life, a + very grievous one indeed, and one which I must get rid of. Delaplaine + lately requested me to give him a line on the subject of his book; + meaning, as I well knew, to publish it. This I constantly refuse; but in + this instance yielded, that in saying a word for him, I might say two for + myself. I expressed in it freely my sufferings from this source; hoping it + would have the effect of an indirect appeal to the discretion of those, + strangers and others, who, in the most friendly dispositions, oppress me + with their concerns, their pursuits, their projects, inventions, and + speculations, political, moral, religious, mechanical, mathematical, + historical, &c. &c. &c. I hope the appeal will bring me + relief, and that I shall be left to, exercise and enjoy correspondence + with the friends I love, and on subjects which they, or my own + inclinations, present. In that case, your letters shall not be so long on + my files unanswered, as sometimes they have been to my great + mortification. + </p> + <p> + To advert now to the subjects of those of December the 12th and 16th. + Tracy’s Commentaries on Montesquieu have never been published in the + original. Duane printed a translation from the original manuscript a few + years ago. It sold, I believe, readily, and whether a copy can now be had, + I doubt. If it can, you will receive it from my bookseller in + Philadelphia, to whom I now write for that purpose. Tracy comprehends, + under the word ‘Ideology’ all the subjects which the French term <i>Morale</i>, + as the correlative to <i>Physique</i>, His works on Logic, Government, + Political Economy, and Morality, he considers as making up the circle of + ideological subjects, or of those which are within the scope of the + understanding, and not of the senses. His Logic occupies exactly the + ground of Locke’s work on the Understanding. The translation of that on + Political Economy is now printing; but it is no translation of mine. I + have only had the correction of it, which was, indeed, very laborious. <i>Le + premier jet</i> having been by some one who understood neither French nor + English, it was impossible to make it more than faithful. But it is a + valuable work. + </p> + <p> + The result of your fifty or sixty years of religious reading in the four + words, ‘Be just and good,’ is that in which all our inquiries must end; as + the riddles of all the priesthoods end in four more, ‘<i>Ubi panis, ibi + deus</i>.’ What all agree in, is probably right; what no two agree in, + most probably wrong. One of our fan-coloring biographers, who paints small + men as very great, inquired of me lately, with real affection too, whether + he might consider as authentic, the change in my religion much spoken of + in some circles. Now this supposed that they knew what had been my + religion before, taking for it the word of their priests, whom I certainly + never made the confidants of my creed. My answer was, ‘Say nothing of my + religion. It is known to my God and myself alone. Its evidence before the + world is to be sought in my life; if that has been honest and dutiful to + society, the religion which has regulated it cannot be a bad one.’ + Affectionately adieu. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0140" id="link2H_4_0140"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXL.—TO JOHN ADAMS, May 5, 1817 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, May 5, 1817. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Absences and avocations had prevented my acknowledging your favor of + February the 2nd, when that of April the 19th arrived. I had not the + pleasure of receiving the former by the hands of Mr. Lyman. His business + probably carried him in another direction; for I am far inland, and + distant from the great line of communication between the trading cities. + Your recommendations are always welcome, for, indeed, the subjects of them + always merit that welcome, and some of them in an extraordinary degree. + They make us acquainted with what there is excellent in our ancient sister + State of Massachusetts, once venerated and beloved, and still hanging on + our hopes, for what need we despair of after the resurrection of + Connecticut to light and liberality. I had believed that the last retreat + of monkish darkness, bigotry, and abhorrence of those advances of the mind + which had carried the other States a century ahead of them. They seemed + still to be exactly where their forefathers were when they schismatized + from the covenant of works, and to consider as dangerous heresies all + innovations good or bad. I join you, therefore, in sincere congratulations + that this den of the priesthood is at length broken up, and that a + Protestant Popedom is no longer to disgrace the American history and + character. If by religion, we are to understand sectarian dogmas, in which + no two of them agree, then your exclamation on that hypothesis is just, + ‘that this would be the best of all possible worlds, if there were no + religion in it.’ But if the moral precepts, innate in man, and made a part + of his physical constitution, as necessary for a social being, if the + sublime doctrines of philanthropism and deism taught us by Jesus of + Nazareth, in which all agree, constitute true religion, then, without it, + this would be, as you again say, ‘something not fit to be named, even + indeed, a hell.’ + </p> + <p> + You certainly acted wisely in taking no notice of what the malice of + Pickering could say of you. Were such things to be answered, our lives + would be wasted in the filth of fendings and provings, instead of being + employed in promoting the happiness and prosperity of our fellow-citizens. + The tenor of your life is the proper and sufficient answer. It is + fortunate for those in public trust, that posterity will judge them by + their works, and not by the malignant vituperations and invectives of the + Pickerings and Gardiners of their age. After all, men of energy of + character must have enemies; because there are two sides to every + question, and taking one with decision, and acting on it with effect, + those who take the other will of course be hostile in proportion as they + feel that effect. Thus, in the Revolution, Hancock and the Adamses were + the raw-head and bloody bones of tories and traitors; who yet knew nothing + of you personally but what was good. I do not entertain your apprehensions + for the happiness of our brother Madison in a state of retirement. Such a + mind as his, fraught with information and with matter for reflection, can + never know <i>ennui</i>. Besides, there will always be work enough cut out + for him to continue his active usefulness to his country. For example, he + and Monroe (the President) are now here on the work of a collegiate + institution to be established in our neighborhood, of which they and + myself are three of six Visitors. This, if it succeeds, will raise up + children for Mr. Madison to employ his attention through life. I say, if + it succeeds; for we have two very essential wants in our way: 1. means to + compass our views; and 2. men qualified to fulfil them. And these you will + agree are essential wants indeed. + </p> + <p> + I am glad to find you have a copy of Sismondi, because his is a field + familiar to you, and on which you can judge him. His work is highly + praised, but I have not yet read it. I have been occupied and delighted + with reading another work, the title of which did not promise much useful + information or amusement, ‘<i>L’Italia avanti il Dominio del Romani, dal + Micali</i>. It has often, you know, been a subject of regret that Carthage + had no writer to give her side of her own history, while her wealth, + power, and splendor prove she must have had a very distinguished policy + and government. Micali has given the counterpart of the Roman history, for + the nations over which they extended their dominion. For this he has + gleaned up matter from every quarter, and furnished materials for + reflection and digestion to those who, thinking as they read, have + perceived that there was a great deal of matter behind the curtain, could + that be fully withdrawn. He certainly gives new views of a nation whose + splendor has masked and palliated their barbarous ambition. I am now + reading Botta’s History of our own Revolution. Bating the ancient practice + which he has adopted, of putting speeches into mouths which never made + them, and fancying motives of action which we never felt, he has given + that history with more detail, precision, and candor, than any writer I + have yet met with. It is, to be sure, compiled from those writers; but it + is a good secretion of their matter, the pure from the impure, and + presented in a just sense of right, in opposition to usurpation. + </p> + <p> + Accept assurances for Mrs. Adams and yourself of my affectionate esteem + and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0141" id="link2H_4_0141"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLI.—TO MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, May 14, 1817 + </h2> + <p> + TO MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, May 14, 1817. + </p> + <p> + Although, Dear Sir, much retired from the world, and meddling little in + its concerns, yet I think it almost a religious duty to salute at times my + old friends, were it only to say and to know that ‘all’s well.’ Our hobby + has been politics; but all here is so quiet, and with you so desperate, + that little matter is furnished us for active attention. With you too, it + has long been forbidden ground, and therefore imprudent for a foreign + friend to tread, in writing to you. But although our speculations might be + intrusive, our prayers cannot but be acceptable, and mine are sincerely + offered for the well-being of France. What government she can bear, + depends not on the state of science, however exalted, in a select band of + enlightened men, but on the condition of the general mind. That, I am + sure, is advanced and will advance, and the last change of government was + fortunate, inasmuch as the new will be less obstructive to the effects of + that advancement. For I consider your foreign military oppression as an + ephemeral obstacle only. + </p> + <p> + Here all is quiet. The British war has left us in debt; but that is a + cheap price for the good it has done us. The establishment of the + necessary manufactures among ourselves, the proof that our government is + solid, can stand the shock of war, and is superior even to civil schism, + are precious facts for us; and of these the strongest proofs were + furnished, when, with four eastern States tied to us, as dead to living + bodies, all doubt was removed as to the achievements of the war, had it + continued. But its best effect has been the complete suppression of party. + The federalists who were truly American, and their great mass was so, have + separated from their brethren who were mere Anglomen, and are received + with cordiality into the republican ranks. Even Connecticut, as a State, + and the last one expected to yield its steady habits (which were + essentially bigoted in politics as well as religion), has chosen a + republican governor, and republican legislature. Massachusetts indeed + still lags; because most deeply involved in the parricide crimes and + treasons of the war. But her gangrene is contracting, the sound flesh + advancing on it, and all there will be well. I mentioned Connecticut as + the most hopeless of our States. Little Delaware had escaped my attention. + That is essentially a Quaker State, the fragment of a religious sect + which, there, in the other States, in England, are a homogeneous mass, + acting with one mind, and that directed by the mother society in England. + Dispersed, as the Jews, they still form, as those do, one nation, foreign + to the land they live in. They are Protestant Jesuits, implicitly devoted + to the will of their superior, and forgetting all duties to their country + in the execution of the policy of their order. When war is proposed with + England, they have religious scruples; but when with France, these are + laid by, and they become clamorous for it. They are, however, silent, + passive, and give no other trouble than of whipping them along. Nor is the + election of Monroe an inefficient circumstance in our felicities. Four and + twenty years, which he will accomplish, of administration in republican + forms and principles, will so consecrate them in the eyes of the people as + to secure them against the danger of change. The evanition of party + dissensions has harmonized intercourse, and sweetened society beyond + imagination. The war then has done us all this good, and the further one + of assuring the world, that although attached to peace from a sense of its + blessings, we will meet war when it is made necessary. + </p> + <p> + I wish I could give better hopes of our southern brethren. The achievement + of their independence of Spain is no longer a question. But it is a very + serious one, what will then become of them. Ignorance and bigotry, like + other insanities, are incapable of self-government. They will fall under + military despotisms, and become the murderous tools of the ambition of + their respective Bonapartes; and whether this will be for their greater + happiness, the rule of one only has taught you to judge. No one, I hope, + can doubt my wish to see them and all mankind exercising self-government, + and capable of exercising it. But the question is not what we wish, but + what is practicable. As their sincere friend and brother, then, I do + believe the best thing for them, would be for themselves to come to an + accord with Spain, under the guarantee of France, Russia, Holland, and the + United States, allowing to Spain a nominal supremacy, with authority only + to keep the peace among them, leaving them otherwise all the powers of + self-government, until their experience in them, their emancipation from + their priests, and advancement in information, shall prepare them for + complete independence. I exclude England from this confederacy, because + her selfish principles render her incapable of honorable patronage or + disinterested co-operation: unless, indeed, what seems now probable, a + revolution, should restore to her an honest government, one which will + permit the world to live in peace. Portugal grasping at an extension of + her dominion in the south, has lost her great northern province of + Pernambuco, and I shall not wonder if Brazil should revolt in mass, and + send their royal family back to Portugal, Brazil is more populous, more + wealthy, more energetic, and as wise as Portugal. I have been insensibly + led, my dear friend, while writing to you, to indulge in that line of + sentiment in which we have been always associated, forgetting that these + are matters not belonging to my time. Not so with you, who have still many + years to be a spectator of these events. That these years may indeed be + many and happy, is the sincere prayer of your affectionate friend. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0142" id="link2H_4_0142"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLII.—TO ALBERT GALLATIN, June 16, 1817 + </h2> + <p> + TO ALBERT GALLATIN. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 16, 1817. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + The importance that the enclosed letters should safely reach their + destination, impels me to avail myself of the protection of your cover. + This is an inconvenience to which your situation exposes you, while it + adds to the opportunities of exercising yourself in works of charity. + </p> + <p> + According to the opinion I hazarded to you a little before your departure, + we have had almost an entire change in the body of Congress. The + unpopularity of the compensation law was completed, by the manner of + repealing it as to all the world except themselves. In some States, it is + said, every member is changed; in all, many. What opposition there was to + the original law, was chiefly from southern members. Yet many of those + have been left out, because they received the advanced wages. I have never + known so unanimous a sentiment of disapprobation; and what is remarkable, + is, that it was spontaneous. The newspapers were almost entirely silent, + and the people not only unled by their leaders, but in opposition to them. + I confess I was highly pleased with this proof of the innate good sense, + the vigilance, and the determination of the people to act for themselves. + </p> + <p> + Among the laws of the late Congress, some were of note: a navigation act, + particularly, applicable to those nations only who have navigation acts; + pinching one of them especially, not only in the general way, but in the + intercourse with her foreign possessions. This part may re-act on us, and + it remains for trial which may bear longest. A law respecting our conduct + as a neutral between Spain and her contending colonies, was passed by a + majority of one only, I believe, and against the very general sentiment of + our country. It is thought to strain our complaisance to Spain beyond her + right or merit, and almost against the right of the other party, and + certainly against the claims they have to our good wishes and neighborly + relations. That we should wish to see the people of other countries free, + is as natural, and at least as justifiable, as that one King should wish + to see the Kings of other countries maintained in their despotism. Right + to both parties, innocent favor to the juster cause, is our proper + sentiment. + </p> + <p> + You will have learned that an act for internal improvement, after passing + both houses, was negatived by the President. The act was founded, + avowedly, on the principle that the phrase in the constitution, which + authorizes Congress ‘to lay taxes, to pay the debts and provide for the + general welfare,’ was an extension of the powers specifically enumerated + to whatever would promote the general welfare; and this, you know, was the + federal doctrine. Whereas, our tenet ever was, and, indeed, it is almost + the only land-mark which now divides the federalists from the republicans, + that Congress had not unlimited powers to provide for the general welfare, + but were restrained to those specifically enumerated; and that, as it was + never meant they should provide for that welfare but by the exercise of + the enumerated powers, so it could not have been meant they should raise + money for purposes which the enumeration did not place under their action: + consequently, that the specification of powers is a limitation of the + purposes for which they may raise money. I think the passage and rejection + of this bill a fortunate incident. Every State will certainly concede the + power; and this will be a national confirmation of the grounds of appeal + to them, and will settle for ever the meaning of this phrase, which, by a + mere grammatical quibble, has countenanced the General Government in a + claim of universal power. For in the phrase, ‘to lay taxes, to pay the + debts and provide for the general welfare,’ it is a mere question of + syntax, whether the two last infinitives are governed by the first, or are + distinct and co-ordinate powers; a question unequivocally decided by the + exact definition of powers immediately following. It is fortunate for + another reason, as the States, in conceding the power, will modify it, + either by requiring the federal ratio of expense in each State, or + otherwise, so as to secure us against its partial exercise. Without this + caution, intrigue, negotiation, and the barter of votes might become as + habitual in Congress, as they are in those legislatures which have the + appointment of officers, and which, with us, is called ‘logging,’ the term + of the farmers for their exchanges of aid in rolling together the logs of + their newly cleared grounds. Three of our papers have presented us the + copy of an act of the legislature of New York, which, if it has really + passed, will carry us back to the times of the darkest bigotry and + barbarism to find a parallel. Its purport is, that all those who shall + hereafter join in communion with the religious sect of Shaking Quakers, + shall be deemed civilly dead, their marriages dissolved, and all their + children and property taken out of their hands. This act being published + nakedly in the papers, without the usual signatures, or any history of the + circumstances of its passage, I am not without a hope it may have been a + mere abortive attempt. It contrasts singularly with a cotemporary vote of + the Pennsylvania legislature, who, on a proposition to make the belief in + a God a necessary qualification for office, rejected it by a great + majority, although assuredly there was not a single atheist in their body. + And you remember to have heard, that, when the act for religious freedom + was before the Virginia Assembly, a motion to insert the name of Jesus + Christ before the phrase, ‘the author of our holy religion,’ which stood + in the bill, was rejected, although that was the creed of a great majority + of them. + </p> + <p> + I have been charmed to see that a Presidential election now produces + scarcely any agitation. On Mr. Madison’s election there was little, on + Monroe’s all but none. In Mr. Adams’s time and mine, parties were so + nearly balanced as to make the struggle fearful for our peace. But since + the decided ascendancy of the republican body, federalism has looked on + with silent but unresisting anguish. In the middle, southern, and western + States, it is as low as it ever can be; for nature has made some men + monarchists and tories by their constitution, and some, of course, there + always will be. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + We have had a remarkably cold winter. At Hallowell, in Maine, the mercury + was at thirty-four degrees below zero, of Fahrenheit, which is sixteen + degrees lower than it was in Paris in 1788-9. Here it was at six degrees + above zero, which is our greatest degree of cold. + </p> + <p> + Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gallatin, and be assured of my constant + and affectionate friendship. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0143" id="link2H_4_0143"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLIII.—TO JOHN ADAMS, May 17, 1818 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, May 17, 1818. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I was so unfortunate as not to receive from Mr. Holly’s own hand your + favor of January the 28th, being then at my other home. He dined only with + my family, and left them with an impression which has filled me with + regret that I did not partake of the pleasure his visit gave them. I am + glad he is gone to Kentucky. Rational Christianity will thrive more + rapidly there than here. They are freer from prejudices than we are, and + bolder in grasping at truth. The time is not distant, though neither you + nor I shall see it, when we shall be but a secondary people to them. Our + greediness for wealth, and fantastical expense have degraded, and will + degrade, the minds of our maritime citizens. These are the peculiar vices + of commerce. + </p> + <p> + I had been long without hearing from you, but I had heard of you through a + letter from Doctor Waterhouse. He wrote to reclaim against an expression + of Mr. Wirt’s, as to the commencement of motion in the revolutionary ball. + The lawyers say that words are always to be expounded <i>secundum + subjectam materiem</i>, which, in Mr. Wirt’s case, was Virginia. It would, + moreover, be as difficult to say at what moment the Revolution began, and + what incident set it in motion, as to fix the moment that the embryo + becomes an animal, or the act which gives him a beginning. But the most + agreeable part of his letter was that which informed me of your health, + your activity, and strength of memory; and the most wonderful, that which + assured me that you retained your industry and promptness in epistolary + correspondence. Here you have entire advantage over me. My repugnance to + the writing-table becomes daily and hourly more deadly and insurmountable. + In place of this has come on a canine appetite for reading. And I indulge + it, because I see in it a relief against the <i>tædium senectutis</i>; a + lamp to lighten my path through the dreary wilderness of time before me, + whose bourne I see not. Losing daily all interest in the things around us, + something else is necessary to fill the void. With me it is reading, which + occupies the mind without the labor of producing ideas from my own stock. + </p> + <p> + I enter into all your doubts as to the event of the revolution of South + America. They will succeed against Spain. But the dangerous enemy is + within their own breasts. Ignorance and superstition will chain their + minds and bodies under religious and military despotism. I do believe it + would be better for them to obtain freedom by degrees only; because that + would by degrees bring on light and information, and qualify them to take + charge of themselves understanding; with more certainty, if, in the mean + time, under so much control as may keep them at peace with one another. + Surely, it is our duty to wish them independence and self-government, + because they wish it themselves, and they have the right, and we none, to + choose for themselves: and I wish, moreover, that our ideas may be + erroneous, and theirs prove well-founded. But these are speculations, my + friend, which we may as well deliver over to those who are to see their + developement. We shall only be lookers on, from the clouds above, as now + we look down on the labors, the hurry, and bustle of the ants and bees. + Perhaps, in that super-mundane region, we may be amused with seeing the + fallacy of our own guesses, and even the nothingness of those labors which + have filled and agitated our own time here. + </p> + <p> + <i>En attendant</i>, with sincere affections to Mrs. Adams and yourself, I + salute you both cordially. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0144" id="link2H_4_0144"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLIV.—TO JOHN ADAMS, November 13, 1818 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, November 13, 1818. + </p> + <p> + The public papers, my dear friend, announce the fatal event of which your + letter of October the 20th had given me ominous foreboding. Tried myself + in the school of affliction, by the loss of every form of connection which + can rive the human heart, I know well, and feel what you have lost, what + you have suffered, are suffering, and have yet to endure. The same trials + have taught me that, for ills so immeasurable, time and silence are the + only medicine. I will not, therefore, by useless condolences, open afresh + the sluices of your grief, nor, although mingling sincerely my tears with + yours, will I say a word more where words are vain, but that it is of some + comfort to us both, that the term is not very distant, at which we are to + deposit in the same cerement our sorrows and suffering bodies, and to + ascend in essence to an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved + and lost, and whom we shall still love, and never lose again. God bless + you, and support you under your heavy affliction. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0145" id="link2H_4_0145"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLV.—TO ROBERT WALSH, December 4, 1818 + </h2> + <p> + TO ROBERT WALSH. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 4, 1818. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Yours of November the 8th has been some time received; but it is in my + power to give little satisfaction as to its inquiries. Dr. Franklin had + many political enemies, as every character must, which, with decision + enough to have opinions, has energy and talent to give them effect on the + feelings of the adversary opinion. These enmities were chiefly in + Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. In the former, they were merely of the + proprietary party. In the latter, they did not commence till the + Revolution, and then sprung chiefly from personal animosities, which, + spreading by little and little, became at length of some extent. Dr. Lee + was his principal calumniator, a man of much malignity, who, besides + enlisting his whole family in the same hostility, was enabled, as the + agent of Massachusetts with the British government, to infuse it into that + State with considerable effect. Mr. Izard, the Doctor’s enemy also, but + from a pecuniary transaction, never countenanced these charges against + him. Mr. Jay, Silas Deane, Mr. Laurens, his colleagues also, ever + maintained towards him unlimited confidence and respect. That he would + have waived the formal recognition of our independence, I never heard on + any authority worthy notice. As to the fisheries, England was urgent to + retain them exclusively, France neutral, and I believe, that had they been + ultimately made a <i>sine qua non</i>, our commissioners (Mr. Adams + excepted) would have relinquished them, rather than have broken off the + treaty. To Mr. Adams’s perseverance alone, on that point, I have always + understood we were indebted for their reservation. As to the charge of + subservience to France, besides the evidence of his friendly colleagues + before named, two years of my own service with him at Paris, daily visits, + and the most friendly and confidential conversations, convince me it had + not a shadow of foundation. He possessed the confidence of that government + in the highest degree, insomuch, that it may truly be said, that they were + more under his influence, than he under theirs. The fact is, that his + temper was so amiable and conciliatory, his conduct so rational, never + urging impossibilities, or even things unreasonably inconvenient to them, + in short, so moderate and attentive to their difficulties, as well as our + own, that what his enemies called subserviency, I saw was only that + reasonable disposition, which, sensible that advantages are not all to be + on one side, yielding what is just and liberal, is the more certain of + obtaining liberality and justice. Mutual confidence produces, of course, + mutual influence, and this was all which subsisted between Dr. Franklin + and the government of France. + </p> + <p> + I state a few anecdotes of Dr. Franklin, within my own knowledge, too much + in detail for the scale of Delaplaine’s work, but which may find a cadre + in some of the more particular views you contemplate. My health is in a + great measure restored, and our family join with me in affectionate + recollections and assurances of respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0146" id="link2H_4_0146"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLVI.—TO M. DE NEUVILLE, December 13, 1818 + </h2> + <p> + TO M. DE NEUVILLE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 13, 1818. + </p> + <p> + I thank your Excellency for the notice with which your letters favor me, + of the liberation of France from the occupation of the allied powers. To + no one, not a native, will it give more pleasure. In the desolation of + Europe, to gratify the atrocious caprices of Bonaparte, France sinned + much: but she has suffered more than retaliation. Once relieved from the + incubus of her late oppression, she will rise like a giant from her + slumbers. Her soil and climate, her arts and eminent science, her central + position and free constitution, will soon make her greater than she ever + was. And I am a false prophet if she does not, at some future day, remind + of her sufferings those who have inflicted them the most eagerly. I hope, + however, she will be quiet for the present, and risk no new troubles. Her + constitution, as now amended, gives as much of self-government as perhaps + she can yet bear, and will give more, when the habits of order shall have + prepared her to receive more. Besides the gratitude which every American + owes her, as our sole ally during the war of independence, I am + additionally affectioned by the friendships I contracted there, by the + good dispositions I witnessed, and by the courtesies I received. + </p> + <p> + I rejoice, as a moralist, at the prospect of a reduction of the duties on + wine, by our national legislature. It is an error to view a tax on that + liquor as merely a tax on the rich. It is a prohibition of its use to the + middling class of our citizens, and a condemnation of them to the poison + of whiskey, which is desolating their houses. No nation is drunken where + wine is cheap; and none sober, where the dearness of wine substitutes + ardent spirits as the common beverage. It is, in truth, the only antidote + to the bane of whiskey. Fix but the duty at the rate of other merchandise, + and we can drink wine here as cheap as we do grog: and who will not prefer + it? Its extended use will carry health and comfort to a much enlarged + circle. Every one in easy circumstances (as the bulk of our citizens are) + will prefer it to the poison to which they are now driven by their + government. And the treasury itself will find that a penny a piece from a + dozen, is more than a groat from a single one. This reformation, however, + will require time. Our merchants know nothing of the infinite variety of + cheap and good wines to be had in Europe; and particularly in France, in + Italy, and the Grecian islands: as they know little, also, of the variety + of excellent manufactures and comforts to be had any where out of England. + Nor will these things be known, nor of course called for here, until the + native merchants of those countries, to whom they are known, shall bring + them forward, exhibit, and vend them at the moderate profits they can + afford. This alone will procure them familiarity with us, and the + preference they merit in competition with corresponding articles now in + use. + </p> + <p> + Our family renew with pleasure their recollections of your kind visit to + Monticello, and join me in tendering sincere assurances of the + gratification it afforded us, and of our great esteem and respectful + consideration. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0147" id="link2H_4_0147"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLVII.—TO DOCTOR VINE UTLEY, March 21, 1819 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR VINE UTLEY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 21, 1819. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of February the 18th came to hand on the 1st instant; and the + request of the history of my physical habits would have puzzled me not a + little, had it not been for the model with which you accompanied it, of + Doctor Rush’s answer to a similar inquiry. I live so much like other + people, that I might refer to ordinary life as the history of my own. Like + my friend the Doctor, I have lived temperately, eating little animal food, + and that not as an aliment, so much as a condiment for the vegetables, + which constitute my principal diet. I double, however, the Doctor’s glass + and a half of wine, and even treble it with a friend; but halve its effect + by drinking the weak wines only. The ardent wines I cannot drink, nor do I + use ardent spirits in any form. Malt liquors and cider are my table + drinks, and my breakfast, like that also of my friend, is of tea and + coffee. I have been blest with organs of digestion, which accept and + concoct, without ever murmuring, whatever the palate chooses to consign to + them, and I have not yet lost a tooth by age. I was a hard student until I + entered on the business of life, the duties of which leave no idle time to + those disposed to fulfil them; and now, retired, and at the age of + seventy-six, I am again a hard student. Indeed my fondness for reading and + study revolts me from the drudgery of letter-writing. And a stiff wrist, + the consequence of an early dislocation, makes writing both slow and + painful. I am not so regular in my sleep as the Doctor says he was, + devoting to it from five to eight hours, according as my company or the + book I am reading interests me; and I never go to bed without an hour, or + half hour’s previous reading of something moral, whereon to ruminate in + the intervals of sleep. But whether I retire to bed early or late, I rise + with the sun. I use spectacles at night, but not necessarily in the day, + unless in reading small print. My hearing is distinct in particular + conversation, but confused when several voices cross each other, which + unfits me for the society of the table. I have been more fortunate than my + friend in the article of health. So free from catarrhs that I have not had + one (in the breast, I mean) on an average of eight or ten years through + life. I ascribe this exemption partly to the habit of bathing my feet in + cold water every morning for sixty years past. A fever of more than + twenty-four hours I have not had above two or three times in my life. A + periodical headache has afflicted me occasionally, once, perhaps, in six + or eight years, for two or three weeks at a time, which seems now to have + left me; and, except on a late occasion of indisposition, I enjoy good + health; too feeble, indeed, to walk much, but riding without fatigue six + or eight miles a day, and sometimes thirty or forty. I may end these + egotisms, therefore, as I began, by saying that my life has been so much + like that of other people, that I might say with Horace, to every one, ‘<i>Nomine + mutato, narratur fabula de te</i>.’ I must not end, however, without due + thanks for the kind sentiments of regard you are so good as to express + towards myself; and with my acknowledgments for these, be pleased to + accept the assurances of my respect and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0148" id="link2H_4_0148"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLVIII.—TO JOHN ADAMS, July 9, 1819 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, July 9, 1819. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I am in debt to you for your letters of May the 21st, 27th, and June the + 22nd. The first, delivered me by Mr. Greenwood, gave me the gratification + of his acquaintance; and a gratification it always is, to be made + acquainted with gentlemen of candor, worth, and information, as I found + Mr. Greenwood to be. That, on the subject of Mr. Samuel Adams Wells, shall + not be forgotten in time and place, when it can be used to his advantage. + </p> + <p> + But what has attracted my peculiar notice, is the paper from Mecklenburg + county, of North Carolina, published in the Essex Register, which you were + so kind as to enclose in your last, of June the 22nd. And you seem to + think it genuine. I believe it spurious. I deem it to be a very + unjustifiable quiz, like that of the volcano, so minutely related to us as + having broken out in North Carolina, some half dozen years ago, in that + part of the country, and perhaps in that very county of Mecklenburg, for I + do not remember its precise locality. If this paper be really taken from + the Raleigh Register, as quoted, I wonder it should have escaped Ritchie, + who culls what is good from every paper, as the bee from every flower; and + the National Intelligencer, too, which is edited by a North-Carolinian: + and that the fire should blaze out all at once in Essex, one thousand + miles from where the spark is said to have fallen. But if really taken + from the Raleigh Register, who is the narrator, and is the name subscribed + real, or is it as fictitious as the paper itself? It appeals, too, to an + original book, which is burnt, to Mr. Alexander, who is dead, to a joint + letter from Caswell, Hughes, and Hooper, all dead, to a copy sent to the + dead Caswell, and another sent to Doctor Williamson, now probably dead, + whose memory did not recollect, in the history he has written of North + Carolina, this gigantic step of its county of Mecklenburg. Horry, too, is + silent in his history of Marion, whose scene of action was the country + bordering On Mecklenburg. Ramsay, Marshall, Jones, Girardin, Wirt, + historians of the adjacent States, all silent. When Mr. Henry’s + resolutions, far short of independence, flew like lightning through every + paper, and kindled both sides of the Atlantic, this flaming declaration of + the same date, of the independence of Mecklenburg county, of North + Carolina, absolving it from the British allegiance, and abjuring all + political connection with that nation, although sent to Congress, too, is + never heard of. It is not known even a twelvemonth after, when a similar + proposition is first made in that body. Armed with this bold example, + would not you have addressed our timid brethren in peals of thunder, on + their tardy fears? Would not every advocate of independence have rung the + glories of Mecklenburg county, in North Carolina, in the ears of the + doubting Dickinson and others, who hung so heavily on us? Yet the example + of independent Mecklenburg county, in North Carolina, was never once + quoted. The paper speaks, too, of the continued exertions of their + delegation (Caswell, Hooper, Hughes,) ‘in the cause of liberty and + independence.’ Now, you remember as well as I do, that we had not a + greater tory in Congress than Hooper; that Hughes was very wavering, + sometimes firm, sometimes feeble, according as the day was clear or + cloudy; that Caswell, indeed, was a good whig, and kept these gentlemen to + the notch, while he was present; but that he left us soon, and their line + of conduct became then uncertain until Penn came, who fixed Hughes, and + the vote of the State. I must not be understood as suggesting any + doubtfulness in the State of North Carolina. No State was more fixed or + forward. Nor do I affirm, positively, that this paper is a fabrication: + because the proof of a negative can only be presumptive. But I shall + believe it such until positive and solemn proof of its authenticity shall + be produced. And if the name of McKnitt be real, and not a part of the + fabrication, it needs a vindication by the production of such proof. For + the present, I must be an unbeliever in the apocryphal gospel. + </p> + <p> + I am glad to learn that Mr. Ticknor has safely returned to his friends; + but should have been much more pleased had he accepted the Professorship + in our University, which we should have offered him in form. Mr. Bowditch, + too, refuses us; so fascinating is the <i>vinculum</i> of the <i>dulce + natale solum</i>. Our wish is to procure natives, where they can be found, + like these gentlemen, of the first order of acquirement in their + respective lines; but preferring foreigners of the first order to natives + of the second, we shall certainly have to go, for several of our + Professors, to countries more advanced in science than we are. + </p> + <p> + I set out within three or four days for my other home, the distance of + which, and its cross mails, are great impediments to epistolary + communications. I shall remain there about two months; and there, here, + and every where, I am and shall always be, affectionately and respectfully + yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0149" id="link2H_4_0149"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXLIX.—TO JUDGE ROANE, September 6,1819 + </h2> + <p> + TO JUDGE ROANE. + </p> + <p> + Poplar Forest, September 6,1819. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I had read in the Enquirer, and with great approbation, the pieces signed + Hampden, and have read them again with redoubled approbation in the copies + you have been so kind as to send me. I subscribe to every tittle of them. + They contain the true principles of the revolution of 1800, for that was + as real a revolution in the principles of our government as that of 1776 + was in its form; not effected indeed by the sword, as that, but by the + rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suffrage of the people. + The nation declared its will by dismissing functionaries of one principle, + and electing those of another, in the two branches, executive and + legislative, submitted to their election. Over the judiciary department, + the constitution had deprived them of their control. That, therefore, has + continued the reprobated system: and although new matter has been + occasionally incorporated into the old, yet the leaven of the old mass + seems to assimilate to itself the new; and after twenty years’ + confirmation of the federated system by the voice of the nation, declared + through the medium of elections, we find the judiciary, on every occasion, + still driving us into consolidation. + </p> + <p> + In denying the right they usurp of exclusively explaining the + constitution, I go further than you do, if I understand rightly your + quotation from the Federalist, of an opinion that ‘the judiciary is the + last resort in relation <i>to the other departments of the government</i>, + but not in relation to the rights of the parties to the compact under + which the judiciary is derived.’ If this opinion be sound, then indeed is + our constitution a complete <i>felo de se</i>. For intending to establish + three departments, co-ordinate and independent, that they might check and + balance one another, it has given, according to this opinion, to one of + them alone, the right to prescribe rules for the government of the others, + and to that one too, which is unelected by, and independent of the nation. + For experience has already shown that the impeachment it has provided is + not even a scare-crow; that such opinions as the one you combat, sent + cautiously out, as you observe also, by detachment, not belonging to the + case often, but sought for out of it, as if to rally the public opinion + beforehand to their views, and to indicate the line they are to walk in, + have been so quietly passed over as never to have excited animadversion, + even in a speech of any one of the body entrusted with impeachment. The + constitution, on this hypothesis, is a mere thing of wax in the hands of + the judiciary, which they may twist and shape into any form they please. + It should be remembered, as an axiom of eternal truth in politics, that + whatever power in any government is independent, is absolute also; in + theory only, at first, while the spirit of the people is up, but in + practice, as fast as that relaxes. Independence can be trusted no where + but with the people in mass. They are inherently independent of all but + moral law. My construction of the constitution is very different from that + you quote. It is that each department is truly independent of the others, + and has an equal right to decide for itself what is the meaning of the + constitution in the cases submitted to its action; and especially, where + it is to act ultimately and without appeal. I will explain myself by + examples, which, having occurred while I was in office, are better known + to me, and the principles which governed them. + </p> + <p> + A legislature had passed the sedition-law. The federal courts had + subjected certain individuals to its penalties, of fine and imprisonment. + On coming into office, I released these individuals by the power of pardon + committed to executive discretion, which could never be more properly + exercised than where citizens were suffering without the authority of law, + or, which was equivalent, under a law unauthorized by the constitution, + and therefore null. In the case of Marbury and Madison, the federal judges + declared that commissions, signed and sealed by the President, were valid, + although not delivered. I deemed delivery essential to complete a deed, + which, as long as it remains in the hands of the party, is as yet no deed, + it is in posse only, but not in esse, and I withheld delivery of the + commissions. They cannot issue a mandamus* to the President or + legislature, or to any of their officers. When the British treaty of 180- + arrived, without any provision against the impressment of our seamen, I + determined not to ratify it. The Senate thought I should ask their advice. + I thought that would be a mockery of them, when I was predetermined + against following it, should they advise its ratification. The + constitution had made their advice necessary to confirm a treaty, but not + to reject it. This has been blamed by some; but I have never doubted its + soundness. In the cases of two persons, antenati, under exactly similar + circumstances, the federal court had determined that one of them (Duane) + was not a citizen; the House of Representatives nevertheless determined + that the other (Smith of South Carolina) was a citizen, and admitted him + to his seat in their body. Duane was a republican, and Smith a federalist, + and these decisions were during the federal ascendancy. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The constitution controlling the common law in this + particular. +</pre> + <p> + These are examples of my position, that each of the three departments has + equally the right to decide for itself what is its duty under the + constitution, without any regard to what the others may have decided for + themselves under a similar question. But you intimate a wish that my + opinion should be known on this subject. No, dear Sir, I withdraw from all + contests of opinion, and resign every thing cheerfully to the generation + now in place. They are wiser than we were, and their successors will be + wiser than they, from the progressive advance of science. Tranquillity is + the <i>summum bonum</i> of age. I wish, therefore, to offend no man’s + opinions, nor to draw disquieting animadversions on my own. While duty + required it, I met opposition with a firm and fearless step. But, loving + mankind in my individual relations with them, I pray to be permitted to + depart in their peace; and like the superannuated soldier, ‘<i>quadragenis + stipendiis emeritis</i>’to hang my arms on the post. I have unwisely, I + fear, embarked in an enterprise of great public concern, but not to be + accomplished within my term, without their liberal and prompt support. A + severe illness the last year and another from which I am just emerged, + admonish me that repetitions may be expected, against which a declining + frame cannot long bear up. I am anxious therefore to get our University so + far advanced as may encourage the public to persevere to its final + accomplishment. That secured, I shall sing my <i>Nunc demittas</i>. I hope + your labors will be long continued in the spirit in which they have always + been exercised, in maintenance of those principles on which I verily + believe the future happiness of our country essentially depends. I salute + you with affectionate and great respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0150" id="link2H_4_0150"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CL.—TO JOHN ADAMS, December 10, 1819 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 10, 1819. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of November the 23rd. The + banks, bankrupt-law, manufacturers, Spanish treaty, are nothing. These are + occurrences which, like waves in a storm, will pass under the ship. But + the Missouri question is a breaker on which we lose the Missouri country + by revolt, and what more, God only knows. From the battle of Bunker’s Hill + to the treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous a question. It even damps + the joy with which I hear of your high health, and welcomes to me the + consequences of my want of it. I thank God that I shall not live to + witness its issue. <i>Sed hæc hactenus</i>. + </p> + <p> + I have been amusing myself latterly with reading the voluminous letters of + Cicero. They certainly breathe the purest effusions of an exalted patriot, + while the parricide Caesar is lost in odious contrast. When the + enthusiasm, however, kindled by Cicero’s pen and principles, subsides into + cool reflection, I ask myself, What was that government which the virtues + of Cicero were so zealous to restore, and the ambition of Caesar to + subvert? And if Caesar had been as virtuous as he was daring and + sagacious, what could he, even in the plenitude of his usurped power, have + done to lead his fellow-citizens into good government? I do not say to + restore it, because they never had it, from the rape of the Sabines to the + ravages of the Caesars. If their people indeed had been, like ourselves, + enlightened, peaceable, and really free, the answer would be obvious. + ‘Restore independence to all your foreign conquests, relieve Italy from + the government of the rabble of Rome, consult it as a nation entitled to + self-government, and do its will.’ But steeped in corruption, vice, and + venality, as the whole nation was, (and nobody had done more than Caesar + to corrupt it,) what could even Cicero, Cato, Brutus, have done, had it + been referred to them to establish a good government for their country? + They had no ideas of government themselves, but of their degenerate + Senate, nor the people of liberty, but of the factious opposition of their + tribunes. They had afterwards their Tituses, their Trajans, and + Antoninuses, who had the will to make them happy, and the power to mould + their government into a good and permanent form. But it would seem as if + they could not see their way clearly to do it. No government can continue + good, but under the control of the people; and their people were so + demoralized and depraved, as to be incapable of exercising a wholesome + control. Their reformation then was to be taken up <i>ab incunabulis</i>. + Their minds were to be informed by education what is right and what wrong; + to be encouraged in habits of virtue, and deterred from those of vice, by + the dread of punishments, proportioned indeed, but irremissible; in all + cases, to follow truth as the only safe guide, and to eschew error, which + bewilders us in one false consequence after another, in endless + succession. These are the inculcations necessary to render the people a + sure basis for the structure of order and good government. But this would + have been an operation of a generation or two, at least, within which + period would have succeeded many Neros and Commoduses, who would have + quashed the whole process. I confess then, I can neither see what Cicero, + Cato, and Brutus, united and uncontrolled, could have devised to lead + their people into good government, nor how this enigma can be solved, nor + how further shown why it has been the fate of that delightful country + never to have known, to this day, and through a course of five and twenty + hundred years, the history of which we possess, one single day of free and + rational government. Your intimacy with their history, ancient, middle, + and modern, your familiarity with the improvements in the science of + government at this time, will enable you, if any body, to go back with our + principles and opinions to the limes of Cicero, Cato, and Brutus, and tell + us by what process these great and virtuous men could have led so + unenlightened and vitiated a people into freedom and good government, <i>et + eris mihi magnus Apollo. Cura ut valeas, et tibi persuadeas carissimum te + mihi esse</i>. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0151" id="link2H_4_0151"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLI.—TO WILLIAM SHORT, April 13, 1820 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM SHORT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 13, 1820. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of March the 27th is received, and, as you request, a copy of + the syllabus is now enclosed. It was originally written to Dr. Rush. On + his death, fearing that the inquisition of the public might get hold of + it, I asked the return of it from the family, which they kindly complied + with. At the request of another friend, I had given him a copy. He lent it + to his friend to read, who copied it, and in a few months it appeared in + the Theological Magazine of London. Happily that repository is scarcely + known in this country; and the syllabus, therefore, is still a secret, and + in your hands I am sure it will continue so. + </p> + <p> + But while this syllabus is meant to place the character of Jesus in its + true and high light, as no impostor himself, but a great reformer of the + Hebrew code of religion, it is not to be understood that I am with him in + all his doctrines. I am a Materialist; he takes the side of Spiritualism: + he preaches the efficacy of repentance towards forgiveness of sin; I + require a counterpoise of good works to redeem it, &c. &c. It is + the innocence of his character, the purity and sublimity of his moral + precepts, the eloquence of his inculcations, the beauty of the apologues + in which he conveys them, that I so much admire; sometimes, indeed, + needing indulgence to eastern hyperbolism. My eulogies, too, may be + founded on a postulate which all may not be ready to grant. Among the + sayings and discourses imputed to him by his biographers, I find many + passages of fine imagination, correct morality, and of the most lovely + benevolence; and others again, of so much ignorance, so much absurdity, so + much untruth, charlatanism, and imposture, as to pronounce it impossible + that such contradictions should have proceeded from the same being. I + separate, therefore, the gold from the dross; restore to him the former, + and leave the latter to the stupidity of some, and roguery of others of + his disciples. Of this band of dupes and impostors, Paul was the great + Coryphæus, and first corrupter of the doctrines of Jesus. These palpable + interpolations and falsifications of his doctrines led me to try to sift + them apart. I found the work obvious and easy, and that his part composed + the most beautiful morsel of morality which has been given to us by man. + The syllabus is therefore of his doctrine, not all of mine: I read them as + I do those of other ancient and modern moralists, with a mixture of + approbation and dissent. + </p> + <p> + I rejoice, with you, to see an encouraging spirit of internal improvement + prevailing in the States. The opinion I have ever expressed of the + advantages of a western communication through the James River, I still + entertain; and that the Cayuga is the most promising of the links of + communication. + </p> + <p> + The history of our University you know so far. Seven of the ten pavilions + destined for the Professors, and about thirty dormitories, will be + completed this year, and three others, with six hotels for boarding, and + seventy other dormitories, will be completed the next year, and the whole + be in readiness then to receive those who are to occupy them. But means to + bring these into place, and to set the machine into motion, must come from + the legislature. An opposition, in the mean time, has been got up. That of + our alma mater, William and Mary, is not of much weight. She must descend + into the secondary rank of academies of preparation for the University. + The serious enemies are the priests of the different religious sects, to + whose spells on the human mind its improvement is ominous. Their pulpits + are now resounding with denunciations against the appointment of Doctor + Cooper, whom they charge as a monotheist in opposition to their tritheism. + Hostile as these sects are, in every other point, to one another, they + unite in maintaining their mystical theogony against those who believe + there is one God only. The Presbyterian clergy are loudest; the most + intolerant of all sects, the most tyrannical and ambitious; ready at the + word of the lawgiver, if such a word could be now obtained, to put the + torch to the pile, and to rekindle in this virgin hemisphere the flames in + which their oracle Calvin consumed the poor Servetus, because, he could + not find in his Euclid the proposition which has demonstrated that three + are one, and one is three, nor subscribe to that of Calvin, that + magistrates have a right to exterminate all heretics to Calvinistic creed. + They pant to re-establish, by law, that holy inquisition, which they can + now only infuse into public opinion. We have most unwisely committed to + the hierophants of our particular superstition the direction of public + opinion, that lord of the universe. We have given them stated and + privileged days to collect and catechize us, opportunities of delivering + their oracles to the people in mass, and of moulding their minds as wax in + the hollow of their hands. But in despite of their fulminations against + endeavors to enlighten the general mind, to improve the reason of the + people, and encourage them in the use of it, the liberality of this State + will support this institution, and give fair play to the cultivation of + reason. Can you ever find a more eligible occasion of visiting once more + your native country, than that of accompanying Mr. Correa, and of seeing + with him this beautiful and hopeful institution <i>in ovo</i>. + </p> + <p> + Although I had laid down as a law to myself, never to write, talk, or even + think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and therefore had + ceased to read newspapers, yet the Missouri question aroused and filled me + with alarm. The old schism of federal and republican threatened nothing, + because it existed in every State, and united them together by the + fraternism of party. But the coincidence of a marked principle, moral and + political, with a geographical line, once conceived, I feared would never + more be obliterated from the mind; that it would be recurring on every + occasion, and renewing irritations, until it would kindle such mutual and + mortal hatred, as to render separation preferable to eternal discord. I + have been among the most sanguine in believing that our Union would be of + long duration. I now doubt it much, and see the event at no great + distance, and the direct consequence of this question: not by the line + which has been so confidently counted on; the laws of nature control this; + but by the Potomac, Ohio, and Missouri, or more probably, the Mississippi + upwards to our northern boundary. My only comfort and confidence is, that + I shall not live to see this; and I envy not the present generation the + glory of throwing away the fruits of their fathers’ sacrifices of life and + fortune, and of rendering desperate the experiment which was to decide + ultimately whether man is capable of self-government. This treason against + human hope will signalize their epoch in future history, as the + counterpart of the medal of their predecessors. + </p> + <p> + You kindly inquire after my health. There is nothing in it immediately + threatening, but swelled legs, which are kept down mechanically, by + bandages from the toe to the knee. These I have worn for six months. But + the tendency to turgidity may proceed from debility alone. I can walk the + round of my garden; not more. But I ride six or eight miles a day without + fatigue. I shall set out for Poplar Forest within three or four days; a + journey from which my physician augurs much good. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with constant and affectionate friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0152" id="link2H_4_0152"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLII.—TO JOHN HOLMES, April 22, 1820 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN HOLMES. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 22, 1820. + </p> + <p> + I thank you, dear Sir, for the copy you have been so kind as to send me of + the letter to your constituents on the Missouri question. It is a perfect + justification to them. I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers, or + pay any attention to public affairs, confident they were in good hands, + and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not + distant. But this momentous question, like a fire-bell in the night, + awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell + of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve + only, not a final sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked + principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry + passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every new irritation will + mark it deeper and deeper. I can say, with conscious truth, that there is + not a man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve us + from this heavy reproach, in any practicable way. The cession of that kind + of property (for so it is misnamed) is a bagatelle which would not cost me + a second thought, if, in that way, a general emancipation and expatriation + could be effected: and, gradually, and with due sacrifices, I think it + might be. But as it is, we have the wolf by the ears, and we can neither + hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and + self-preservation in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that as the + passage of slaves from one State to another, would not make a slave of a + single human being who would not be so without it, so their diffusion over + a greater surface would make them individually happier, and proportionally + facilitate the accomplishment of their emancipation, by dividing the + burthen on a greater number of coadjutors. An abstinence, too, from this + act of power, would remove the jealousy excited by the undertaking of + Congress to regulate the condition of the different descriptions of men + composing a State. This certainly is the exclusive right of every State, + which nothing in the constitution has taken from them, and given to the + General Government. Could Congress, for example, say, that the non-freemen + of Connecticut shall be freemen, or that they shall not emigrate into any + other State? + </p> + <p> + I regret that I am now to die in the belief, that the useless sacrifice of + themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire self-government and + happiness to their country, is to be thrown away by the unwise and + unworthy passions of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be, + that I live not to weep over it. If they would but dispassionately weigh + the blessings they will throw away, against an abstract principle more + likely to be effected by union than by scission, they would pause before + they would perpetrate this act of suicide on themselves, and of treason + against the hopes of the world. To yourself, as the faithful advocate of + the Union, I tender the offering of my high esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0153" id="link2H_4_0153"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLIII.—TO WILLIAM SHORT, August 4, 1820 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM SHORT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 4, 1820. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I owe you a letter for your favor of June the 29th, which was received in + due time; and there being no subject of the day, of particular interest, I + will make this a supplement to mine of April the 13th. My aim in that was, + to justify the character of Jesus against the fictions of his + pseudo-followers, which have exposed him to the inference of being an + impostor. For if we could believe that he really countenanced the follies, + the falsehoods, and the charlatanisms which his biographers father on him, + and admit the misconstructions, interpolations, and theorizations of the + fathers of the early, and fanatics of the latter ages, the conclusion + would be irresistible by every sound mind, that he was an impostor. I give + no credit to their falsifications of his actions and doctrines, and to + rescue his character, the postulate in my letter asked only what is + granted in reading every other historian. When Livy and Siculus, for + example, tell us things which coincide with our experience of the order of + nature, we credit them on their word, and place their narrations among the + records of credible history. But when they tell us of calves speaking, of + statues sweating blood, and other things against the course of nature, we + reject these as fables not belonging to history. In like manner, when an + historian, speaking of a character well known and established on + satisfactory testimony, imputes to it things incompatible with that + character, we reject them without hesitation, and assent to that only of + which we have better evidence. Had Plutarch informed us that Cæsar and + Cicero passed their whole lives in religious exercises, and abstinence + from the affairs of the world, we should reject what was so inconsistent + with their established characters, still crediting what he relates in + conformity with our ideas of them. So again, the superlative wisdom of + Socrates is testified by all antiquity, and placed on ground not to be + questioned. When, therefore, Plato puts into his mouth such paralogisms, + such quibbles on words, and sophisms, as a school-boy would be ashamed of, + we conclude they were the whimsies of Plato’s own foggy brain, and acquit + Socrates of puerilities so unlike his character. (Speaking of Plato, I + will add, that no writer, ancient or modern, has bewildered the world with + more <i>ignes fatui</i>, than this renowned philosopher, in Ethics, in + Politics, and Physics. In the latter, to specify a single example, compare + his views of the animal economy, in his Timasus, with those of Mrs. Bryan + in her Conversations on Chemistry, and weigh the science of the canonized + philosopher against the good sense of the unassuming lady. But Plato’s + visions have furnished a basis for endless systems of mystical theology, + and he is therefore all but adopted as a Christian saint. It is surely + time for men to think for themselves, and to throw off the authority of + names so artificially magnified. But to return from this parenthesis.) I + say, that this free exercise of reason is all I ask for the vindication of + the character of Jesus. We find in the writings of his biographers matter + of two distinct descriptions. First, a ground-work of vulgar ignorance, of + things impossible, of superstitions, fanaticisms, and fabrications. + Intermixed with these, again, are sublime ideas of the Supreme Being, + aphorisms, and precepts of the purest morality and benevolence, sanctioned + by a life of humility, innocence, and simplicity of manners, neglect of + riches, absence of worldly ambition and honors, with an eloquence and + persuasiveness which have not been surpassed. These could not be + inventions of the grovelling authors who relate them. They are far beyond + the powers of their feeble minds. They show that there was a character, + the subject of their history, whose splendid conceptions were above all + suspicion of being interpolations from their hands. Can we be at a loss in + separating such materials, and ascribing each to its genuine author? The + difference is obvious to the eye and to the understanding, and we may read + as we run to each his part; and I will venture to affirm, that he who, as + I have done, will undertake to winnow this grain from its chaff, will find + it not to require a moment’s consideration. The parts fall asunder of + themselves, as would those of an image of metal and clay. + </p> + <p> + There are, I acknowledge, passages not free from objection, which we may, + with probability, ascribe to Jesus himself; but claiming indulgence from + the circumstances under which he acted. His object was the reformation of + some articles in the religion of the Jews, as taught by Moses. That sect + had presented for the object of their worship, a being of terrific + character, cruel, vindictive, capricious, and unjust. Jesus, taking for + his type the best qualities of the human head and heart, wisdom, justice, + goodness, and adding to them power, ascribed all of these, but in infinite + perfection, to the Supreme Being, and formed him really worthy of their + adoration. Moses had either not believed in a future state of existence, + or had not thought it essential to be explicitly taught to his people. + Jesus inculcated that doctrine with emphasis and precision. Moses had + bound the Jews to many idle ceremonies, mummeries, and observances, of no + effect towards producing the social utilities which constitute the essence + of virtue; Jesus exposed their futility and insignificance. The one + instilled into his people the most anti-social spirit towards other + nations; the other preached philanthropy and universal charity and + benevolence. The office of reformer of the superstitions of a nation, is + ever dangerous. Jesus had to walk on the perilous confines of reason and + religion: and a step to right or left might place him within the gripe of + the priests of the superstition, a blood-thirsty race, as cruel and + remorseless as the being whom they represented as the family God of + Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, and the local God of Israel. They were + constantly laying snares, too, to entangle him in the web of the law. He + was justifiable, therefore, in avoiding these by evasions, by sophisms, by + misconstructions, and misapplications of scraps of the prophets, and in + defending himself with these their own weapons, as sufficient, <i>ad + homines</i>, at least. That Jesus did not mean to impose himself on + mankind as the Son of God, physically speaking, I have been convinced by + the writings of men more learned than myself in that lore. But that he + might conscientiously believe himself inspired from above, is very + possible. The whole religion of the Jews, inculcated on him from his + infancy, was founded in the belief of divine inspiration. The fumes of the + most disordered imaginations were recorded in their religious code, as + special communications of the Deity; and as it could not but happen that, + in the course of ages events would now and then turn up to which some of + these vague rhapsodies might be accommodated by the aid of allegories, + figures, types, and other tricks upon words, they have not only preserved + their credit with the Jews of all subsequent times, but are the foundation + of much of the religions of those who have schismatized from them. + Elevated by the enthusiasm of a warm and pure heart, conscious of the high + strains of an eloquence which had not been taught him, he might readily + mistake the coruscations of his own fine genius for inspirations of an + higher order. This belief, carried, therefore, no more personal + imputation, than the belief of Socrates, that himself was under the care + and admonitions of a guardian Daemon. And how many of our wisest men still + believe in the reality of these inspirations, while perfectly sane on all + other subjects. Excusing, therefore, on these considerations, those + passages in the gospels which seem to bear marks of weakness in Jesus, + ascribing to him what alone is consistent with the great and pure + character of which the same writings furnish proofs, and to their proper + authors their own trivialities and imbecilities, I think myself authorized + to conclude the purity and distinction of his character, in opposition to + the impostures which those authors would fix upon him; and that the + postulate of my former letter is no more than is granted in all other + historical works. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Correa is here, on his farewell visit to us. He has been much pleased + with the plan and progress of our University, and has given some valuable + hints to its botanical branch. He goes to do, I hope, much good in his new + country; the public instruction there, as I understand, being within the + department destined for him. He is not without dissatisfaction, and + reasonable dissatisfaction, too, with the piracies of Baltimore; but his + justice and friendly dispositions will, I am sure, distinguish between the + iniquities of a few plunderers, and the sound principles of our country at + large, and of our government especially. From many conversations with him, + I hope he sees, and will promote, in his new situation, the advantages of + a cordial fraternization among all the American nations, and the + importance of their coalescing in an American system of policy, totally + independent of, and unconnected with that of Europe. The day is not + distant, when we may formally require a meridian of partition through the + ocean which separates the two hemispheres, on the hither side of which no + European gun shall ever be heard, nor an American on the other; and when, + during the rage of the eternal wars of Europe, the lion and the lamb, + within our regions, shall lie down together in peace. The excess of + population in Europe, and want of room, render war, in their opinion, + necessary to keep down that excess of numbers. Here, room is abundant, + population scanty, and peace the necessary means for producing men, to + whom the redundant soil is offering the means of life and happiness. The + principles of society there and here, then, are radically different, and I + hope no American patriot will ever lose sight of the essential policy of + interdicting in the seas and territories of both Americas, the ferocious + and sanguinary contests of Europe. I wish to see this coalition begun. I + am earnest for an agreement with the maritime powers of Europe, assigning + them the task of keeping down the piracies of their seas and the + cannibalisms of the African coasts, and, to us, the suppression of the + same enormities within our seas: and for this purpose, I should rejoice to + see the fleets of Brazil and the United States riding together as brethren + of the same family, and pursuing the same object. And indeed it would be + of happy augury to begin at once this concert of action here, on the + invitation of either to the other government, while the way might be + preparing for withdrawing our cruisers from Europe, and preventing naval + collisions there which daily endanger our peace. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Accept assurances of the sincerity of my friendship and respect for you. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0154" id="link2H_4_0154"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLIV.—TO JOHN ADAMS, August 15, 1820 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 15, 1820. + </p> + <p> + I am a great defaulter, my Dear Sir, in our correspondence, but prostrate + health rarely permits me to write; and when it does, matters of business + imperiously press their claims. I am getting better however, slowly, + swelled legs being now the only serious symptom, and these, I believe, + proceed from extreme debility. I can walk but little; but I ride six or + eight miles a day without fatigue; and within a few days, I shall endeavor + to visit my other home, after a twelvemonth’s absence from it. Our + University, four miles distant, gives me frequent exercise, and the + oftener, as I direct its architecture. Its plan is unique, and it is + becoming an object of curiosity for the traveller. I have lately had an + opportunity of reading a critique on this institution in your North + American Review of January last, having been not without anxiety to see + what that able work would say of us: and I was relieved on finding in it + much coincidence of opinion, and even where criticisms where indulged, I + found they would have been obviated had the developements of our plan been + fuller. But these were restrained by the character of the paper reviewed, + being merely a report of outlines, not a detailed treatise, and addressed + to a legislative body, not to a learned academy. For example, as an + inducement to introduce the Anglo-Saxon into our plan, it was said that it + would reward amply the few weeks of attention which alone would be + requisite for its attainment; leaving both term and degree under an + indefinite expression, because I know that not much time is necessary to + attain it to an useful degree, sufficient to give such instruction in the + etymologies of our language as may satisfy ordinary students, while more + time would be requisite for those who should propose to attain a critical + knowledge of it. In a letter which I had occasion to write to Mr. Crofts + who sent you, I believe, as well as myself, a copy of his treatise on the + English and German languages, as preliminary to an etymological dictionary + he meditated, I went into explanations with him of an easy process for + simplifying the study of the Anglo-Saxon, and lessening the terrors and + difficulties presented by it’s rude alphabet, and unformed orthography. + But this is a subject beyond the bounds of a letter, as it was beyond the + bounds of a report to the legislature. Mr. Crofts died, I believe, before + any progress was made in the work he had projected. + </p> + <p> + The reviewer expresses doubt, rather than decision, on our placing + military and naval architecture in the department of pure mathematics. + Military architecture embraces fortification and field works, which, with + their bastions, curtains, hornworks, redoubts, &c. are based on a + technical combination of lines and angles. These are adapted to offence + and defence, with and against the effects of bombs, balls, escalades, he. + But lines and angles make the sum of elementary geometry, a branch of pure + mathematics: and the direction of the bombs, balls, and other projectiles, + the necessary appendages of military works, although no part of their + architecture, belong to the conic sections, a branch of transcendental + geometry. Diderot and D’Alembert, therefore, in their <i>Arbor scienciæ</i>, + have placed military architecture in the department of elementary + geometry. Naval architecture teaches the best form and construction of + vessels; for which best form it has recourse to the question of the solid + of least resistance; a problem of transcendental geometry. And its + appurtenant projectiles belong to the same branch as in the preceding + case. It is true, that so far as respects the action of the water on the + rudder and oars, and of the wind on the sails, it may be placed in the + department of mechanics, as Diderot and D’Alembert have done; but + belonging quite as much to geometry, and allied in its military character + to military architecture, it simplified our plan to place both under the + same head. These views are so obvious, that I am sure they would have + required but a second thought to reconcile the reviewer to their location + under the head of pure mathematics. For this word location, see Bailey, + Johnson, Sheridan, Walker, &c. But if dictionaries are to be the + arbiters of language, in which of them shall we find neologism? No matter. + It is a good word, well sounding, obvious, and expresses an idea, which + would otherwise require circumlocution. The reviewer was justifiable, + therefore, in using it; although he noted at the same time, as + unauthoritative, <i>centrality, grade, sparse</i>; all which have been + long used in common speech and writing. I am a friend to neology. It is + the only way to give to a language copiousness and euphony. Without it we + should still be held to the vocabulary of Alfred or of Ulphilas; and held + to their state of science also: for I am sure they had no words which + could have conveyed the ideas of oxygen, cotyledons, zoophytes, magnetism, + electricity, hyaline, and thousands of others expressing ideas not then + existing, nor of possible communication in the state of their language. + What a language has the French become since the date of their revolution, + by the free introduction of new words! The most copious and eloquent in + the living world; and equal to the Greek, had not that been regularly + modifiable almost <i>ad infinitum</i>. Their rule was, that whenever their + language furnished or adopted a root, all its branches in every part of + speech, were legitimated by giving them their appropriate terminations: + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0017" id="linkimage-0017"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page331.jpg" alt="Page331 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + And this should be the law of every language. Thus, having adopted the + adjective fraternal, it is a root which should legitimate fraternity, + fraternation, fraternization, fraternism, to fratenate, fraternize, + fraternally. And give the word neologism to our language, as a root, and + it should give us its fellow substantives, neology, neologist, + neologization; its adjectives, neologous, neological, neologistical; its + verb, neologize; and adverb neologically. Dictionaries are but the + depositories of words already legitimated by usage. Society is the + work-shop in which new ones are elaborated. When an individual uses a new + word, if ill formed, it is rejected in society, if well formed, adopted, + and after due time, laid up in the depository of dictionaries. And if, in + this process of sound neologization, our trans-Atlantic brethren shall not + choose to accompany us, we may furnish, after the Ionians, a second + example of a colonial dialect improving on its primitive. + </p> + <p> + But enough of criticism: let me turn to your puzzling letter of May the + 12th, on matter, spirit, motion, &c. Its crowd of scepticisms kept me + from sleep. I read it, and laid it down: read it, and laid it down, again + and again: and to give rest to my mind, I was obliged to recur ultimately + to my habitual anodyne, ‘I feel, therefore I exist.’ I feel bodies which + are not myself: there are other existences then. I call them matter. I + feel them changing place. This gives me motion. Where there is an absence + of matter, I call it void, or nothing, or immaterial space. On the basis + of sensation, of matter and motion, we may erect the fabric of all the + certainties we can have or need. I can conceive thought to be an action of + a particular organization of matter, formed for that purpose by its + creator, as well as that attraction is an action of matter, or magnetism + of loadstone. When he who denies to the Creator the power of endowing + matter with the mode of action called thinking, shall show how he could + endow the sun with the mode of action called attraction, which reins the + planets in the track of their orbits, or how an absence of matter can have + a will, and by that will put matter into motion, then the Materialist may + be lawfully required to explain the process by which matter exercises the + faculty of thinking. When once we quit the basis of sensation, all is in + the wind. To talk of immaterial existences, is to talk of nothings. To say + that the human soul, angels, God, are immaterial, is to say, they are + nothings, or that there is no God, no angels, no soul. I cannot reason + otherwise: but I believe I am supported in my creed of materialism by the + Lockes, the Tracys, and the Stewarts. At what age* of the Christian church + this heresy of immaterialism, or masked atheism, crept in, I do not + exactly know. But a heresy it certainly is. Jesus taught nothing of it. He + told us, indeed, that ‘God is a spirit,’ but he has not defined what a + spirit is, nor said that it is not matter. And the ancient fathers + generally, of the three first centuries, held it to be matter, light and + thin indeed, an ethereal gas; but still matter. Origen says. ‘<i>Deus + reapse corporalis est; sed graviorum tantum ratione corporum incorporeus</i>.’ + Tertullian,’ <i>Quid enim Deus nisi corpus?</i>’ And again, ‘<i>Quis + negabit Deum esse corpus? Etsi Deus spiritus, spiritus etiam corpus est, + sui generis in sua effigie</i>. St. Justin Martyr, + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0018" id="linkimage-0018"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page332.jpg" alt="332 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + And St. Macarius, speaking of angels, says, ‘<i>Quamvis enim subtilia + sint, tamen in substantia, forma, et figura, secundum tenuitatem naturas + eorum, corpora sunt tenuia</i>.’ And St. Austin, St. Basil, Lactantius, + Tatian, Athenagoras, and others, with whose writings I pretend not a + familiarity, are said by those who are better acquainted with them, to + deliver the same doctrine. (Enfield x. 3. 1.) Turn to your Ocellus + d’Argens, 97, 105. and to his Timseus 17. for these quotations. In + England, these Immaterialists might have been burnt until the 29 Car. 2. + when the writ <i>de hæretico comburendo</i> was abolished; and here until + the Revolution, that statute not having extended to us. All heresies being + now done away with us, these schismatists are merely atheists, differing + from the material atheist only in their belief, that ‘nothing made + something,’ and from the material deist, who believes that matter alone + can operate on matter. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [* That of Athanasius and the Council of Nicasa, anno 324] +</pre> + <p> + Rejecting all organs of information, therefore, but my senses, I rid + myself of the pyrrhonisms with which an indulgence in speculations + hyperphysical and antiphysical, so uselessly occupy and disquiet the mind. + A single sense may indeed be sometimes deceived, but rarely; and never all + our senses together, with their faculty of reasoning. They evidence + realities, and there are enough of these for all the purposes of life, + without plunging into the fathomless abyss of dreams and phantasms. I am + satisfied, and sufficiently occupied with the things which are, without + tormenting or troubling myself about those which may indeed be, but of + which I have no evidence. I am sure that I really know many, many things, + and none more surely than that I love you with all my heart, and pray for + the continuance of your life until you shall be tired of it yourself. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0155" id="link2H_4_0155"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLV.—TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, November 28, 1820 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. + </p> + <p> + Poplar Forest, November 28, 1820. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I sent in due time the Report of the Visitors to the Governor, with a + request that he would endeavor to convene the Literary Board in time to + lay it before the legislature on the second day of their session. It was + enclosed in a letter which will explain itself to you. If delivered before + the crowd of other business presses on them, they may act on it + immediately, and before there will have been time for unfriendly + combinations and manoeuvres by the enemies of the institution. I enclose + you now a paper presenting some views which may be useful to you in + conversations, to rebut exaggerated estimates of what our institution is + to cost, and reproaches of deceptive estimates. One hundred and sixty-two + thousand three hundred and sixty-four dollars will be about the cost of + the whole establishment, when completed. Not an office at Washington has + cost less. The single building of the courthouse of Henrico has cost + nearly that: and the massive walls of the millions of bricks of William + and Mary could not now be built for a less sum. + </p> + <p> + Surely Governor Clinton’s display of the gigantic efforts of New York + towards the education of her citizens, will stimulate the pride as well as + the patriotism of our legislature, to look to the reputation and safety of + their own country, to rescue it from the degradation of becoming the + Barbary of the Union, and of falling into the ranks of our own negroes. To + that condition it is fast sinking. We shall be in the hands of the other + States, what our indigenous predecessors were when invaded by the science + and arts of Europe. The mass of education in Virginia, before the + Revolution, placed her with the foremost of her sister colonies. What is + her education now? Where is it? The little we have, we import, like + beggars, from other States; or import their beggars to bestow on us their + miserable crumbs. And what is wanting to restore us to our station among + our confederates? Not more money from the people. Enough has been raised + by them, and appropriated to this very object. It is that it should be + employed understandingly, and for their greatest good. That good requires, + that while they are instructed in general, competently to the common + business of life, others should employ their genius with necessary + information to the useful arts, to inventions for saving labor and + increasing our comforts, to nourishing our health, to civil government, + military science, &c. + </p> + <p> + Would it not have a good effect for the friends of the University to take + the lead in proposing and effecting a practical scheme of elementary + schools? to assume the character of the friends, rather than the opponents + of that object? The present plan has appropriated to the primary schools + forty-five thousand dollars for three years, making one hundred and + thirty-five thousand dollars. I should be glad to know if this sum has + educated one hundred and thirty-five poor children? I doubt it much. And + if it has, they have cost us one thousand dollars a piece for what might + have been done with thirty dollars. Supposing the literary revenue to be + sixty thousand dollars, I think it demonstrable, that this sum, equally + divided between the two objects, would amply suffice for both. One hundred + counties, divided into about twelve wards each, on an average, and a + school in each ward of perhaps ten children, would be one thousand and two + hundred schools, distributed proportionably over the surface of the State. + The inhabitants of each ward, meeting together (as when they work on the + roads), building good log-houses for their school and teacher, and + contributing for his provisions, rations of pork, beef, and corn, in the + proportion, each of his other taxes, would thus lodge and feed him without + feeling it; and those of them who are able, paying for the tuition of + their own children, would leave no call on the public fund but for the + tuition fee of, here and there, an accidental pauper, who would still be + fed and lodged with his parents. Suppose this fee ten dollars, and three + hundred dollars apportioned to a county on an average (more or less duly + proportioned), would there be thirty such paupers for every county? I + think not. The truth is, that the want of common education with us is not + from our poverty, but from want of an orderly system. More money is now + paid for the education of a part, than would be paid for that of the + whole, if systematically arranged. Six thousand common schools in New + York, fifty pupils in each, three hundred thousand in all; one hundred and + sixty thousand dollars annually paid to the masters; forty established + academies, with two thousand two hundred and eighteen pupils; and five + colleges, with seven hundred and eighteen students; to which last classes + of institutions seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars have been given; + and the whole appropriations for education estimated at two and a half + millions of dollars! What a pigmy to this is Virginia become, with a + population almost equal to that of New York! And whence this difference? + From the difference their rulers set on the value of knowledge, and the + prosperity it produces. But still, if a pigmy, let her do what a pigmy may + do. If among fifty children in each of the six thousand schools of New + York, there are only paupers enough to employ twenty-five dollars of + public money to each school, surely among the ten children of each of our + one thousand and two hundred schools, the same sum of twenty-five dollars + to each school will teach its paupers (five times as much as to the same + number in New York), and will amount for the whole to thirty thousand + dollars a year, the one half only of our literary revenue. + </p> + <p> + Do then, Dear Sir, think of this, and engage our friends to take in hand + the whole subject. It will reconcile the friends of the elementary + schools, and none are more warmly so than myself, lighten the difficulties + of the University, and promote in every order of men the degree of + instruction proportioned to their condition, and to their views in life. + It will combine with the mass of our force, a wise direction of it, which + will insure to our country its future prosperity and safety. I had + formerly thought that visitors of the schools might be chosen by the + county, and charged to provide teachers for every ward, and to superintend + them. I now think it would be better for every ward to choose its own + resident visitor, whose business it would be to keep a teacher in the + ward, to superintend the school, and to call meetings of the ward for all + purposes relating to it: their accounts to be settled, and wards laid off + by the courts. I think ward elections better for many reasons, one of + which is sufficient, that it will keep elementary education out of the + hands of fanaticizing preachers, who, in county elections, would be + universally chosen, and the predominant sect of the county would possess + itself of all its schools. + </p> + <p> + A wrist stiffened by an ancient accident, now more so by the effect of + age, renders writing a slow and irksome operation with me. I cannot, + therefore, present these views by separate letters to each of our + colleagues in the legislature, but must pray you to communicate them to + Mr. Johnson and General Breckenridge, and to request them to consider this + as equally meant for them. Mr. Gordon, being the local representative of + the University and among its most zealous friends, would be a more useful + second to General Breckenridge in the House of Delegates, by a free + communication of what concerns the University, with which he has had + little opportunity of becoming acquainted. So also, would it be as to Mr. + Rives, who would be a friendly advocate. + </p> + <p> + Accept the assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0156" id="link2H_4_0156"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLVI.—TO THOMAS RITCHIE, December, 25, 1820 + </h2> + <h3> + TO THOMAS RITCHIE. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, December, 25, 1820. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + On my return home after a long absence, I find here your favor of November + the 23rd, with Colonel Taylor’s ‘Construction Construed,’ which you have + been so kind as to send me, in the name of the author as well as yourself. + Permit me, if you please, to use the same channel for conveying to him the + thanks I render you also for this mark of attention. I shall read it, I + know, with edification, as I did his Enquiry, to which I acknowledge + myself indebted for many valuable ideas, and for the correction of some + errors of early opinion, never seen in a correct light until presented to + me in that work. That the present volume is equally orthodox I know before + reading it, because I know that Colonel Taylor and myself have rarely, if + ever, differed in any political principle of importance. Every act of his + life, and every word he ever wrote, satisfies me of this. So, also, as to + the two Presidents, late and now in office, I know them both to be of + principles as truly republican as any men living. If there be any thing + amiss, therefore, in the present state of our affairs, as the formidable + deficit lately unfolded to us indicates, I ascribe it to the inattention + of Congress to their duties, to their unwise dissipation and waste of the + public contributions. They seemed, some little while ago, to be at a loss + for objects whereon to throw away the supposed fathomless funds of the + treasury. I had feared the result, because I saw among them some of my old + fellow-laborers, of tried and known principles, yet often in their + minorities. I am aware that in one of their most ruinous vagaries, the + people were themselves betrayed into the same phrenzy with their + Representatives. The deficit produced, and a heavy tax to supply it, will, + I trust, bring both to their sober senses. + </p> + <p> + But it is not from this branch of government we have most to fear. Taxes + and short elections will keep them right. The judiciary of the United + States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners constantly working under + ground to undermine the foundations of our confederated fabric. They are + construing our constitution from a co-ordination of a general and special + government to a general and supreme one alone. This will lay all things at + their feet, and they are too well versed in English law to forget the + maxim, ‘<i>Boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem.</i>’ We shall see if + they are bold enough to take the daring stride their five lawyers have + lately taken. If they do, then, with the editor of our book in his address + to the public, I will say, that against this every man should raise his + voice, and more, should uplift his arm. Who wrote this admirable address? + Sound, luminous, strong, not a word too much, nor one which can be changed + but for the worse. That pen should go on, lay bare these wounds of our + constitution, expose these <i>decisions seriatim</i>, and arouse, as it is + able, the attention of the nation to these bold speculators on its + patience. Having found, from experience, that impeachment is an + impracticable thing, a mere scare-crow, they consider themselves secure + for life; they skulk from responsibility to public opinion, the only + remaining hold on them, under a practice first introduced into England by + Lord Mansfield. An opinion is huddled up in conclave, perhaps by a + majority of one, delivered as if unanimous and with the silent + acquiescence of lazy or timid associates, by a crafty chief judge, who + sophisticates the law to his mind, by the turn of his own reasoning. A + judiciary law was once reported by the Attorney General to Congress, + requiring each judge to deliver his opinion <i>seriatim</i> and openly, + and then to give it in writing to the clerk to be entered in the record. A + judiciary independent of a King or executive alone, is a good thing; but + independence of the will of the nation is a solecism, at least in a + republican government. + </p> + <p> + But to return to your letter; you ask for my opinion of the work you send + me, and to let it go out to the public. This I have ever made a point of + declining (one or two instances only excepted). Complimentary thanks to + writers who have sent me their works, have betrayed me sometimes before + the public, without my consent having been asked. But I am far from + presuming to direct the reading of my fellow-citizens, who are good enough + judges themselves of what is worthy their reading. I am, also, too + desirous of quiet to place myself in the way of contention. Against this I + am admonished by bodily decay, which cannot be unaccompanied by + corresponding wane of the mind. Of this I am as yet sensible sufficiently + to be unwilling to trust myself before the public, and when I cease to be + so, I hope that my friends will be too careful of me to draw me forth and + present me, like a Priam in armor, as a spectacle for public compassion. I + hope our political bark will ride through all its dangers; but I can in + future be but an inert passenger. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with sentiments of great friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0157" id="link2H_4_0157"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLVII.—TO JOHN ADAMS, January 22, 1821 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 22, 1821. + </p> + <p> + I was quite rejoiced, dear Sir, to see that you had health and spirits + enough to take part in the late convention of your State, for revising its + constitution, and to bear your share in its debates and labors. The + amendments of which we have as yet heard, prove the advance of liberalism + in the intervening period; and encourage a hope that the human mind will + some day get back to the freedom it enjoyed two thousand years ago. This + country, which has given to the world the example of physical liberty, + owes to it that of moral emancipation also, for as yet it is but nominal + with us. The inquisition of public opinion overwhelms, in practice, the + freedom asserted by the laws in theory. + </p> + <p> + Our anxieties in this quarter are all concentrated in the question, what + does the Holy Alliance in and out of Congress mean to do with us on the + Missouri question? And this, by the bye, is but the name of the case, it + is only the John Doe or Richard Roe of the ejectment. The real question, + as seen in the States afflicted with this unfortunate population, is, Are + our slaves to be presented with freedom and a dagger? For if Congress has + the power to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants of the States, + within the States, it will be but another exercise of that power, to + declare that all shall be free. Are we then to see again Athenian and + Lacedæmonian confederacies? To wage another Peloponnesian war to settle + the ascendancy between them? Or is this the tocsin of merely a servile + war? That remains to be seen: but not, I hope, by you or me. Surely, they + will parley awhile, and give us time to get out of the way. What a + Bedlamite is man? But let us turn from our own uneasiness to the miseries + of our southern friends. Bolivar and Morillo, it seems, have come to a + parley, with dispositions at length to stop the useless effusion of human + blood in that quarter. I feared from the beginning, that these people were + not yet sufficiently enlightened for self-government; and that after + wading through blood and slaughter, they would end in military tyrannies, + more or less numerous. Yet as they wished to try the experiment, I wished + them success in it: they have now tried it, and will possibly find that + their safest road will be an accommodation with the mother country, which + shall hold them together by the single link of the same chief magistrate, + leaving to him power enough to keep them in peace with one another, and to + themselves the essential power of self-government and self-improvement, + until they shall be sufficiently trained by education and habits of + freedom, to walk safely by themselves. Representative government, native + functionaries, a qualified negative on their laws, with a previous + security by compact for freedom of commerce, freedom of the press, habeas + corpus, and trial by jury, would make a good beginning. This last would be + the school in which their people might begin to learn the exercise of + civic duties as well as rights. For freedom of religion they are not yet + prepared. The scales of bigotry have not sufficiently fallen from their + eyes, to accept it for themselves individually, much less to trust others + with it. But that will come in time, as well as a general ripeness to + break entirely from the parent stem. You see, my dear Sir, how easily we + prescribe for others a cure for their difficulties, while we cannot cure + our own. We must leave both, I believe, to Heaven, and wrap ourselves up + in the mantle of resignation, and of that friendship of which I tender to + you the most sincere assurances. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0158" id="link2H_4_0158"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLVIII.—TO JOSEPH C CABELL, January 31, 1821 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOSEPH C CABELL. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 31, 1821. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favors of the 18th and 25th came together, three days ago. They fill + me with gloom as to the dispositions of our legislature towards the + University. I perceive that I am not to live to see it opened. As to what + had better be done within the limits of their will, I trust with entire + confidence to what yourself, General Breckenridge, and Mr. Johnson shall + think best. You will see what is practicable, and give it such shape as + you think best. If a loan is to be resorted to, I think sixty thousand + dollars will be necessary, including the library. Its instalments cannot + begin until those of the former loan are accomplished; and they should not + begin later, nor be less than thirteen thousand dollars a year. (I think + it safe to retain two thousand dollars a year for care of the buildings, + improvement of the grounds, and unavoidable contingencies.) To extinguish + the second loan, will require between five and six instalments, which will + carry us to the end of 1833, or thirteen years from this time. My + individual opinion is, that we had better not open the institution until + the buildings, library, and all, are finished, and our funds cleared of + incumbrance. These buildings once erected, will secure the full object + infallibly at the end of thirteen years, and as much earlier as the + legislature shall choose. And if we were to begin sooner, with half funds + only, it would satisfy the common mind, prevent their aid beyond that + point, and our institution, remaining at that for ever, would be no more + than the paltry academies we now have. Even with the whole funds we shall + be reduced to six Professors. While Harvard will still prime it over us + with her twenty Professors. How many of our youths she now has, learning + the lessons of anti-Missourianism, I know not; but a gentleman lately from + Princeton told me he saw there the list of the students at that place, and + that more than half were Virginians. These will return home, no doubt, + deeply impressed with the sacred principles of our Holy Alliance of + restrictionists. + </p> + <p> + But the gloomiest of all prospects, is in the desertion of the best + friends of the institution, for desertion I must call it. I know not the + necessities which may force this on you. General Cocke, you say, will + explain them to me; but I cannot conceive them, nor persuade myself they + are uncontrollable. I have ever hoped, that yourself, General + Breckenridge, and Mr. Johnson, would stand at your posts in the + legislature, until every thing was effected, and the institution opened. + If it is so difficult to get along with all the energy and influence of + our present colleagues in the legislature, how can we expect to proceed at + all, reducing our moving power? I know well your devotion to your country, + and your foresight of the awful scenes coming on her, sooner or later. + With this foresight, what service can we ever render her equal to this? + What object of our lives can we propose so important? What interest of our + own which ought not to be postponed to this? Health, time, labor, on what + in the single life which nature has given us, can these be better bestowed + than on this immortal boon to our country? The exertions and the + mortifications are temporary; the benefit eternal. If any member of our + college of Visitors could justifiably withdraw from this sacred duty, it + would be myself, who <i>quadragenis stipendiis jamdudum peractis</i>, have + neither vigor of body nor mind left to keep the field: but I will die in + the last ditch, and so I hope you will, my friend, as well as our + firm-breasted brothers and colleagues, Mr. Johnson and General + Breckenridge. Nature will not give you a second life wherein to atone for + the omissions of this. Pray then, dear and very dear Sir, do not think of + deserting us, but view the sacrifices which seem to stand in your way, as + the lesser duties, and such as ought to be postponed to this, the greatest + of all. Continue with us in these holy labors, until, having seen their + accomplishment, we may say with old Simeon, ‘<i>Nunc dimittas, Domine</i>. + Under all circumstances, however, of praise or blame, I shall be + affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0159" id="link2H_4_0159"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLIX.—TO GENERAL BRECKENRIDGE, February 15, 1821 + </h2> + <p> + TO GENERAL BRECKENRIDGE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 15, 1821. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I learn with deep affliction, that nothing is likely to be done for our + University this year. So near as it is to the shore that one shove more + would land it there, I had hoped that would be given; and that we should + open with the next year an institution on which the fortunes of our + country may depend more than may meet the general eye. The reflections + that the boys of this age are to be the men of the next; that they should + be prepared to receive the holy charge which we are cherishing to deliver + over to them; that in establishing an institution of wisdom for them, we + secure it to all our future generations; that in fulfilling this duty, we + bring home to our own bosoms the sweet consolation of seeing our sons + rising under a luminous tuition, to destinies of high promise; these are + considerations which will occur to all; but all, I fear, do not see the + speck in our horizon which is to burst on us as a tornado, sooner or + later. The line of division lately marked out between different portions + of our confederacy, is such as will never, I fear, be obliterated, and we + are now trusting to those who are against us in position and principle, to + fashion to their own form the minds and affections of our youth. If, as + has been estimated, we send three hundred thousand dollars a year to the + northern seminaries, for the instruction of our own sons, then we must + have there five hundred of our sons, imbibing opinions and principles in + discord with those of their own country. This canker is eating on the + vitals of our existence, and if not arrested at once, will be beyond + remedy. We are now certainly furnishing recruits to their school. If it be + asked what are we to do, or said we cannot give the last lift to the + University without stopping our primary schools, and these we think most + important; I answer, I know their importance. Nobody can doubt my zeal for + the general instruction of the people. Who first started that idea? I may + surely say, Myself. Turn to the bill in the revised code, which I drew + more than forty years ago, and before which the idea of a plan for the + education of the people, generally, had never been suggested in this + State. There you will see developed the first rudiments of the whole + system of general education we are now urging and acting on: and it is + well known to those With whom I have acted on this subject, that I never + have proposed a sacrifice of the primary to the ultimate grade of + instruction. Let us keep our eye steadily on the whole system. If we + cannot do every thing at once, let us do one at a time. The primary + schools need no preliminary expense; the ultimate grade requires a + considerable expenditure in advance. A suspension of proceeding for a year + or two on the primary schools, and an application of the whole income, + during that time, to the completion of the buildings necessary for the + University, would enable us then to start both institutions at the same + time. The intermediate branch, of colleges, academies, and private + classical schools, for the middle grade, may hereafter receive any + necessary aids when the funds shall become competent. In the mean time, + they are going on sufficiently, as they have ever yet gone on, at the + private expense of those who use them, and who in numbers and means are + competent to their own exigencies. The experience of three years has, I + presume, left no doubt, that the present plan of primary schools, of + putting money into the hands of twelve hundred persons acting for nothing, + and under no responsibility, is entirely inefficient. Some other must be + thought of; and during this pause, if it be only for a year, the whole + revenue of that year, with that of the last three years which has not been + already thrown away, would place our University in readiness to start with + a better organization of primary schools, and both may then go on, hand in + hand, for ever. No diminution of the capital will in this way have been + incurred; a principle which ought to be deemed sacred. A relinquishment of + interest on the late loan of sixty thousand dollars, would so far, also, + forward the University without lessening the capital. + </p> + <p> + But what may be best done I leave with entire confidence to yourself and + your colleagues in legislation, who know better than I do the conditions + of the literary fund and its wisest application; and I shall acquiesce + with perfect resignation to their will. I have brooded, perhaps with + fondness, over this establishment, as it held up to me the hope of + continuing to be useful while I continued to live. I had believed that the + course and circumstances of my life had placed within my power some + services favorable to the outset of the institution. But this may be + egoism; pardonable, perhaps, when I express a consciousness that my + colleagues and successors will do as well, whatever the legislature shall + enable them to do. + </p> + <p> + I have thus, my dear Sir, opened my bosom, with all its anxieties, freely + to you. I blame nobody for seeing things in a different light. I am sure + that all act conscientiously, and that all will be done honestly and + wisely which can be done. I yield the concerns of the world with + cheerfulness to those who are appointed in the order of nature to succeed + to them; and for yourself, for our colleagues, and for all in charge of + our country’s future fame and fortune, I offer up sincere prayers. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0160" id="link2H_4_0160"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLX.—TO ————- NICHOLAS, December + 11,1821 + </h2> + <p> + TO ————- NICHOLAS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 11,1821, + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of December the 19th places me under a dilemma, which I cannot + solve but by an exposition of the naked truth. I would have wished this + rather to have remained as hitherto, without inquiry; but your inquiries + have a right to be answered. I will do it as exactly as the great lapse of + time and a waning memory will enable me. I may misremember indifferent + circumstances, but can be right in substance. + </p> + <p> + At the time when the republicans of our country were so much alarmed at + the proceedings of the federal ascendancy in Congress, in the executive + and the judiciary departments, it became a matter of serious consideration + how head could be made against their enterprises on the constitution. The + leading republicans in Congress found themselves of no use there, + browbeaten, as they were, by a bold and overwhelming majority. They + concluded to retire from that field, take a stand in the State + legislatures, and endeavor there to arrest their progress. The alien and + sedition laws furnished the particular occasion. The sympathy between + Virginia and Kentucky was more cordial, and more intimately confidential, + than between any other two States of republican policy. Mr. Madison came + into the Virginia legislature. 1 was then in the Vice-Presidency, and + could not leave my station. But your father, Colonel W. C. Nicholas, and + myself happening to be together, the engaging the co-operation of Kentucky + in an energetic protestation against the constitutionality of those laws, + became a subject of consultation. Those gentlemen pressed me strongly to + sketch resolutions for that purpose, your father undertaking to introduce + them to that legislature, with a solemn assurance, which I strictly + required, that it should not be known from what quarter they came. I drew + and delivered them to him, and, in keeping their origin secret, he + fulfilled his pledge of honor. Some years after this, Colonel Nicholas + asked me if I would have any objection to its being known that I had drawn + them. I pointedly enjoined that it should not. Whether he had unguardedly + intimated it before to any one, I know not: but I afterwards observed in + the papers repeated imputations of them to me; on which, as has been my + practice on all occasions of imputation, I have observed entire silence. + The question, indeed, has never before been put to me, nor should I answer + it to any other than yourself; seeing no good end to be proposed by it, + and the desire of tranquillity inducing with me a wish to be withdrawn + from public notice. Your father’s zeal and talents were too well known, to + derive any additional distinction from the penning these resolutions. That + circumstance, surely, was of far less merit than the, proposing and + carrying them through the legislature of his State. The only fact in this + statement, on which my memory is not distinct, is the time and occasion of + the consultation with your father and Colonel Nicholas. It took place here + I know; but whether any other person was present, or communicated with, is + my doubt. I think Mr. Madison was either with us, or consulted, but my + memory is uncertain as to minute details. + </p> + <p> + I fear, Dear Sir, we are now in such another crisis, with this difference + only, that the judiciary branch is alone and single-handed in the present + assaults on the constitution. But its assaults are more sure and deadly, + as from an agent seemingly passive and unassuming. May you and your + cotemporaries meet them with the same determination and effect, as your + father and his did the alien and sedition laws, and preserve inviolate a + constitution, which, cherished in all its chastity and purity, will prove + in the end a blessing to all the nations of the earth. With these prayers, + accept those for your own happiness and prosperity. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0161" id="link2H_4_0161"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXI.—TO JEDIDIAH MORSE, March 6, 1822 + </h2> + <p> + TO JEDIDIAH MORSE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 6, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have duly received your letter of February the 16th, and have now to + express my sense of the honorable station proposed to my ex-brethren and + myself, in the constitution of the society for the civilization and + improvement of the Indian tribes. The object, too, expressed, as that of + the association, is one which I have ever had much at heart, and never + omitted an occasion of promoting, while I have been in situations to do it + with effect, and nothing, even now, in the calm of age and retirement, + would excite in me a more lively interest than an approvable plan of + raising that respectable and unfortunate people from the state of physical + and moral abjection, to which they have been reduced by circumstances + foreign to them. That the plan now proposed is entitled to unmixed + approbation, I am not prepared to say, after mature consideration, and + with all the partialities which its professed object would rightfully + claim from me. + </p> + <p> + I shall not undertake to draw the line of demarcation between private + associations of laudable views and unimposing numbers, and those whose + magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the march of regular government. Yet + such a line does exist. I have seen the days, they were those which + preceded the Revolution, when even this last and perilous engine became + necessary; but they were days which no man would wish to see a second + time. That was the case where the regular authorities of the government + had combined against the rights of the people, and no means of correction + remained to them, but to organize a collateral power, which, with their + support, might rescue and secure their violated rights. But such is not + the case with our government. We need hazard no collateral power, which, + by a change of its original views, and assumption of others we know not + how virtuous or how mischievous, would be ready organized, and in force + sufficient to shake the established foundations of society, and endanger + its peace and the principles on which it is based. Is not the machine now + proposed of this gigantic stature? It is to consist of the ex-Presidents + of the United States, the Vice-President, the Heads of all the executive + departments, the members of the supreme judiciary, the Governors of the + several States and Territories, all the members of both Houses of + Congress, all the general officers of the army, the commissioners of the + navy, all Presidents and Professors of colleges and theological + seminaries, all the clergy of the United States, the. Presidents and + Secretaries of all associations having relation to Indians, all commanding + officers within or near Indian territories, all Indian superintendants and + agents; all these ex officio; and as many private individuals as will pay + a certain price for membership. Observe, too, that the clergy will + constitute * nineteen twentieths of this association, and, by the law of + the majority, may command the twentieth part, which, composed of all the + high authorities of the United States, civil and military, may be outvoted + and wielded by the nineteen parts with uncontrollable power, both as to + purpose and process. . Can this formidable array be reviewed without + dismay? + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The clergy of the United States may probably be estimated + at eight thousand. The residue of this society at four + hundred; but if the former number be halved, the reasoning + will be the same. +</pre> + <p> + It will be said, that in this association will be all the confidential + officers of the government; the choice of the people themselves. No man on + earth has more implicit confidence than myself in the integrity and + discretion of this chosen band of servants. But is confidence or + discretion, or is strict limit, the principle of our constitution? It will + comprehend, indeed, all the functionaries of the government: but seceded + from their consitutional stations as guardians of the nation, and acting + not by the laws of their station, but by those of a voluntary society, + having no limit to their purposes but the same will which constitutes + their existence. It will be the authorities of the people, and all + influential characters from among them, arrayed on one side, and on the + other, the people themselves deserted by their leaders. It is a fearful + array. It will be said, that these are imaginary fears. I know they are so + at present. I know it is as impossible for these agents of our choice and + unbounded confidence, to harbor machinations against the adored principles + of our constitution, as for gravity to change its direction, and gravid + bodies to mount upwards. The fears are indeed imaginary: but the example + is real. Under its authority, as a precedent, future associations will + arise with objects at which we should shudder at this time. The society of + Jacobins, in another country, was instituted on principles and views as + virtuous as ever kindled the hearts of patriots. It was the pure + patriotism of their purposes which extended their association to the + limits of the nation, and rendered their power within it boundless; and it + was this power which degenerated their principles and practices to such + enormities, as never before could have been imagined. Yet these were men; + and we and our descendants will be no more. The present is a case where, + if ever, we are to guard against ourselves; not against ourselves as we + are, but as we may be; for who can now imagine what we may become under + circumstances not now imaginable? The object, too, of this institution, + seems to require so hazardous an example as little as any which could be + proposed. The government is, at this time, going on with the process of + civilizing the Indians, on a plan probably as promising as any one of us + is able to devise, and with resources more competent than we could expect + to command by voluntary taxation. Is it that the new characters called + into association with those of the government, are wiser than these? Is it + that a plan originated by a meeting of private individuals, is better than + that prepared by the concentrated wisdom of the nation, of men not + self-chosen, but clothed with the full confidence of the people? Is it + that there is no danger that a new authority, marching independently along + side of the government, in the same line and to the same object, may not + produce collision, may not thwart and obstruct the operations of the + government, or wrest the object entirely from their hands? Might we not as + well appoint a committee for each department of the government, to counsel + and direct its head separately, as volunteer ourselves to counsel and + direct the whole, in mass? And might we not do it as well for their + foreign, their fiscal, and their military, as for their Indian affairs? + And how many societies, auxiliary to the government, may we expect to see + spring up, in imitation of this, offering to associate themselves in this + and that of its functions? In a word, why not take the government out of + its constitutional hands, associate them indeed with us, to preserve a + semblance that the acts are theirs, but insuring them to be our own by + allowing them a minor vote only? + </p> + <p> + These considerations have impressed my mind with a force so irrresistible, + that (in duty bound to answer your polite letter, without which I should + not have obtruded an opinion) I have not been able to withhold the + expression of them. Not knowing the individuals who have proposed this + plan, I cannot be conceived as entertaining personal disrespect for them. + On the contrary, I see in the printed list persons for whom I cherish + sentiments of sincere friendship; and others, for whose opinions and + purity of purpose I have the highest respect. Yet thinking, as I do, that + this association is unnecessary; that the government is proceeding to the + same object under control of the law; that they are competent to it in + wisdom, in means, and inclination; that this association, this wheel + within a wheel, is more likely to produce collision than aid; and that it + is, in its magnitude, of dangerous example; I am bound to say, that, as a + dutiful citizen, I cannot in conscience become a member of this society, + possessing as it does my entire confidence in the integrity of its views. + I feel with awe the weight of opinion to which I may be opposed, and that, + for myself, I have need to ask the indulgence of a belief, that the + opinion I have given is the best result I can deduce from my own reason + and experience, and that it is sincerely conscientious. Repeating, + therefore, my just acknowledgments for the honor proposed to me, I beg + leave to add the assurances to the society and yourself of my highest + confidence and consideration. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0162" id="link2H_4_0162"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXII.—TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE, June 26, 1822 + </h2> + <h3> + TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, June 26, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have received and read with thankfulness and pleasure your denunciation + of the abuses of tobacco and wine. Yet, however sound in its principles, I + expect it will be but a sermon to the wind. You will find it is as + difficult to inculcate these sanative precepts on the sensualities of the + present day, as to convince an Athanasian that there is but one God. I + wish success to both attempts, and am happy to learn from you that the + latter, at least, is making progress, and the more rapidly in proportion + as our Platonizing Christians make more stir and noise about it. The + doctrines of Jesus are simple, and tend all to the happiness of man. + </p> + <p> + 1. That there is one only God, and he all perfect. + </p> + <p> + 2. That there is a future state of rewards and punishments. + </p> + <p> + 3. That to love God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thyself, is + the sum of religion. These are the great points on which he endeavored to + reform the religion of the Jews. But compare with these the demoralizing + dogmas of Calvin. + </p> + <p> + 1. That there are three Gods. + </p> + <p> + 2. That good works, or the love of our neighbor, are nothing. + </p> + <p> + 3. That faith is everything, and the more incomprehensible the + proposition, the more merit in its faith. + </p> + <p> + 4. That reason in religion is of unlawful use. + </p> + <p> + 5. That God, from the beginning, elected certain individuals to be saved, + and certain others to be damned; and that no crimes of the former can damn + them; no virtues of the latter, save. + </p> + <p> + Now, which of these is the true and charitable Christian? He who believes + and acts on the simple doctrines of Jesus; or the impious dogmatists, as + Athanasius and Calvin? Verily I say these are the false shepherds foretold + as to enter not by the door into the sheepfold, but to climb up some other + way. They are mere usurpers of the Christian name, teaching a + counter-religion made up of the deliria of crazy imaginations, as foreign + from Christianity as is that of Mahomet. Their blasphemies have driven + thinking men into infidelity, who have too hastily rejected the supposed + author himself, with the horrors so falsely imputed to him. Had the + doctrines of Jesus been preached always as pure as they came from his + lips, the whole civilized world would now have been Christian. I rejoice + that in this blessed country of free inquiry and belief, which has + surrendered its creed and conscience to neither kings nor priests, the + genuine doctrine of one only God is reviving, and I trust that there is + not a young man now living in the United States, who will not die an + Unitarian. + </p> + <p> + But much I fear, that when this great truth shall be re-established, its + votaries will fall into the fatal error of fabricating formulas of creed + and confessions of faith, the engines which so soon destroyed the religion + of Jesus, and made of Christendom a mere Aceldama; that they will give up + morals for mysteries, and Jesus for Plato. How much wiser are the Quakers, + who, agreeing in the fundamental doctrines of the Gospel, schismatize + about no mysteries, and, keeping within the pale of common sense, suffer + no speculative differences of opinion, any more than of feature, to impair + the love of their brethren. Be this the wisdom of Unitarians, this the + holy mantle which shall cover within its charitable circumference all who + believe in one God, and who love their neighbor! I conclude my sermon with + sincere assurances of my friendly esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0163" id="link2H_4_0163"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXIII.—TO JOHN ADAMS + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 27, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your kind letter of the 11th has given me great satisfaction. For although + I could not doubt but that the hand of age was pressing heavily on you, as + on myself, yet we like to know the particulars and the degree of that + pressure. Much reflection, too, has been produced by your suggestion of + lending my letter of the 1st, to a printer. I have generally great + aversion to the insertion of my letters in the public papers; because of + my passion for quiet retirement, and never to be exhibited in scene on the + public stage. Nor am I unmindful of the precept of Horace, ‘<i>Solve + senescentem, mature sanus, equum, ne peccet ad extremum ridendus</i>.’ In + the present case, however, I see a possibility that this might aid in + producing the very quiet after which I pant. I do not know how far you may + suffer, as I do, under the persecution of letters, of which every mail + brings a fresh load. They are letters of inquiry, for the most part, + always of good will, sometimes from friends whom I esteem, but much + oftener from persons whose names are unknown to me, but written kindly and + civilly, and to which, therefore, civility requires answers. Perhaps, the + better known failure of your hand in its function of writing, may shield + you in greater degree from this distress, and so far qualify the + misfortune of its disability. I happened to turn to my letter-list some + time ago, and a curiosity was excited to count those received in a single + year. It was the year before the last. I found the number to be one + thousand two hundred and sixty-seven, many of them requiring answers of + elaborate research, and all to be answered with due attention and + consideration. Take an average of this number for a week or a day, and I + will repeat the question suggested by other considerations in mine of the + 1st. Is this life? At best it is but the life of a mill-horse, who sees no + end to his circle but in death. To such a life, that of a cabbage is + paradise. It occurs, then, that my condition of existence, truly stated in + that letter, if better known, might check the kind indiscretions which are + so heavily oppressing the departing hours of life. Such a relief would, to + me, be an ineffable blessing. But yours of the 11th, equally interesting + and affecting, should accompany that to which it is an answer. The two, + taken together, would excite a joint interest, and place before our + fellow-citizens the present condition of two ancient servants, who, having + faithfully performed their forty or fifty campaigns, <i>stipendiis omnibus + expletis</i>, have a reasonable claim to repose from all disturbance in + the sanctuary of invalids and superannuates. But some device should be + thought of for their getting before the public otherwise than by our own + publication. Your printer, perhaps, could frame something plausible, + ———‘s name, should be left blank, as his picture, should + it meet his eye, might give him pain. I consign, however, the whole + subject to your consideration, to do in it whatever your own judgment + shall approve, and repeat always, with truth, the assurance of my constant + and affectionate friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0164" id="link2H_4_0164"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXIV.—TO WILLIAM T. BARRY, July 2, 1822 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM T. BARRY. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, July 2, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 15th of June is received, and I am very thankful for the + kindness of its expressions respecting myself. But it ascribes to me + merits which I do not claim. I was only of a band devoted to the cause of + independence, all of whom exerted equally their best endeavors for its + success, and have a common right to the merits of its acquisition. So also + in the civil revolution of 1801. Very many and very meritorious were the + worthy patriots who assisted in bringing back our government to its + republican tack. To preserve it in that will require unremitting + vigilance. Whether the surrender of our opponents, their reception into + our camp, their assumption of our name, and apparent accession to our + objects, may strengthen or weaken the genuine principles of republicanism, + may be a good or an evil, is yet to be seen. I consider the party division + of whig and tory the most wholesome which can exist in any government, and + well worthy of being nourished, to keep out those of a more dangerous + character. We already see the power, installed for life, responsible to no + authority (for impeachment is not even a scare-crow), advancing with a + noiseless and steady pace to the great object of consolidation. The + foundations are already deeply laid by their decisions, for the + annihilation of constitutional State rights, and the removal of every + check, every counterpoise to the ingulphing* power of which themselves are + to make a sovereign part. If ever this vast country is brought under a + single government, it will be one of the most extensive corruption, + indifferent and incapable of a wholesome care over so wide a spread of + surface. This will not be borne, and you will have to choose between + reformation and revolution. If I know the spirit of this country, the one + or the other is inevitable. Before the canker is become inveterate, before + its venom has reached so much of the body politic as to get beyond + control, remedy should be applied. Let the future appointments of judges + be for four or six years, and renewable by the President and Senate. This + will bring their conduct, at regular periods, under revision and + probation, and may keep them in equipoise between the general and special + governments. We have erred in this point, by copying England, where + certainly it is a good thing to have the judges independent of the King. + But we have omitted to copy their caution also, which makes a judge + removable on the address of both legislative Houses. That there should be + public functionaries independent of the nation, whatever may be their + demerit, is a solecism in a republic, of the first order of absurdity and + inconsistency. + </p> + <p> + To the printed inquiries respecting our schools, it is not in my power to + give an answer. Age, debility, an ancient dislocated, and now stiffened + wrist, render writing so slow and painful, that I am obliged to decline + every thing possible requiring writing. An act of our legislature will + inform you of our plan of primary schools, and the annual reports show + that it is becoming completely abortive, and must be abandoned very + shortly, after costing us to this day one hundred and eighty thousand + dollars, and yet to cost us forty-five thousand dollars a year more until + it shall be discontinued; and if a single boy has received the elements of + common education, it must be in some part of the country not known to me. + Experience has but too fully confirmed the early predictions of its fate. + But on this subject I must refer you to others more able than I am to go + into the necessary details; and I conclude with the assurances of my great + esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0165" id="link2H_4_0165"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXV.—TO DOCTOR WATERHOUSE, July 19, 1822 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR WATERHOUSE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, July 19, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + An anciently dislocated, and now stiffening wrist, makes writing an + operation so slow and painful to me, that I should not so soon have + troubled you with an acknowledgment of your favor of the 8th, but for the + request it contained of my consent to the publication of my letter of June + the 26th. No, my dear Sir, not for the world. Into what a nest of hornets + would it thrust my head! the <i>genus irritabile vatum</i>, on whom + argument is lost, and reason is, by themselves, disclaimed in matters of + religion. Don Quixote undertook to redress the bodily wrongs of the world, + but the redressment of mental vagaries would be an enterprise more than + Quixotic. I should as soon undertake to bring the crazy skulls of Bedlam + to sound understanding, as inculcate reason into that of an Athanasian. I + am old, and tranquillity is now my <i>summum bonum</i>. Keep me, + therefore, from the fire and faggots of Calvin and his victim Servetus. + Happy in the prospect of a restoration of primitive Christianity, I must + leave to younger athletes to encounter and lop off the false branches + which have been engrafted into it by the mycologists of the middle and + modern ages. I am not aware of the peculiar resistance to Unitarianism, + which you ascribe to Pennsylvania. When I lived in Philadelphia there was + a respectable congregation of that sect, with a meeting-house and regular + service which I attended, and in which Doctor Priestley officiated to + numerous audiences. Baltimore has one or two churches, and their pastor, + author of an inestimable book on this subject, was elected chaplain to the + late Congress. That doctrine has not yet been preached to us: but the + breeze begins to be felt which precedes the storm; and fanaticism is all + in a bustle, shutting its doors and windows to keep it out. But it will + come, and drive before it the foggy mists of Platonism which have so long + obscured our atmosphere. I am in hopes that some of the disciples of your + institution will become missionaries to us, of these doctrines truly + evangelical, and open our eyes to what has been so long hidden from them. + A bold and eloquent preacher would be no where listened to with more + freedom than in this State, nor with more firmness of mind. They might + need a preparatory discourse on the text of ‘Prove all things, hold fast + that which is good,’ in order to unlearn the lesson that reason is an + unlawful guide in religion. They might startle on being first awaked from + the dreams of the night, but they would rub their eyes at once, and look + the spectres boldly in the face. The preacher might be excluded by our + hierophants from their churches and meeting-houses, but would be attended + in the fields by whole acres of hearers and thinkers. Missionaries from + Cambridge would soon be greeted with more welcome, than from the + tritheistical school of Andover. Such are my wishes, such would be my + welcomes, warm and cordial as the assurances of my esteem and respect for + you. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0166" id="link2H_4_0166"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXVI.—TO JOHN ADAMS + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, November 1, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have racked my memory and ransacked my papers, to enable myself to + answer the inquiries of your favor of October the 15th; but to little + purpose. My papers furnish me nothing, my memory, generalities only. I + know that while I was in Europe, and anxious about the fate of our + seafaring men, for some of whom, then in captivity in Algiers, we were + treating, and all were in like danger, I formed, undoubtingly, the opinion + that our government, as soon as practicable, should provide a naval force + sufficient to keep the Barbary States in order; and on this subject we + communicated together, as you observe. When I returned to the United + States and took part in the administration under General Washington, I + constantly maintained that opinion; and in December, 1790, took advantage + of a reference to me from the first Congress which met after I was in + office, to report in favor of a force sufficient for the protection of our + Mediterranean commerce; and I laid before them an accurate statement of + the whole Barbary force, public and private. I think General Washington + approved of building vessels of war to that extent. General Knox, I know, + did. But what was Colonel Hamilton’s opinion, I do not in the least + remember. Your recollections on that subject are certainly corroborated by + his known anxieties for a close connection with Great Britain, to which he + might apprehend danger from collisions between their vessels and ours. + Randolph was then Attorney General; but his opinion on the question I also + entirely forget. Some vessels of war were accordingly built and sent into + the Mediterranean. The additions to these in your time, I need not note to + you, who are well known to have ever been an advocate for the wooden walls + of Themistocles. Some of those you added, were sold under an act of + Congress passed while you were in office. I thought, afterwards, that the + public safety might require some additional vessels of strength, to be + prepared and in readiness for the first moment of a war, provided they + could be preserved against the decay which is unavoidable if kept in the + water, and clear of the expense of officers and men. With this view I + proposed that they should be built in dry docks, above the level of the + tide waters, and covered with roofs. I further advised, that places for + these docks should be selected where there was a command of water on a + high level, as that of the Tiber at Washington, by which the vessels might + be floated out, on the principle of a lock. But the majority of the + legislature was against any addition to the navy, and the minority, + although for it in judgment, voted against it on a principle of + opposition. We are now, I understand, building vessels to remain on the + stocks, under shelter, until wanted, when they will be launched and + finished. On my plan they could be in service at an hour’s notice. On + this, the finishing, after launching, will be a work of time. + </p> + <p> + This is all I recollect about the origin and progress of our navy. That of + the late war, certainly raised our rank and character among nations. Yet a + navy is a very expensive engine. It is admitted, that in ten or twelve + years a vessel goes to entire decay; or, if kept in repair, costs as much + as would build a new one: and that a nation who could count on twelve or + fifteen years’ of peace, would gain by burning its navy and building a new + one in time. Its extent, therefore, must be governed by circumstances. + Since my proposition for a force adequate to the piracies of the + Mediterranean, a similar necessity has arisen in our own seas for + considerable addition to that force. Indeed, I wish we could have a + convention with the naval powers of Europe, for them to keep down the + pirates of the Mediterranean, and the slave ships on the coast of Africa, + and for us to perform the same duties for the society of nations in our + seas. In this way, those collisions would be avoided between the vessels + of war of different nations, which beget wars and constitute the + weightiest objection to navies. I salute you with constant affection and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [The annexed is the letter to which the foregoing is a reply.] +</pre> + <p> + TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. + </p> + <p> + Montezillo, October 15, 1822. Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have long entertained scruples about writing this letter, upon a subject + of some delicacy. But old age has overcome them at last. + </p> + <p> + You remember the four ships ordered by Congress to be built, and the four + captains appointed by Washington, Talbot, and Truxton, and Barry, &c, + to carry an ambassador to Algiers, and protect our commerce in the + Mediterranean. I have always imputed this measure to you; for several + reasons. First, because you frequently proposed it to me while we were at + Paris, negotiating together for peace with the Barbary powers. Secondly, + because I knew that Washington and Hamilton were not only indifferent + about a navy, but averse to it. There was no Secretary of the Navy; only + four Heads of department. You were Secretary of State; Hamilton, Secretary + of the Treasury; Knox, Secretary of War; and I believe Bradford was + Attorney General. I have always suspected that you and Knox were in favor + of a navy. If Bradford was so, the majority was clear. But Washington, I + am confident, was against it in his judgment. But his attachment to Knox, + and his deference to your opinion, for I know he had a great regard for + you, might induce him to decide in favor of you and Knox, even though + Bradford united with Hamilton in opposition to you. That Hamilton was + averse to the measure, I have personal evidence; for while it was pending, + he came in a hurry and a fit of impatience to make a visit to me. He said, + he was likely to be called upon for a large sum of money to build ships of + war, to fight the Algerines, and he asked my opinion of the measure. I + answered him that I was clearly in favor of it. For I had always been of + opinion, from the commencement of the Revolution, that a navy was the most + powerful, the safest, and the cheapest national defence for this country. + My advice, therefore, was, that as much of the revenue as could possibly + be spared, should be applied to the building and equipping of ships. The + conversation was of some length, but it was manifest in his looks and in + his air, that he was disgusted at the measure, as well as at the opinion + that I had expressed. + </p> + <p> + Mrs. Knox not long since wrote a letter to Doctor Waterhouse, requesting + him to procure a commision for her son, in the navy; ‘that navy,’ says her + ladyship, ‘of which his father was the parent.’ ‘For,’ says she, ‘I have + frequently heard General Washington say to my husband, the navy was your + child.’ I have always believed it to be Jefferson’s child, though Knox may + have assisted in ushering it into the world. Hamilton’s hobby was the + army. That Washington was averse to a navy, I had full proof from his own + lips, in many different conversations, some of them of length, in which he + always insisted that it was only building and arming ships for the + English. ‘<i>Si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperii; si non, his + utere mecum</i>.’ + </p> + <p> + If I am in error in any particular, pray correct your humble servant. + </p> + <p> + John Adams. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0167" id="link2H_4_0167"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXVII.—TO DOCTOR COOPER, November 2, 1822 + </h2> + <p> + TO DOCTOR COOPER. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, November 2, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of October the 18th came to hand yesterday. The atmosphere of + our country is unquestionably charged with a threatening cloud of + fanaticism, lighter in some parts, denser in others, but too heavy in all. + I had no idea, however, that in Pennsylvania, the cradle of toleration and + freedom of religion, it could have arisen to the height you describe. This + must be owing to the growth of Presbyterianism. The blasphemy and + absurdity of the five points of Calvin, and the impossibility of defending + them, render their advocates impatient of reasoning, irritable, and prone + to denunciation. In Boston, however, and its neighborhood, Unitarianism + has advanced to so great strength, as now to humble this haughtiest of all + religious sects; insomuch, that they condescend to interchange with them + and the other sects, the civilities of preaching freely and frequently in + each other’s meeting-houses. In Rhode Island, on the other hand, no + sectarian preacher will permit an Unitarian to pollute his desk. In our + Richmond there is much fanaticism, but chiefly among the women. They have + their night meetings and praying parties, where, attended by their + priests, and sometimes by a hen-pecked husband, they pour forth the + effusions of their love to Jesus, in terms as amatory and carnal, as their + modesty would permit them to use to a mere earthly lover. In our village + of Charlottesville, there is a good degree of religion, with a small spice + only of fanaticism. We have four sects, but without either church or + meeting-house. The court-house is the common temple, one Sunday in the + month to each. Here, Episcopalian and Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist, + meet together, join in hymning their Maker, listen with attention and + devotion to each others’ preachers, and all mix in society with perfect + harmony. It is not so in the districts where Presbyterianism prevails + undividedly. Their ambition and tyranny would tolerate no rival, if they + had power. Systematical in grasping at an ascendancy over all other sects, + they aim, like the Jesuits, at engrossing the education of the country, + are hostile to every institution which they do not direct, and jealous at + seeing others begin to attend at all to that object. The diffusion of + instruction, to which there is now so growing an attention, will be the + remote remedy to this fever of fanaticism; while the more proximate one + will be the progress of Unitarianism. That this will, ere long, be the + religion of the majority from north to south, I have no doubt. + </p> + <p> + In our University you know there is no professorship of Divinity. A handle + has been made of this, to disseminate an idea that this is an institution, + not merely of no religion, but against all religion. Occasion was taken at + the last meeting of the Visitors, to bring forward an idea that might + silence this calumny, which weighed on the minds of some honest friends to + the institution. In our annual report to the legislature, after stating + the constitutional reasons against a public establishment of any religious + instruction, we suggest the expediency of encouraging the different + religious sects to establish, each for itself, a professorship of their + own tenets, on the confines of the University, so near as that the + students may attend the lectures there, and have the free use our own + library, and every other accommodation we can give them; preserving, + however, their independence of us and of each other. This fills the chasm + objected to ours, as a defect in an institution professing to give + instruction in all useful sciences. I think the invitation will be + accepted, by some sects from candid intentions, and by others from + jealousy and rivalship. And by bringing the sects together, and mixing + them with the mass of other students, we shall soften their asperities, + liberalize and neutralize their prejudices, and make the general religion, + a religion of peace, reason, and morality. + </p> + <p> + The time of opening our University is still as uncertain as ever. All the + pavilions, boarding-houses, and dormitories are done. Nothing is now + wanting but the central building for a library and other general purposes. + For this we have no funds, and the last legislature refused all aid. We + have better hopes of the next. But all is uncertain. I have heard with + regret of disturbances on the part of the students in your seminary. The + article of discipline is the most difficult in American education. + Premature ideas of independence, too little repressed by parents, beget a + spirit of insubordination, which is the great obstacle to science with us, + and a principal cause of its decay since the Revolution. I look to it with + dismay in our institution, as a breaker ahead, which I am far from being + confident we shall be able to weather. The advance of age, and tardy pace + of the public patronage, may probably spare me the pain of witnessing + consequences. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with constant friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0168" id="link2H_4_0168"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXVIII.—TO JAMES SMITH, December 8, 1822 + </h2> + <p> + TO JAMES SMITH. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 8, 1822. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have to thank you for your pamphlets on the subject of Unitarianism, and + to express my gratification with your efforts for the revival of primitive + Christianity in your quarter. No historical fact is better established, + than that the doctrine of one God, pure and uncompounded, was that of the + early ages of Christianity; and was amoung the efficacious doctrines which + gave it triumph over the polytheism of the ancients, sickened with the + absurdities of their own theology. Nor was the unity of the Supreme Being + ousted from the Christian creed by the force of reason, but by the sword + of civil government, wielded at the will of the fanatic Athanasius. The + hocus-pocus phantasm of a God like another Cerberus, with one body and + three heads, had its birth and growth in the blood of thousands and + thousands of martyrs. And a strong proof of the solidity of the primitive + faith, is its restoration, as soon as a nation arises which vindicates to + itself the freedom of religious opinion, and its external divorce from the + civil authority. The pure and simple unity of the Creator of the universe, + is now all but ascendant in the eastern States; it is dawning in the west, + and advancing towards the south; and I confidently expect that the present + generation will see Unitarianism become the general religion of the United + States. The eastern presses are giving us many excellent pieces on the + subject, and Priestley’s learned writings on it are, or should be, in + every hand. In fact, the Athanasian paradox that one is three, and three + but one, is so incomprehensible to the human mind, that no candid man can + say he has any idea of it, and how can he believe what presents no idea? + He who thinks he does, only deceives himself. He proves, also, that man, + once surrendering his reason, has no remaining guard against absurdities + the most monstrous, and like a ship without rudder, is the sport of every + wind. With such persons, gullability, which they call faith, takes the + helm from the hand of reason, and the mind becomes a wreck. + </p> + <p> + I write with freedom, because, while I claim a right to believe in one + God, if so my reason tells me, I yield as freely to others that of + believing in three. Both religions, I find, make honest men, and that is + the only point society has any right to look to. Although this mutual + freedom should produce mutual indulgence, yet I wish not to be brought in + question before the public on this or any other subject, and I pray you to + consider me as writing under that trust. I take no part in controversies, + religious or political. At the age of eighty, tranquillity is the greatest + good of life, and the strongest of our desires that of dying in the + good-will of all mankind. And with the assurances of all my good-will to + Unitarian and Trinitarian, to Whig and Tory, accept for yourself that of + my entire respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0169" id="link2H_4_0169"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER, CLXIX.—TO JOHN ADAMS, February 25, 1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS, + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 25, 1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received, in due time, your two favors of December the 2nd and February + the 10th, and have to acknowledge for the ladies of my native State their + obligations to you for the encomiums which you are so kind as to bestow on + them. They certainly claim no advantages over those of their sister + States, and are sensible of more favorable circumstances existing with + many of them, and happily availed, which our situation does not offer. But + the paper respecting Monticello, to which you allude, was not written by a + Virginian, but a visitant from another State; and written by memory at + least a dozen years after the visit. This has occasioned some lapses of + recollection, and a confusion of some things in the mind of our friend, + and particularly as to the volume of slanders supposed to have been cut + out of newspapers and preserved. It would not, indeed, have been a single + volume, but an Encyclopaedia in bulk. But I never had such a volume; + indeed, I rarely thought those libels worth reading, much less preserving + and remembering. At the end of every year, I generally sorted all my + pamphlets, and had them bound according to their subjects. One of these + volumes consisted of personal altercations between individuals, and + calumnies on each other. This was lettered on the back, ‘Personalities,’ + and is now in the library of Congress. I was in the habit, also, while + living apart from my family, of cutting out of the newspapers such morsels + of poetry, or tales, as I thought would please, and of sending them to my + grandchildren, who pasted them on leaves of blank paper and formed them + into a book. These two volumes have been confounded into one in the + recollection of our friend. Her poetical imagination, too, has heightened + the scenes she visited, as well as the merits of the inhabitants, to whom + her society was a delightful gratification. + </p> + <p> + I have just finished reading O’Meara’s Bonaparte. It places him in a + higher scale of understanding than I had allotted him. I had thought him + the greatest of all military captains, but an indifferent statesman, and + misled by unworthy passions. The flashes, however, which escaped from him + in these conversations with O’Meara, prove a mind of great expansion, + although not of distinct developement and reasoning. He seizes results + with rapidity and penetration, but never explains logically the process of + reasoning by which he arrives at them. This book, too, makes us forget his + atrocities for a moment, in commiseration of his sufferings. I will not + say that the authorities of the world, charged with the care of their + country and people, had not a right to confine him for life, as a lion or + tiger, on the principles of self-preservation. There was no safety to + nations while he was permitted to roam at large. But the putting him to + death in cold blood, by lingering tortures of mind, by vexations, insults, + and deprivations, was a degree of inhumanity to which the poisonings and + assassinations of the school of Borgia and the den of Marat never + attained. The book proves, also, that nature had denied him the moral + sense, the first excellence of well-organized man. If he could seriously + and repeatedly affirm, that he had raised himself to power without ever + having committed a crime, it proves that he wanted totally the sense of + right and wrong. If he could consider the millions of human lives which he + had destroyed or caused to be destroyed, the desolations of countries by + plunderings, burnings, and famine, the destitutions of lawful rulers of + the world without the consent of their constituents, to place his brothers + and sisters on their thrones, the cutting up of established societies of + men and jumbling them discordantly together again at his caprice, the + demolition of the fairest hopes of mankind for the recovery of their + rights and amelioration of their condition, and all the numberless train + of his other enormities; the man, I say, who could consider all these as + no crimes, must have been a moral monster, against whom every hand should + have been lifted to slay him. + </p> + <p> + You are so kind as to inquire after my health. The bone of my arm is well + knitted, but my hand and fingers are in a discouraging condition, kept + entirely useless by an oedematous swelling of slow amendment. + </p> + <p> + God bless you and continue your good health of body and mind. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0170" id="link2H_4_0170"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXX.—TO JOHN ADAMS, April 11, 1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 11, 1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + The wishes expressed in your last favor, that I may continue in life and + health until I become a Calvinist, at least in his exclamation of, ‘<i>Mon + Dieu! jusqu’a quand?</i>’ would make me immortal. I can never join Calvin + in addressing his God. He was indeed an atheist, which I can never be; or + rather his religion was daemonism. If ever man worshipped a false God, he + did. The being described in his five points, is not the God whom you and I + acknowledge and adore, the Creator and benevolent Governor of the world; + but a daemon of malignant spirit. It would be more pardonable to believe + in no God at all, than to blaspheme him by the atrocious attributes of + Calvin. Indeed, I think that every Christian sect gives a great handle to + atheism by their general dogma, that, without a revelation, there would + not be sufficient proof of the being of a God. Now one sixth of mankind + only are supposed to be Christians: the other five sixths then, who do not + believe in the Jewish and Christian revelation, are without a knowledge of + the existence of a God! This gives completely a <i>gain de cause</i> to + the disciples of Ocellus, Timasus, Spinosa, Diderot, and D’Holbach. The + argument which they rest on as triumphant and unanswerable is, that in + every hypothesis of cosmogony, you must admit an eternal pre-existence of + something; and according to the rule of sound philosophy, you are never to + employ two principles to solve a difficulty when one will suffice. They + say then, that it is more simple to believe at once in the eternal + pre-existence of the world, as it is now going on, and may for ever go on + by the principle of reproduction which we see and witness, than to believe + in the eternal pre-existence of an ulterior cause, or creator of the + world, a being whom we see not and know not, of whose form, substance, and + mode, or place of existence, or of action, no sense informs us, no power + of the mind enables us to delineate or comprehend. On the contrary, I hold + (without appeal to revelation), that when we take a view of the universe, + in its parts, general or particular, it is impossible for the human mind + not to perceive and feel a conviction of design, consummate skill, and + indefinite power in every atom of its composition. The movements of the + heavenly bodies, so exactly held in their course by the balance of + centrifugal and centripetal forces; the structure of our earth itself, + with its distribution of lands, waters, and atmosphere; animal and + vegetable bodies, examined in all their minutest particles; insects, mere + atoms of life, yet as perfectly organized as man or mammoth; the mineral + substances, their generation and uses; it is impossible, I say, for the + human mind not to believe, that there is in all this, design, cause, and + effect, up to an ultimate cause, a fabricator of all things from matter + and motion, their preserver and regulator while permitted to exist in + their present forms, and their regenerator into new and other forms. We + see, too, evident proofs of the necessity of a superintending power, to + maintain the universe in its course and order. Stars, well known, have + disappeared, new ones have come into view; comets, in their incalculable + courses, may run foul of suns and planets, and require renovation under + other laws; certain races of animals are become extinct; and were there no + restoring power, all existences might extinguish successively, one by one, + until all should be reduced to a shapeless chaos. So irresistible are + these evidences of an intelligent and powerful agent, that, of the + infinite numbers of men who have existed through all time, they have + believed, in the proportion of a million at least to unit, in the + hypothesis of an eternal pre-existence of a creator, rather than in that + of a self-existent universe. Surely this unanimous sentiment renders this + more probable, than that of the few in the other hypothesis. Some early + Christians, indeed, have believed in the co-eternal pre-existence of both + the creator and the world, without changing their relation of cause and + effect. That this was the opinion of St. Thomas, we are informed by + Cardinal Toleta, in these words; ‘<i>Deus ab terno fuit jam omnipotens, si + cut cum produxit mundum. Ah aternopotuit producers mundum. Si sol ah + czterno esset, lumen ah æterno esset; et si pes, similiter vestigium. At + lumen et vestigium effectus sunt efficients solis et pedis; potuit ergo + cum causa æterna effectus coaternus esse. Cujus sententia, est S. Thomas, + theologorum primus</i>.’—Cardinal Toleta. + </p> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0019" id="linkimage-0019"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page364.jpg" alt="Page364 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <a name="linkimage-0020" id="linkimage-0020"> + <!-- IMG --></a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/page365.jpg" alt="Page365 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + Of the nature of this being we know nothing. Jesus tells us, that ‘God is + a spirit’ (John iv. 24.), but without defining what a spirit is: [Greek + phrase] Down to the third century, we know that it was still deemed + material but of a lighter, subtler matter than our gross bodies. So says + Origen; <i>Deus igitur, cui anima similis est, juxta Originem, reapte + corporalis est; sed graviorum tantum ratione corporum incorporeus</i>.’ + These are the words of Huet in his commentary on Origen. Origen himself + says, [Greek and Latin phrase] + </p> + <p> + These two fathers were of the third century. Calvin’s character of this + Supreme Being seems chiefly copied from that of the Jews. But the + reformation of these blasphemous attributes, and substitution of those + more worthy, pure, and sublime, seems to have been the chief object of + Jesus in his discourses to the Jews: and his doctrine of the cosmogony of + the world is very clearly laid down in the three first verses of the first + chapter of John, in these words: [Greek phrase] Which, truly translated, + means, ‘In the beginning God existed, and reason [or mind] was with God, + and that mind was God. This was in the beginning with God. All things were + created by it, and without it was made not one thing which was made.’ Yet + this text, so plainly declaring the doctrine of Jesus, that the world was + created by the supreme intelligent being, has been perverted by modern + Christians to build up a second person of their tritheism, by a + mistranslation of the word <i>Xoyog</i>. One of its legitimate meanings, + indeed, is ‘a word.’ But in that sense it makes an unmeaning jargon: while + the other meaning, ‘reason,’ equally legitimate, explains rationally the + eternal pre-existence of God, and his creation of, the world. Knowing how + incomprehensible it was that ‘a word,’ the mere action or articulation of + the organs of speech could create a world, they undertook to make of this + articulation a second pre-existing being, and ascribe to him, and not to + God, the creation of the universe. The atheist here plumes himself on the + uselessness of such a God, and the simpler hypothesis of a self-existent + universe. The truth is, that the greatest enemies to the doctrines of + Jesus are those calling themselves the expositors of them, who have + perverted them for the structure of a system of fancy absolutely + incomprehensible, and without any foundation in his genuine words. And the + day will come, when the mystical generation of Jesus, by the Supreme Being + as his father, in the womb of a virgin, will be classed with the fable of + the generation of Minerva in the brain of Jupiter. But we may hope that + the dawn of reason, and freedom of thought, in these United States, will + do away all this artificial scaffolding, and restore to us the primitive + and genuine doctrines of this the most venerated reformer of human errors. + </p> + <p> + So much for your quotation of Calvin’s ‘<i>Mon Dieu! jusqu’a quand</i>’in + which, when addressed to the God of Jesus, and our God, I join you + cordially, and await his time and will with more readiness than + reluctance. May we meet there again, in Congress, with our ancient + colleagues, and receive with them the seal of approbation, ‘Well done, + good and faithful servants.’ + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0171" id="link2H_4_0171"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXI.—TO THE PRESIDENT, June 11, 1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE PRESIDENT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 11, 1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Considering that I had not been to Bedford for a twelvemonth before, I + thought myself singularly unfortunate in so timing my journey, as to have + been absent exactly at the moment of your late visit to our neighborhood. + The loss, indeed, was all my own; for in these short interviews with you. + I generally get my political compass rectified, learn from you whereabouts + we are, and correct my course again. In exchange for this, I can give you + but newspaper ideas, and little indeed of these, for I read but a single + paper, and that hastily. I find Horace and Tacitus so much better writers + than the champions of the gazettes, that I lay those down, to take up + these, with great reluctance. And on the question you propose, whether we + can, in any form, take a bolder attitude than formerly in favor of + liberty, I can give you but commonplace ideas. They will be but the + widow’s mite, and offered only because requested. The matter which now + embroils Europe, the presumption of dictating to an independent nation the + form of its government, is so arrogant, so atrocious, that indignation, as + well as moral sentiment, enlists all our partialities and prayers in favor + of one, and our equal execrations against the other. I do not know, + indeed, whether all nations do not owe to one another a bold and open + declaration of their sympathies with the one party, and their detestation + of the conduct of the other. But farther than this we are not bound to go; + and indeed, for the sake of the world, we ought not to increase the + jealousies, or draw on ourselves the power, of this formidable + confederacy. I have ever deemed it fundamental for the United States, + never to take active part in the quarrels of Europe. Their political + interests are entirely distinct from ours. Their mutual jealousies, their + balance of power, their complicated alliances, their forms and principles + of government, are all foreign to us. They are nations of eternal war. All + their energies are expended in the destruction of the labor, property, and + lives of their people. On our part, never had a people so favorable a + chance of trying the opposite system, of peace and fraternity with + mankind, and the direction of all our means and faculties to the purposes + of improvement instead of destruction. With Europe we have few occasions + of collision, and these, with a little prudence and forbearance, may be + generally accommodated. Of the brethren of our own hemisphere, none are + yet, or for an age to come will be, in a shape, condition, or disposition + to war against us. And the foothold, which the nations of Europe had in + either America, is slipping from under them, so that we shall soon be rid + of their neighborhood. Cuba alone seems at present to hold up a speck of + war to us. Its possession by Great Britain would indeed be a great + calamity to us. Could we induce her to join us in guarantying its + independence against all the world, except Spain, it would be nearly as + valuable to us as if it were our own. But should she take it, I would not + immediately go to war for it; because the first war on other accounts will + give it to us; or the island will give itself to us, when, able to do so. + While no duty, therefore, calls on us to take part in the present war of + Europe, and a golden harvest offers itself in reward for doing nothing, + peace and neutrality seem to be our duty and interest. We may gratify + ourselves, indeed, with a neutrality as partial to Spain as would be + justifiable without giving cause of war to her adversary; we might and + ought to avail ourselves of the happy occasion of procuring and cementing + a cordial reconciliation with her, by giving assurance of every friendly + office which neutrality admits, and especially, against all apprehension + of our intermeddling in the quarrel with her colonies. And I expect daily + and confidently to hear of a spark kindled in France, which will employ + her at home, and relieve Spain from all further apprehensions of danger. + </p> + <p> + That England is playing false with Spain cannot be doubted. Her government + is looking one way and rowing another. It is curious to look back a little + on past events. During the ascendancy of Bonaparte, the word among the + herd of Kings was, ‘<i>Sauve qui peut</i>.’ Each shifted for himself, and + left his brethren to squander and do the same as they could. After the + battle of Waterloo, and the military possession of France, they rallied + and combined in common cause, to maintain each other against any similar + and future danger. And in this alliance, Louis, now avowedly, and George, + secretly but solidly, were of the contracting parties; and there can be no + doubt that the allies are bound by treaty to aid England with their + armies, should insurrection take place among her people. The coquetry she + is now playing off between her people and her allies is perfectly + understood by the latter, and accordingly gives no apprehensions to + France, to whom it is all explained. The diplomatic correspondence she is + now displaying, these double papers fabricated merely for exhibition, in + which she makes herself talk of morals and principle, as if her qualms of + conscience would not permit her to go all lengths with her Holy Allies, + are all to gull her own people. It is a theatrical farce, in which the + five powers are the actors, England the Tartuffe, and her people the + dupes. Playing thus so dextrously into each other’s hands, and their own + persons seeming secured, they are now looking to their privileged orders. + These faithful auxiliaries, or accomplices, must be saved. This war is + evidently that of the general body of the aristocracy, in which England is + also acting her part. ‘Save but the Nobles, and there shall be no war,’ + says she, masking her measures at the same time under the form of + friendship and mediation, and hypocritically, while a party, offering + herself as a judge, to betray those whom she is not permitted openly to + oppose. A fraudulent neutrality, if neutrality at all, is all Spain will + get from her. And Spain, probably, perceives this, and willingly winks at + it rather than have her weight thrown openly into the other scale. + </p> + <p> + But I am going beyond my text, and sinning against the adage of carrying + coals to Newcastle. In hazarding to you my crude and uninformed notions of + things beyond my cognizance, only be so good as to remember that it is at + your request, and with as little confidence on my part as profit on yours. + You will do what is right, leaving the people of Europe to act their + follies and crimes among themselves, while we pursue in good faith the + paths of peace and prosperity. To your judgment we are willingly resigned, + with sincere assurances of affectionate esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0172" id="link2H_4_0172"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXII.—TO JUDGE JOHNSON, June 12, 1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO JUDGE JOHNSON. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 12, 1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Our correspondence is of that accommodating character, which admits of + suspension at the convenience of either party, without inconvenience to + the other. Hence this tardy acknowledgment of your favor of April the + 11th. I learn from that with great pleasure, that you have resolved on + continuing your history of parties. Our opponents are far ahead of us in + preparations for placing their cause favorably before posterity. Yet I + hope even from some of them the escape of precious truths, in angry + explosions or effusions of vanity, which will betray the genuine + monarchism of their principles. They do not themselves believe what they + endeavor to inculcate, that we were an opposition party, not on principle, + but merely seeking for office. The fact is, that at the formation of our + government, many had formed their political opinions on European writings + and practices, believing the experience of old countries, and especially + of England, abusive as it was, to be a safer guide than mere theory. The + doctrines of Europe were, that men in numerous associations cannot be + restrained within the limits of order and justice, but by forces physical + and moral, wielded over them by authorities independent of their will. + Hence their organization of kings, hereditary nobles, and priests. Still + further to constrain the brute force of the people, they deem it necessary + to keep them down by hard labor, poverty, and ignorance, and to take from + them, as from bees, so much of their earnings, as that unremitting labor + shall be necessary to obtain a sufficient surplus barely to sustain a + scanty and miserable life. And these earnings they apply to maintain their + privileged orders in splendor and idleness, to fascinate the eyes of the + people, and excite in them an humble adoration and submission, as to an + order of superior beings. Although few among us had gone all these lengths + of opinion, yet many had advanced, some more, some less, on the way. And + in the convention which formed our government, they endeavored to draw the + cords of power as tight as they could obtain them, to lessen the + dependence of the general functionaries on their constituents, to subject + to them those of the States, and to weaken their means of maintaining the + steady equilibrium which the majority of the convention had deemed + salutary for both branches, general and local. To recover, therefore, in + practice, the powers which the nation had refused, and to warp to their + own wishes those actually given, was the steady object of the federal + party. Ours, on the contrary, was to maintain the will of the majority of + the convention, and of the people themselves. We believed, with them, that + man was a rational animal, endowed by nature with rights, and with an + innate sense of justice; and that he could be restrained from wrong and + protected in right, by moderate powers, confided to persons of his own + choice, and held to their duties by dependence on his own will. We + believed that the complicated organization of kings, nobles, and priests, + was not the wisest nor best to effect the happiness of associated man; + that wisdom and virtue were not hereditary; that the trappings of such a + machinery consumed, by their expense, those earnings of industry they were + meant to protect, and, by the inequalities they produced, exposed liberty + to sufferance. We believed that men, enjoying in ease and security the + full fruits of their own industry, enlisted by all their interests on the + side of law and order, habituated to think for themselves, and to follow + their reason as their guide, would be more easily and safely governed, + than with minds nourished in error, and vitiated and debased, as in + Europe, by ignorance, indigence, and oppression. The cherishment of the + people then was our principle, the fear and distrust of them, that of the + other party. Composed, as we were, of the landed and laboring interests of + the country, we could not be less anxious for a government of law and + order than were the inhabitants of the cities, the strong holds of + federalism. And whether our efforts to save the principles and form of our + constitution have not been salutary, let the present republican freedom, + order, and prosperity of our country determine. History may distort truth, + and will distort it for a time, by the superior efforts at justification + of those who are conscious of needing it most. Nor will the opening scenes + of our present government be seen in their true aspect, until the letters + of the day, now held in private hoards, shall be broken up and laid open + to public view. What a treasure will be found in General Washington’s + cabinet, when it shall pass into the hands of as candid a friend to truth + as he was himself! When no longer, like Caesar’s notes and memorandums in + the hands of Anthony, it shall be open to the high priests of federalism + only, and garbled to say so much, and no more, as suits their views. + </p> + <p> + With respect to his Farewell Address, to the authorship of which, it + seems, there are conflicting claims, I can state to you some facts. He had + determined to decline a re-election at the end of his first term, and so + far determined, that he had requested Mr. Madison to prepare for him + something valedictory, to be addressed to his constituents on his + retirement. This was done: but he was finally persuaded to acquiesce in a + second election, to which no one more strenuously pressed him than myself, + from a conviction of the importance of strengthening, by longer habit, the + respect necessary for that office, which the weight of his character only + could effect. When, at the end of this second term, his Valedictory came + out, Mr. Madison recognised in it several passages of his draught; several + others we were both satisfied were from the pen of Hamilton, and others + from that of the President himself. These he probably put into the hands + of Hamilton to form into a whole, and hence it may all appear in + Hamilton’s hand-writing, as if it were all of his composition. + </p> + <p> + I have stated above, that the original objects of the federalists were, 1. + To warp our government more to the form and principles of monarchy, and 2. + To weaken the barriers of the State governments as co-ordinate powers. In + the first they have been so completely foiled by the universal spirit of + the nation, that they have abandoned the enterprise, shrunk from the odium + of their old appellation, taken to themselves a participation of ours, and + under the pseudo-republican mask, are now aiming at their second object, + and strengthened by unsuspecting or apostate recruits from our ranks, are + advancing fast towards an ascendancy. I have been blamed for saying, that + a prevalence of the doctrines of consolidation would one day call for + reformation or revolution. I answer by asking, if a single State of the + Union would have agreed to the constitution, had it given all powers to + the General Government? If the whole opposition to it did not proceed from + the jealousy and fear of every State, of being subjected to the other + States, in matters merely its own? And if there is any reason to believe + the States more disposed now than then, to acquiesce in this general + surrender of all their rights and powers to a consolidated government, one + and undivided? + </p> + <p> + You request me confidentially, to examine the question, whether the + Supreme Court has advanced beyond its constitutional limits, and + trespassed on those of the State authorities? I do not undertake it, my + dear Sir, because I am unable. Age, and the wane of mind consequent on it, + have disqualified me from investigations so severe, and researches so + laborious. And it is the less necessary in this case, as having been + already done by others with a logic and learning to which I could add + nothing. On the decision of the case of Cohens vs. The State of Virginia, + in the Supreme Court of the United States, in March, 1821, Judge Roane, + under the signature of Algernon Sidney, wrote for the Enquirer, a series + of papers on the law of that case. I considered these papers maturely as + they came out, and confess, that they appeared to me to pulverize every + word which had been delivered by Judge Marshall, of the extra-judicial + part of his opinion; and all was extra-judicial, except the decision that + the act of Congress had not purported to give to the corporation of + Washington the authority claimed by their lottery-law, of controlling the + laws of the States within the States themselves. But unable to claim that + case, he could not let it go entirely, but went on gratuitously to prove, + that notwithstanding the eleventh amendment of the constitution, a State + could be brought, as a defendant, to the bar of his court; and again, that + Congress might authorize a corporation of its territory to exercise + legislation within a State, and paramount to the laws of that State. I + cite the sum and result only of his doctrines, according to the impression + made on my mind at the time, and still remaining. If not strictly accurate + in circumstance, it is so in substance. This doctrine was so completely + refuted by Roane, that if he can be answered, I surrender human reason as + a vain and useless faculty, given to bewilder, and not to guide us. And I + mention this particular case as one only of several, because it gave + occasion to that thorough examination of the constitutional limits between + the General and State jurisdictions, which you have asked for. There were + two other writers in the same paper, under the signatures of Fletcher of + Saltoun, and Somers, who in a few essays presented some very luminous and + striking views of the question. And there was a particular paper which + recapitulated all the cases in which it was thought the federal court had + usurped on the State jurisdictions. These essays will be found in the + Enquirers of 1821, from May the 10th to July the 13th. It is not in my + present power to send them to you, but if Ritchie can furnish them, I will + procure and forward them. If they had been read in the other States, as + they were here, I think they would have left, there as here, no + dissentients from their doctrine. The subject was taken up by our + legislature of 1821-22, and two draughts of remonstrances were prepared + and discussed. As well as I remember, there was no difference of opinion + as to the matter of right; but there was as to the expediency of a + remonstrance at that time, the general mind of the States being then under + extraordinary excitement by the Missouri question; and it was dropped on + that consideration. But this case is not dead; it only sleepeth. The + Indian Chief said, he did not go to war for every petty injury by itself, + but put it into his pouch, and when that was full, he then made war. Thank + Heaven, we have provided a more peaceable and rational mode of redress. + </p> + <p> + This practice of Judge Marshall, of travelling out of his case to + prescribe what the law would be in a moot case not before the court, is + very irregular and very censurable. 1 recollect another instance, and the + more particularly, perhaps, because it in some measure bore on myself. + Among the midnight appointments of Mr. Adams, were commissions to some + federal justices of the peace for Alexandria. These were signed and sealed + by him, but not delivered. I found them on the table of the department of + State, on my entrance into office, and 1 forbade their delivery. Marbury, + named in one of them, applied to the Supreme Court for a Mandamus to the + Secretary of State (Mr. Madison), to deliver the commission intended for + him. The Court determined at once, that being an original process, they + had no cognizance of it; and there the question before them was ended. But + the Chief Justice went on to lay down what the law would be, had they + jurisdiction of the case; to wit, that they should command the delivery. + </p> + <p> + The object was clearly to instruct any other court having the + jurisdiction, what they should do, if Marbury should apply to them. + Besides the impropriety of this gratuitous interference, could any thing + exceed the perversion of law? For if there is any principle of law never + yet contradicted, it is that delivery is one of the essentials to the + validity of a deed. Although signed and sealed, yet as long as it remains + in the hands of the party himself, it is in fieri only, it is not a deed, + and can be made so only by its delivery. In the hands of a third person it + may be made an escrow. But whatever is in the executive offices is + certainly deemed to be in the hands of the President; and, in this case, + was actually in my hands, because, when I countermanded them, there was as + yet no Secretary of State. Yet this case of Marbury and Madison is + continually cited by bench and bar, as if it were settled law, without any + animadversion on its being merely an obiter dissertation of the Chief + Justice. + </p> + <p> + It may be impracticable to lay down any general formula of words which + shall decide at once, and with precision, in every case, this limit of + jurisdiction. But there are two canons which will guide us safely in most + of the cases. 1. The capital and leading object of the constitution was, + to leave with the States all authorities which respected their own + citizens only, and to transfer to the United States those which respected + citizens of foreign or other States: to make us several as to ourselves, + but one as to all others. In the latter case, then, constructions should + lean to the general jurisdiction, if the words will bear it; and in favor + of the States in the former, if possible to be so construed. And indeed, + between citizens and citizens of the same State, and under their own laws, + I know but a single case in which a jurisdiction is given to the General + Government. That is, where any thing but gold or silver is made a lawful + tender, or the obligation of contracts is any otherwise impaired. The + separate legislatures had so often abused that power, that the citizens + themselves chose to trust it to the general, rather than to their own + special authorities. 2. On every question of construction, carry ourselves + back to the time when the constitution was adopted, recollect the spirit + manifested in the debates, and instead of trying what meaning may be + squeezed out of the text, or invented against it, conform to the probable + one in which it was passed. Let us try Cohen’s case by these canons only, + referring always however, for full argument, to the essays before cited. + </p> + <p> + 1. It was between a citizen and his own State, and under a law of his + State. It was a domestic case therefore, and not a foreign one. + </p> + <p> + 2. Can it be believed, that under the jealousies prevailing against the + General Government, at the adoption of the constitution, the States meant + to surrender the authority of preserving order, of enforcing moral duties, + and restraining vice, within their own territory? And this is the present + case, that of Cohen being under the ancient and general law of gaming. Can + any good be effected, by taking from the States the moral rule of their + citizens, and subordinating it to the general authority, or to one of + their corporations, which may justify forcing the meaning of words, + hunting after possible constructions, and hanging inference on inference, + from heaven to earth, like Jacob’s ladder? Such an intention was + impossible, and such a licentiousness of construction and inference, if + exercised by, both governments, as may be done with equal right, would + equally authorize both to claim all powers, general and particular, and + break up the foundations of the Union. Laws are made for men of ordinary + understanding, and should, therefore, be construed by the ordinary rules + of common sense. Their meaning is not to be sought for in metaphysical + subtleties, which may make any thing mean every thing or nothing, at + pleasure. It should be left to the sophisms of advocates, whose trade it + is, to prove that a defendant is a plaintiff, though dragged into court, + torto collo, like Bonaparte’s volunteers into the field in chains, or that + a power has been given, because it ought to have been given, et alia + talia. The States supposed, that, by their tenth amendment, they had + secured themselves against constructive powers. They were not lessoned yet + by Cohen’s case, nor aware of the slipperiness of the eels of the law. I + ask for no straining of words against the General Government nor yet + against the States. I believe the States can best govern our home + concerns, and the General Government our foreign ones. I wish, therefore, + to see maintained that wholesome distribution of powers, established by + the constitution for the limitation of both; and never to see all offices + transferred to Washington, where, further withdrawn from the eyes of the + people, they may more secretly be bought and sold, as at market. + </p> + <p> + But the Chief Justice says, ‘there must be an ultimate arbiter somewhere.’ + True, there must; but does that prove it is either party? The ultimate + arbiter is the people of the Union, assembled by their deputies in + convention, at the call of Congress, or of two thirds of the States. Let + them decide to which they mean to give an authority claimed by two of + their organs. And it has been the peculiar wisdom and felicity of our + constitution, to have provided this peaceable appeal, where that of other + nations is at once to force. + </p> + <p> + I rejoice in the example you set of <i>seriatim</i> opinions. I have heard + it often noticed, and always with high approbation. Some of your brethren + will be encouraged to follow it occasionally, and in time, it may be felt + by all as a duty, and the sound practice of the primitive court be again + restored. Why should not every judge be asked his opinion, and give it + from the bench, if only by yea or nay? Besides ascertaining the fact of + his opinion, which the public have a right to know, in order to judge + whether it is impeachable or not, it would show whether the opinions were + unanimous or not, and thus settle more exactly the weight of their + authority. + </p> + <p> + The close of my second sheet warns me that it is time now to relieve you + from this letter of unmerciful length. Indeed, I wonder how I have + accomplished it, with two crippled wrists, the one scarcely able to move + my pen, the other to hold my paper. But I am hurried sometimes beyond the + sense of pain, when unbosoming myself to friends who harmonize with me in + principle. You and I may differ occasionally in details of minor + consequence, as no two minds, more than two faces, are the same in every + feature. But our general objects are the same; to preserve the republican + form and principles of our constitution, and cleave to the salutary + distribution of powers which that has established. These are the two sheet + anchors of our Union. If driven from either, we shall be in danger of + foundering. To my prayers for its safety and perpetuity, I add those for + the continuation of your health, happiness, and usefulness to your + country. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0173" id="link2H_4_0173"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXIII.—TO JAMES MADISON, August 30,1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO JAMES MADISON. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, August 30,1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I received the enclosed letters from the President, with a request that + after perusal I would forward them to you, for perusal by yourself also, + and to be returned then to him. + </p> + <p> + You have doubtless seen Timothy Pickering’s fourth of July observations on + the Declaration of Independence. If his principles and prejudices, + personal and political, gave us no reason to doubt whether he had truly + quoted the information he alleges to have received from Mr. Adams, I + should then say, that in some of the particulars, Mr. Adams’s memory has + led him into unquestionable error. At the age of eighty-eight, and + forty-seven years after the transactions of Independence, this is not + wonderful. Nor should I, at the age of eighty, on the small advantage of + that difference only, venture to oppose my memory to his, were it not + supported by written notes, taken by myself at the moment and on the spot. + He says, ‘The committee of five, to wit, Doctor Franklin, Sherman, + Livingston, and ourselves, met, discussed the subject, and then appointed + him and myself to make the draught; that, we, as a sub-committee, met, and + after the urgencies of each on the other, I consented to undertake the + task; that, the draught being made, we, the sub-committee, met, and conned + the paper over, and he does not remember that he made or suggested a + single alteration.’ Now these details are quite incorrect. The committee + of five met; no such thing as a sub-committee was proposed, but they + unanimously pressed on myself alone to undertake the draught. I consented; + I drew it: but before I reported it to the committee, I communicated it + separately to Doctor Franklin and Mr. Adams, requesting their corrections, + because they were the two members of whose judgments and amendments I + wished most to have the benefit, before presenting it to the committee: + and you have seen the original paper now in my hands, with the corrections + of Doctor Franklin and Mr. Adams interlined in their own hand-writings. + Their alterations were two or three only, and merely verbal. I then wrote + a fair copy, reported it to the committee, and from them, unaltered, to + Congress. This personal communication and consultation with Mr. Adams, he + has misremembered into the actings of a sub-committee. Pickering’s + observations, and Mr. Adams’s in addition, ‘that it contained no new + ideas, that it is a common-place compilation, its sentiments hacknied in + Congress for two years before, and its essence contained in Otis’s + pamphlet,’ may all be true. Of that I am not to be the judge. Richard + Henry Lee charged it as copied from Locke’s Treatise on Government. Otis’s + pamphlet I never saw, and whether I had gathered my ideas from reading or + reflection I do not know. I know only that I turned to neither book nor + pamphlet while writing it. I did not consider it as any part of my charge + to invent new ideas altogether, and to offer no sentiment which had ever + been expressed before. Had Mr. Adams been so restrained, Congress would + have lost the benefit of his bold and impressive advocations of the rights + of Revolution. For no man’s confident and fervid addresses, more than Mr. + Adams’s, encouraged and supported us through the difficulties surrounding + us, which, like the ceaseless action of gravity, weighed on us by night + and by day. Yet, on the same ground, we may ask what of these elevated + thoughts was new, or can be affirmed never before to have entered the + conceptions of man? + </p> + <p> + Whether, also, the sentiments of Independence, and the reasons for + declaring it, which makes so great a portion of the instrument, had been + hacknied in Congress for two years before the 4th of July, ‘76, or this + dictum also of Mr. Adams be another slip of memory, let history say. This, + however, I will say for Mr. Adams, that he supported the Declaration with + zeal and ability, fighting fearlessly for every word of it. As to myself, + I thought it a duty to be, on that occasion, a passive auditor of the + opinions of others, more impartial judges than I could be, of its merits + or demerits. During the debate I was sitting by Doctor Franklin, and he + observed that I was writhing a little under the acrimonious criticisms on + some of its parts; and it was on that occasion, that by way of comfort, he + told me the story of John Thomson, the hatter, and his new sign. + </p> + <p> + Timothy thinks the instrument the better for having a fourth of it + expunged. He would have thought it still better, had the other three + fourths gone out also, all but the single sentiment (the only one he + approves), which recommends friendship to his dear England, whenever she + is willing to be at peace with us. His insinuations are, that although + ‘the high tone of the instrument was in unison with the warm feelings of + the times, this sentiment of habitual friendship to England should never + be forgotten, and that the duties it enjoins should especially be borne in + mind on every celebration of this anniversary.’ In other words, that the + Declaration, as being a libel on the government of England, composed in + times of passion, should now be buried in utter oblivion, to spare the + feelings of our English friends and Angloman fellow-citizens. But it is + not to wound them that we wish to keep it in mind; but to cherish the + principles of the instrument in the besoms of our own citizens: and it is + a heavenly comfort to see that these principles are yet so strongly felt, + as to render a circumstance so trifling as this little lapse of memory of + Mr. Adams’s, worthy of being solemnly announced and supported at an + anniversary assemblage of the nation on its birth-day. In opposition, + however, to Mr. Pickering, I pray God that these principles may be + eternal, and close the prayer with my affectionate wishes for yourself of + long life, health, and happiness. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0174" id="link2H_4_0174"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXIV.—TO JOHN ADAMS, September 4, 1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, September 4, 1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your letter of August the 15th was received in due time, and with the + welcome of every thing which comes from you. With its opinions on the + difficulties of revolutions from despotism to freedom, I very much concur. + The generation which commences a revolution rarely completes it. + Habituated from their infancy to passive submission of body fend mind to + their kings and priests, they are not qualified, when called on, to think + and provide for themselves; and their inexperience, their ignorance and + bigotry, make them instruments often, in the hands of the Bonapartes and + Iturbides, to defeat their own rights and purposes. This is the present + situation of Europe and Spanish America. But it is not desperate. The + light which has been shed on mankind by the art of printing, has eminently + changed the condition of the world. As yet, that light has dawned on the + middling classes only of the men in Europe. The kings and the rabble, of + equal ignorance, have not yet received its rays; but it continues to + spread, and while printing is preserved, it can no more recede than the + sun return on his course. A first attempt to recover the right of + self-government may fail, so may a second, a third, &c. But as a + younger and more instructed race comes on, the sentiment becomes more and + more intuitive, and a fourth, a fifth, or some subsequent one of the + ever-renewed attempts will ultimately succeed. In France, the first effort + was defeated by Robespierre, the second by Bonaparte, the third by Louis + XVIII., and his holy allies; another is yet to come, and all Europe, + Russia excepted, has caught the spirit; and all will attain representative + government, more or less perfect. This is now well understood to be a + necessary check on Kings, whom they will probably think it more prudent to + chain and tame, than to exterminate. To attain all this, however, rivers + of blood must yet flow, and years of desolation pass over; yet the object + is worth rivers of blood, and years of desolation. For what inheritance so + valuable, can man leave to his posterity? The spirit of the Spaniard, and + his deadly and eternal hatred to a Frenchman, give me much confidence that + he will never submit, but finally defeat this atrocious violation of the + laws of God and man, under which he is suffering; and the wisdom and + firmness of the Cortes, afford reasonable hope, that that nation will + settle down in a temperate representative government, with an executive + properly subordinated to that. Portugal, Italy, Prussia, Germany, Greece, + will follow suit. You and I shall look down from another world on these + glorious achievements to man, which will add to the joys even of heaven. + </p> + <p> + I observe your toast of Mr. Jay on the 4th of July, wherein you say that + the omission of his signature to the Declaration of Independence was by + accident. Our impressions as to this fact being different, I shall be glad + to have mine corrected, if wrong. Jay, you know, had been in constant + opposition to our laboring majority. Our estimate at the time was, that + he, Dickinson, and Johnson of Maryland, by their ingenuity, perseverance, + and partiality to our English connection, had constantly kept us a year + behind where we ought to have been, in our preparations and proceedings. + From about the date of the Virginia instructions of May the 15th, 1776, to + declare Independence, Mr. Jay absented himself from Congress, and never + came there again until December, 1778. Of course, he had no part in the + discussions or decision of that question. The instructions to their + Delegates by the convention of New York, then sitting, to sign the + Declaration, were presented to Congress on the 15th of July only, and on + that day the journals show the absence of Mr. Jay, by a letter received + from him, as they had done as early as the 29th of May, by another letter. + And I think he had been omitted by the convention on a new election of + Delegates, when they changed their instructions. Of this last fact, + however, having no evidence but an ancient impression, I shall not affirm + it. But whether so or not, no agency of accident appears in the case. This + error of fact, however, whether yours or mine, is of little consequence to + the public. But truth being as cheap as error, it is as well to rectify it + for our own satisfaction. + </p> + <p> + I have had a fever of about three weeks, during the last and preceding + month, from which I am entirely recovered except as to strength. + </p> + <p> + Ever affectionately yours. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0175" id="link2H_4_0175"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXV.—TO JOHN ADAMS, October 12, 1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 12, 1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I do not write with the ease which your letter of September the 18th + supposes. Crippled wrists and fingers make writing slow and laborious. But + while writing to you, I lose the sense of these things in the recollection + of ancient times, when youth and health made happiness out of every thing. + I forget for a while the hoary winter of age, when we can think of nothing + but how to keep ourselves warm, and how to get rid of our heavy hours + until the friendly hand of death shall rid us of all at once. Against this + <i>tedium vita</i>, however, I am fortunately mounted on a hobby, which, + indeed, I should have better managed some thirty or forty years ago; but + whose easy amble is still sufficient to give exercise and amusement to an + octogenary rider. This is the establishment of a University, on a scale + more comprehensive, and in a country more healthy and central than our old + William and Mary, which these obstacles have long kept in a state of + languor and inefficiency. But the tardiness with which such works proceed, + may render it doubtful whether I shall live to see it go into action. + </p> + <p> + Putting aside these things, however, for the present, I write this letter + as due to a friendship coeval with our government, and now attempted to be + poisoned, when too late in life to be replaced by new affections. I had + for some time observed, in the public papers, dark hints and mysterious + innuendoes of a correspondence of yours with a friend, to whom you had + opened your bosom without reserve, and which was to be made public by that + friend or his representative. And now it is said to be actually published. + It has not yet reached us, but extracts have been given, and such as + seemed most likely to draw a curtain of separation between you and myself. + Were there no other motive than that of indignation against the author of + this outrage on private confidence, whose shaft seems to have been aimed + at yourself more particularly, this would make it the duty of every + honorable mind to disappoint that aim, by opposing to its impression a + seven-fold shield of apathy and insensibility. With me, however, no such + armor is needed. The circumstances of the times in which we have happened + to live, and the partiality of our friends at a particular period, placed + us in a state of apparent opposition, which some might suppose to be + personal also: and there might, not be wanting those who wished to make it + so, by filling our ears with malignant falsehoods, by dressing up hideous + phantoms of their own creation, presenting them to you under my name, to + me under yours, and endeavoring to instil into our minds things concerning + each other the most destitute of truth. And if there had been, at any + time, a moment when we were off our guard, and in a temper to let the + whispers of these people make us forget what we had known of each other + for so many years, and years of so much trial, yet all men, who have + attended to the workings of the human mind, who have seen the false colors + under which passion sometimes dresses the actions and motives of others, + have seen also those passions subsiding with time and reflection, + dissipating like mists before the rising sun, and restoring to us the + sight of all things in their true shape and colors. It would be strange, + indeed, if, at our years, we were to go an age back to hunt up imaginary + or forgotten facts, to disturb the repose of affections so sweetening to + the evening of our lives. Be assured, my dear Sir, that I am incapable of + receiving the slightest impression from the effort now made to plant + thorns on the pillow of age, worth, and wisdom, and to sow tares between + friends who have been such for near half a century. Beseeching you, then, + not to suffer your mind to be disquieted by this wicked attempt to poison + its peace, and praying you to throw it by among the things which have + never happened, I add sincere assurances of my unabated and constant + attachment, friendship, and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0176" id="link2H_4_0176"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXVI.—TO THE PRESIDENT, October 24,1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE PRESIDENT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, October 24,1823. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most + momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of + Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass, and points the + course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on us. And + never could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious. Our first + and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils + of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with + cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests + distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. + </p> + <p> + She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from + that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of + despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of + freedom. One nation, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; she + now offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her + proposition, we detach her from the band of despots, bring her mighty + weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at + one stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty. + Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most harm of any one, or + all, on earth; and with her on our side we need not fear the whole world. + With her, then, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; + and nothing would tend more to knit our affections, than to be fighting + once more, side by side, in the same cause. Not that I would purchase even + her amity at the price of taking part in her wars. But the war in which + the present proposition might engage us, should that be its consequence, + is not her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the + American system, of keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never + permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. + It is to maintain our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to + facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European + powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely we + should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning’s opinion, that it will + prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from their + scale, and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe combined + would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to get at + either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be slighted + which this proposition offers, of declaring our protest against the + atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the interference of any + one in the internal affairs of another, so flagitiously begun by + Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally lawless Alliance, calling + itself Holy. + </p> + <p> + But we have first to ask ourselves a question. Do we wish to acquire to + our own confederacy any one or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly + confess, that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition + which could ever be made to our system of States. The control which, with + Florida Point, this island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the + countries and isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose waters + flow into it, would fill up the measure of our political well-being. Yet, + as I am sensible that this can never be obtained, even with her own + consent, but by war; and its independence, which is our second interest + (and especially its independence of England), can be secured without it, I + have no hesitation in abandoning my first wish to future chances, and + accepting its independence, with peace and the friendship of England, + rather than its association, at the expense of war and her enmity. + </p> + <p> + I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration proposed, that we aim + not at the acquisition of any of those possessions, that we will not stand + in the way of any amicable arrangement between them and the mother + country; but that we will oppose, with all our means, the forcible + interposition of any other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or under any + other form or pretext, and most especially, their transfer to any power by + conquest, cession, or acquisition in any other way. I should think it, + therefore, advisable, that the Executive should encourage the British + government to a continuance in the dispositions expressed in these + letters, by an assurance of his concurrence with them as far as his + authority goes; and that as it may lead to war, the declaration of which + requires an act of Congress, the case shall be laid before them for + consideration at their first meeting, and under the reasonable aspect in + which it is seen by himself. + </p> + <p> + I have been so long weaned from political subjects, and have so long + ceased to take any interest in them, that I am sensible I am not qualified + to offer opinions on them worthy of any attention. But the question now + proposed involves consequences so lasting, and effects so decisive of our + future destinies, as to re-kindle all the interest I have heretofore felt + on such occasions, and to induce me to the hazard of opinions, which will + prove only my wish to contribute still my mite towards any thing which may + be useful to our country. And praying you to accept it at only what it is + worth, I add the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0177" id="link2H_4_0177"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXVII.—TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, November 4, 1823 + </h2> + <p> + TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, November 4, 1823. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Friend, + </p> + <p> + Two dislocated wrists and crippled fingers have rendered writing so slow + and laborious, as to oblige me to withdraw from nearly all correspondence: + not, however, from yours, while I can make a stroke with a pen. We have + gone through too many trying scenes together, to forget the sympathies and + affections they nourished. + </p> + <p> + Your trials have indeed been long and severe. When they will end, is yet + unknown, but where they will end, cannot be doubted. Alliances, Holy or + Hellish, may be formed, and retard the epoch of deliverance, may swell the + rivers of blood which are yet to flow, but their own will close the scene, + and leave to mankind the right of self-government. I trust that Spain will + prove, that a nation cannot be conquered which determines not to be so, + and that her success will be the turning of the tide of liberty, no more + to be arrested by human efforts. Whether the state of society in Europe + can bear a republican government, I doubted, you know when with you, and I + do now. A hereditary chief, strictly limited, the right of war vested in + the legislative body, a rigid economy of the public contributions, and + absolute interdiction of all useless expenses, will go far towards keeping + the government honest and unoppressive. But the only security o£ all, is + in a free press. The force of public opinion cannot be resisted, when + permitted freely to be expressed. The agitation it produces must be + submitted to. It is necessary to keep the waters pure. + </p> + <p> + We are all, for example, in agitation even in our peaceful country. For in + peace as well as in war, the mind must be kept in motion. Who is to be the + next President, is the topic here of every conversation. My opinion on + that subject is what I expressed to you in my last letter. The question + will be ultimately reduced to the northernmost and southernmost + candidates. The former will get every federal vote in the Union, and many + republicans; the latter, all those denominated of the old school; for you + are not to believe that these two parties are amalgamated, that the lion + and the lamb are lying down together. The Hartford convention, the victory + of Orleans, the peace of Ghent, prostrated the name of federalism. Its + votaries abandoned it through shame and mortification; and now call + themselves republicans. But the name alone is changed, the principles are + the same. For in truth, the parties of Whig and Tory are those of nature. + They exist in all countries, whether called by these names, or by those of + Aristocrats and Democrats, Cote Droite and Cote Gauche, Ultras and + Radicals, Serviles and Liberals. The sickly, weakly, timid man, fears the + people, and is a tory by nature. The healthy, strong, and bold, cherishes + them, and is formed a whig by nature. On the eclipse of federalism with + us, although not its extinction, its leaders got up the Missouri question, + under the false front of lessening the measure of slavery, but with the + real view of producing a geographical division of parties, which might + insure them the next President. The people of the north went blindfold + into the snare, followed their leaders for a while with a zeal truly moral + and laudable, until they became sensible that they were injuring instead + of aiding the real interests of the slaves, that they had been used, + merely as tools for electioneering purposes; and that trick of hypocrisy + then fell as quickly as it had been got up. To that is now succeeding a + distinction, which, like that of republican and federal, or whig and tory, + being equally intermixed through every State, threatens none of those + geographical schisms which go immediately to a separation. The line of + division now is the preservation of State rights as reserved in the + constitution, or by strained constructions of that instrument, to merge + all into a consolidated government. The tories are for strengthening the + executive and General Government; the whigs cherish the representative + branch, and the rights reserved by the States, as the bulwark against + consolidation, which must immediately generate monarchy. And although this + division excites, as yet, no warmth, yet it exists, is well understood, + and will be a principle of voting at the ensuing election, with the + reflecting men of both parties. + </p> + <p> + I thank you much for the two books you were so kind as to send me by Mr. + Gallatin. Miss Wright had before favored me with the first edition of her + American work: but her ‘Few Days in Athens,’ was entirely new, and has + been a treat to me of the highest order. The matter and manner of the + dialogue is strictly ancient; the principles of the sects are beautifully + and candidly explained and contrasted; and the scenery and portraiture of + the interlocutors are of higher finish than any thing in that line left us + by the ancients; and like Ossian, if not ancient, it is equal to the best + morsels of antiquity. I augur, from this instance, that Herculaneum is + likely to furnish better specimens of modern than of ancient genius; and + may we not hope more from the same pen? + </p> + <p> + After much sickness, and the accident of a broken and disabled arm, I am + again in tolerable health, but extremely debilitated, so as to be scarcely + able to walk into my garden. The hebitude of age too, and extinguishment + of interest in the things around me, are weaning me from them, and dispose + me with cheerfulness to resign them to the existing generation, satisfied + that the daily advance of science will enable them to administer the + commonwealth with increased wisdom. You have still many valuable years to + give to your country, and with my prayers that, they may be years of + health and happiness, and especially that they may see the establishment + of the principles of government which you have cherished through life, + accept the assurance of my affectionate and constant friendship and + respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0178" id="link2H_4_0178"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXVIII.—TO JOSEPH C CABELL, February 3, 1824 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOSEPH C CABELL. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 3, 1824. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I am favored with your two letters of January the 26th and 29th, and am + glad that yourself and the friends of the University are so well + satisfied, that the provisos amendatory of the University Act are mere + nullities. I had not been able to put out of my head the Algebraical + equation, which was among the first of my college lessons, that a-a = 0. + Yet I cheerfully arrange myself to your opinions. I did not suppose, nor + do I now suppose it possible, that both Houses of the legislature should + ever consent, for an additional fifteen thousand dollars of revenue, to + set all the Professors and students of the University adrift: and if + foreigners will have the same confidence which we have in our legislature, + no harm will have been done by the provisos. + </p> + <p> + You recollect that we had agreed that the Visitors who are of the + legislature should fix on a certain day of meeting, after the rising of + the Assembly, to put into immediate motion the measures which this act was + expected to call for. You will of course remind the Governor that a + re-appointment of Visitors is to be made on the day following Sunday, the + 29th of this month; and as he is to appoint the day of their first + meeting, it would be well to recommend to him that which our brethren + there shall fix on. It may be designated by the Governor as the third, + fourth, &c. day after the rising of the legislature, which will give + it certainty enough. + </p> + <p> + You ask what sum would be desirable for the purchase of books and + apparatus. Certainly the largest you can obtain. Forty or fifty thousand + dollars would enable us to purchase the most essential books of text and + reference for the schools, and such an apparatus for Mathematics, + Astronomy, and Chemistry, as may enable us to set out with tolerable + competence, if we can, through the banks and otherwise, anticipate the + whole sum at once. + </p> + <p> + I remark what you say on the subject of committing ourselves to any one + for the Law appointment. Your caution is perfectly just. I hope, and am + certain, that this will be the standing law of discretion and duty with + every member of our board, in this and all cases. You know we have all, + from the beginning, considered the high qualifications of our Professors, + as the only means by which we can give to our institution splendor and + pre-eminence over all its sister seminaries. The only question, therefore, + we can ever ask ourselves, as to any candidate, will be, Is he the most + highly qualified? The college of Philadelphia has lost its character of + primacy by indulging motives of favoritism and nepotism, and by conferring + the appointments as if the professorships were entrusted to them as + provisions for their friends. And even that of Edinburgh, you know, is + also much lowered from the same cause. We are next to observe, that a man + is not qualified for a Professor, knowing nothing but merely his own + profession. He should be otherwise well educated as to the sciences + generally; able to converse understandingly with the scientific men with + whom he is associated, and to assist in the councils of the Faculty on any + subject of science on which they may have occasion to deliberate. Without + this, he will incur their contempt, and bring disreputation on the + institution. With respect to the professorship you mention, I scarcely + know any of our judges personally; but I will name, for example, the late + Judge Roane, who, I believe, was generally admitted to be among the ablest + of them. His knowledge was confined to the common law chiefly, which does + not constitute one half of the qualification of a really learned lawyer, + much less that of a Professor of law for an University. And as to any + other branches of science, he must have stood mute in the presence of his + literary associates, or of any learned strangers or others visiting the + University. Would this constitute the splendid stand we propose to take? + </p> + <p> + In the course of the trusts I have exercised through life with powers of + appointment, I can say with truth, and with unspeakable comfort, that I + never did appoint a relation to office, and that merely because I never + saw the case in which some one did not offer, or occur, better qualified; + and I have the most unlimited confidence, that in the appointment of + Professors to our nursling institution, every individual of my associates + will look with a single eye to the sublimation of its character, and + adopt, as our sacred motto, ‘<i>Detur digniori</i>? In this way it will + honor us, and bless our country. + </p> + <p> + I perceive that I have permitted my reflections to run into generalities + beyond the scope of the particular intimation in your letter I will let + them go, however, as a general confession of faith, not belonging merely + to the present case. + </p> + <p> + Name me affectionately to our brethren with you, and be assured yourself + of my constant friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0179" id="link2H_4_0179"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXIX.—TO JARED SPARKS, February 4, 1824 + </h2> + <p> + TO JARED SPARKS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 4, 1824. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I duly received your favor of the 3th, and with it the last number of the + North American Review. This has anticipated the one I should receive in + course, but have not yet received, under my subscription to the new + series. The article on the African colonization of the people of color, to + which you invite my attention, I have read with great consideration. It + is, indeed, a fine one, and will do much good. I learn from it more, too, + than I had before known, of the degree of success and promise of that + colony. + </p> + <p> + In the disposition of these unfortunate people, there are two rational + objects to be distinctly kept in view. 1. The establishment of a colony on + the coast of Africa, which may introduce among the aborigines the arts of + cultivated life, and the blessings of civilization and science. By doing + this, we may make to them some retribution for the long course of injuries + we have been committing on their population. And considering that these + blessings will descend to the ‘<i>nati natorum, et qui nascentur ab illis</i>,’ + we shall in the long run have rendered them perhaps more good than evil. + To fulfil this object, the colony of Sierra Leone promises well, and that + of Mesurado adds to our prospect of success. Under this view, the + Colonization Society is to be considered as a missionary society, having + in view, however, objects more humane, more justifiable, and less + aggressive on the peace of other nations, than the others of that + appellation. + </p> + <p> + The second object, and the most interesting to us, as coming home to our + physical and moral characters, to our happiness and safety, is to provide + an asylum to which we can, by degrees, send the whole of that population + from among us, and establish them under our patronage and protection, as a + separate, free, and independent people, in some country and climate + friendly to human life and happiness. That any place on the coast of + Africa should answer the latter purpose, I have ever deemed entirely + impossible. And without repeating the other arguments which have been + urged by others, I will appeal to figures only, which admit no + controversy. I shall speak in round numbers, not absolutely accurate, yet + not so wide from truth as to vary the result materially. There are in the + United States a million and a half of people of color in slavery. To send + off the whole of these at once, nobody conceives to be practicable for us, + or expedient for them. Let us take twenty-five years for its + accomplishment, within which time they will be doubled. Their estimated + value as property, in the first place, (for actual property has been + lawfully vested in that form, and who can lawfully take it from the + possessors?) at an average of two hundred dollars each, young and old, + would amount to six hundred millions of dollars, which must be paid or + lost by somebody. To this, add the cost of their transportation by land + and sea to Mesurado, a year’s provision of food and clothing, implements + of husbandry and of their trades, which will amount to three hundred + millions more, making thirty-six millions of dollars a year for + twenty-five years, with insurance of peace all that time, and it is + impossible to look at the question a second time. I am aware that at the + end of about sixteen years, a gradual detraction from this sum will + commence, from the gradual diminution of breeders, and go on during the + remaining nine years. Calculate this deduction, and it is still impossible + to look at the enterprise a second time. I do not say this to induce an + inference that the getting rid of them is for ever impossible. For that is + neither my opinion nor my hope. But only that it cannot be done in this + way. There is, I think, a way in which it can be done; that is, by + emancipating the after born, leaving them, on due compensation, with their + mothers, until their services are worth their maintenance, and then + putting them to industrious occupations, until a proper age for + deportation. This was the result of my reflections on the subject five and + forty years ago, and I have never yet been able to conceive any other + practicable plan. It was sketched in the Notes on Virginia, under the + fourteenth query. The estimated value of the new-born infant is so low + (say twelve dollars and fifty cents), that it would probably be yielded by + the owner gratis, and would thus reduce the six hundred millions of + dollars, the first head of expense, to thirty-seven millions and a half: + leaving only the expenses of nourishment while with the mother, and of + transportation. And from what fund are these expenses to be furnished? Why + not from that of the lands which have been ceded by the very States now + needing this relief? And ceded on no consideration, for the most part, but + that of the general good of the whole. These cessions already constitute + one fourth of the States of the Union. It may be said that these lands + have been sold; are now the property of the citizens composing those + States; and the money long ago received and expended. But an equivalent of + lands in the territories since acquired may be appropriated to that + object, or so much at least, as may be sufficient; and the object, + although more important to the slave States, is highly so to the others + also, if they were serious in their arguments on the Missouri question. + The slave States, too, if more interested, would also contribute more by + their gratuitous liberation, thus taking on themselves alone the first and + heaviest item of expense. + </p> + <p> + In the plan sketched in the Notes on Virginia, no particular place of + asylum was specified; because it was thought possible, that in the + revolutionary state of America, then commenced, events might open to us + some one within practicable distance. This has now happened. St. Domingo + has become independent, and with a population of that color only; and if + the public papers are to be credited, their Chief offers to pay their + passage, to receive them as free citizens, and to provide them employment. + This leaves, then, for the general confederacy, no expense but of nurture + with the mother a few years, and would call, of course, for a very + moderate appropriation of the vacant lands. Suppose the whole annual + increase to be of sixty thousand effective births, fifty vessels, of four + hundred tons burthen each, constantly employed in that short run, would + carry off the increase of every year, and the old stock would die off in + the ordinary course of nature, lessening from the commencement until its + final disappearance. In this way no violation of private rights is + proposed. Voluntary surrenders would probably come in as fast as the means + to be provided for their care would be competent to it. Looking at my own + State only, (and I presume not to speak for the others,) I verily believe + that this surrender of property would not amount to more, annually, than + half our present direct taxes, to be continued fully about twenty or + twenty-five years, and then gradually diminishing for as many more until + their final extinction; and even this half tax would not be paid in cash, + but by the delivery of an object which they have never yet known or + counted as part of their property: and those not possessing the object + will be called on for nothing. I do not go into all the details of the + burthens and benefits of this operation. And who could estimate its + blessed effects? I leave this to those who will live to see their + accomplishment, and to enjoy a beatitude forbidden to my age. But I leave + it with this admonition, to rise and be doing. A million and a half are + within their control; but six millions (which a majority of those now + living will see them attain), and one million of these fighting men, will + say, ‘We will not go.’ + </p> + <p> + I am aware that this subject involves some constitutional scruples. But a + liberal construction, justified by the object, may go far, and an + amendment of the constitution, the whole length necessary. The separation + of infants from their mothers, too, would produce some scruples of + humanity. But this would be straining at a gnat, and swallowing a camel. + </p> + <p> + I am much pleased to see that you have taken up the subject of the duty on + imported books. I hope a crusade will be kept up against it, until those + in power shall become sensible of this stain on our legislation and shall + wipe it from their code, and from the remembrance of man, if possible. + </p> + <p> + I salute you with assurances of high respect and esteem. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0180" id="link2H_4_0180"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXX.—TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON, April 4, 1824 + </h2> + <p> + TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, April 4, 1824. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + It was with great pleasure I learned that the good people of New Orleans + had restored you again to the councils of our country. I did not doubt the + aid it would bring to the remains of our old school in Congress, in which + your early labors had been so useful. You will find, I suppose, on + revisiting our maritime States, the names of things more changed than the + things themselves; that though our old opponents have given up their + appellation, they have not, in assuming ours, abandoned their views, and + that they are as strong nearly as they ever were. These cares, however, + are no longer mine. I resign myself cheerfully to the managers of the + ship, and the more contentedly, as I am near the end of my voyage. I have + learned to be less confident in the conclusions of human reason, and give + more credit to the honesty of contrary opinions. The radical idea of the + character of the constitution of our government, which I have adopted as a + key in cases of doubtful construction, is, that the whole field of + government is divided into two departments, domestic and foreign, (the + States in their mutual relations being of the latter) that the former + department is reserved exclusively to the respective States within their + own limits, and the latter assigned to a separate set of functionaries, + constituting what may be called the, foreign branch, which, instead of a + federal basis, is established as a distinct government <i>quo ad hoc</i>, + acting as the domestic branch does on the citizens directly and + coercively; that these departments have distinct directories, co-ordinate, + and equally independent and supreme, each within its own sphere of action. + Whenever a doubt arises to which of these branches a power belongs, I try + it by this test. I recollect no case where a question simply between + citizens of the same State has been transferred to the foreign department, + except that of inhibiting tenders but of metallic money, and <i>ex post + facto</i> legislation. The causes of these singularities are well + remembered. + </p> + <p> + I thank you for the copy of your speech on the question of national + improvement, which I have read with great pleasure, and recognise in it + those powers of reasoning and persuasion of which I had formerly seen from + you so many proofs. Yet, in candor, I must say it has not removed, in my + mind, all the difficulties of the question. And I should really be alarmed + at a difference of opinion with you, and suspicious of my own, were it not + that I have, as companions in sentiment, the Madisons, the Monroes, the + Randolphs, the Macons, all good men and true, of primitive principles. In + one sentiment of the speech I particularly concur. ‘If we have a doubt + relative to any power, we ought not to exercise it.’ When we consider the + extensive and deep-seated opposition to this assumption, the conviction + entertained by so many, that this deduction of powers by elaborate + construction prostrates the rights reserved to the States, the + difficulties with which it will rub along in the course of its exercise; + that changes of majorities will be changing the system backwards and + forwards, so that no undertaking under it will be safe; that there is not + a State in the Union which would not give the power willingly, by way of + amendment, with some little guard, perhaps, against abuse; I cannot but + think it would be the wisest course to ask an express grant of the power. + A government held together by the bands of reason only, requires much + compromise of opinion; that things even salutary should not be crammed + down the throats of dissenting brethren, especially when they may be put + into a form to be willingly swallowed, and that a great deal of indulgence + is necessary to strengthen habits of harmony and fraternity. In such a + case, it seems to me it would be safer and wiser to ask an express grant + of the power. This would render its exercise smooth and acceptable to all, + and insure to it all the facilities which the could contribute, to prevent + that kind of abuse which all will fear, because all know it is so much + practised in public bodies, I mean the bartering of votes. It would + reconcile every one, if limited by the proviso, that the federal + proportion of each State should be expended within the State. With this + single security against partiality and corrupt bargaining, I suppose there + is not a State, perhaps not a man in the Union, who would not consent to + add this to the powers of the General Government. But age has weaned me + from questions of this kind. My delight is now in the passive occupation + of reading; and it is with great reluctance I permit my mind ever to + encounter subjects of difficult investigation. You have many years yet to + come of vigorous activity, and I confidently trust they will be employed + in cherishing every measure which may foster our brotherly union, and + perpetuate a constitution of government destined to be the primitive and + precious model of what is to change the condition of man over the globe. + With this confidence, equally strong in your powers and purposes, I pray + you to accept the assurance of my cordial esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0181" id="link2H_4_0181"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXI.—TO MAJOR JOHN CARTWRIGHT, June 5,1824 + </h2> + <p> + TO MAJOR JOHN CARTWRIGHT. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 5,1824. + </p> + <p> + Dear and Venerable Sir, + </p> + <p> + I am much indebted for your kind letter of February the 29th, and for your + valuable volume on the English constitution. I have, read this with + pleasure and much approbation, and think it has deduced the constitution + of the English nation from its rightful root, the Anglo-Saxon, it is + really wonderful, that so many able and learned men should have failed in + their attempts to define it with correctness. No wonder then, that Paine, + who thought more than he read, should have credited the great authorities + who have declared, that the will of Parliament is the constitution of + England. So Marbois, before the French revolution, observed to me, that + the Almanac Royal was the constitution of France. Your derivation of it + from the Anglo-Saxons, seems to be made on legitimate principles. Having + driven out the former inhabitants of that part of the island called + England, they became aborigines as to you, and your lineal ancestors. They + doubtless had a constitution; and although they have not left it in a + written formula, to the precise text of which you may always appeal, yet + they have left fragments of their history and laws, from which it may be + inferred with considerable certainty. Whatever their history and laws show + to have been practised with approbation, we may presume was permitted by + their constitution; whatever was not so practised, was not permitted. And + although this constitution was violated and set at nought by Norman force, + yet force cannot change right. A perpetual claim was kept up by the + nation, by their perpetual demand of a restoration of their Saxon laws; + which shows they were never relinquished by the will of the nation. In the + pullings and haulings for these ancient rights, between the nation, and + its kings of the races of Plantagenets, Tudors, and Stuarts, there was + sometimes gain, and sometimes loss, until the final re-conquest of their + rights from the Stuarts. The destitution and expulsion of this race broke + the thread of pretended inheritance extinguished all regal usurpations, + and the nation reentered into all its rights; and although in their bill + of rights they specifically reclaimed some only, yet the omission of the + others was no renunciation of the right to assume their exercise also, + whenever occasion should occur. The new King received no rights or powers, + but those expressly granted to him. It has ever appeared to me, that the + difference between the whig and the tory of England is, that the whig + deduces his rights from the Anglo-Saxon source, and the tory from the + Norman. And Hume, the great apostle of toryism, says in so many words, + (note AA to chapter 42,) that, in the reign of the Stuarts, ‘it was the + people who encroached upon the sovereign, not the sovereign who attempted, + as is pretended, to usurp upon the people.’ This supposes the Norman + usurpations to be rights in his successors. And again, (C. 159,) ‘the + Commons established a principle, which is noble in itself, and seems + specious, but is belied by all history and experience, that the people are + the origin of all just power.’ And where else will this degenerate son of + science, this traitor to his fellow-men, find the origin of just powers, + if not in the majority of the society? Will it be in the minority? Or in + an individual of that minority? + </p> + <p> + Our revolution commenced on more favorable ground. It presented us an + album on which we were free to write what we pleased. We had no occasion + to search into musty records, to hunt up royal parchments, or to + investigate the laws and institutions of a semi-barbarous ancestry. We + appealed to those of nature, and found them engraved on our hearts. Yet we + did not avail ourselves of all the advantages of our position. We had + never been permitted to exercise self-government. When forced to assume + it, we were novices in its science. Its principles and forms had entered + little into our former education. We established however some, although + not all its important principles. The constitutions of most of our States + assert, that all power is inherent in the people; that they may exercise + it by themselves, in all cases to which they think themselves competent + (as in electing their functionaries, executive and legislative, and + deciding by a jury of themselves, in all judiciary cases in which any fact + is involved), or they may act by representatives, freely and equally + chosen; that it is their right and duty to be at all times armed; that + they are entitled to freedom of person, freedom of religion, freedom of + property, and freedom of the press. In the structure of our legislatures, + we think experience has proved the benefit of subjecting questions to two + separate bodies of deliberants; but in constituting these, natural right + has been mistaken, some making one of these bodies, and some both, the + representatives of property instead of persons; whereas the double + deliberation might be as well obtained without any violation of true + principle, either by requiring a greater age in one of the bodies, or by + electing a proper number of representatives of persons, dividing them by + lots into two chambers, and renewing the division at frequent intervals, + in order to break up all cabals. Virginia, of which I am myself a native + and resident, was not only the first of the States, but, I believe I may + say, the first of the nations of the earth, which assembled its wise men + peaceably together to form a fundamental constitution, to commit it to + writing, and place it among their archives, where every one should be free + to appeal to its text. But this act was very imperfect. The other States, + as they proceeded successively to the same work, made successive + improvements; and several of them, still further corrected by experience, + have, by conventions, still further amended their first forms. My own + State has gone on so far with its <i>première ébauch</i>; but it is now + proposing to call a convention for amendment. Among other improvements, I + hope they will adopt the subdivision of our counties into wards. The + former may be estimated at an average of twenty-four miles square; the + latter should be about six miles square each, and would answer to the + hundreds of your Saxon Alfred. In each of these might be, 1. An elementary + school. 2. A company of militia, with its officers. 3. A justice of the + peace and constable. 4. Each ward should take care of their own poor. 5. + Their own roads. 6. Their own police. 7. Elect within themselves one or + more jurors to attend the courts of justice. And, 8. Give in at their + Folk-house, their votes for all functionaries reserved to their election. + Each ward would thus be a small republic within itself, and every man in + the State would thus become an acting member of the common government, + transacting in person a great portion of its rights and duties, + subordinate indeed, yet important and entirely within his competence. The + wit of man cannot devise a more solid basis for a free, durable, and + well-administered republic. + </p> + <p> + With respect to our State and federal governments, I do not think their + relations correctly understood by foreigners. They generally suppose the + former subordinate to the latter. But this is not the case. They are + co-ordinate departments of one simple and integral whole. To the State + governments, are reserved all legislation and administration, in affairs + which concern their own citizens only, and to the federal government is + given whatever concerns foreigners, or the citizens of other States; these + functions alone being made federal. The one is the domestic, the other the + foreign branch of the same government; neither having control over the + other, but within its own department. There are one or two exceptions only + to this partition of power. But you may ask, if the two departments should + claim each the same subject of power, where is the common umpire to decide + ultimately between them? In cases of little importance or urgency, the + prudence of both parties will keep them aloof from the questionable + ground: but if it can neither be avoided nor compromised, a convention of + the States must be called, to ascribe the doubtful power to that + department which they may think best. You will perceive by these details, + that we have not yet so far perfected our constitutions as to venture to + make them unchangeable. But still, in their present state, we consider + them not otherwise changeable than by the authority of the people, on a + special election of representatives for that purpose expressly: they are + until then the <i>lex legum</i>. + </p> + <p> + But can they be made unchangeable? Can one generation bind another, and + all others, in succession for ever? I think not. The Creator has made the + earth for the living, not the dead. Rights and powrers can only belong to + persons, not to things, not to mere matter, unendowed with will. The dead + are not even things. The particles of matter which composed their bodies, + make part now of the bodies of other animals, vegetables, or minerals, of + a thousand forms. To what then are attached the rights and powers they + held while in the form of men? A generation may bind itself as long as its + majority continues in life; when that has disappeared, another majority is + in place, holds all the rights and powers their predecessors once held, + and may change their laws and institutions to suit themselves. Nothing + then is unchangeable but the inherent and unalienable rights of man. + </p> + <p> + I was glad to find in your book a formal contradiction, at length, of the + judiciary usurpation of legislative powers; for such the judges have + usurped in their repeated decisions, that Christianity is a part of the + common law. The proof of the contrary, which you have adduced, is + incontrovertible; to wit, that the common law existed while the + Anglo-Saxons were yet Pagans, at a time when they had never yet heard the + name of Christ pronounced, or knew that such a character had ever existed. + But it may amuse you, to show when, and by what means, they stole this law + in upon us. In a case of <i>quare impedit</i> in the Year-book, 34. H. 6. + folio 38. (anno 1458,) a question was made, how far the ecclesiastical law + was to be respected in a common law court. And Prisot, Chief Justice, + gives his opinion in these words. ‘<i>A tiel leis qu’ils de seint eglise + ont enancien scripture, covient a nous a donner credence; car ceo common + ley stir quels touts manners leis sont fondes. Et auxy, Sir, nous sumus + obliges de conustre lour ley de saint eglise: et semblablement ils sont + obliges de conustre nostre ley. Et, Sir, si poit apperer or a nous que + Pevesque ad fait come un ordinary fera en tiel cas, adong nous devons ceo + adju-ger bon,ou auterment nemy</i>,’ &c. See S. C. Fitzh.Abr. Qu. imp. + 89. Bro. Abr. Qu. imp. 12. Finch in his first book, c. 3. is the first + afterwards who quotes this case, and mistakes it thus. ‘To such laws of + the church as have warrant in holy scripture, our law giveth credence.’ + And cites Prisot; mistranslating ‘ancien scripture’ into ‘holy scripture.’ + Whereas, Prisot palpably says, ‘to such laws as those of holy church have + in ancient writing, it is proper for us to give credence;’ to wit, to + their ancient written laws. This was in 1613, a century and a half after + the dictum of Prisot. Wingate, in 1658, erects this false translation into + a maxim of the common law, copying the words of Finch, but citing Prisot. + Wing. Max. 3. and Sheppard, title, ‘Religion,’ in 1675, copies the same + mistranslation, quoting the Y. B. Finch and Win-gate. Hale expresses it in + these words; ‘Christianity is parcel of the laws of England.’ 1 Ventr. + 293, 3 Keb. 607. But he quotes no authority. By these echoings and + re-echoings from one to another, it had become so established in 1728, + that in the case of the King vs. Woolston, 2 Stra. 834, the court would + not suffer it to be debated, whether to write against Christianity was + punishable in the temporal court at common law. Wood, therefore, 409, + ventures still to vary the phrase and say, that all blasphemy and + profaneness are offences by the common law; and cites 2 Stra. Then + Blackstone, in 1763, IV. 59, repeats the words of Hale, that ‘Christianity + is part of the laws of England,’ citing Ventris and Strange. And finally, + Lord Mansfield, with a little qualification, in Evans’s case, in 1767, + says, that ‘the essential principles of revealed religion are part of the + common law.’ Thus ingulphing Bible, Testament, and all into the common + law, without citing any authority. And thus we find this chain of + authorities hanging link by link, one upon another, and all ultimately on + one and the same hook, and that a mistranslation of the words ‘ancien + scripture,’ used by Prisot. Finch quotes Prisot; Wingate does the same. + Sheppard quotes Prisot, Finch, and Wingate. Hale cites nobody. The court, + in Woolston’s case, cite Hale. Wood cites Woolston’s case. Blackstone + quotes Woolston’s case and Hale. And Lord Mansfield, like Hale, ventures + it on his own authority. Here I might defy the best read lawyer to produce + another scrip of authority for this judiciary forgery; and I might go on + further to show, how some of the Anglo-Saxon priests interpolated into the + text of Alfred’s laws, the 20th, 21st, 22nd, and 23rd chapters of Exodus, + and the 15th of the Acts of the Apostles, from the 23rd to the 29th + verses. But this would lead my pen and your patience too far. What a + conspiracy this, between Church and State! Sing Tantarara, rogues all, + rogues all, Sing Tantarara, rogues all! + </p> + <p> + I must still add to this long and rambling letter, my acknowledgments for + your good wishes to the University we are now establishing in this State. + There are some novelties in it. Of that of a professorship of the + principles of government, you express your approbation. They will be + founded in the rights of man. That of agriculture, I am sure, you will + approve: and that also of Anglo-Saxon. As the histories and laws left us + in that type and dialect, must be the text-books of the reading of the + learners, they will imbibe with the language their free principles of + government. The volumes you have been so kind as to send, shall be placed + in the library of the University. Having at this time in England a person + sent for the purpose of selecting some Professors, a Mr. Gilmer of my + neighborhood, I cannot but recommend him to your patronage, counsel, and + guardianship, against imposition, misinformation, and the deceptions of + partial and false recommendations, in the selection of characters. He is a + gentleman of great worth and correctness, my particular friend, well + educated in various branches of science, and worthy of entire confidence. + </p> + <p> + Your age of eighty-four and mine of eighty-one years, insure us a speedy + meeting. We may then commune at leisure, and more fully, on the good and + evil, which in the course of our long lives, we have.both witnessed; and + in the mean time, I pray you to accept assurances of my high veneration + and esteem for your person and character. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0182" id="link2H_4_0182"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXII.—TO MARTIN VAN BUREN, June 29, 1824 + </h2> + <p> + TO MARTIN VAN BUREN. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, June 29, 1824. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have to thank you for Mr. Pickering’s elaborate philippic against Mr. + Adams, Gerry, Smith, and myself; and I have delayed the acknowledgment + until I could read it and make some observations on it. + </p> + <p> + I could not have believed, that for so many years, and to such a period of + advanced age, he could have nourished passions so vehement and viperous. + It appears, that for thirty years past, he has been industriously + collecting materials for vituperating the characters he had marked for his + hatred; some of whom certainly, if enmities towards him had ever existed, + had forgotten them all, or buried them in the grave with themselves. As to + myself, there never had been any thing personal between us, nothing but + the general opposition of party sentiment; and our personal intercourse + had been that of urbanity, as himself says. But it seems he has been all + this time brooding over an enmity which I had never felt, and that with + respect to myself, as well as others, he has been writing far and near, + and in every direction, to get hold of original letters, where he could, + copies, where he could not, certificates and journals, catching at every + gossipping story he could hear of in any quarter, supplying by suspicions + what he could find no where else, and then arguing on this motley farrago, + as if established on gospel evidence. And while expressing his wonder, ‘at + the age of eighty-eight, the strong passions of Mr. Adams should not have + cooled ‘; that on the contrary, ‘they had acquired the mastery of his + soul,’ (p. 100 ;) that ‘where these were enlisted, no reliance could be + placed on his statements,’ (p. 104 ;) the facility and little truth with + which he could represent facts and occurrences, concerning persons who + were the objects of his hatred, (p. 3 ;) that ‘he is capable of making the + grossest misrepresentations, and, from detached facts, and often from bare + suspicions, of drawing unwarrantable inferences,’ if suited to his purpose + at the instant,’ (p. 174;) while making such charges, I say, on Mr. Adams, + instead of his ‘<i>ecce homo</i>,’ (p. 100;) how justly might we say to + him, ‘<i>Mutato nomine, de te fabula narratur</i>.’ For the assiduity and + industry he has employed in his benevolent researches after matter of + crimination against us, I refer to his pages 13, 14, 34, 36, 46, 71, 79, + 90, bis. 92, 93, bis. 101, ter. 104, 116, 118, 141, 143, 146,150,151,153, + 168, 171, 172. That Mr. Adams’s strictures on him, written and pointed, + should have excited some notice on his part, was not perhaps to be + wondered at. But the sufficiency of his motive for the large attack on me + may be more questionable. He says, (p. 4) ‘of Mr. Jefferson I should have + said nothing, but for his letter to Mr. Adams, of October the 12th, 1823.’ + Now the object of that letter was to soothe the feelings of a friend, + wounded by a publication which I thought an ‘outrage on private + confidence.’ Not a word or allusion in it respecting Mr. Pickering, nor + was it suspected that it would draw forth his pen in justification of this + infidelity, which he has, however, undertaken in the course of his + pamphlet, but more particularly in its conclusion. + </p> + <p> + He arraigns me on two grounds, my actions, and my motives. The very + actions, however, which he arraigns, have been such as the great majority + of my fellow-citizens have approved. The approbation of Mr. Pickering, and + of those who thought with him, I had no right to expect. My motives he + chooses to ascribe to hypocrisy, to ambition, and a passion for + popularity. Of these the world must judge between us. It is no office of + his or mine. To that tribunal I have ever submitted my actions and + motives, without ransacking the Union for certificates, letters, journals, + and gossiping tales, to justify myself and weary them. Nor shall I do this + on the present occasion, but leave still to them these antiquated party + diatribes, now newly revamped and paraded, as if they had not been already + a thousand times repeated, refuted, and adjudged against him, by the + nation itself. If no action is to be deemed virtuous for which malice can + imagine a sinister motive, then there never was a virtuous action; no, not + even in the life of our Savior himself. But he has taught us to judge the + tree by its fruit, and to leave motives to him who can alone see into + them. + </p> + <p> + But whilst I leave to its fate the libel of Mr. Pickering, with the + thousands of others like it, to which I have given no other answer than a + steady course of similar action, there are two facts or fancies of his + which I must set to rights. The one respects Mr. Adams, the other myself. + He observes, that my letter of October the 12th, 1823, acknowledges the + receipt of one from Mr. Adams, of September the 18th, which, having been + written a few days after Cunningham’s publication, he says was no doubt + written to apologize to me for the pointed reproaches he had uttered + against me in his confidential letters to Cunningham. And thus having ‘no + doubt’ of his conjecture, he considers it as proven, goes on to suppose + the contents of the letter (19, 22), makes it place Mr. Adams at my feet + suing for pardon, and continues to rant upon it, as an undoubted fact. Now + I do most solemnly declare, that so far from being a letter of apology, as + Mr. Pickering so undoubtingly assumes, there was not a word or allusion in + it respecting Cunningham’s publication. + </p> + <p> + The other allegation respecting myself, is equally false. In page 34, he + quotes Doctor Stuart, as having, twenty years ago, informed him that + General Washington, ‘when he became a private citizen,’ called me to + account for expressions in a letter to Mazzei, requiring, in a tone of + unusual severity, an explanation of that letter. He adds of himself, ‘in + what manner the latter humbled himself, and appeased the just resentment + of Washington, will never be known, as some time after his death, the + correspondence was not to be found, and a diary for an important period of + his Presidency was also missing.’ The diary being of transactions during + his Presidency, the letter to Mazzei not known here until some time after + he became a private citizen, and the pretended correspondence of course + after that, I know not why this lost diary and supposed correspondence are + brought together here, unless for insinuations worthy of the letter + itself. The correspondence could not be found, indeed, because it had + never existed. I do affirm, that there never passed a word, written or + verbal, directly or indirectly, between General Washington and myself on + the subject of that letter. He would never have degraded himself so far as + to take to himself the imputation in that letter on the ‘Samsons in + combat.’ The whole story is a fabrication, and I defy the framers of it, + and all mankind, to produce a scrip of a pen between General Washington + and myself on the subject, or any other evidence more worthy of credit + than the suspicions, suppositions, and presumptions of the two persons + here quoting and quoted for it. With Doctor Stuart I had not much + acquaintance. I supposed him to be an honest man, knew him to be a very + weak one, and, like Mr. Pickering, very prone to antipathies, boiling with + party passions, and, under the dominion of these, readily welcoming + fancies for facts. But, come the story from whomsoever it might, it is an + unqualified falsehood. + </p> + <p> + This letter to Mazzei has been a precious theme of crimination for federal + malice. It was a long letter of business, in which was inserted a single + paragraph only of political information as to the state of our country. In + this information there was not one word which would not then have been, or + would not now be approved by every republican in the United States, + looking back to those times, as you will see by a faithful copy now + enclosed of the whole of what that letter said on the subject of the + United States, or of its government. This paragraph, extracted and + translated, got into a Paris paper at a time when the persons in power + there were laboring under very general disfavor, and their friends were + eager to catch even at straws to buoy them up. ‘To them, therefore, I have + always imputed the interpolation of an entire paragraph additional to + mine, which makes me charge my own country with ingratitude and injustice + to France. There was not a word in my letter respecting France, or any of + the proceedings or relations between this country and that. Yet this + interpolated paragraph has been the burden of federal calumny, has been + constantly quoted by them, made the subject of unceasing and virulent + abuse, and is still quoted, as you see, by Mr. Pickering, (page 33,) as if + it were genuine, and really written by me. And even Judge Marshall makes + history descend from its dignity, and the ermine from its sanctity, to + exaggerate, to record, and to sanction this forgery. In the very last note + of his book, he says, ‘A letter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Mazzei, an + Italian, was published in Florence, and republished in the Moniteur, with + very severe strictures on the conduct of the United States.’ And instead + of the letter itself, he copies what he says are the remarks of the + editor, which are an exaggerated commentary on the fabricated paragraph + itself, and silently leaves to his reader to make the ready inference that + these were the sentiments of the letter. Proof is the duty of the + affirmative side. A negative cannot be possibly proved. But, in defect of + impossible proof of what was not in the original letter, I have its + press-copy still in my possession. It has been shown to several, and is + open to any one who wishes to see it. I have presumed only that the + interpolation was done in Paris. But I never saw the letter in either its + Italian or French dress, and it may have been done here, with the + commentary handed down to posterity by the judge. The genuine paragraph, + re-translated through Italian and French into English, as it appeared here + in a federal paper, besides the mutilated hue which these translations and + re-translations of it produced generally, gave a mistranslation of a + single word, which entirely perverted its meaning, and made it a pliant + and fertile text of misrepresentation of my political principles. The + original, speaking of an Anglican, monarchical, and aristocratical party, + which had sprung up since he had left us, states their object to be ‘to + draw over us the substance, as they had already done the forms of the + British government.’ Now the ‘forms’ here meant, were the levees, + birth-days, the pompous cavalcade to the State House on the meeting of + Congress, the formal speech from the throne, the procession of Congress in + a body to re-echo the speech in an answer, &c. &c. But the + translator here, by substituting form in the singular number, for forms in + the plural, made it mean the frame or organization of our government, or + its form of legislative, executive, and judiciary authorities, co-ordinate + and independent: to which form it was to be inferred that I was an enemy. + In this sense they always quoted it, and in this sense Mr. Pickering still + quotes, it (pages 34, 35, 38), and countenances the inference. Now General + Washington perfectly understood what I meant by these forms, as they were + frequent subjects of conversation between us. When, on my return from + Europe, I joined the government in March, 1790, at New York, I was much + astonished, indeed, at the mimicry I found established of royal forms and + ceremonies, and more alarmed at the unexpected phenomenon, by the + monarchical sentiments I heard expressed and openly maintained in every + company, and among others by the high members of the government, executive + and judiciary (General Washington alone excepted), and by a great part of + the legislature, save only some members who had been of the old Congress, + and a very few of recent introduction. I took occasion, at various times, + of expressing to General Washington my disappointment at these symptoms of + a change of principle, and that I thought them encouraged by the forms and + ceremonies, which I found prevailing, not at all in character with the + simplicity of republican government, and looking as if wishfully to those + of European courts. His general explanations to me were, that when he + arrived at New York to enter on the executive administration of the new + government, he observed to those who were to assist him, that placed as he + was in an office entirely new to him, unacquainted with the forms and + ceremonies of other governments, still less apprized of those which might + be properly established here, and himself perfectly indifferent to all + forms, he wished them to consider and prescribe what they should be; and + the task was assigned particularly to General Knox, a man of parade, and + to Colonel Humphreys, who had resided some time at a foreign court. They, + he said, were the author’s of the present regulations, and that others + were proposed so highly strained, that he absolutely rejected them. + Attentive to the difference of opinion prevailing on this subject, when + the term of his second election arrived, he called the Heads of + departments together, observed to them the situation in which he had been + at the commencement of the government, the advice he had taken, and the + course he had observed in compliance with it; that a proper occasion had + now arrived of revising that course, of correcting in it any particulars + not approved in experience; and he desired us to consult together, agree + on any changes we should think for the better, and that he should + willingly conform to what we should advise. We met at my office. Hamilton + and myself agreed at once that there was too much ceremony for the + character of our government, and, particularly, that the parade of the + installation at New York ought not to be copied on the present occasion, + that the President should desire the Chief Justice to attend him at his + chambers, that he should administer the oath of office to him in the + presence of the higher officers of the government, and that the + certificate of the fact should be delivered to the Secretary of State to + be recorded. Randolph and Knox differed from us, the latter vehemently: + they thought it not advisable to change any of the established forms, and + we authorized Randolph to report our opinions to the President. As these + opinions were divided, and no positive advice given as to any change, no + change was made. Thus the forms, which I had censured in my letter to + Mazzei, were perfectly understood by General Washington, and were those + which he himself but barely tolerated. He had furnished me a proper + occasion for proposing their reformation, and, my opinion not prevailing, + he knew I could not have meant any part of the censure for him. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Pickering quotes too (page 34) the expression in the letter, of ‘the + men who were Samsons in the field, and Solomons in the council, but who + had had their heads shorn by the harlot England’ or, as expressed in their + re-translation, the men who were Solomons in council, and Samsons in + combat, but whose hair had been cut off by the whore England.’ Now this + expression also was perfectly understood by General Washington. He knew + that I meant it for the Cincinnati generally, and that, from what had + passed between us at the commencement of that institution, I could not + mean to include him. When the first meeting was called for its + establishment, I was a member of the Congress then sitting at Annapolis. + General Washington wrote to me, asking my opinion on that proposition, and + the course, if any, which I thought Congress would observe respecting it. + I wrote him frankly my own disapprobation of it; that I found the members + of Congress generally in the same sentiment; that I thought they would + take no express notice of it, but that in all appointments of trust, + honor, or profit, they would silently pass by all candidates of that + order, and give an uniform preference to others. On his way to the first + meeting in Philadelphia, which I think was in the spring of 1784, he + called on me at Annapolis. It was a little after candle-light, and he sat + with me till after midnight, conversing, almost exclusively, on that + subject. While he was feelingly indulgent to the motives which might + induce the officers to promote it, he concurred with me entirely in + condemning it; and when I expressed an idea that, if the hereditary + quality were suppressed, the institution might perhaps be indulged during + the lives of the officers now living, and who had actually served; ‘No,’ + he said, ‘not a fibre of it ought, to be left, to be an eye-sore to the + public, a ground of dissatisfaction, and a line of separation between them + and their country’: and he left me with a determination to use all his + influence for its entire suppression. On his return from the meeting, he + called on me again, and related to me the course the thing had taken. He. + said, that, from the beginning, he had used every endeavor to prevail on + the officers to renounce the project altogether, urging the many + considerations which would render it odious to their fellow-citizens, and + disreputable and injurious to themselves; that he had at length prevailed + on most of the old officers to reject it, although with great and warm + opposition from others, and especially the younger ones, among whom he + named Colonel W. S. Smith as particularly intemperate. But that in this + state of things, when he thought the question safe, and the meeting + drawing to a close, Major L’Enfant arrived from France with a bundle of + eagles, for which he had been sent there, with letters from the French + officers who had served in. America, praying for admission into the order, + and a solemn act of their King permitting them to wear its ensign. This, + he said, changed the face of matters at once, produced an entire + revolution of sentiment, and turned the torrent so strongly in an opposite + direction, that it could be no longer withstood: all he could then obtain, + was a suppression of the hereditary quality. He added, that it was the + French applications, and respect for the approbation of the King, which + saved the establishment in its modified and temporary form. Disapproving + thus of the institution as much as I did, and conscious that I knew him to + do so, he could never suppose that I meant to include him among the + Samsons in the field, whose object was to draw over us the form, as they + made the letter say, of the British government, and especially its + aristocractic member, an hereditary House of Lords. Add to this, that the + letter saying, ‘that two out of the three branches of legislature were + against us,’ was an obvious exception of him; it being well known that the + majorities in the two branches of Senate and Representatives were the very + instruments which carried, in opposition to the old and real republicans, + the measures which were the subjects of condemnation in this letter. + General Washington, then, understanding perfectly what and whom I meant to + designate, in both phrases, and that they could not have any application + or view to himself, could find in neither any cause of offence to himself; + and therefore neither needed, nor ever asked any explanation of them from + me. Had it even been otherwise, they must know very little of General + Washington, who should believe to be within the laws of his character what + Doctor Stuart is said to have imputed to him. Be this, however, as it may, + the story is infamously false in every article of it. My last parting with + General Washington was at the inauguration of Mr. Adams, in March, 1797, + and was warmly affectionate; and I never had any reason to believe any + change on his part, as there certainly was none on mine. But one session + of Congress intervened between that and his death, the year following, in + my passage to and from which, as it happened to be not convenient to call + on him, I never had another opportunity; and as to the cessation of + correspondence observed during that short interval, no particular + circumstance occurred for epistolary communication, and both of us were + too much oppressed with letter-writing, to trouble either the other, with + a letter about nothing. + </p> + <p> + The truth is, that the federalists, pretending to be the exclusive friends + of General Washington, have ever done what they could to sink his + character, by hanging theirs on it, and by representing as the enemy of + republicans him, who, of all men, is best entitled to the appellation of + the father of that republic which they were endeavoring to subvert, and + the republicans to maintain. They cannot deny, because the elections + proclaimed the truth, that the great body of the nation approved the + republican measures. General Washington was himself sincerely a friend to + the republican principles of our constitution. His faith, perhaps, in its + duration, might not have been as confident as mine; but he repeatedly + declared to me, that he was determined it should have a fair chance for + success, and that he would lose the last drop of his blood in its support, + against any attempt which, might be made to change it from its republican + form. He made these declarations the oftener, because he knew my + suspicions that Hamilton had other views, and he wished to quiet my + jealousies on this subject. For Hamilton frankly avowed, that he + considered the British constitution, with all the corruptions of its + administration, as the most perfect model of government which had ever + been devised by the wit of man; professing, however, at the same time, + that the spirit of this country was so fundamentally republican, that it + would be visionary to think of introducing monarchy here, and that, + therefore, it was the duty of its administrators to conduct it on the + principles their constituents had elected. + </p> + <p> + General Washington, after the retirement of his first cabinet, and the + composition of his second, entirely federal, and at the head of which was + Mr. Pickering himself, had no opportunity of hearing both sides of any + question. His measures, consequently, took more the hue of the party in + whose hands he was. These measures were certainly not approved by the + republicans; yet were they not imputed, to him, but to the counsellors + around him; and his prudence so far restrained their impassioned course + and bias, that no act of strong mark, during the remainder of his + administration, excited much dissatisfaction. He lived too short a time + after, and too much withdrawn from information, to correct the views into + which he had been deluded; and the continued assiduities of the party drew + him into the vortex of their intemperate career; separated him still + farther from his real friends, and excited him to actions and expressions + of dissatisfaction, which grieved them, but could not loosen their + affections from him. They would not suffer the temporary aberration to + weigh against the immeasurable merits of his life; and although they + tumbled his seducers from their places, they preserved his memory embalmed + in their hearts, with undiminished love and devotion; and there it for + ever will remain embalmed, in entire oblivion of every temporary thing + which might cloud the glories of his splendid life. It is vain, then, for + Mr. Pickering and his friends to endeavor to falsify his character, by + representing him as an enemy to republicans and republican principles, and + as exclusively the friend of those who were so; and had he lived longer, + he would have returned to his ancient and unbiassed opinions, would have + replaced his confidence in those whom the people approved and supported, + and would have seen that they were only restoring and acting on the + principles of his own first administration. + </p> + <p> + I find, my dear Sir, that I have written you a very long letter or rather + a history. The civility of having sent me a copy of Mr. Pickering’s + diatribe, would scarcely justify its address to you. I do not publish + these things, because my rule of life has been never to harass the public + with fendings and provings of personal slanders; and least of all would I + descend into the arena of slander with such a champion as Mr. Pickering. I + have ever trusted to the justice and consideration of my fellow-citizens, + and have no reason to repent it, or to change my course. At this time of + life, too, tranquillity is the <i>summum bonum</i>. But although I decline + all newspaper controversy, yet when falsehoods have been advanced, within + the knowledge of no one so much as myself, I have sometimes deposited a + contradiction in the hands of a friend, which, if worth preservation, may, + when I am no more, nor those whom I might offend, throw light on history, + and recall that into the path of truth. And if of no other value, the + present communication may amuse you with anecdotes not known to every one. + </p> + <p> + I had meant to have added some views on the amalgamation of parties, to + which your favor of the 8th has some allusion; an amalgamation of name, + but not of principle. Tories are tories still, by whatever name they may + be called. But my letter is already too unmercifully long, and I close it + here with assurances of my great esteem and respectful consideration. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0183" id="link2H_4_0183"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXIII.—TO EDWARD EVERETT, October 15, 1824 + </h2> + <h3> + TO EDWARD EVERETT. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, October 15, 1824. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have yet to thank you for your O. B. K. oration, delivered in presence + of General la Fayette. It is all excellent, much of it sublimely so, well + worthy of its author and his subject, of whom we may truly say, as was + said of Germanicus, ‘<i>Fruitur famâ sui</i>.’ + </p> + <p> + Your letter of September the 10th gave me the first information that mine + to Major Cartwright had got into the newspapers; and the first notice, + indeed, that he had received it. I was a stranger to his person, but not + to his respectable and patriotic character. I received from him a long and + interesting letter, and answered it with frankness, going without reserve + into several subjects, to which his letter had led, but on which I did not + suppose I was writing for the newspapers. The publication of a letter in + such a case, without the consent of the writer, is not a fair practice. + </p> + <p> + The part which you quote, may draw on me the host of judges and divines. + They may cavil, but cannot refute it. Those who read Prisot’s opinion with + a candid view to understand, and not to chicane it, cannot mistake its + meaning. The reports in the Year-books were taken very short. The opinions + of the judges were written down sententiously, as notes or memoranda, and + not with all the developement which they probably used in delivering them. + Prisot’s opinion, to be fully expressed, should be thus paraphrased. ‘To + such laws as those of holy church have recorded, and preserved in their + ancient books and writings, it is proper for us to give credence; for so + is, or so says, the common law, or law of the land, on which all manner of + other laws rest for their authority, or are founded; that is to say, the + common law, or the law of the land common to us all, and established by + the authority of us all, is that from which is derived the authority of + all other special and subordinate branches of law, such as the canon law, + law merchant, law maritime, law of Gavelkind, Borough English, corporation + laws, local customs and usages, to all of which the common law requires + its judges to permit authority in the special or local cases belonging to + them. The evidence of these laws is preserved in their ancient treatises, + books, and writings, in like manner as our own common law itself is known, + the text-of its original enactments having been long lost, and its + substance only preserved in ancient and traditionary writings. And if it + appears, from their ancient books, writings, and records, that the bishop, + in this case, according to the rules prescribed by these authorities, has + done what an ordinary would have done, in such case, then we should + adjudge it good, otherwise not.’ To decide this question, they would have + to turn to the ancient writings and records of the canon law, in which + they would find evidence of the laws of advowsons, <i>quare impedit</i>, + the duties of bishops and ordinaries, for which terms Prisot could never + have meant to refer them to the Old or New Testament, <i>les saincts + scriptures</i>, where surely they would not be found. A license which + should permit ‘ancien scripture’ to be translated ‘holy scripture,’ + annihilates at once all the evidence of language. With such a license, we + might reverse the sixth commandment into ‘Thou shalt not omit murder.’ It + would be the more extraordinary in this case, where the mistranslation was + to effect the adoption of the whole code of the Jewish and Christian laws + into the text of our statutes, to convert religious offences into temporal + crimes, to make the breach of every religious precept a subject of + indictment, submit the question of idolatry, for example, to the trial of + a jury, and to a court, its punishment, to the third and fourth generation + of the offender. Do we allow to our judges this lumping legislation? + </p> + <p> + The term ‘common law,’ although it has more than one meaning, is perfectly + definite, <i>secundum subjectam materiem</i>. Its most probable origin was + on the conquest of the Heptarchy by Alfred, and the amalgamation of their + several codes of law into one, which became common to them all. The + authentic text of these enactments has not been preserved; but their + substance has been committed to many ancient books and writings, so + faithfully as to have been deemed genuine from generation to generation, + and obeyed as such by all. We have some fragments of them collected by + Lambard, Wilkins, and others, but abounding with proofs of their spurious + authenticity. Magna Charta is the earliest statute, the text of which has + come down to us in an authentic form, and thence downward we have them + entire. We do not know exactly when the common law and statute law, the <i>lex + scripta et non scripta</i>, began to be contra-distinguished, so as to + give a second acceptation to the former term; whether before or after + Prisot’s day, at which time we know that nearly two centuries and a half + of statutes were in preservation. In later times, on the introduction of + the chancery branch of law, the term common law began to be used in a + third sense, as the correlative of chancery law. This, however, having + been long after Prisot’s time, could not have been the sense in which he + used the term. He must have meant the ancient <i>lex, non scripta</i>, + because, had he used it as inclusive of the <i>lex scripta</i>, he would + have put his finger on the statute which had enjoined on the judges a + deference to the laws of holy church. But no such statute existing, he + must have referred to the common law in the sense of a <i>lex non scripta</i>. + Whenever, then, the term common law is used in either of these senses, and + it is never employed in any other, it is readily known in which of them by + the context and subject matter under consideration; which, in the present + case, leave no room for doubt. I do not remember the occasion which led me + to take up this subject, while a practitioner of the law. But I know I + went into it with all the research which a very copious law library + enabled me to indulge; and I fear not for the accuracy of any of my + quotations. The doctrine might be disproved by many other and different + topics of reasoning; but having satisfied myself of the origin of the + forgery, and found how, like a rolling snow-ball, it had gathered volume, + I leave its further pursuit to those who need further proof, and perhaps I + have already gone further than the feeble doubt you expressed might + require, I salute you with great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0184" id="link2H_4_0184"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXIV.—TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, January 11, 1825 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 11, 1825. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + We are dreadfully nonplussed here by the non-arrival of our three + Professors. We apprehend that the idea of our opening on the 1st of + February prevails so much abroad (although we have always mentioned it + doubtfully), as that the students will assemble on that day without + awaiting the further notice which was promised. To send them away will be + discouraging, and to open an University without Mathematics or Natural + Philosophy would bring on us ridicule and disgrace. We therefore publish + an advertisement, stating that on the arrival of these Professors, notice + will be given of the day of opening the institution. + </p> + <p> + Governor Barbour writes me hopefully of getting our fifty thousand dollars + from Congress. The proposition has been originated in the House of + Representatives, referred to the committee of claims, the chairman of + which has prepared a very favorable report, and a bill conformable, + assuming the repayment of all interest which the State has actually paid. + The legislature will certainly owe to us the recovery of this money; for + had they not given it in some measure the reverenced character of a + donation for the promotion of learning, it would never have been paid. It + is to be hoped, therefore, that the displeasure incurred by wringing it + from them at the last session, will now give way to a contrary feeling, + and even place us on a ground of some merit. Should this sentiment take + place, and the arrival of our Professors, and filling our dormitories with + students on the 1st of February, encourage them to look more favorably + towards us, perhaps it might dispose them to enlarge somewhat their order + on the same fund. You observe the Proctor has stated in a letter + accompanying our Report, that it will take about twenty-five thousand + dollars more than we have to finish the Rotunda. Besides this, an + Anatomical theatre (costing about as much as one of our hotels, say about + five thousand dollars,) is indispensable to the school of Anatomy. There + cannot be a single dissection until a proper theatre is prepared, giving + an advantageous view of the operation to those within, and effectually + excluding observation from without. Either the additional sums, therefore, + of twenty-five thousand and five thousand dollars will be wanting, or we + must be permitted to appropriate a part of the fifty thousand to a + theatre, leaving the Rotunda unfinished for the present. Yet I should + think neither of these objects an equivalent for renewing the displeasure + of the legislature. Unless we can carry their hearty patronage with us, + the institution can never flourish. I would not, therefore, hint at this + additional aid, unless it were agreeable to our friends generally, and + tolerably sure of being carried without irritation. + </p> + <p> + In your letter of December the 31st, you say my ‘hand-writing and my + letters have great effect there,’ i.e. at Richmond. I am sensible, my dear + Sir, of the kindness with which this encouragement is held up to me. But + my views of their effect are very different. When I retired from the + administration of public affairs, I thought I saw some evidence that I + retired with a good degree of public favor, and that my conduct in office + had been considered, by the one party at least, with approbation, and with + acquiescence by the other. But the attempt, in which I have embarked so + earnestly, to procure an improvement in the moral condition of my native + State, although, perhaps, in other States it may have strengthened good + dispositions, it has assuredly weakened them within our own. The attempt + ran foul of so many local interests, of so many personal views, and so + much ignorance, and I have been considered as so particularly its + promoter, that I see evidently a great change of sentiment towards myself. + I cannot doubt its having dissatisfied with myself a respectable minority, + if not a majority of the House of Delegates. I feel it deeply, and very + discouragingly. Yet I shall not give way. I have ever found in my progress + through life, that, acting for the public, if we do always what is right, + the approbation denied in the beginning will surely follow us in the end. + It is from posterity we are to expect remuneration for the sacrifices we + are making for their service, of time, quiet, and good will. And I fear + not the appeal. The multitude of fine young men whom we shall redeem from + ignorance, who will feel that they owe to us the elevation of mind, of + character, and station they will be able to attain from the result of our + efforts, will insure their remembering us with gratitude. We will not, + then, be ‘weary in well-doing.’ <i>Usque ad aras amicus tuus</i>, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0185" id="link2H_4_0185"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXV.—TO THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH, February 21, 1825 + </h2> + <p> + THOMAS JEFFERSON TO THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH. + </p> + <p> + This letter will, to you, be as one from the dead. The writer will be in + the grave before you can weigh its counsels. Your affectionate and + excellent father has requested that I would address to you something which + might possibly have a favorable influence on the course of life you have + to run, and I too, as a namesake, feel an interest in that course. Few + words will be necessary, with good dispositions on your part. Adore God. + Reverence and cherish your parents. Love your neighbor as yourself, and + your country more than yourself. Be just. Be true. Murmur not at the ways + of Providence. So shall the life, into which you have entered, be the + portal to one of eternal and ineffable bliss. And if to the dead it is + permitted to care for the things of this world, every action of your life + will be under my regard. Farewell. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 21, 1825. + </p> + <p> + <i>The Portrait of a Good Man, by the most sublime of Poets, for your + imitation</i>. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Lord, who’s the happy man that may to thy blest courts repair; + Not stranger-like to visit them, but to inhabit there? + ‘Tis he, whose every thought and deed by rules of virtue moves; + Whose generous tongue disdains to speak the thing his heart + disproves. + Who never did a slander forge, his neighbor’s fame to wound; + Nor hearken to a false report, by malice whispered round. + Who vice, in all its pomp and power, can treat with just neglect; + And piety, though clothed in rags, religiously respect. + Who to his plighted vows and trust has ever firmly stood; + And though he promise to his loss, he makes his promise good. + Whose soul in usury disdains his treasure to employ; + Whom no rewards can ever bribe the guiltless to destroy. + The man, who, by this steady course, has happiness insured, + When earth’s foundations shake, shall stand, by Providence secured. +</pre> + <p> + A Decalogue of Canons for observation in practical life. + </p> + <p> + 1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day. + </p> + <p> + 2. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself. + </p> + <p> + 3. Never spend your money before you have it. + </p> + <p> + 4. Never buy what you do not want, because it is cheap; it will be dear to + you. + </p> + <p> + 5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst, and cold. + </p> + <p> + 6. We never repent of having eaten too little. + </p> + <p> + 7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly. + </p> + <p> + 8. How much pain have cost us the evils which have never happened. + </p> + <p> + 9. Take things always by their smooth handle. + </p> + <p> + 10. When angry, count ten before you speak; if very angry, an hundred. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0186" id="link2H_4_0186"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXVI.—TO JAMES MADISON, December 24, 1825 + </h2> + <p> + TO JAMES MADISON. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 24, 1825. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have for sometime considered the question of internal improvement as + desperate. The torrent of general opinion sets so strongly in favor of it + as to be irresistible. And I suppose that even the opposition in Congress + will hereafter be feeble and formal, unless something can be done which + may give a gleam of encouragement to our friends, or alarm their opponents + in their fancied security. I learn from Richmond, that those who think + with us there are in a state of perfect dismay, not knowing what to do, or + what to propose. Mr. Gordon, our representative, particularly, has written + to me in very desponding terms, not disposed to yield, indeed, but + pressing for opinions and advice on the subject. I have no doubt you are + pressed in the same way, and I hope you have devised and recommended + something to them. If you have, stop here and read no more, but consider + all that follows as <i>non avenue</i>. I shall be better satisfied to + adopt implicitly any thing which you may have advised, than any thing + occurring to myself. For I have long ceased to think on subjects of this + kind, and pay little attention to public proceedings. But if you have done + nothing in it, then I risk for your consideration what has occurred to me, + and is expressed in the enclosed paper. Bailey’s propositions, which came + to hand since I wrote the paper, and which I suppose to have come from the + President himself, show a little hesitation in the purposes of his party; + and in that state of mind, a bolt shot critically may decide the contest, + by its effect on the less bold. The olive-branch held out to them at this + moment may be accepted, and the constitution thus saved at a moderate + sacrifice. I say nothing of the paper, which will explain itself. The + following heads of consideration, or some of them, may weigh in its favor. + </p> + <p> + It may intimidate the wavering. It may break the western coalition, by + offering the same thing in a different form. It will be viewed with favor + in contrast with the Georgia opposition and fear of strengthening that. It + will be an example of a temperate mode of opposition in future and similar + cases. It will delay the measure a year at least. It will give us the + chance of better times and of intervening accidents; and in no way place + us in a worse than our present situation. I do not dwell on these topics; + your mind will develope them. + </p> + <p> + The first question is, whether you approve of doing any thing of the kind. + If not, send it back to me, and it shall be suppressed; for I would not + hazard so important a measure against your opinion, nor even without its + support. If you think it may be a canvass on which to put something good, + make what alterations you please, and I will forward it to Gordon, under + the most sacred injunctions that it shall be so used as that not a shadow + of suspicion shall fall on you or myself, that it has come from either of + us. But what you do, do as promptly as your convenience will admit, lest + it should be anticipated by something worse. Ever and affectionately + yours, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <i>The solemn Declaration and Protest of the Commonwealth of Virginia, on + the Principles of the Constitution of the United, States of America, and + on the Violations of them</i>. + </p> + <p> + We, the General Assembly of Virginia, on behalf and in the name of the + people thereof, do declare as follows. + </p> + <p> + The States in North America which confederated to establish their + independence on the government of Great Britain, of which Virginia was + one, became, on that acquisition, free and independent States, and, as + such, authorized to constitute governments, each for itself, in such form + as it thought best. + </p> + <p> + They entered into a compact (which is called the Constitution of the + United States of America), by which they agreed to unite in a single + government as to their relations with each other, and with foreign + nations, and as to certain other articles particularly specified. They + retained at the same time, each to itself, the other rights of independent + government, comprehending mainly their domestic interests. + </p> + <p> + For the administration of their federal branch, they agreed to appoint, in + conjunction, a distinct set of functionaries, legislative, executive, and + judiciary, in the manner settled in that compact: while to each, severally + and of course, remained its original right of appointing, each for itself, + a separate set of functionaries, legislative, executive, and judiciary, + also, for administering the domestic branch of their respective + governments. + </p> + <p> + These two sets of officers, each independent of the other, constitute thus + a whole of government, for each State separately; the powers ascribed to + the one, as specifically made federal, exercised over the whole, the + residuary powers, retained to the other, exercisable exclusively over its + particular State, foreign herein, each to the others, as they were before + the original compact. + </p> + <p> + To this construction of government and distribution of its powers, the + Commonwealth of Virginia does religiously and affectionately adhere, + opposing, with equal fidelity and firmness, the usurpation of either set + of functionaries on the rightful powers of the other. + </p> + <p> + But the federal branch has assumed in some cases, and claimed in others, a + right of enlarging its own powers by constructions, inferences, and + indefinite deductions from those directly given, which this Assembly does + declare to be usurpations of the powers retained to the independent + branches, mere interpolations into the compact, and direct infractions of + it. + </p> + <p> + They claim, for example, and have commenced the exercise of a right to + construct roads, open canals, and effect other internal improvements + within the territories and jurisdictions exclusively belonging to the + several States, which this Assembly does declare has not been given to + that branch by the constitutional compact, but remains to each State among + its domestic and unalienated powers, exercisable within itself and by its + domestic authorities alone. + </p> + <p> + This Assembly does further disavow, and declare to be most false and + unfounded, the doctrine, that the compact, in authorizing its federal + branch to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises to pay the + debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United + States, has given them thereby a power to do whatever they may think, or + pretend, would promote the general welfare, which construction would make + that, of itself, a complete government, without limitation of powers; but + that the plain sense and obvious meaning were, that they might levy the + taxes necessary to provide for the general welfare, by the various acts of + power therein specified and delegated to them, and by no others. + </p> + <p> + Nor is it admitted, as has been said, that the people of these States, by + not investing their federal branch with all the means of bettering their + condition, have denied to themselves any which may effect that purpose; + since, in the distribution of these means, they have given to that branch + those which belong to its department, and to the States have reserved + separately the residue which belong to them separately: and thus by the + organization of the two branches taken together, have completely secured + the first object of human association, the full improvement of their + condition, and reserved to themselves all the faculties of multiplying + their own blessings. + </p> + <p> + Whilst the General Assembly thus declares the rights retained by the + States, rights which they have never yielded, and which this State will + never voluntarily yield, they do not mean to raise the banner of + disaffection, or of separation from their sister States, co-parties with + themselves to this compact. They know and value too highly the blessings + of their Union, as to foreign nations and questions arising among + themselves, to consider every infraction as to be met by actual + resistance. They respect too affectionately the opinions of those + possessing the same rights, under the same instrument, to make every + difference of construction a ground of immediate rupture. They would, + indeed, consider such a rupture as among the greatest calamities which + could befall them; but not the greatest. There is yet one greater, + submission to a government of unlimited powers. It is only when the hope + of avoiding this shall become absolutely desperate, that further + forbearance could not be indulged. Should a majority of the co-parties, + therefore, contrary to the expectation and hope of this Assembly, prefer, + at this time, acquiescence in these assumptions of power by the federal + member of the government, we will be patient and suffer much, under the + confidence that time, ere it be too late, will prove to them also the + bitter consequences in which that usurpation will involve us all. In the + mean while, we will breast with them, rather than separate from them, + every misfortune, save that only of living under a government of unlimited + powers. We owe every other sacrifice to ourselves, to our federal + brethren, and to the world at large, to pursue with temper and + perseverance the great experiment which shall prove that man is capable of + living in society, governing itself by laws self-imposed, and securing to + its members the enjoyment of life, liberty, property, and peace; and + further to show, that even when the government of its choice shall + manifest a tendency to degeneracy, we are not at once to despair but that + the will and the watchfulness of its sounder parts will reform its + aberrations, recall it to original and legitimate principles, and restrain + it within the rightful limits of self-government. And these are the + objects of this Declaration and Protest. + </p> + <p> + Supposing then, that it might be for the good of the whole, as some of its + co-States seem to think, that the power of making roads and canals should + be added to those directly given to the federal branch, as more likely to + be systematically and beneficially directed, than by the independent + action of the several States, this Commonwealth, from respect to these + opinions, and a desire of conciliation with its co-States, will consent, + in concurrence with them, to make this addition, provided it be done + regularly by an amendment of the compact, in the way established by that + instrument, and provided also, it be sufficiently guarded against abuses, + compromises, and corrupt practices, not only of possible, but of probable + occurrence. + </p> + <p> + And as a further pledge of the sincere and cordial attachment of this + Commonwealth to the union of the whole, so far as has been consented to by + the compact called ‘The Constitution of the United States of America,’ + (construed according to the plain and ordinary meaning of its language, to + the common intendment of the time, and of those who framed it;) to give + also to all parties and authorities, time for reflection and for + consideration, whether, under a temperate view of the possible + consequences, and especially of the constant obstructions which an + equivocal majority must ever expect to meet, they will still prefer the + assumption of this power rather than its acceptance from the free will of + their constituents; and to preserve peace in the mean while, we proceed to + make it the duty of our citizens, until the legislature shall otherwise + and ultimately decide, to acquiesce under those acts of the federal branch + of our government which we have declared to be usurpations, and against + which, in point of right, we do protest as null and void, and never to be + quoted as precedents of right. + </p> + <p> + We therefore do enact, and be it enacted by the General Assembly of + Virginia, that all citizens of this Commonwealth, and persons and + authorities within the same, shall pay full obedience at all times to the + acts which may be passed by the Congress of the United States, the object + of which shall be the construction of post-roads, making canals of + navigation, and maintaining the same, in any part of the United States, in + like manner as if the said acts were, <i>totidem verbis</i>, passed by the + legislature of this Commonwealth. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0187" id="link2H_4_0187"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXVII.—TO WILLIAM B. GILES, December 25, 1825 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM B. GILES. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 25, 1825. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of the 15th was received four days ago. It found me engaged in + what I could not lay aside till this day. + </p> + <p> + Far advanced in my eighty-third year, worn down with infirmities which + have confined me almost entirely to the house for seven or eight months + past, it afflicts me much to receive appeals to my memory for transactions + so far back as that which is the subject of your letter. My memory is + indeed become almost a blank, of which no better proof can probably be + given you than by my solemn protestation, that I have not the least + recollection of your intervention between Mr. John Q. Adams and myself, in + what passed on the subject of the embargo. Not the slightest trace of it + remains in my mind. Yet I have no doubt of the exactitude of the statement + in your letter. And the less, as I recollect the interview with Mr. Adams, + to which the previous communications which had passed between him and + yourself were probably and naturally the preliminary. That interview I + remember well; not indeed in the very words which passed between us, but + in their substance, which was of a character too awful, too deeply + engraved in my mind, and influencing too materially the course I had to + pursue, ever to be forgotten. Mr. Adams called on me pending the embargo, + and while endeavors were making to obtain its repeal. He made some + apologies for the call, on the ground of our not being then in the habit + of confidential communications, but that that which he had then to make, + involved too seriously the interest of our country not to overrule all + other considerations with him, and make it his duty to reveal it to myself + particularly. I assured him there was no occasion for any apology for his + visit; that, on the contrary, his communications would be thankfully + received, and would add a confirmation the more to my entire confidence in + the rectitude and patriotism of his conduct and principles. He spoke then + of the dissatisfaction of the eastern portion of our confederacy with the + restraints of the embargo then existing, and their restlessness under it. + That there was nothing which might not be attempted, to rid themselves of + it. That he had information of the most unquestionable certainty, that + certain citizens of the Eastern States (I think he named Massachusetts + particularly) were in negotiation with agents of the British government, + the object of which was an agreement that the New England States should + take no further part in the war then going on; that, without formally + declaring their separation from the Union of the States, they should + withdraw from all aid and obedience to them, that their navigation and + commerce should be free from restraint and interruption by the British; + that they should be considered and treated by them as neutrals, and as + such might conduct themselves towards both parties; and, at the close of + the war, be at liberty to rejoin the confederacy. He assured me that there + was imminent danger that the convention would take place; that the + temptations were such as might debauch many from their fidelity to the + Union; and that, to enable its friends to make head against it, the repeal + of the embargo was absolutely necessary. I expressed a just sense of the + merit of this information, and of the importance of the disclosure to the + safety and even the salvation of our country: and however reluctant I was + to abandon the measure (a measure which persevered in a little longer, we + had subsequent and satisfactory assurance would have effected its object + completely), from that moment, and influenced by that information, I saw + the necessity of abandoning it, and instead of effecting our purpose by + this peaceful weapon, we must fight it out, or break the Union. I then + recommended to my friends to yield to the necessity of a repeal of the + embargo, and to endeavor to supply its place by the best substitute, in + which they could procure a general concurrence. + </p> + <p> + I cannot too often repeat, that this statement is not pretended to be in + the very words which passed; that it only gives faithfully the impression + remaining on my mind. The very words of a conversation are too transient + and fugitive to be so long retained in remembrance. But the substance was + too important to be forgotten, not only from the revolution of measures it + obliged me to adopt, but also from the renewals of it in my memory on the + frequent occasions I have had of doing justice to Mr. Adams, by repeating + this proof of his fidelity to his country, and of his superiority over all + ordinary considerations when the safety of that was brought into question. + </p> + <p> + With this best exertion of a waning memory which I can command, accept + assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0188" id="link2H_4_0188"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXVIII.—TO WILLIAM B. GILES, December 26, 1825 + </h2> + <p> + TO WILLIAM B. GILES. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, December 26, 1825. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I wrote you a letter yesterday, of which you will be free to make what use + you please. This will contain matters not intended for the public eye. I + see, as you do, and with the deepest affliction, the rapid strides with + which the federal branch of our government is advancing towards the + usurpation of all the rights reserved to the States, and the consolidation + in itself of all powers, foreign and domestic; and that too, by + constructions which, if legitimate, leave no limits to their power. Take + together the decisions of the federal court, the doctrines of the + President, and the misconstructions of the constitutional compact acted on + by the legislature of the federal branch, and it is but too evident, that + the three ruling branches of that department are in combination to strip + their colleagues, the State authorities, of the powers reserved by them, + and to exercise themselves all functions, foreign and domestic. Under the + power to regulate commerce, they assume indefinitely that also over + agriculture and manufactures, and call it regulation to take the earnings + of one of these branches of industry, and that too the most depressed, and + put them into the pockets of the other, the most flourishing of all. Under + the authority to establish post-roads, they claim that of cutting down + mountains for the construction of roads, of digging canals, and aided by a + little sophistry on the words ‘general welfare,’ a right to do, not only + the acts to effect that, which are specifically enumerated and permitted, + but whatsoever they shall think or pretend will be for the general + welfare. And what is our resource for the preservation of the + constitution? Reason and argument? You might as well reason and argue with + the marble columns encircling them. The representatives chosen by + ourselves? They are joined in the combination, some from incorrect views + of government, some from corrupt ones, sufficient, voting together, to + outnumber the sound parts; and with majorities only of one, two, or three, + bold enough to go forward in defiance. Are we then to stand to our arms, + with the hot-headed Georgian? No. That must be the last resource, not to + be thought of until much longer and greater sufferings. If every + infraction of a compact of so many parties is to be resisted at once, as a + dissolution of it, none can ever be formed which would last one year. We + must have patience and longer endurance then with our brethren while under + delusion; give them time for reflection and experience of consequences; + keep ourselves in a situation to profit by the chapter of accidents; and + separate from our companions only when the sole alternatives left, are the + dissolution of our Union with them, or submission to a government without + limitation of powers. Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, + there can be no hesitation. But in the mean while, the States should be + watchful to note every material usurpation on their rights; to denounce + them as they occur in the most peremptory terms; to protest against them + as wrongs to which our present submission shall be considered, not as + acknowledgments or precedents of right, but as a temporary yielding to the + lesser evil, until their accumulation shall overweigh that of separation. + I would go still further, and give to the federal member, by a regular + amendment of the constitution, a right to make roads and canals of + intercommunication between the States, providing sufficiently against + corrupt practices in Congress (log-rolling, &c.), by declaring that + the federal proportion of each State of the monies so employed, shall be + in works within the State, or elsewhere with its consent, and with a due + <i>salvo</i> of jurisdiction. This is the course which I think safest and + best as yet. You ask my opinion of the propriety of giving publicity to + what is stated in your letter, as having passed between Mr. John Q. Adams + and yourself. Of this no one can judge but yourself. It is one of those + questions which belong to the forum of feeling. This alone can decide on + the degree of confidence implied in the disclosure; whether under no + circumstances it was to be communicated to others. It does not seem to be + of that character, or at all to wear that aspect. They are historical + facts, which belong to the present, as well as future times. I doubt + whether a single fact, known to the world, will carry as clear conviction + to it, of the correctness of our knowledge of the treasonable views of the + federal party of that day, as that disclosed by this, the most nefarious + and daring attempt to dissever the Union, of which the Hartford Convention + was a subsequent chapter: and both of these having failed, consolidation + becomes the first chapter of the next book of their history. But this + opens with a vast accession of strength from their younger recruits, who, + having nothing in them of the feelings or principles of ‘76, now look to a + single and splendid government of an aristocracy, founded on banking + institutions, and monied incorporations under the guise and cloak of their + favored branches of manufactures, commerce, and navigation, riding and + ruling over the plundered ploughman and beggared yeomanry. This will be to + them a next best blessing to the monarchy of their first aim, and perhaps + the surest stepping-stone to it. + </p> + <p> + I learn with great satisfaction that your school is thriving well, and + that you have at its head a truly classical scholar. He is one of three or + four whom I can hear of in the State. We were obliged the last year to + receive shameful Latinists into the classical school of the University; + such as we will certainly refuse as soon as we can get from better schools + a sufficiency of those properly instructed to form a class. We must get + rid of this Connecticut Latin, of this barbarous confusion of long and + short syllables, which renders doubtful whether we are listening to a + reader of Cherokee, Shawnee, Iroquois, or what. Our University has been + most fortunate in the five Professors procured from England. A finer + selection could not have been made. Besides their being of a grade of + science which has left little superior behind, the correctness of their + moral character, their accommodating dispositions, and zeal for the + prosperity of the institution, leave us nothing more to wish. I verily + believe that as high a degree of, education can now be obtained here, as + in the country they left. And a finer set of youths I never saw assembled + for instruction. They committed some irregularities at first, until they + learned the lawful length of their tether; since which it has never been + transgressed in the smallest degree. A great proportion of them are + severely devoted to study, and I fear not to say, that within twelve or + fifteen years from this time, a majority of the rulers of our State will + have been educated here. They shall carry hence the correct principles of + our day, and you may count assuredly that they will exhibit their country + in a degree of sound respectability it has never known, either in our + days, or those of our forefathers. I cannot live to see it. My joy must + only be that of anticipation. But that you may see it in full fruition, is + the probable consequence of the twenty years I am ahead of you in time, + and is the sincere prayer of your affectionate and constant friend, + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0189" id="link2H_4_0189"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CLXXXIX.—TO CLAIBORNE W. GOOCH, January 9, 1826 + </h2> + <p> + TO CLAIBORNE W. GOOCH. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, January 9, 1826. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have duly received your favor of December the 31st, and fear, with you, + all the evils which the present lowering aspect of our political horizon + so ominously portends. That at some future day, which I hoped to be very + distant, the free principles of our government might change, with the + change of circumstances, was to be expected. But I certainly did not + expect that they would not over-live the generation which established + them. And what I still less expected was, that my favorite western country + was to be made the instrument of change. I had ever and fondly cherished + the interests of that country, relying on it as a barrier against the + degeneracy of public opinion from our original and free principles. But + the bait of local interests, artfully prepared for their palate, has + decoyed them from their kindred attachments, to alliances alien to them. + Yet, although I have little hope that the torrent of consolidation can be + withstood, I should not be for giving up the ship without efforts to save + her. She lived well through the first squall, and may weather the present + one. But, Dear Sir, I am not the champion called for by our present + dangers; <i>Non tali auxilio, nee defensoribus istis, tempus eget</i>.’ A + waning body, a waning mind, and waning memory, with habitual ill health, + warn me to withdraw and relinquish the arena to younger and abler + athletes. I am sensible myself, if others are not, that this is my duty. + If my distant friends know it not, those around me can inform them that + they should not, in friendship, wish to call me into conflicts, exposing + only the decays which nature has inscribed among her unalterable laws, and + injuring the common cause by a senile and puny defence. + </p> + <p> + I will, however, say one word on the subject. The South Carolina + resolutions, Van Buren’s motion, and above all Bailey’s propositions, show + that other States are coming forward on the subject, and better for any + one to take the lead than Virginia, where opposition is considered as + common-place, and a mere matter of form and habit. We shall see what our + co-States propose, and before the close of the session we may shape our + own course more understandingly. + </p> + <p> + Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0190" id="link2H_4_0190"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXC.—TO [ANONYMOUS], January 21, 1826 + </h2> + <p> + Monticello, January 21, 1826. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Your favor of January the 15th is received, and I am entirely sensible of + the kindness of the motives which suggested the caution it recommended. + But I believe what I have done is the only thing I could have done with + honor or conscience. Mr. Giles requested me to state a fact which he knew + himself, and of which he knew me to be possessed. What use he intended to + make of it I knew not, nor had I a right to inquire, or to indicate any + suspicion that he would make an unfair one. That was his concern, not + mine, and his character was sufficient to sustain the responsibility for + it. I knew, too, that if an uncandid use should be made of it, there would + be found those who would so prove it. Independent of the terms of intimate + friendship on which Mr. Giles and myself have ever lived together, the + world’s respect entitled him to the justice of my testimony to any truth + he might call for; and how that testimony should connect me with whatever + he may do or write hereafter, and with his whole career, as you apprehend, + is not understood by me. With his personal controversies I have nothing to + do. I never took any part in them, or in those of any other person. Add to + this, that the statement I have given him on the subject of Mr. Adams, is + entirely honorable to him in every sentiment and fact it contains. There + is not a word in it which I would wish to recall. It is one which Mr. + Adams himself might willingly quote, did he need to quote any thing. It + was simply, that during the continuance of the embargo, Mr. Adams informed + me of a combination (without naming any one concerned in it), which had + for its object a severance of the Union, for a time at least. That Mr. + Adams and myself not being then in the habit of mutual consultation and + confidence, I considered it as the stronger proof of the purity of his + patriotism, which was able to lift him above all party passions when the + safety of his country was endangered. Nor have I kept this honorable fact + to myself. During the late canvass, particularly, I had more than one + occasion to quote it to persons who were expressing opinions respecting + him, of which this was a direct corrective. I have never entertained for + Mr. Adams any but sentiments of esteem and respect; and if we have not + thought alike on political subjects, I yet never doubted the honesty of + his opinions, of which the letter in question, if published, will be an + additional proof. Still, I recognise your friendship in suggesting a + review of it, and am glad of this, as of every other occasion, of + repeating to you the assurance of my constant attachment and respect. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0191" id="link2H_4_0191"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXCI.—TO JAMES MADISON, February 17,1826 + </h2> + <p> + TO JAMES MADISON. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, February 17,1826. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + Immediately on seeing the overwhelming vote of the House of + Representatives against giving us another dollar, I rode to the University + and desired Mr. Brockenbrough to engage in nothing new, to stop every + thing on hand which could be done without, and to employ all his force and + funds in finishing the circular room for the books, and the Anatomical + theatre. These cannot be done without; and for these and all our debts, we + have funds enough. But I think it prudent then to clear the decks + thoroughly, to see how we shall stand, and what we may accomplish further. + In the mean time, there have arrived for us in different ports of the + United States, ten boxes of books, from Paris, seven from London, and from + Germany I know not how many; in all, perhaps, about twenty-five boxes. Not + one of these can be opened until the book-room is completely finished, and + all the shelves ready to receive their charge directly from the boxes, as + they shall be opened. This cannot be till May. I hear nothing definitive + of the three thousand dollars duty of which we are asking the remission + from Congress. In the selection of our Law Professor, we must be + rigorously attentive to his political principles. You will recollect, + that, before the Revolution, Coke Littleton was the universal elementary + book of law students, and a sounder whig never wrote, nor of profounder + learning in the orthodox doctrines of the British constitution, or in what + were called English liberties. You remember also that our lawyers were + then all whigs. But when his black-letter text, and uncouth but cunning + learning got out of fashion, and the honied Mansfieldism of Blackstone + became the students’ hornbook, from that moment, that profession (the + nursery of our Congress) began to slide into toryism, and nearly all the + young brood of lawyers now are of that hue. They suppose themselves, + indeed, to be whigs, because they no longer know what whigism or + republicanism means. It is in our seminary that that vestal flame is to be + kept alive; it is thence it is to spread anew over our own and the sister + States. If we are true and vigilant in our trust, within a dozen or twenty + years a majority of our own legislature will be from our school, and many + disciples will have carried its doctrines home with them to their several + States, and will have leavened thus the whole mass. New York has taken + strong ground in vindication of the constitution; South Carolina had + already done the same. Although I was against our leading, I am equally + against omitting to follow in the same line, and backing them firmly; and + i hope that yourself or some other will mark out the track to be pursued + by us. + </p> + <p> + You will have seen in the newspapers some proceedings in the legislature, + which have cost me much mortification. My own debts had become + considerable, but not beyond the effect of some lopping of property, which + would have been little felt, when our friend —— gave me the + coup de grace. Ever since that I have been paying twelve hundred dollars a + year interest on his debt, which, with my own, was absorbing so much of my + annual income, as that the maintenance of my family was making deep and + rapid inroads on my capital, and had already done it. Still, sales at a + fair price would leave me competently provided. Had crops and prices for + several years been such as to maintain a steady competition of substantial + bidders at market, all would have been safe. But the long succession of + years of stunted crops, of reduced prices, the general prostration of the + farming business, under levies for the support of manufacturers, &c, + with the calamitous fluctuations of value in our paper medium, have kept + agriculture in a state of abject depression, which has peopled the western + States by silently breaking up those on the Atlantic, and glutted the + land-market, while it drew off its bidders. In such a state of things, + property has lost its character of being a resource for debts. Highland in + Bedford, which, in the days of our plethory, sold readily for from fifty + to one hundred dollars the acre (and such sales were many then), would not + now sell for more than from ten to twenty dollars, or one quarter or one + fifth of its former price. Reflecting on these things, the practice + occurred to me, of selling, on fair valuation, and by way of lottery, + often resorted to before the Revolution to effect large sales, and still + in constant usage in every State for individual as well as corporation + purposes. If it is permitted in my case, my lands here alone, with the + mills, he, will pay every thing, and leave me Monticello and a farm free. + If refused, I must sell every thing here, perhaps considerably in Bedford, + move thither with my family, where I have not even a log hut to put my + head into, and whether ground for burial, will depend on the depredations + which, under the form of sales, shall have been committed on my property. + The question then with me was, <i>Utrum horum?</i> But why afflict you + with these details? Indeed, I cannot tell, unless pains are lessened by + communication with a friend. The friendship which has subsisted between + us, now half a century, and the harmony of our political principles and + pursuits, have been sources of constant happiness to me through that long + period. And if I remove beyond the reach of attentions to the University, + or beyond the bourne of life itself, as I soon must, it is a comfort to + leave that institution under your care, and an assurance that it will not + be wanting. It has also been a great solace to me, to believe that you are + engaged in vindicating to posterity the course we have pursued for + preserving to them, in all their purity, the blessings of self-government, + which we had assisted too in acquiring for them. If ever the earth has + beheld a system of administration conducted with a single and steadfast + eye to the general interest and happiness of those committed to it, one + which, protected by truth, can never know reproach, it is that to which + our lives have been devoted. To myself you have been a pillar of support + through life. Take care of me when dead, and be assured that I shall leave + with you my last affections. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [The following paper it is deemed proper to insert, as well + because of the explanation it contains of the reasons which + led the author to ask permission of the legislature to sell + his property by lottery, as of its otherwise interesting + character.] +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0192" id="link2H_4_0192"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THOUGHTS ON LOTTERIES. + </h2> + <p> + It is a common idea that games of chance are immoral. But what is chance? + Nothing happens in this world without a cause. If we know the cause, we do + not call it chance; but if we do not know it, we say it was produced by + chance. If we see a loaded die turn its lightest side up, we know the + cause, and that it is not an effect of chance; but whatever side an + unloaded die turns up, not knowing the cause, we say it is the effect of + chance. Yet the morality of a thing cannot depend on our knowledge or + ignorance of its cause. Not knowing why a particular side of an unloaded + die turns up, cannot make the act of throwing it, or of betting on it, + immoral. If we consider games of chance immoral, then every pursuit of + human industry is immoral, for there is not a single one that is not + subject to chance; not one wherein you do not risk a loss for the chance + of some gain. The navigator, for example, risks his ship in the hope (if + she is not lost in the voyage) of gaining an advantageous freight. The + merchant risks his cargo to gain a better price for it. A landholder + builds a house on the risk of indemnifying himself by a rent. The hunter + hazards his time and trouble in the hope of killing game. In all these + pursuits, you stake some one thing against another which you hope to win. + But the greatest of all gamblers is the farmer. He risks the seed he puts + into the ground, the rent he pays for the ground itself, the year’s labor + on it, and the wear and tear of his cattle and gear, to win a crop, which + the chances of too much or too little rain, and general uncertainties of + weather, insects, waste, &c. often make a total or partial loss. + These, then, are games of chance. Yet so far from being immoral, they are + indispensable to the existence of man, and every one has a natural right + to choose for his pursuit such one of them as he thinks most likely to + furnish him subsistence. Almost all these pursuits of chance produce + something useful to society. But there are some which produce nothing, and + endanger the well-being of the individuals engaged in them, or of others + depending on them. Such are games with cards, dice, billiards, &c. And + although the pursuit of them is a matter of natural right, yet society, + perceiving the irresistible bent of some of its members to pursue them, + and the ruin produced by them to the families depending on these + individuals, consider it as a case of insanity, <i>quoad hoc</i>, step in + to protect the family and the party himself, as in other cases of + insanity, infancy, imbecility, &c, and suppress the pursuit + altogether, and the natural right of following it. There are some other + games of chance, useful on certain occasions, and injurious only when + carried beyond their useful bounds. Such are insurances, lotteries, + raffles, &tc. These they do not suppress, but take their regulation + under their own discretion. The insurance of ships on voyages is a + vocation of chance, yet useful, and the right to exercise it therefore is + left free. So of houses against fire, doubtful debts, the continuance of a + particular life, and similar cases. Money is wanting for an useful + undertaking, as a school, &c. for which a direct tax would be + disapproved. It is raised therefore by a lottery, wherein the tax is laid + on the willing only, that is to say, on those who can risk the price of a + ticket without sensible injury, for the possibility of a higher prize. An + article of property, insusceptible of division at all, or not without + great diminution of its worth, is sometimes of so large value as that no + purchaser can be found, while the owner owes debts, has no other means of + payment, and his creditors no other chance of obtaining it, but by its + sale at a full and fair price. The lottery is here a salutary instrument + for disposing of it, where many run small risks for the chance of + obtaining a high prize. In this way, the great estate of the late Colonel + Byrd (in 1756) was made competent to pay his debts, which, had the whole + been brought into the market at once, would have overdone the demand, + would have sold at half or quarter the value, and sacrificed the + creditors, half or three fourths of whom would have lost their debts. This + method of selling was formerly very much resorted to, until it was thought + to nourish too much a spirit of hazard. The legislature Were therefore + induced, not to suppress it altogether, but to take it under their own + special regulation. This they did, for the first time, by their act of + 1769, c.17., before which time, every person exercised the right freely; + and since which time, it is made unlawful but when approved and authorized + by a special act of the legislature. + </p> + <p> + Since then, this right of sale, by way of lottery, has been exercised only + under the discretion of the legislature. Let us examine the purposes for + which they have allowed it in practice, not looking beyond the date of our + independence. + </p> + <p> + 1. It was for a long time an item of the standing revenue of the State. + </p> + <p> + 1813. c. 1. § 3 An act imposing taxes for the support of government, and + c. 2. § 10. + </p> + <p> + 1814. Dec. c. 1. § 3. 1814. Feb. c. 1. § 3. 1818. c. 1. § 1. 1819. c. 1. + 1820. c. 1. + </p> + <p> + This then is a declaration by the nation, that an act was not immoral, of + which they were in the habitual use themselves as a part of the regular + means of supporting the government: the tax on the vender of tickets was + their share of the profits, and if their share was innocent, his could not + be criminal. + </p> + <p> + 2. It has been abundantly permitted, to raise money by lottery for the + purposes of schools; and in this, as in many other cases, the lottery has + been permitted to retain a part of the money (generally from ten to + fifteen per cent.) for the use to which the lottery has been applied. So + that while the adventurers paid one hundred dollars for tickets, they + received back eighty-five or ninety dollars only, in the form of prizes, + the remaining ten or fifteen being the tax levied on them, with their own + consent. Examples are. + </p> + <p> + 1784. c. 34. Authorizing the city of Williamsburg to raise £2000 for a + grammar school. + </p> + <p> + 1789. c. 68. For Randolph Academy, £1000. + </p> + <p> + 1789. c. 73. For Fauquier Academy, £500. c. 74. For the Fredericksburg + Academy, £4000. + </p> + <p> + 1790. c. 46. For the Transylvania Seminary, £500. For the Southampton + Academy, £300. + </p> + <p> + 1796. c. 82. For the New London Academy. + </p> + <p> + 1803. c. 49. For the Fredericksburg Charity School. c» 50. For finishing + the Strasburg Seminary. c. 58. For William and Mary College. c. 62. For + the Bannister Academy.c. 79. For the Belfield Academy. c. 82. For the + Petersburg Academy. + </p> + <p> + 1804. c. 40. For the Hotsprings Seminary. c. 76. For the Stevensburg + Academy. c.100. For William and Mary College. + </p> + <p> + 1805. c. 24. For the Rumford Academy. + </p> + <p> + 1812. c. 10. For the Literary Fund. To sell the privilege for $30,000 + annually, for seven years. + </p> + <p> + 1816. c. 80. For Norfolk Academy, $12,000. Norfolk Female Society, $2000. + Lancastrian School, $6000. + </p> + <p> + 3. The next object of lotteries has been rivers. + </p> + <p> + 1790. c. 46. For a bridge between Gosport and Portsmouth, £400. + </p> + <p> + 1796. c. 83. For clearing Roanoke River. + </p> + <p> + 1804. c. 62. For clearing Quantico Creek. + </p> + <p> + 1805. c. 42. For a toll-bridge over Cheat River. + </p> + <p> + 1816. c. 49. For the Dismal Swamp, $50,000. + </p> + <p> + 4. For roads. + </p> + <p> + 1790. c. 46. For a road to Warminster, £200. For cutting a road from + Rockfish gap to Scott’s and Nicholas’s landing, £400. 1796. c. 85. To + repair certain roads. + </p> + <p> + 1803. c. 60. For improving roads to Snigger’s and Ashby’s gaps. c. 61. For + opening a road to Brock’s gap. c. 65. For opening a road from the town of + Monroe to Sweet Springs and Lewisburg. + </p> + <p> + * The acts not being at hand, the sums allowed are not known. + </p> + <p> + 1803. c. 71. For improving the road to Brock’s gap. + </p> + <p> + 1805. c. 5. For improving the road to Clarksburg. c. 26. For opening a + road from Monongalia Glades to Fishing Creek. + </p> + <p> + 1813. c. 44. For opening a road from Thornton’s gap. + </p> + <p> + 5. Lotteries for the benefit of counties. + </p> + <p> + 1796. c. 78. To authorize a lottery in the county of Shenandoah. c. 84. To + authorize a lottery in the county of Gloucester. + </p> + <p> + 6. Lotteries for the benefit of towns. + </p> + <p> + 1782. c. 31. Richmond, for a bridge over Shockoe, amount not limited. + </p> + <p> + 1789. c. 75. Alexandria, to pave its streets, £1500. + </p> + <p> + 1790. c. 46. do. do. £5000. 1796. c. 79. Norfolk, one or more lotteries + authorized., c. 81. Petersburg, a lottery authorized. + </p> + <p> + 1803. c. 12. Woodstock, a lottery authorized c. 48. Fredericksburg, for + improving its main street. c. 73. Harrisonburg, for improving its streets. + </p> + <p> + 7. Lotteries for religious congregations. + </p> + <p> + 1785. c.lll. Completing a church in Winchester. For rebuilding a church in + the parish of Elizabeth River. + </p> + <p> + 1791. c. 69. For the benefit of the Episcopal society. + </p> + <p> + 1790. c. 46. For building a church in Warminster, £200. in Halifax, £200. + in Alexandria, £500. in Petersburg, £750. in Shepherdstown, £250. + </p> + <p> + 8. Lotteries for private societies. + </p> + <p> + 1790. c. 46. For the Amicable Society in Richmond, £1000. + </p> + <p> + 1791. c. 70. For building a Freemason’s hall in Charlotte, £750. + </p> + <p> + 9. Lotteries for the benefit of private individuals. [To raise money for + them.] + </p> + <p> + 1796. c. 80. For the sufferers by fire in the town of Lexington. + </p> + <p> + 1781. c. 6. For completing titles under Byrd’s lottery. + </p> + <p> + 1790. c. 46. To erect a paper-mill in Staunton, £300. To raise £2000 for + Nathaniel Twining. + </p> + <p> + 1791. c. 13. To raise £4000 for William Tatham, to enable him to complete + his geographical work. To enable————-to complete a + literary work.* + </p> + <p> + * I found such an act, but not noting it at the time, I have not been able + to find it again. But there is such an one. + </p> + <p> + We have seen, then, that every vocation in life is subject to the + influence of chance; that so far from being rendered immoral by the + admixture of that ingredient, were they abandoned on that account, man + could no longer subsist; that, among them, every one has a natural right + to choose that which he thinks most likely to give him comfortable + subsistence; but that while the greater number of these pursuits are + productive of something which adds to the necessaries and comforts of + life, others again, such as cards, dice, &ic, are entirely + unproductive, doing good to none, injury to many, yet so easy, and so + seducing in practice to men of a certain constitution of mind, that they + cannot resist the temptation, be the consequences what they may; that in + this case, as in those of insanity, idiocy, infancy, &c, it is the + duty of society to take them under its protection, even against their own + acts, and to restrain their right of choice of these pursuits, by + suppressing them entirely; that there are others, as lotteries + particularly, which, although liable to chance also, are useful for many + purposes, and are therefore retained and placed under the discretion of + the legislature, to be permitted or refused according to the circumstances + of every special case, of which they are to judge: that between the years + 1782 and 1820, a space of thirty-eight years only, we have observed + seventy case’s, where the permission of them has been found useful by the + legislature, some of which are in progress at this time. These cases + relate to the emolument of the whole State, to local benefits of + education, of navigation, of roads, of counties, towns, religious + assemblies, private societies, and of individuals under particular + circumstances which may claim indulgence or favor. The latter is the case + now submitted to the legislature, and the question is, whether the + individual soliciting their attention, or his situation, may merit that + degree of consideration, which will justify the legislature in permitting + him to avail himself of the mode of selling by lottery, for the purpose of + paying his debts. + </p> + <p> + That a fair price cannot be obtained by sale in the ordinary way, and in + the present depressed state of agricultural industry, is well known. Lands + in this State will not now sell for more than a third or fourth of what + they would have brought a few years ago, perhaps at the very time of the + contraction of the debts for which they are now to be sold. The low price + in foreign markets, for a series of years past, of agricultural produce, + of wheat generally, of tobacco most commonly, and the accumulation of + duties on the articles of consumption not produced within our State, not + only disable the farmer or planter from adding to his farm by purchase, + but reduce him to sell his own, and remove to the western country, + glutting the market he leave’s, while he lessens the number of bidders. To + be protected against this sacrifice is the object of the present + application, and whether the applicant has any particular claim to this + protection, is the present question. + </p> + <p> + Here the answer must be left to others. It is not for me to give it. I + may, however, more readily than others, suggest the offices in which I + have served. I came of age in 1764, and was soon put into the nomination + of justices of the county in which I live, and at the first election + following I became one of its representatives in the legislature. + </p> + <p> + I was thence sent to the old Congress. + </p> + <p> + Then employed two years, with Mr. Pendleton and Mr. Wythe, on the revisal + and reduction to a single code of the whole body of the British statutes, + the acts of our Assembly, and certain parts of the common law. + </p> + <p> + Then elected Governor. + </p> + <p> + Next to the legislature, and to Congress again. + </p> + <p> + Sent to Europe as Minister Plenipotentiary. + </p> + <p> + Appointed Secretary of State to the new government. + </p> + <p> + Elected Vice President, and + </p> + <p> + President. + </p> + <p> + And lastly, a Visitor and Rector of the University. + </p> + <p> + In these different offices, with scarcely any interval between them, I + have been in the public service now sixty-one years; and during the far + greater part of the time, in foreign countries or in other States. Every + one knows how inevitably a Virginia estate, goes to ruin, when the owner + is so far distant as to be unable to pay attention to it himself; and the + more especially, when the line of his employment is of a character to + abstract and alienate his mind entirely from the knowledge necessary to + good, and even to saving management. + </p> + <p> + If it were thought worth while to specify any particular services + rendered, I would refer to the specification of them made by the + legislature itself in their Farewell Address, on my retiring from the + Presidency, February, 1809. [This will be found in 2 Pleasant’s + Collection, page 144.] There is one, however, not therein specified, the + most important in its consequences, of any transaction in any portion of + my life; to wit, the head I personally made against the federal principles + and proceedings, during the administration of Mr. Adams. Their usurpations + and violations of the constitution at that period, and their majority in + both Houses of Congress, were so great, so decided, and so daring, that + after combating their aggressions, inch by inch, without being able in the + least to check their career, the republican leaders thought it would be + best for them to give up their useless efforts there, go home, get into + their respective legislatures, embody whatever of resistance they could be + formed into, and if ineffectual, to perish there as in the last ditch. + All, therefore, retired, leaving Mr. Gallatin alone in the House of + Representatives, and myself in the Senate, where I then presided as + Vice-President. Remaining at our posts, and bidding defiance to the + brow-beatings and insults by which they endeavored to drive us off also, + we kept the mass of republicans in phalanx together, until the + legislatures could be brought up to the charge; and nothing on earth is + more certain, than that if myself particularly, placed by my office of + Vice-President at the head of the republicans, had given way and withdrawn + from my post, the republicans throughout the Union would have given up in + despair, and the cause would have been lost for ever. By holding on, we + obtained time for the legislatures to come up with their weight; and those + of Virginia and Kentucky particularly, but more especially the former, by + their celebrated resolutions, saved the constitution, at its last gasp. No + person who was not a witness of the scenes of that gloomy period, can form + any idea of the afflicting persecutions and personal indignities we had to + brook. They saved our country however. The spirits of the people were so + much subdued and reduced to despair by the X. Y. Z. imposture, and other + stratagems and machinations, that they would have sunk into apathy and + monarchy, as the only form of government which could maintain itself. + </p> + <p> + If legislative services are worth mentioning, and the stamp of liberality + and equality, which was necessary to be impressed on our laws in the first + crisis of our birth as a nation, was of any value, they will find that the + leading and most important laws of that day were prepared by myself, and + carried chiefly by my efforts; supported, indeed, by able and faithful + coadjutors from the ranks of the House, very effective as seconds, but who + would not have taken the field as leaders. + </p> + <p> + The prohibition of the further importation of slaves, was the first of + these measures in time. + </p> + <p> + This was followed by the abolition of entails, which broke up the + hereditary and high-handed aristocracy, which, by accumulating immense + masses of property in single lines of families, had divided our country + into two distinct orders, of nobles and plebeians. + </p> + <p> + But further to complete the equality among our citizens so essential to + the maintenance of republican government, it was necessary to abolish the + principle of primogeniture. I drew the law of descents, giving equal + inheritance to sons and daughters which made a part of the revised code. + </p> + <p> + The attack on the establishment of a dominant religion, was first made by + myself. It could be carried at first only by a suspension of salaries for + one year, by battling it again at the next session for another year, and + so from year to year, until the public mind was ripened for the bill for + establishing religious freedom, which I had prepared for the revised code + also. This was at length established permanently, and by the efforts + chiefly of Mr. Madison, being myself in Europe at the time that work was + brought forward. + </p> + <p> + To these particular services, I think I might add the establishment of our + University, as principally my work, acknowledging at the same time, as I + do, the great assistance received from my able colleagues of the + Visitation. But my residence in the vicinity threw, of course, on me the + chief burthen of the enterprise, as well of the buildings, as of the + general organization and care of the whole. The effect of this institution + on the future fame, fortune, and prosperity of our country, can as yet be + seen but at a distance. But an hundred well educated youths, which it will + turn out annually, and ere long, will fill all its offices with men of + superior qualifications, and raise it from its humble state to an eminence + among its associates which it has never yet known; no, not in its + brightest days. That institution is now qualified to raise its youth to an + order of science unequalled in any other State; and this superiority will + be the greater from the free range of mind encouraged there, and the + restraint imposed at other seminaries by the shackles of a domineering + hierarchy, and a bigoted adhesion to ancient habits. Those now on the + theatre of affairs will enjoy the ineffable happiness of seeing themselves + succeeded by sons of a grade of science beyond their own ken. Our sister + States will also be repairing to the same fountains of instruction, will + bring hither their genius to be kindled at our fire, and will carry back + the fraternal affections which, nourished by the same alma mater, will + knit us to them by the indissoluble bonds of early personal friendships. + The good Old Dominion, the blessed mother of us all, will then raise her + head with pride among the nations, will present to them that splendor of + genius which she has ever possessed, but has too long suffered to rest + uncultivated and unknown, and will become a centre of ralliance to the + States whose youths she has instructed, and, as it were, adopted. + </p> + <p> + I claim some share in the merits of this great work of regeneration. My + whole labors, now for many years, have been devoted to it, and I stand + pledged to follow it up through the remnant of life remaining to me. And + what remuneration do I ask? Money from the treasury? Not a cent. I ask + nothing from the earnings or labors of my fellow-citizens. I wish no man’s + comforts to be abridged for the enlargement of mine. For the services + rendered on all occasions, I have been always paid to my full + satisfaction. I never wished a dollar more than what the law had fixed on. + My request is, only to be permitted to sell my own property freely to pay + my own debts. To sell it, I say, and not to sacrifice it, not to have it + gobbled up by speculators to make fortunes for themselves, leaving unpaid + those who have trusted to my good faith, and myself without resource in + the last and most helpless stage of life. If permitted to sell it in a way + which will bring me a fair price, all will be honestly and honorably paid, + and a competence left for myself, and for those who look to me for + subsistence. To sell it in a way which will offend no moral principle, and + expose none to risk but the willing, and those wishing to be permitted to + take the chance of gain. To give me, in short, that permission which you + often allow to others for purposes not more moral. + </p> + <p> + Will it be objected, that although not evil in itself, it may, as a + precedent, lead to evil? But let those who shall quote the precedent bring + their case within the same measure. Have they, as in this case, devoted + three-score years and one of their lives, uninterruptedly, to the service + of their country? Have the times of those services been as trying as those + which have embraced our Revolution, our transition from a colonial to a + free structure of government? Have the stations of their trial been of + equal importance? Has the share they have borne in holding their new + government to its genuine principles, been equally marked? And has the + cause of the distress, against which they seek a remedy, proceeded, not + merely from themselves, but from errors of the public authorities, + disordering the circulating medium, over which they had no control, and + which have, in fact, doubled and trebled debts, by reducing, in that + proportion, the value of the property which was to pay them? If all these + circumstances, which characterize the present case, have taken place in + theirs also, then follow the precedent. Be assured, the cases will be so + rare as to produce no embarrassment, as never to settle into an injurious + habit. The single feature of a sixty years’ service, as no other instance + of it has yet occurred in our country, so it probably never may again. And + should it occur, even once and again, it will not impoverish your + treasury, as it takes nothing from that, and asks but a simple permission, + by an act of natural right, to do one of moral justice. + </p> + <p> + In the ‘Thoughts on Lotteries,’ the following paper is referred to. It is + here copied to spare the trouble of seeking for the-book. + </p> + <p> + <i>Farewell Address To Th: Jefferson, President Of The United States</i>. + </p> + <p> + [Agreed to by both Houses, February 7, 1809.] + </p> + <p> + Sir, The General Assembly of your native State cannot close their session, + without acknowledging your services in the office which you are just about + to lay down, and bidding you a respectful and affectionate farewell. + </p> + <p> + We have to thank you for the model of an administration conducted on the + purest principles of republicanism; for pomp and state laid aside; + patronage discarded; internal taxes abolished; a host of superfluous + officers disbanded; the monarchic maxim that ‘a national debt is a + national blessing,’ renounced, and more than thirty-three millions of our + debt discharged; the native right to nearly one hundred millions of acres + of our national domain extinguished; and, without the guilt or calamities + of conquest, a vast and, fertile region added to our country, far more + extensive than her original possessions, bringing along with it the + Mississippi and the port of Orleans, the trade of the west to the Pacific + Ocean, and in the intrinsic value of the land itself, a source of + permanent and almost inexhaustible revenue. These are points in your + administration which the historian will not fail to seize, to expand, and + teach posterity to dwell upon with delight. Nor will he forget our peace + with the civilized world, preserved through a season of uncommon + difficulty and trial; the good-will cultivated with the unfortunate + aborigines of our country, and the civilization humanely extended among + them; the lesson taught the inhabitants of the coast of Barbary, that we + have the means of chastising their piratical encroachments, and awing them + into justice; and that theme, on which, above all others, the historic + genius will hang with rapture, the liberty of speech and of the press, + preserved inviolate, without which genius and science are given to man in + vain. + </p> + <p> + In the principles on which you have administered the government, we see + only the continuation and maturity of the same virtues and abilities, + which drew upon you in your youth the resentment of Dunmore. From the + first brilliant and happy moment of your resistance to foreign tyranny, + until the present day, we mark with pleasure and with gratitude the same + uniform, consistent character, the same warm and devoted attachment to + liberty and the republic, the same Roman love of your country, her rights, + her peace, her honor, her prosperity. + </p> + <p> + How blessed will be the retirement into which you are about to go! How + deservedly blessed will it be! For you carry with you the richest of all + rewards, the recollection of a life well spent in the service of your + country, and proofs the most decisive, of the love, the gratitude, the + veneration of your countrymen. + </p> + <p> + That your retirement may be as happy as your life has been virtuous and + useful; that our youth may see, in the blissful close of your days, an + additional inducement to form themselves on your model, is the devout and + earnest prayer of your fellow-citizens who compose the General Assembly of + Virginia. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0193" id="link2H_4_0193"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXCII.—TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, March 30, 1826 + </h2> + <p> + TO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. + </p> + <p> + Monticello, March 30, 1826. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + I am thankful for the very interesting message and documents of which you + have been so kind as to send me a copy, and will state my recollections as + to the particular passage of the message to which you ask my attention. On + the conclusion of peace, Congress, sensible of their right to assume + independence, would not condescend to ask its acknowledgment from other + nations, yet were willing, by some of the ordinary international + transactions, to receive what would imply that acknowledgment. They + appointed commissioners, therefore, to propose treaties of commerce to the + principal nations of Europe. I was then a member of Congress, was of the + committee appointed to prepare instructions for the commissioners, was, as + you suppose, the draughtsman of those actually agreed to, and was joined + with your father and Doctor Franklin to carry them into execution. But the + stipulations making part of these instructions, which respected + privateering, blockades, contraband, and freedom of the fisheries, were + not original conceptions of mine. They had before been suggested by Doctor + Franklin, in some of his papers in possession of the public, and had I + think, been recommended in some letter of his to Congress I happen only to + have been the inserter of them in the first public act which gave the + formal sanction of a public authority. We accordingly proposed our + treaties, containing these stipulations, to the principal governments of + Europe. But we were then just emerged from a subordinate condition; the + nations had as yet known nothing of us and had not yet reflected on the + relations which it might be their interest to establish with us. Most of + them, therefore, listened to our propositions with coyness and reserve; + old Frederic alone closing with us without hesitation. The negotiator of + Portugal, indeed, signed a treaty with us, which his government did not + ratify, and Tuscany was near a final agreement. Becoming sensible, + however, ourselves, that we should do nothing with the greater powers, we + thought it better not to hamper our country with engagements to those of + less significance, and suffered our powers to expire without closing any + other negotiation. Austria soon after became desirous of a treaty with us, + and her ambassador pressed it often on me; but our commerce with her being + no object, I evaded her repeated invitations. Had these governments been + then apprized of the station we should so soon occupy among nations, all, + I believe, would have met us promptly and with frankness. These principles + would then have been established with all, and from being the conventional + law with us alone, would have slid into their engagements with one + another, and become general. These are the facts within my recollection. + They have not yet got into written history; but their adoption by our + southern brethren will bring them into observance, and make them, what + they should be, a part of the law of the world and of the reformation of + principles for which they will be indebted to us. I pray you to accept the + homage of my friendly and high consideration. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0194" id="link2H_4_0194"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTER CXCIII.—TO MR. WEIGHTMAN, June 24, 1826 + </h2> + <h3> + TO MR. WEIGHTMAN. + </h3> + <p> + Monticello, June 24, 1826. + </p> + <p> + Respected Sir, + </p> + <p> + The kind invitation I receive from you, on the part of the citizens of the + city of Washington, to be present with them at their celebration on the + fiftieth anniversary of American Independence, as one of the surviving + signers of an instrument pregnant with our own, and the fate of the world, + is most flattering to myself, and heightened by the honorable + accompaniment proposed for the comfort of such a journey. It adds sensibly + to the sufferings of sickness, to be deprived by it of a personal + participation in the rejoicings of that day. But acquiescence is a duty, + under circumstances not placed among those we are permitted to control. I + should indeed, with peculiar delight, have met and exchanged there + congratulations personally with the small band, the remnant of that host + of worthies, who joined with us on that day, in the bold and doubtful + election we were to make for our country, between submission or the sword; + and to have enjoyed with them the consolatory fact, that our + fellow-citizens, after half a century of experience and prosperity, + continue to approve the choice we made. May it be to the world, what I + believe it will be (to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to + all), the signal of arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish + ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to + assume the blessings and security of self-government. That form which we + have substituted, restores the free right to the unbounded exercise of + reason and freedom of opinion. All eyes are opened, or opening, to the + rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid + open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not + been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and + spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God. These are + grounds of hope for others. For ourselves, let the annual return of this + day for ever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an + undiminished devotion to them. + </p> + <p> + I will ask permission here to express the pleasure with which I should + have met my ancient neighbors of the city of Washington and its + vicinities, with whom I passed so many years of a pleasing social + intercourse; an intercourse which so much relieved the anxieties of the + public cares, and left impressions so deeply engraved in my affections, as + never to be forgotten. With my regret that ill health forbids me the + gratification of an acceptance, be pleased to receive for yourself, and + those for whom you write, the assurance of my highest respect and friendly + attachments. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <hr /> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0195" id="link2H_4_0195"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ANA.—EXPLANATION OF THE THREE VOLUMES BOUND IN MARBLED PAPER + </h2> + <p> + <i>Explanation of the Three Volumes bound in Marbled Paper</i>.* + </p> + <p> + In these three volumes will be found copies of the official opinions given + in writing by me to General Washington, while I was Secretary of State, + with sometimes the documents belonging to the case. Some of these are the + rough draughts, some press copies, some fair ones. In the earlier part of + my acting in that office, I took no other note of the passing + transactions; but after a while, I saw the importance of doing it in aid + of my memory. Very often, therefore, I made memorandums on loose scraps of + paper, taken out of my pocket in the moment, and laid by to be copied fair + at leisure, which, however, they hardly ever were. These scraps, + therefore, ragged, rubbed, and scribbled as they were, I had bound with + the others by a binder, who came into my cabinet, did it under my own eye, + and without the opportunity of reading a single paper. At this day, after + the lapse of twenty-five years, or more, from their dates, I have given to + the whole a calm revisal, when the passions of the time are passed away, + and the reasons of the transactions act alone on the judgment. Some of the + informations I had recorded, are now cut out from the rest, because I have + seen that they were incorrect, or doubtful, or merely personal or private, + with which we have nothing to do. I should perhaps have thought the rest + not worth preserving, but for their testimony against the only history of + that period, which pretends to have been compiled from authentic and + unpublished documents. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + [* These are the volumes containing the Ana to the time that the Author + retired from the office of Secretary of State. The official opinions and + documents referred to, being very voluminous, are for the most part + omitted, to make room for the conversations which the same volumes + comprise.] + </p> + <p> + But a short review of facts ***** will show, that the contests of that day + were contests of principle between the advocates of republican, and those + of kingly government, and that, had not the former made the efforts they + did, our government would have been even at this early day, a very + different thing from what the successful issue of those efforts have made + it. + </p> + <p> + The alliance between the States under the old Articles of Confederation, + for the purpose of joint defence against the aggressions of Great Britain, + was found insufficient, as treaties of alliance generally are, to enforce + compliance with their mutual stipulations; and these, once fulfilled, that + bond was to expire of itself, and each State to become sovereign and + independent in all things. Yet, it could not but occur to every one, that + these separate independencies, like the petty States of Greece, would be + eternally at war with each other, and would become at length the mere + partisans and satellites of the leading powers of Europe. All, then, must + have looked forward to some further bond of union, which would insure + internal peace, and a political system of our own, independent of that of + Europe. Whether all should be consolidated into a single government, or + each remain independent as to internal matters, and the whole form a + single nation as to what was foreign only, and whether that national + government should be a monarchy or republic, would of course divide + opinions, according to the constitutions, the habits, and the + circumstances of each individual. Some officers of the army, as it has + always been said and believed, (and Steuben and Knox have ever been named + as the leading agents,) trained to monarchy by military habits, are + understood to have proposed to General Washington, to decide this great + question by the army before its disbandment, and to assume himself the + crown, on the assurance of their support. The indignity with which he is + said to have scouted this parricide proposition, was equally worthy of his + virtue and wisdom. The next effort was, (on suggestion of the same + individuals, in the moment of their separation,) the establishment of an + hereditary order, under the name of the Cincinnati, ready prepared by that + distinction to be engrafted into the future frame of government, and + placing General Washington still at their head. The General wrote to me on + this subject, while I was in Congress at Annapolis, and an extract from my + letter is inserted in 5th Marshall’s History, page 28. He afterwards + called on me at that place, on his way to a meeting of the society, and + after a whole evening of consultation, he left that place fully determined + to use all his endeavors for its total suppression. But he found it so + firmly riveted in the affections of the members, that, strengthened as + they happened to be by an adventitious occurrence of the moment, he could + effect no more than the abolition of its hereditary principle. He called + again on his return, and explained to me fully the opposition which had + been made, the effect of the occurrence from France, and the difficulty + with which its duration had been limited to the lives of the present + members. Further details will be found among my papers, in his and my + letters, and some in the <i>Encyclopédic Méthodique et Dictionnaire + d’Economic Politique</i>, communicated by myself to M. Meusnier, its + author, who had made the establishment of this society the ground, in that + work, of a libel on our country. + </p> + <p> + The want of some authority which should procure justice to the public + creditors, and an observance of treaties with foreign nations, produced, + some time after, the call of a convention of the States at Annapolis. + Although, at this meeting, a difference of opinion was evident on the + question of a republican or kingly government, yet, so general through the + States was the sentiment in favor of the former, that the friends of the + latter confined themselves to a course of obstruction only, and delay, to + every thing proposed; they hoped, that nothing being done, and all things + going from bad to worse, a kingly government might be usurped, and + submitted to by the people, as better than anarchy and wars, internal and + external, the certain consequences of the present want of a general + government. The effect of their manoeuvres, with the defective attendance + of Deputies from the States, resulted in the measure of calling a more + general convention, to be held at Philadelphia. At this the same party + exhibited the same practices, and with the same views of preventing a + government of concord, which they foresaw would be republican, and of + forcing: through anarchy their way to monarchy. But the mass of that + convention was too honest, too wise, and too steady, to be baffled and + misled by their manoeuvres. One of these was a form of government proposed + by Colonel Hamilton, which would have been in fact a compromise between + the two parties of royalism and republicanism. According to this, the + executive and one branch of the legislature were to be during good + behavior, i.e. for life, and the governors of the States were to be named + by these two permanent organs. This, however, was rejected; on which + Hamilton left the convention, as desperate, and never returned again until + near its final conclusion. These opinions and efforts, secret or avowed, + of the advocates for monarchy, had begotten great jealousy through the + States generally; and this jealousy it was, which excited the strong + opposition to the conventional constitution; a jealousy which yielded at + last only to a general determination to establish certain amendments, as + barriers against a government either monarchical or consolidated. In what + passed through the whole period of these conventions, I have gone on the + information of those who were members of them, being absent myself on my + mission to France. + </p> + <p> + I returned from that mission in the first year of the new government, + having landed in Virginia in December, 1789, and proceeded to New York in + March, 1790, to enter on the office of Secretary of State. Here, + certainly, I found a state of things which, of all I had ever + contemplated, I the least expected. I had left France in the first year of + her revolution, in the fervor of natural rights, and zeal for reformation. + My conscientious devotion to these rights could not be heightened, but it + had been aroused and excited by daily exercise. The President received me + cordially, and my colleagues and the circle of principal citizens, + apparently with welcome. The courtesies of dinner-parties given me, as a + stranger newly arrived among them, placed me at once in their familiar + society. But I cannot describe the wonder and mortification with which the + table conversations filled me. Politics were the chief topic, and a + preference of kingly over republican government, was evidently the + favorite sentiment. An apostate I could not be, nor yet a hypocrite; and I + found myself, for the most part, the only advocate on the republican side + of the question, unless among the guests there chanced to be some member + of that party from the legislative Houses. Hamilton’s financial system had + then passed. It had two objects; 1. as a puzzle, to exclude popular + understanding and inquiry; 2. as a machine for the corruption of the + legislature: for he avowed the opinion, that man could be governed by one + of two motives only, force or interest: force, he observed, in this + country, was out of the question, and the interests, therefore, of the + members must be laid hold of, to keep the legislature in unison with the + executive. And with grief and shame it must be acknowledged that his + machine was not without effect; that even in this, the birth of our + government, some members were found sordid enough to bend their duty, to + their interests, and to look after personal rather than public good. + </p> + <p> + It is well known that during the war, the greatest difficulty we + encountered, was the want of money or means to pay our soldiers who + fought, or our farmers, manufacturers, and merchants, who furnished the + necessary supplies of food and clothing for them. After the expedient of + paper money had exhausted itself, certificates of debt were given to the + individual creditors, with assurance of payment, so soon as the United + States should be able. But the distresses of these people often obliged + them to part with these for the half, the fifth, and even a tenth of their + value; and speculators had made a trade of cozening them from the holders, + by the most fraudulent practices, and persuasions that they would never be + paid. In the bill for funding and paying these, Hamilton made no + difference between the original holders, and the fraudulent purchasers of + this paper. Great and just repugnance arose at putting these two classes + of creditors on the same footing, and great exertions were used to pay the + former the full value, and to the latter, the price only which they had + paid, with interest. But this would have prevented the game which was to + be played, and for which the minds of greedy members were already tutored + and prepared. When the trial of strength, on these several efforts, had + indicated the form in which the bill would finally pass, this being known + within doors sooner than without, and especially, than to those who were + in distant parts of the Union, the base scramble began. Couriers and + relay-horses by land, and swift-sailing pilot-boats by sea, were flying in + all directions. Active partners and agents were associated and employed in + every State, town, and country neighborhood, and this paper was bought up + at five shillings, and even as low as two shillings in the pound, before + the holder knew that Congress had already provided for its redemption at + par. Immense sums were thus filched from the poor and ignorant, and + fortunes accumulated by those who had themselves been poor enough before. + Men thus enriched by the dexterity of a leader, would follow of course the + chief who was leading them to fortune, and become the zealous instruments + of all his enterprises. + </p> + <p> + This game was over, and another was on the carpet at the moment of my + arrival; and to this I was most ignorantly and innocently made to hold the + candle. This fiscal manoeuvre is well known by the name of the Assumption. + Independently of the debts of Congress, the States had, during the war, + contracted separate and heavy debts; and Massachusetts particularly, in an + absurd attempt, absurdly conducted, on the British post of Penobscot: and + the more debt Hamilton could rake up, the more plunder for his + mercenaries. This money, whether wisely or foolishly spent, was pretended + to have been spent for general purposes, and ought, therefore, to be paid + from the general purse. But it was objected, that nobody knew what these + debts were, what their amount, or what their proofs. No matter; we will + guess them to be twenty millions. But of these twenty millions, we do not + know how much should be reimbursed to one State, or how much to another. + No matter; we will guess. And so another scramble was set on foot among + the several States, and some got much, some little, some nothing. But the + main object was obtained, the phalanx of the Treasury was reinforced by + additional recruits. This measure produced the most bitter and angry + contests ever known in Congress, before or since the Union of the States. + I arrived in the midst of it. But a stranger to the ground, a stranger to + the actors on it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the + subject, and as yet unaware of its object, I took no concern in it. The + great and trying question, however, was lost in the House of + Representatives. So high were the feuds excited by this subject, that on + its rejection business was suspended. Congress met and adjourned from day + to day without doing any thing, the parties being too much out of temper + to do business together. The eastern members particularly, who, with Smith + from South Carolina, were the principal gamblers in these scenes, + threatened a secession and dissolution. Hamilton was in despair. As I was + going to the President’s one day, I met him in the street. He walked me + backwards and forwards before the President’s door for half an hour. He + painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had been + wrought; the disgust of those who were called the creditor States; the + danger of the secession of their members, and the separation of the + States. He observed that the members of the administration ought to act in + concert; that though this question was not of my department, yet a common + duty should make it a common concern; that the President was the centre on + which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us + should rally around him, and support, with joint efforts, measures + approved by him; and that the question having been lost by a small + majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and + discretion of some of my friends, might effect a change in the vote, and + the machine of government, now suspended, might be again set into motion. + I told him that I was really a stranger to the whole subject; that not + having yet informed myself of the system of finance adopted, I knew not + how far this was a necessary sequence; that undoubtedly, if its rejection + endangered a dissolution of our Union at this incipient stage, I should + deem that the most unfortunate of all consequences, to avert which all + partial and temporary evils should be yielded. I proposed to him, however, + to dine with me the next day, and I would invite another friend or two, + bring them into conference together, and I thought it impossible that + reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual + sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which was to save the Union. + The discussion took place. I could take no part in it but an exhortatory + one, because I was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. + But it was finally agreed, that whatever importance had been attached to + the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of the Union and of + concord among the States was more important, and that therefore it would + be better that the vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which, + some members should change their votes. But it was observed that this pill + would be peculiarly bitter to the Southern States, and that some + concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. + There had before been propositions to fix the seat of government either at + Philadelphia, or at Georgetown on the Potomac; and it was thought that by + giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and to Georgetown permanently + afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree the ferment + which might be excited by the other measure alone. So two of the Potomac + members (White and Lee, but White with a revulsion of stomach almost + convulsive,) agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton undertook to carry + the other point. In doing this, the influence he had established over the + eastern members, with the agency of Robert Morris with those of the middle + States, effected his side of the engagement; and so the Assumption was + passed, and twenty millions of stock divided among favored States, and + thrown in as a pabulum to the stock-jobbing herd. This added to the number + of votaries to the Treasury, and made its chief the master of every vote + in the legislature, which might give to the government the direction + suited to his political views. + </p> + <p> + I know well, and so must be understood, that nothing like a majority in + Congress had yielded to this corruption. Far from it. But a division, not + very unequal, had already taken place in the honest part of that body, + between the parties styled republican and federal. The latter being + monarchists in principle, adhered to Hamilton of course, as their leader + in that principle, and this mercenary phalanx added to them, insured him + always a majority in both Houses: so that the whole action of the + legislature was now under the direction of the Treasury. Still the machine + was not complete. The effect of the funding system, and of the Assumption, + would be temporary; it would be lost with the loss of the individual + members whom it had enriched, and some engine of influence more permanent + must be contrived, while these myrmidons were yet in place to carry it + through all opposition. This engine was the Bank of the United States. All + that history is known, so I shall say nothing about it. While the + government remained at Philadelphia, a selection of members of both Houses + were constantly kept as directors, who, on every question interesting to + that institution, or to the views of the federal head, voted at the will + of that head; and, together with the stock-holding members, could always + make the federal vote that of the majority. By this combination, + legislative expositions were given to the constitution, and all the + administrative laws were shaped on the model of England and so passed. And + from this influence we were not relieved, until the removal from the + precincts of the bank, to Washington. Here then was the real ground of the + opposition which was made to the course of administration. Its object was + to preserve the legislature pure and independent of the executive, to + restrain, the administration to republican forms and principles, and not + permit the constitution to be construed into a monarchy, and to be warped, + in practice, into all the principles and pollutions of their favorite + English model. Nor was this an opposition to General Washington. He was + true to the republican charge confided to him; and has solemnly and + repeatedly protested to me, in our conversations, that he would lose the + last drop of his blood in support of it; and he did this the oftener and + with the more earnestness, because he knew my suspicions of Hamilton’s + designs against it, and wished to quiet them. For he was not aware of the + drift, or of the effect of Hamilton’s schemes. Unversed in financial + projects and calculations and budgets, his approbation of them was + bottomed on his confidence in the man. + </p> + <p> + But Hamilton was not only a monarchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on + corruption. In proof of this, I will relate an anecdote, for the truth of + which I attest the God who made me. Before the President set out on his + southern tour in April, 1791, he addressed a letter of the fourth of that + month, from Mount Vernon, to the Secretaries of State, Treasury, and War, + desiring that if any serious and important cases should arise during his + absence, they would consult and act on them. And he requested that the + Vice-President should also be consulted. This was the only occasion on + which that officer was ever requested to take part in a cabinet question. + Some occasion for consultation arising, I invited those gentlemen (and the + Attorney General, as well as I remember,) to dine with me, in order to + confer on the subject. After the cloth was removed, and our question + agreed and dismissed, conversation began on other matters, and, by some + circumstance, was led to the British constitution, on which Mr. Adams + observed, ‘Purge that constitution of its corruption, and give to its + popular branch equality of representation, and it would be the most + perfect constitution ever devised by the wit of man.’ Hamilton paused and + said, ‘Purge it of its corruption, and give to its popular branch equality + of representation, and it would become an impracticable government: as it + stands at present, with all its supposed defects, it is the most perfect + government which ever existed.’ And this was assuredly the exact line + which separated the political creeds of these two gentlemen. The one was + for two hereditary branches and an honest elective one: the other, for an + hereditary King, with a House of Lords and Commons corrupted to his will, + and standing between him and the people. Hamilton was, indeed, a singular + character. Of acute understanding, disinterested, honest, and honorable in + all private transactions, amiable in society, and duly valuing virtue in + private life, yet so bewitched and perverted by the British example, as to + be under thorough conviction that corruption was essential to the + government of a nation. Mr. Adams had originally been a republican. The + glare of royalty and nobility, during his mission to England, had made him + believe their fascination a necessary ingredient in government; and + Shays’s rebellion, not sufficiently understood where he then was, seemed + to prove that the absence of want and oppression, was not a sufficient + guarantee of order. His book on the American Constitutions having made + known his political bias, he was taken up by the monarchical federalists + in his absence, and, on his return to the United States, he was by them + made to believe that the general disposition of our citizens was favorable + to monarchy. He here wrote his Davila, as a supplement to the former work, + and his election to the Presidency confirmed him in his errors. + Innumerable addresses too, artfully and industriously poured in upon him, + deceived him into a confidence that he was on the pinnacle of popularity, + when the gulph was yawning at his feet, which was to swallow up him and + his deceivers. For when General Washington was withdrawn, these <i>energumeni</i> + of royalism, kept in check hitherto by the dread of his honesty, his + firmness, his patriotism, and the authority of his name, now mounted on + the car of State and free from control, like Phaeton on that of the sun, + drove headlong and wild, looking neither to right nor left, nor regarding + any thing but the objects they were driving at; until, displaying these + fully, the eyes of the nation were opened, and a general disbandment of + them from the public councils took place. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Adams, I am sure, has been long since convinced of the treacheries + with which he was surrounded during his administration. He has since + thoroughly seen, that his constituents were devoted to republican + government, and whether his judgment is resettled on its ancient basis, or + not, he is conformed as a good citizen to the will of the majority, and + would now, I am persuaded, maintain its republican structure with the zeal + and fidelity belonging to his character. For even an enemy has said, ‘He + is always an honest man, and often a great one.’ But in the fervor of the + fury and follies of those who made him their stalking-horse, no man who + did not witness it can form an idea of their unbridled madness, and the + terrorism with which they surrounded themselves. The horrors of the French + revolution, then raging, aided them mainly, and using that as a raw-head + and bloody-bones, they were enabled by their stratagems of X. Y. Z. in + which ——— was a leading mountebank, their tales of + tub-plots, ocean-massacres, bloody-buoys, and pulpit-lyings and + slanderings, and maniacal ravings of their Gardiners, their Osgoods, and + Parishes, to spread alarm into all but the firmest breasts. Their Attorney + General had the impudence to say to a republican member, that deportation + must be resorted to, of which, said he, ‘you republicans have set the + example’; thus daring to identify us with the murderous Jacobins of + France. These transactions, now recollected but as dreams of the night, + were then sad realities; and nothing rescued us from their liberticide + effect, but the unyielding opposition of those firm spirits who sternly + maintained their post in defiance of terror, until their fellow-citizens + could be aroused to their own danger, and rally and rescue the standard of + the constitution. This has been happily done. Federalism and monarchism + have languished from that moment, until their treasonable combinations + with the enemies of their country during the late war, their plots of + dismembering the Union, and their Hartford Convention, have consigned them + to the tomb of the dead: and I fondly hope, ‘we may now truly say, We are + all republicans, all federalists,’ and that the motto of the standard to + which our country will for ever rally, will be, ‘Federal union, and + republican government’: and sure I am we may say, that we are indebted for + the preservation of this point of ralliance, to that opposition of which + so injurious an idea is so artfully insinuated and excited in this + history. + </p> + <p> + Much of this relation is notorious to the world; and many intimate proofs + of it will be found in these notes. From the moment where they end, of my + retiring from the administration, the federalists * got unchecked hold of + General Washington. His memory was already sensibly impaired by age, the + firm tone of mind for which he had been remarkable, was beginning to + relax, its energy was abated, a listlessness of labor, a desire for + tranquillity had crept on him, and a willingness to let others act, and + even think for him. Like the rest of mankind, he was disgusted with + atrocities of the French revolution, and was not sufficiently aware of the + difference between the rabble who were used as instruments of their + perpetration, and the steady and rational character of the American + people, in which he had not sufficient confidence. The opposition too of + the republicans to the British treaty, and the zealous support of the + federalists in that unpopular but favorite measure of theirs, had made him + all their own. Understanding, moreover, that I disapproved of that treaty, + and copiously nourished with falsehoods by a malignant neighbor of mine, + who ambitioned to be his correspondent, he had become alienated from + myself personally, as from the republican body generally of his + fellow-citizens; and he wrote the letters to Mr. Adams and Mr. Carroll, + over which, in devotion to his imperishable fame, we must for ever weep as + monuments of mortal decay. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. February 4th, 1818. + </p> + <p> + * See conversation with General Washington, of October 1,1792, + </p> + <p> + **** + </p> + <p> + August the 13th, 1791. Notes of a conversation between Alexander Hamilton + and Thomas Jefferson. Th: Jefferson mentioned to him a letter received + from John Adams, disavowing Publicola, and denying that he ever + entertained a wish to bring this country under an hereditary executive, or + introduce an hereditary branch of legislature, &c. See his letter. + Alexander Hamilton condemning Mr. Adams’s writings, and most particularly + Davila, as having a tendency to weaken the present government, declared in + substance as follows: ‘I own it is my own opinion, though I do not publish + it in Dan or Beersheba, that the present government is not that which will + answer the ends of society, by giving stability and protection to its + rights, and that it will probably be found expedient to go into the + British form. However, since we have undertaken the experiment, I am for + giving it a fair course, whatever my expectations may be. The success, + indeed, so far, is greater than I had expected, and therefore, at present, + success seems more possible than it had done heretofore, and there are + still other and other stages of improvement, which, if the present does + not succeed, may be tried, and ought to be tried, before we give up the + republican form altogether; for that mind must be really depraved, which + would not prefer the equality of political rights, which is the foundation + of pure republicanism, if it can be obtained consistently with order. + Therefore, whoever by his writings disturbs the present order of things, + is really blameable, however pure his intentions may be, and he was sure + Mr. Adams’s were pure.’ This is the substance of a declaration made in + much more lengthy terms, and which seemed to be more formal than usual for + a private conversation between two, and as if intended to qualify some + less guarded expressions which had been dropped on former occasions. Th: + Jefferson has committed it to writing in the moment of A. Hamilton’s + leaving the room. + </p> + <p> + December the 25th, 1791. Colonel Gunn (of Georgia), dining the other day + with Colonel Hamilton, said to him, with that plain freedom he is known to + use, ‘I wish, Sir, you would advise your friend King to observe some kind + of consistency in his votes. There has been scarcely a question before the + Senate on which he has not voted both ways. On the representation bill, + for instance, he first voted for the proposition of the Representatives, + and ultimately voted against it.’ ‘Why,’ says Colonel Hamilton, ‘I ‘ll + tell you as to that, Colonel Gunn, that it never was intended that bill + should pass.’ Gunn told this to Butler, who told it to Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + CONVERSATIONS WITH THE PRESIDENT. + </p> + <p> + February the 28th, 1792. I was to have been with him long enough before + three o’clock (which was the hour and day he received visits) to have + opened to him a proposition for doubling the velocity of the post-riders, + who now travel about fifty miles a day, and might, without difficulty, go + one hundred, and for taking measures (by way-bills) to know where the + delay is, when there is any. I was delayed by business, so as to have + scarcely time to give him the outlines. I run over them rapidly, and + observed afterwards, that I had hitherto never spoken to him on the + subject of the post-office, not knowing whether it was considered as a + revenue law, or a law for the general accommodation of the citizens: that + the law just passed seemed to have removed the doubt, by declaring that + the whole profits of the office should be applied to extending the posts, + and that even the past profits should be refunded by the Treasury for the + same purpose: that I therefore conceived it was now in the department of + the Secretary of State: that I thought it would be advantageous so to + declare it for another reason, to wit, that the department of the Treasury + possessed already such an influence as to swallow up the whole executive + powers, and that even the future Presidents (not supported by the weight + of character which himself possessed) would not be able to make head + against this department. That in urging this measure I had certainly no + personal interest, since, if I was supposed to have any appetite for + power, yet, as my career would certainly be exactly as short as his own, + the intervening time was too short to be an object. My real wish was to + avail the public of every occasion, during the residue of the President’s + period, to place things on a safe footing. He was now called on to attend + his company, and he desired me to come and breakfast with him the next + morning. + </p> + <p> + February the 29th. I did so; and after breakfast we retired to his room, + and I unfolded my plan for the post-office, and after such an approbation + of it as he usually permitted himself on the first presentment of any + idea, and desiring me to commit it to writing, he, during that pause of + conversation which follows a business closed, said, in an affectionate + tone, that he had felt much concern at an expression which dropped from me + yesterday, and which marked my intention of retiring when he should. That + as to himself, many motives obliged him to it. He had, through the whole + course of the war, and most particularly at the close of it, uniformly + declared his resolution to retire from public affairs, and never to act in + any public office; that he had retired under that firm resolution: that + the government however, which had been formed, being found evidently too + inefficacious, and it being supposed that his aid was of some consequence + towards bringing the people to consent to one of sufficient efficacy for + their own good, he consented to come into the convention, and on the same + motive, after much pressing, to take a part in the new government, and get + it under way. That were he to continue longer, it might give room to say, + that having tasted the sweets of office, he could not do without them: + that he really felt himself growing old, his bodily health less firm, his + memory, always bad, becoming worse, and perhaps the other faculties of his + mind showing a decay to others of which he was insensible himself; that + this apprehension particularly oppressed him: that he found, moreover, his + activity lessened, business therefore more irksome, and tranquillity and + retirement become an irresistible passion. That, however he felt himself + obliged, for these reasons, to retire from the government, yet he should + consider it as unfortunate, if that should bring on the retirement of the + great officers of the government, and that this might produce a shock on + the public mind of dangerous consequence. + </p> + <p> + I told him that no man had ever had less desire of entering into public + offices than myself; that the circumstance of a perilous war, which + brought every thing into danger, and called for all the services which + every citizen could render, had induced me to undertake the administration + of the government of Virginia; that I had both before and after refused + repeated appointments of Congress to go abroad in that sort of office, + which, if I had consulted my own gratification, would always have been the + most agreeable to me; that at the end of two years, I resigned the + government of Virginia, and retired with a firm resolution never more to + appear in public life; that a domestic loss, however, happened, and made + me fancy that absence and a change of scene for a time might be expedient + for me; that I therefore accepted a foreign appointment, limited to two + years; that at the close of that, Doctor Franklin having left France, I + was appointed to supply his place, which I had accepted, and though I + continued in it three or four years, it was under the constant idea of + remaining only a year or two longer; that the revolution in France coming + on, I had so interested myself in the event of that, that when obliged to + bring my family home, I had still an idea of returning and awaiting the + close of that, to fix the era of my final retirement; that on my arrival + here I found he had appointed me to my present office; that he knew I had + not come into it without some reluctance; that it was, on my part, a + sacrifice of inclination to the opinion that I might be more serviceable + here than in France, and with a firm resolution in my mind, to indulge my + constant wish for retirement at no very distant day; that when, therefore, + I had received his letter, written from Mount Vernon, on his way to + Carolina and Georgia (April the 1st, 1791), and discovered, from an + expression in that, that he meant to retire from the government ere long, + and as to the precise epoch there could be no doubt, my mind was + immediately made up, to make that the epoch of my own retirement from + those labors of which I was heartily tired. That, however, I did not + believe there was any idea in either of my brethren in the administration + of retiring; that on the contrary, I had perceived at a late meeting of + the trustees of the sinking fund, that the Secretary of the Treasury had + developed the plan he intended to pursue, and that it embraced years in + its view. + </p> + <p> + He said, that he considered the Treasury department as a much more limited + one, going only to the single object of revenue, while that of the + Secretary of State, embracing nearly all the objects of administration, + was much more important, and the retirement of the officer therefore, + would be more noticed: that though the government had set out with a + pretty general good will of the public, yet that symptoms of + dissatisfaction had lately shown themselves far beyond what he could have + expected, and to what height these might arise, in case of too great a + change in the administration, could not be foreseen. + </p> + <p> + I told him that in my opinion, there was only a single source of these + discontents. Though they had indeed appeared to spread themselves over the + War department also, yet I considered that as an overflowing only from + their real channel, which would never have taken place, if they had not + first been generated in another department, to wit, that of the Treasury. + That a system had there been contrived, for deluging the States with + paper-money instead of gold and silver, for withdrawing our citizens from + the pursuits of commerce, manufactures, buildings, and other branches of + useful industry, to occupy themselves and their capitals in a species of + gambling, destructive of morality, and which had introduced its poison + into the government itself. That it was a fact, as certainly known as that + he and I were then conversing, that particular members of the legislature, + while those laws were on the carpet, had feathered their nests with paper, + had then voted for the laws, and constantly since lent all the energy of + their talents, and instrumentality of their offices, to the establishment + and enlargement of this system; that they had chained it about our necks + for a great length of time, and in order to keep the game in their hands, + had, from time to time, aided in making such legislative constructions of + the constitution, as made it a very different thing from what the people + thought they had submitted to; that they had now brought forward a + proposition far beyond every one ever yet advanced, and to which the eyes + of many were turned, as the decision which was to let us know, whether we + live under a limited or an unlimited government. He asked me to what + proposition I alluded; I answered, to that in the report on manufactures, + which, under color of giving bounties for the encouragement of particular + manufactures, meant to establish the doctrine, that the power given by the + constitution to collect taxes to provide for the general welfare of the + United States, permitted Congress to take every thing under their + management which they should deem for the public welfare, and which is + susceptible of the application of money; consequently, that the subsequent + enumeration of their powers was not the description to which resort must + be had, and did not at all constitute the limits of their authority: that + this was a very different question from that of the bank, which was + thought an incident to an enumerated power: that, therefore, this decision + was expected with great anxiety; that, indeed, I hoped the proposition + would be rejected, believing there was a majority in both Houses against + it, and that if it should be, it would be considered as a proof that + things were returning into their true channel: and that, at any rate, I + looked forward to the broad representation which would shortly take place, + for keeping the general constitution on its true ground; and that this + would remove a great deal of the discontent which had shown itself. The + conversation ended with this last topic. It is here stated nearly as much + at length as it really was; the expressions preserved where I could + recollect them, and their substance always faithfully stated. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + March 1, 1792. + </p> + <p> + On the 2nd of January, 1792, Messrs. Fitzsimmons and Gerry (among others) + dined with me. These two staid, with a Mr. Learned of Connecticut, after + the company was gone. We got on the subject of references by the + legislature to the Heads of departments, considering their mischief in + every direction. Gerry and Fitzsimmons clearly opposed to them. + </p> + <p> + Two days afterwards (January the 4th), Mr. Bourne from Rhode Island + presented a memorial from his State, complaining of inequality in the + Assumption, and moved to refer it to the Secretary of the Treasury. + Fitzsimmons, Gerry, and others opposed it; but it was carried. + </p> + <p> + January the 19th. Fitzsimmons moved, that the President of the United + States be requested to direct the Secretary of the Treasury, to lay before + the House information to enable the legislature to judge of the additional + revenue necessary on the increase of the military establishment. The + House, on debate, struck out the words, ‘President of the United States.’ + </p> + <p> + March the 7th. The subject resumed. An animated debate took place on the + tendency of references to the Heads of departments; and it seemed that a + great majority would be against it: the House adjourned. Treasury greatly + alarmed, and much industry supposed to be used before next morning, when + it was brought on again, and debated through the day, and on the question, + the Treasury carried it by thirty-one to twenty-seven: but deeply wounded, + since it was seen that all Pennsylvania, except Jacobs, voted against the + reference; that Tucker of South Carolina voted for it, and Sumpter + absented himself, debauched for the moment only, because of the connection + of the question with a further assumption which South Carolina favored; + but showing that they never were to be counted on among the Treasury + votes. + </p> + <p> + Some others absented themselves. Gerry changed sides. On the whole, it + showed that Treasury influence was tottering. Committed to writing this + 10th of March, 1792. + </p> + <p> + March the 11th, 1792. Consulted verbally by the President, on whom a + committee of the Senate (Izard, Morris, and King) are to wait to-morrow + morning, to know whether he will think it proper to redeem our Algerine + captives, and make a treaty with the Algerines, on the single vote of the + Senate, without taking that of the Representatives. + </p> + <p> + My opinions run on the following heads. + </p> + <p> + We must go to Algiers with cash in our hands. Where shall we get it? By + loan? By converting money now in the treasury? + </p> + <p> + Probably a loan might be obtained on the President’s authority: but as + this could not be repaid without a subsequent act of legislature, the + Representatives might refuse it. So if money in the treasury be converted, + they may refuse to sanction it. + </p> + <p> + The subsequent approbation of the Senate being necessary to validate a + treaty, they expect to be consulted beforehand, if the case admits. + </p> + <p> + So the subsequent act of the Representatives being necessary where money + is given, why should not they expect to be consulted in like manner, when + the case admits? A treaty is a law of the land. But prudence will point + out this difference to be attended to in making them; viz. where a treaty + contains such articles only as will go into execution of themselves, or be + carried into execution by the judges, they may be safely made; but where + there are articles which require a law to be passed afterwards by the + legislature, great caution is requisite. + </p> + <p> + For example; the consular convention with France required a very small + legislative regulation. This convention was unanimously ratified by the + Senate. Yet the same identical men threw by the law to enforce it at the + last session, and the Representatives at this session have placed it among + the laws which they may take up or not, at their own convenience, as if + that was a higher motive than the public faith. + </p> + <p> + Therefore, against hazarding this transaction without the sanction of both + Houses. + </p> + <p> + The President concurred. The Senate express the motive for this + proposition, to be a fear that the Representatives would not keep the + secret. He has no opinion of the secrecy of the Senate. In this very case, + Mr. Izard made the communication to him, sitting next to him at table, on + one hand, while a lady (Mrs. McLane) was on his other hand, and the French + minister next to her; and as Mr. Izard got on with his communication, his + voice kept rising, and his stutter bolting the words out loudly at + intervals, so that the minister might hear if he would. He said he had a + great mind at one time to have got up, in order to put a stop to Mr. + Izard. + </p> + <p> + March the 11th, 1792. Mr. Sterret tells me that sitting round a fire the + other day with four or five others, Mr. Smith (of South Carolina) was one. + Somebody mentioned that the murderers of Hogeboom, sheriff of Columbia + county, New York, were acquitted. ‘Ay,’ says Smith, ‘this is what comes of + your damned trial by jury.’ + </p> + <p> + 1791. Towards the latter end of November, Hamilton had drawn Ternant into + a conversation on the subject of the treaty of commerce recommended by the + National Assembly of France to be negotiated with us, and, as he had no + ready instructions on the subject, he led him into a proposal that Ternant + should take the thing up as a volunteer with me, that we should arrange + conditions, and let them go for confirmation or refusal. Hamilton + communicated this to the President, who came into it, and proposed it to + me. I disapproved of it, observing, that such a volunteer project would be + binding on us, and not them; that it would enable them to find out how far + we would go, and avail themselves of it. However, the President thought it + worth trying, and I acquiesced. I prepared a plan of treaty for exchanging + the privileges of native subjects, and fixing all duties for ever as they + now stood. Hamilton did not like this way of fixing the duties, because, + he said, many articles here would bear to be raised, and therefore, he + would prepare a tariff. He did so, raising duties for the French, from + twenty-five to fifty per cent. So they were to give us the privileges of + native subjects, and we, as a compensation, were to make them pay higher + duties. Hamilton, having made his arrangements with Hammond to pretend + that though he had no powers to conclude a treaty of commerce, yet his + general commission authorized him to enter into the discussion of one, + then proposed to the President at one of our meetings, that the business + should be taken up with Hammond in the same informal way. I now discovered + the trap which he had laid, by first getting the President into the step + with Ternant. I opposed the thing warmly. Hamilton observed, if we did it + with Ternant we should also with Hammond. The President thought this + reasonable. I desired him to recollect, I had been against it with + Ternant, and only acquiesced under his opinion. So the matter went off as + to both. His scheme evidently was, to get us engaged first with Ternant, + merely that he might have a pretext to engage us on the same ground with + Hammond, taking care, at the same time, by an extravagant tariff, to + render it impossible we should come to any conclusion with Ternant: + probably meaning, at the same time, to propose terms so favorable to Great + Britain, as would attach us to that country by treaty. On one of those + occasions he asserted, that our commerce with Great Britain and her + colonies was put on a much more favorable footing than with France and her + colonies. I therefore prepared the tabular comparative view of the + footing-of our commerce with those nations, which see among my papers. See + also my project of a treaty and Hamilton’s tariff. Committed to writing + March the 11th, 1792. + </p> + <p> + It was observable, that whenever, at any of our consultations, any thing + was proposed as to Great Britain, Hamilton had constantly ready something + which Mr. Hammond had communicated to him, which suited the subject and + proved the intimacy of their communications; insomuch, that I believe he + communicated to Hammond all our views, and knew from him, in return, the + views of the British court. Many evidences of this occurred; I will state + some. I delivered to the President my report of instructions for + Carmichael and Short, on the subject of navigation, boundary, and + commerce, and desired him to submit it to Hamilton. Hamilton made several + just criticisms on different parts of it. But where I asserted that the + United States had no right to alienate an inch of the territory of any + State, he attacked and denied the doctrine. See my report, his note, and + my answer. A few days after came to hand Kirkland’s letter, informing us + that the British, at Niagara, expected to run a new line between + themselves and us; and the reports of Pond and Stedman, informing us it + was understood at Niagara, that Captain Stevenson had been sent here by + Simcoe to settle that plan with Hammond. Hence Hamilton’s attack of the + principle I had laid down, in order to prepare the way for this new line. + See minute of March the 9th. Another proof. At one of our consultations, + about the last of December, I mentioned that I wished to give in my report + on commerce, in which I could not avoid recommending a commercial + retaliation against Great Britain. Hamilton opposed it violently: and + among other arguments, observed, that it was of more importance to us to + have the posts than to commence a commercial war; that this, and this + alone, would free us from the expense of the Indian wars; that it would + therefore be the height of imprudence in us, while treating for the + surrender of the posts, to engage in any thing which would irritate them; + that if we did so, they would naturally say, ‘These people mean war; let + us therefore hold what we have in our hands.’ This argument, struck me + forcibly, and I said, ‘If there is a hope of obtaining the posts, I agree + it would be imprudent to risk that hope by a commercial retaliation. I + will, therefore, wait till Mr. Hammond gives me in his assignment of + breaches, and if that gives a glimmering of hope that they mean to + surrender the posts, I will not give in my report till the next session.’ + Now, Hammond had received my assignment of breaches on the 15th of + December, and about the 22nd or 23rd had made me an apology for not having + been able to send me his counter-assignment of breaches; but in terms + which showed I might expect it in a few days. From the moment it escaped + my lips in the presence of Hamilton, that I would not give in my report + till I should see Hammond’s counter-complaint, and judge if there was a + hope of the posts, Hammond never said a word to me on any occasion, as to + the time he should be ready. At length the President got out of patience, + and insisted I should jog him. This I did on the 21st of February, at the + President’s assembly: he immediately promised I should have it in a few + days, and accordingly, on the 5th of March I received it. + </p> + <p> + Written March the 11th, 1792. + </p> + <p> + March the 12th, 1792. Sent for by the President, and desired to bring the + letter he had signed to the King of France. Went. He said the House of + Representatives had, on Saturday, taken up the communication he had made + of the King’s letter to him, and come to a vote in their own name; that he + did not expect this when he sent this message and the letter, otherwise he + would have sent the message without the letter, as I had proposed. That he + apprehended the legislature would be endeavoring to invade the executive. + I told him, I had understood the House had resolved to request him to join + their congratulations to his on the completion and acceptance of the + constitution; on which part of the vote, there were only two dissentients + (Barnwell and Benson); that the vote was thirty-five to sixteen on the + part which expressed an approbation of the wisdom of the constitution; + that in the letter he had signed, I had avoided saying a word in + approbation of the constitution, not knowing whether the King, in his + heart, approved it. ‘Why, indeed,’ says he,’ I begin to doubt very much of + the affairs of France; there are papers from London as late as the 10th of + January, which represent them as going into confusion. He read over the + letter he had signed, found there was not a word which could commit his + judgment about the constitution, and gave it to me back again. This is one + of many proofs I have had, of his want of confidence in the event of the + French revolution. The fact is, that Gouverneur Morris, a highflying + monarchy man, shutting his eyes and his faith to every fact against his + wishes, and believing every thing he desires to be true, has kept the + President’s mind constantly poisoned with his forebodings. That the + President wishes the revolution may be established, I believe from several + indications. I remember, when I received the news of the King’s flight and + capture, I first told him of it at his assembly. I never saw him so much + dejected by any event in my life. He expressed clearly, on this occasion, + his disapprobation of the legislature referring things to the Heads of + departments. + </p> + <p> + Written March the 12th. + </p> + <p> + Eodem die. Ten o’clock, A. M. The preceding was about nine o’clock. The + President now sends Lear to me, to ask what answer he shall give to the + committee, and particularly, whether he shall add to it, that, ‘in making + the communication, it was not his expectation that the House should give + any answer.’ I told Mr. Lear, that I thought the House had a right, + independently of legislation, to express sentiments on other subjects. + That when these subjects did not belong to any other branch particularly, + they would publish them by their own authority; that in the present case, + which respected a foreign nation, the President being the organ of our + nation with other nations, the House would satisfy their duty, if, instead + of a direct communication, they should pass their sentiments through the + President: that if expressing a sentiment were really an invasion of the + executive power, it was so faint a one, that it would be difficult to + demonstrate it to the public, and to a public partial to the French + revolution, and not disposed to considered the approbation of it from any + quarter is improper. That the Senate, indeed, had given many indications + of their wish to invade the executive power: the Representatives had done + it in one case, which was indeed mischievous and alarming; that of giving + orders to the Heads of the executive departments, without consulting the + President; but that the late vote for directing the Secretary of the + Treasury to report ways and means, though carried, was carried by so small + a majority, and with the aid of members so notoriously under local + influence on that question, as to give a hope that the practice would be + arrested, and the constitutional course be taken up, of asking the + President to have information laid before them. But that in the present + instance, it was so far from being clearly an invasion of the executive, + and would be so little approved by the general voice, that I could not + advise the President to express any dissatisfaction at the vote of the + House; and I gave Lear, in writing, what I thought should be his answers. + See it. + </p> + <p> + March the 31st. A meeting at the President’s; present, Thomas Jefferson, + Alexander Hamilton, Henry Knox, and Edmund Randolph. The subject was the + resolution of the House of Representatives, of March the 27th, to appoint + a committee to inquire into the causes of the failure of the late + expedition under Major General St. Clair, with the power to call for such + persons, papers, and records, as may be necessary to assist their + inquiries. The committee had written to Knox for the original letters, + instructions, &tc. The President had called us to consult, merely + because it was the first example, and he wished that so far as it should + become a precedent, it should be rightly conducted. He neither + acknowledged nor denied, nor even doubted the propriety of what the House + were doing, for he had not thought upon it, nor was acquainted with + subjects of this kind: he could readily conceive there might be papers of + so secret a nature, as that they ought not to be given up. We were not + prepared, and wished time to think and inquire. + </p> + <p> + April the 2nd. Met again at the President’s, on the same subject. We had + all considered, and were of one mind, first, that the House was an + inquest, and therefore might institute inquiries. Secondly, that it might + call for papers generally. Thirdly, that the executive ought to + communicate such papers as the public good would permit, and ought to + refuse those, the disclosure of which would injure the public: + consequently were to exercise a discretion. Fourthly, that neither the + committee nor House had a right to call on the Head of a department, who + and whose papers were under the President alone; but that the committee + should instruct their chairman to move the House to address the President. + We had principally consulted the proceedings of the Commons in the case of + Sir Robert Walpole, 13 Chandler’s Debates. For the first point, seepages + 161, 170, 172,183, 187,207; for the second, pages 153, 173,207; for the + third, 81, 173, Appendix, page 44; for the fourth, page 246. Note: + Hamilton agreed with us in all these points, except as to the power of the + House to call on Heads of departments. He observed, that as to his + department, the act constituting it had made it subject to Congress, in + some points, but he thought himself not so far subject, as to be obliged + to produce all the papers they might call for. They might demand secrets + of a very mischievous nature. [Here I thought he began to fear they would + go to examining how far their own members and other persons in the + government had been dabbling in stocks, banks, &c. and that he + probably would choose in this case to deny their power; and, in short, he + endeavored to place himself subject to the House, when the executive + should propose what he did not like, and subject to the executive, when + the House should propose any thing disagreeable.] I observed here a + difference between the British parliament and our Congress; that the + former was a legislature, an inquest, and a council (S. C. page 91.) for + the King. The latter was, by the constitution, a legislature and an + inquest, but not a council. Finally agreed, to speak separately to the + members of the committee, and bring them by persuasion into the right + channel. It was agreed in this case, that there was not a paper which + might not be properly produced; that copies only should be sent, with an + assurance, that if they should desire it, a clerk should attend with the + originals to be verified by themselves. The committee were Fitzsimmons, + Steele, Mercer, Clarke, Sedgwick, Giles, and Vining. + </p> + <p> + April the 9th, 1792. The President had wished to redeem our captives at + Algiers, and to make a peace with them on paying an annual tribute. The + Senate were willing to approve this, but unwilling to have the lower House + applied to previously to furnish the money; they wished the President to + take the money from the treasury, or open a loan for it. They thought that + to consult the Representatives on one occasion, would give them a handle + always to claim it, and would let them into a participation of the power + of making treaties, which the constitution had given exclusively to the + President and Senate. They said, too, that if the particular sum was noted + by the Representatives, it would not be a secret. The President had no + confidence in the secrecy of the Senate, and did not choose to take money + from the treasury or to borrow. But he agreed he would enter into + provisional treaties with the Algerines, not to be binding on us till + ratified here. I prepared questions for consultation with the Senate, and + added, that the Senate were to be apprized, that on the return of the + provisional treaty, and after they should advise the ratification, he + would not have the seal put to it till the two Houses should vote the + money. He asked me, if the treaty stipulating a sum and ratified by him, + with the advice of the Senate, would not be good under the constitution, + and obligatory on the Representatives to furnish the money. I answered, it + certainly would, and that it would be the duty of the Representatives to + raise the money; but that they might decline to do what was their duty, + and I thought it might be incautious to commit himself by a ratification + with a foreign nation, where he might be left in the lurch in the + execution: it was possible too, to conceive a treaty, which it would not + be their duty to provide for. He said that he did not like throwing too + much into democratic hands, that if they would not do what the + constitution called on them to do, the government would be at an end, and + must then assume another form. He stopped here; and I kept silence to see + whether he would say any thing more in the same line, or add any + qualifying expression to soften what he had said: but he did neither. I + had observed, that wherever the agency of either, or both Houses would be + requisite subsequent to a treaty, to carry it into effect, it would be + prudent to consult them previously, if the occasion admitted. That thus it + was, we were in the habit of consulting the Senate previously, when the + occasion permitted, because their subsequent ratification would be + necessary. That there was the same reason for consulting the lower House + previously, where they were to be called on afterwards, and especially in + the case of money, as they held the purse-strings, and would be jealous of + them. However, he desired me to strike out the intimation that the seal + would not be put till both Houses should have voted the money. + </p> + <p> + April the 6th. The President called on me before breakfast, and first + introduced some other matter, then fell on the representation bill, which + he had now in his possession for the tenth day. I had before given him my + opinion in writing, that the method of apportionment was contrary to the + constitution. He agreed that it was contrary to the common understanding + of that instrument, and to what was understood at the time by the makers + of it: that, yet it would bear the construction which the bill put, and he + observed that the vote for and against the bill was perfectly + geographical, a northern against a southern vote, and he feared he should + be thought to be taking side with a southern party. I admitted the motive + of delicacy, but that it should not induce him to do wrong: urged the + dangers to which the scramble for the fractionary members would always + lead. He here expressed his fear that there would, ere long, be a + separation of the Union; that the public mind seemed dissatisfied and + tending to this. He went home, sent for Randolph, the Attorney General, + desired him to get Mr. Madison immediately and come to me, and if we three + concurred in opinion that he should negative the bill, he desired to hear + nothing more about it, but that we would draw the instrument for him to + sign. They came. Our minds had been before made up. + </p> + <p> + We drew the instrument. Randolph carried it to him, and told him we all + concurred in it. He walked with him to the door, and as if he still wished + to get off, he said, ‘And you say you approve of this yourself.’ ‘Yes, + Sir,’ says Randolph, ‘I do upon my honor.’ He sent it to the House of + Representatives instantly. A few of the hottest friends of the bill + expressed passion, but the majority were satisfied, and both in and out of + doors it gave pleasure to have, at length, an instance of the negative + being exercised. + </p> + <p> + Written this the 9th of April. + </p> + <p> + July the 10th, 1792. My letter of —— to the President, + directed to him at Mount Vernon, had not found him there, but came to him + here. He told me of this, and that he would take an occasion of speaking + with me on the subject. He did so this day. He began by observing that he + had put it off from day to day, because the subject was painful; to wit, + his remaining in office, which that letter solicited. He said that the + declaration he had made when he quitted his military command, of never + again entering into public life, was sincere. That, however, when he was + called on to come forward to set the present government in motion, it + appeared to him that circumstances were so changed as to justify a change + in his resolution: he was made to believe that in two years all would be + well in motion, and he might retire. At the end of two years he found some + things still to be done. At the end of the third year, he thought it was + not worth while to disturb the course of things, as in one year more his + office would expire, and he was decided then to retire. Now he was told + there would still be danger in it. Certainly, if he thought so, he would + conquer his longing for retirement. But he feared it would be said his + former professions of retirement had been mere affectation, and that he + was like other men, when once in office he could not quit it. He was + sensible, too, of a decay of his hearing, perhaps his other faculties + might fall off and he not be sensible of it. That with respect to the + existing causes of uneasiness, he thought there we’re suspicions against a + particular party, which had been carried a great deal too far: there might + be desires, but he did not believe there were designs to change the form + of government into a monarchy: that there might be a few who wished it in + the higher walks of life, particularly in the great cities; but that the + main body of the people in the eastern States were as steadily for + republicanism as in the southern. That the pieces lately published, and + particularly in Freneau’s paper, seemed to have in view the exciting + opposition to the government. That this had taken place in Pennsylvania as + to the excise-law, according to information he had received from General + Hand. That they tended to produce a separation of the Union, the most + dreadful of all calamities, and that whatever tended to produce anarchy, + tended, of course, to produce a resort to monarchical government. He + considered those papers as attacking him directly, for he must be a fool + indeed to swallow the little sugar-plumbs here and there thrown out to + him. That in condemning the administration of the government, they + condemned him, for if they thought there were measures pursued contrary to + his sentiments, they must conceive him too careless to attend to them, or + too stupid to understand them. That though, indeed, he had signed many + acts which he did not approve in all their parts, yet he had never put his + name to one which he did not think, on the whole, was eligible. That as to + the bank, which had been an act of so much complaint, until there was some + infallible criterion of reason, a difference of opinion must be tolerated. + He did not believe the discontents extended far from the seat of + government. He had seen and spoken with many people in Maryland and + Virginia in his late journey. He found the people contented and happy. He + wished, however, to be better informed on this head. If the discontents + were more extensive than he supposed, it might be, that the desire that he + should remain in the government was not general. + </p> + <p> + My observations to him tended principally to enforce the topics of my + letter. I will not, therefore, repeat them, except where they produced + observations from him. I said, that the two great complaints were, that + the national debt was unnecessarily increased, and that it had furnished + the means of corrupting both branches of the legislature; that he must + know, and every body knew, there was a considerable squadron in both, + whose votes were devoted to the paper and stock-jobbing interest, that the + names of a weighty number were known, and several others suspected on good + grounds. That on examining the votes of these men, they would be found + uniformly for every Treasury measure, and that as most of these measures + had been carried by small majorities, they were carried by these very + votes. That, therefore, it was a cause of just uneasiness, when we saw a + legislature legislating for their own interests, in opposition to those of + the people. He said not a word on the corruption of the legislature, but + took up the other point, defended the Assumption, and argued that it had + not increased the debt, for that all of it was honest debt. He justified + the excise-law, as one of the best laws which could be passed, as nobody + would pay the tax who did not choose to do it. With respect to the + increase of the debt by the Assumption, I observed to him, that what was + meant and objected to was, that it increased the debt of the General + Government, and carried it beyond the possibility of payment. That if the + balances had been settled, and the debtor States directed to pay their + deficiencies to the creditor States, they would have done it easily, and + by resources of taxation in their power, and acceptable to the people; by + a direct tax in the south, and an excise in the north. Still, he said, it + would be paid by the people. Finding him decided, I avoided entering into + argument with him on those points. + </p> + <p> + Bladensburg, October the 1st, 1792. This morning, at Mount Vernon, I had + the following conversation with the President. He opened it by expressing + his regret at the resolution in which I appeared so fixed, in the letter I + had written him, of retiring from public affairs. He said, that he should + be extremely sorry that I should do it, as long as he was in office, and + that he could not see where he should find another character to fill my + office. That as yet, he was quite undecided whether to retire in March or + not. His inclinations led him strongly to do it. Nobody disliked more the + ceremonies of his office, and he had not the least taste or gratification + in the execution of its functions. That he was happy at home alone, and + that his presence there was now peculiarly called for by the situation of + Major Washington, whom he thought irrecoverable, and should he get well, + he would remove into another part of the country, which might better agree + with him. That he did not believe his presence necessary; that there were + other characters who would do the business as well or better. Still, + however, if his aid was thought necessary to save the cause to which he + had devoted his life principally, he would make the sacrifice of a longer + continuance. That he therefore reserved himself for future decision, as + his declaration would be in time if made a month before the day of + election. He had desired Mr. Lear to find out from conversation, without + appearing to make the inquiry, whether any other person would be desired + by any body. He had informed him, he judged from conversations that it was + the universal desire he should continue, and he believed that those who + expressed a doubt of his continuance, did it in the language of + apprehension, and not of desire. But this, says he, is only from the + north; it may be very different in the south. I thought this meant as an + opening to me to say what was the sentiment in the south, from which + quarter I came. I told him, that as far as I knew, there was but one voice + there, which was for his continuance. That as to myself, I had ever + preferred the pursuits of private life to those of public, which had + nothing in them agreeable to me. I explained to him the circumstances of + the war which had first called me into public life, and those following + the war, which had called me from a retirement on which I had determined. + That I had constantly kept my eye on my own home, and could no longer + refrain from returning to it. As to himself, his presence was important; + that he was the only man in the United States who possessed the confidence + of the whole; that government was founded in opinion and confidence, and + that the longer he remained, the stronger would become the habits of the + people in submitting to the government, and in thinking it a thing to be + maintained; that there was no other person, who would be thought any thing + more than the head of a party. He then expressed his concern at the + difference which he found to subsist between the Secretary of the Treasury + and myself, of which he said he had not been aware. He knew, indeed, that + there was a marked difference in our political sentiments, but he had + never suspected it had gone so far in producing a personal difference, and + he wished he could be the mediator to put an end to it. That he thought it + important to preserve the check of my opinions in the administration, in + order to keep things in their proper channel, and prevent them from going + too far. That as to the idea of transforming this government into a + monarchy, he did not believe there were ten men in the United States whose + opinions were worth attention, who entertained such a thought. I told him + there were many more than he imagined. I recalled to his memory a dispute + at his own table, a little before we left Philadelphia, between General + Schuyler on one side and Pinckney and myself on the other, wherein the + former maintained the position, that hereditary descent was as likely to + produce good magistrates as election. I told him, that though the people + were sound, there were a numerous sect who had monarchy in contemplation; + that the Secretary of the Treasury was one of these. That I had heard him + say that this constitution was a shilly-shally thing, of mere milk and + water, which could not last, and was only good as a step to something + better. That when we reflected, that he had endeavored in the convention, + to make an English constitution of it, and when failing in that, we saw + all his measures tending to bring it to the same thing, it was natural for + us to be jealous; and particularly, when we saw that these measures had + established corruption in the legislature, where there was a squadron + devoted to the nod of the Treasury, doing whatever he had directed, and + ready to do what he should direct. That if the equilibrium of the three + great bodies, legislative, executive, and judiciary, could be preserved, + if the legislature could be kept independent, I should never fear the + result of such a government; but that I could not but be uneasy, when I + saw that the executive had swallowed up the legislative branch. He said, + that as to that interested spirit in the legislature, it was what could + not be avoided in any government, unless we were to exclude particular + descriptions of men, such as the holders of the funds, from all office. I + told him, there was great difference between the little accidental schemes + of self-interest, which would take place in every body of men, and + influence their votes, and a regular system for forming a corps of + interested persons, who should be steadily at the orders of the Treasury. + He touched on the merits of the funding system, observed there was a + difference of opinion about it, some thinking it very bad, others very + good; that experience was the only criterion of right which he knew, and + this alone would decide which opinion was right. That for himself, he had + seen our affairs desperate and our credit lost, and that this was in a + sudden and extraordinary degree raised to the highest pitch. I told him, + all that was ever necessary to establish our credit, was an efficient + government and an honest one, declaring it would sacredly pay our debts, + laying taxes for this purpose, and applying them to it. I avoided going + further into the subject. He finished by another exhortation to me not to + decide too positively on retirement, and here we were called to breakfast. + </p> + <p> + October the 31st, 1792. I had sent to the President, Viar and Jaudenes’s + letter of the 29th instant, whereupon he desired a consultation of + Hamilton, Knox, E. Randolph, and myself, on these points. 1. What notice + was to be taken hereof to Spain. 2. Whether it should make part of the + communication to the legislature. I delivered my opinion, that it ought to + be communicated to both Houses, because the communications intended to be + made, being to bring on the question, whether they would declare war + against any, and which of the nations or parts of the nations of Indians + to the south, it would be proper this information should be before them, + that they might know how far such a declaration would lead them. There + might be some who would be for war against the Indians, if it were to stop + there, but who would not be for it, if it were to lead to a war against + Spain. I thought it should be laid before both Houses, because it + concerned the question of declaring war, which was the function equally of + both Houses. I thought a simple acknowledgment of the receipt of the + letter should be made by me to the Spanish Charges, expressing that it + contained some things very unexpected to us, but that we should refer the + whole, as they had proposed, to the negotiators at Madrid. This would + secure to us a continuation of the suspension of Indian hostilities, which + the Governor of New Orleans said he had brought about till the result of + the negotiation at Madrid should be known; would not commit us as to + running or not running the line, or imply any admission of doubt about our + tentorial right; and would avoid a rupture with Spain, which was much to + be desired, while we had similar points to discuss with Great Britain. + Hamilton declared himself the advocate for peace. War would derange our + affairs greatly; throw us back many years in the march towards prosperity; + be difficult for us to pursue, our countrymen not being disposed to become + soldiers; a part of the Union feeling no interest in the war, would with + difficulty be brought to exert itself; and we had no navy. He was for + every thing which would procrastinate the event. A year, even, was a great + gain to a nation strengthening as we were. It laid open to us, too, the + chapter of accidents, which in the present state of Europe, was a very + pregnant one. That while, however, he was for delaying the event of war, + he had no doubt it was to take place between us for the object in + question: that jealousy and perseverance were remarkable features in the + character of the Spanish government, with respect to their American + possessions; that so far from receding as to their claims against us, they + had been strengthening themselves in them. He had no doubt the present + communication was by authority from the court. Under this impression he + thought we should be looking forward to the day of rupture, and preparing + for it. That if we were unequal to the contest ourselves, it behoved us to + provide allies for our aid. That in this view, but two nations could be + named, France and England. France was too intimately connected with Spain + in other points, and of too great mutual value, ever to separate for us. + Her affairs too, were such, that whatever issue they had, she could not be + in a situation to make a respectable mediation for us. England alone, + then, remained. It would not be easy to effect it with her; however, he + was for trying it, and for sounding them on the proposition of a defensive + treaty of alliance. The inducements to such a treaty, on their part, might + be, 1. The desire of breaking up our former connections, which we knew + they had long wished. 2. A continuance of the statu quo in commerce for + ten years, which he believed would be desirable to them. 3. An admission + to some navigable part of the Mississippi, by some line drawn from the + Lake of the Woods to such navigable part. He had not, he said, examined + the map to see how such a line might be run, so as not to make too great a + sacrifice. The navigation of the Mississippi being a joint possession, we + might then take measures in concert for the joint security of it. He was, + therefore, for immediately sounding them on this subject through our + minister at London; yet so as to keep ourselves unengaged as long as + possible, in hopes a favorable issue with Spain might be otherwise + effected. But he was for sounding immediately, and for not letting slip an + opportunity of securing our object. + </p> + <p> + E. Randolph concurred, in general, with me. He objected that such a + reliance could not be effected without pecuniary consideration probably, + which he could not give. And what was to be their aid? If men, our + citizens would see their armies get foothold in the United States, with + great jealousy; it would be difficult to protect them. Even the French, + during the distresses of the late war, excited some jealous sentiments, + </p> + <p> + Hamilton said, money was often but not always demanded, and the aid he + should propose to stipulate would be in ships. Knox <i>non dissentiente</i>. + </p> + <p> + The President said the remedy would be worse than the disease, and stated + some of the disagreeable circumstances which would attend our making such + overtures. + </p> + <p> + November, 1792. Hamilton called on me to speak about our furnishing + supplies to the French colony of St. Domingo. He expressed his opinion, + that we ought to be cautious, and not go too far in our application of + money to their use, lest it should not be recognised by the mother + country. He did not even think that some kinds of government they might + establish could give a sufficient sanction.* I observed, that the National + Convention was now met, and would certainly establish a form of + government; that as we had recognised the former government because + established by authority of the nation, so we must recognise any other + which should be established by the authority of the nation. He said we had + recognised the former, because it contained an important member of the + ancient, to wit, the King, and wore the appearance of his consent; but if, + in any future form, they should omit the King, he did not know that we + could with safety recognise it, or pay money to its order. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * There had been a previous consultation at the President’s + (about the first week in November) on the expediency of + suspending payments to France, under her present situation. + I had admitted that the late constitution was dissolved by + the dethronement of the King; and the management of affairs + surviving to the National Assembly only, this was not an + integral legislature, and therefore not competent to give a + legitimate discharge for our payments: that I thought + consequently, that none should be made till some legitimate + body came into place; and that I should consider the + National Convention, called, but not met as we had yet + heard, to be a legitimate body. Hamilton doubted whether it + would be a legitimate body, and whether, if the King should + be re-established, he might not disallow such payments on + good grounds. Knox, for once, dared to differ from Hamilton, + and to express, very submissively, an opinion, that a + convention named by the whole body of the nation, would be + competent to do any thing. It ended by agreeing, that I + should write to Gouverneur Morris to suspend payment + generally, till further orders. +</pre> + <p> + November the 19th, 1792. Beckley brings me the pamphlet written by + Hamilton, before the war, in answer to ‘Common Sense.’ It is entitled + ‘Plain Truth.’ Melancthon Smith sends it to Beckley, and in his letter + says, it was not printed in New York by Loudon, because prevented by a + mob, and was printed in Philadelphia, and that he has these facts from + Loudon. + </p> + <p> + November the 21st, 1792. Mr. Butler tells me, that he dined last winter + with Mr. Campbell from Denmark, in company with Hamilton, Lawrence, Dr. + Shippen, T. Shippen, and one other person whom he cannot recollect. That + after dinner political principles became the subject of conversation; that + Hamilton declared openly, that ‘there was no stability, no security in any + kind of government but a monarchy.’ That Lawrence took him up, and entered + the lists of argument against him; that the dispute continued long, and + grew warm, remarkably so as between them; that Shippen, at length, joined + Lawrence in it; and in fine, that it broke up the company. Butler + recommended to the company, that the dispute having probably gone farther + than was intended, it ought to be considered as confined to the company. + </p> + <p> + Thursday, December the 27th, 1792. I waited on the President on some + current business. After this was over, he observed to me, that he thought + it was time to endeavor to effect a stricter connection with France, and + that Gouverneur Morris should be written to on this subject. He went into + the circumstances of dissatisfaction between Spain and Great Britain, and + us, and observed, there was no nation on whom we could rely, at all times, + but France; and that, if we did not prepare in time some support, in the + event of rupture with Spain and England, we might be charged with a + criminal negligence. I was much pleased with the tone of these + observations. It was the very doctrine which had been my polar star, and I + did not need the successes of the republican arms in France, lately + announced to us, to bring me to these sentiments. For it is to be noted, + that on Saturday last, (the 22nd) I received Mr. Short’s letters of + October the 9th and 12th, with the Leyden gazettes to October the 13th, + giving us the first news of the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick, and the + capture of Spires and Worms by Custine, and that of Nice by Anselme. I + therefore expressed to the President my cordial approbation of these + ideas; told him, I had meant on that day (as an opportunity of writing by + the British packet would occur immediately) to take his orders for + removing the suspension of payments to France, which had been imposed by + my last letter to Gouverneur Morris, but was meant, as I supposed, only + for the interval between the abolition of the late constitution by the + dethronement of the King, and the meeting of some other body, invested by + the will of the nation with powers to transact their affairs; that I + considered the National Convention, then assembled, as such a body; and + that, therefore, we ought to go on with the payments to them, or to any + government they should establish; that, however, I had learned last night, + that some clause in the bill for providing reimbursement of the loan made + by the bank to the United States, had given rise to a question before the + House of Representatives yesterday, which might affect these payments; a + clause in that bill proposing, that the money formerly borrowed in + Amsterdam, to pay the French debt, and appropriated by law (1790, August + 4th, c. 34. § 2.) to that purpose, lying dead as was suggested, should be + taken to pay the bank, and the President be authorized to borrow two + millions of dollars more, out of which it should be replaced: and if this + should be done, the removal of our suspension of payments, as I had been + about to propose, would be premature. He expressed his disapprobation of + the clause above mentioned; thought it highly improper in the legislature + to change an appropriation once made, and added, that no one could tell in + what that would end. I concurred, but observed, that on a division of the + House, the ayes for striking out the clause were twenty-seven, the noes + twenty-six; whereon the Speaker gave his vote against striking out, which + divides the House: the clause for the disappropriation remained of course. + I mentioned suspicions, that the whole of this was a trick to serve the + bank under a great existing embarrassment; that the debt to the bank was + to be repaid by instalments; that the first instalment was of two hundred + thousand dollars only, or rather one hundred and sixty thousand dollars, + (because forty thousand of the two hundred thousand dollars would be the + United States’ own dividend of the instalment.) Yet here were two millions + to be paid them at once, and to be taken from a purpose of gratitude and + honor, to which it had been appropriated. + </p> + <p> + December the 30th, 1792. I took the occasion furnished by Pinckney’s + letter of September the 19th, asking instructions how to conduct himself + as to the French revolution, to lay down the catholic principle of + republicanism, to wit, that every people may establish what form of + government they please, and change it as they please; the will of the + nation being the only thing essential. I was induced to do this, in order + to extract the President’s opinion on the question which divided Hamilton + and myself in the conversation of November, 1792, and the previous one of + the first week of November, on the suspension of payments to France: and + if favorable to mine, to place the principle on record in the letter-books + of my office. I therefore wrote the letter of December the 30th, to + Pinckney, and sent it to the President, and he returned me his approbation + in writing, in his note of the same date, which see. + </p> + <p> + February the 7th, 1793. I waited on the President with letters and papers + from Lisbon. After going through these, I told him that I had for some + time suspended speaking with him on the subject of my going out of office, + because I had understood that the bill for intercourse with foreign + nations was likely to be rejected by the Senate, in which case, the + remaining business of the department would be too inconsiderable to make + it worth while to keep it up. But that the bill being now passed, I was + freed from the considerations of propriety which had embarrassed me. That + &c. [nearly in the words of a letter to Mr. T. M. Randolph, of a few + days ago,] and that I should be willing, if he had taken no arrangements + to the contrary, to continue somewhat longer, how long I could not say, + perhaps till summer, perhaps autumn. He said, so far from taking + arrangements on the subject, he had never mentioned to any mortal the + design of retiring which I had expressed to him, till yesterday, when + having heard that I had given up my house, and that it was rented by + another, he thereupon mentioned it to Mr. E. Randolph, and asked him, as + he knew my retirement had been talked of, whether he had heard any persons + suggested in conversation to succeed me. He expressed his satisfaction at + my change of purpose and his apprehensions that my retirement would be a + new source of uneasiness to the public. He said Governor Lee had that day + informed him of the general discontent prevailing in Virginia, of which he + never had had any conception, much less sound information. That it + appeared to him very alarming. He proceeded to express his earnest wish + that Hamilton and myself could coalesce in the measures of the government, + and urged here the general reasons for it, which he had done to me in two + former conversations. He said he had proposed the same thing to Hamilton, + who expressed his readiness, and he thought our coalition would secure the + general acquiescence of the public. I told him my concurrence was of much + less importance than he seemed to imagine; that I kept myself aloof from + all cabal and correspondence on the subject with the government, and saw + and spoke with as few as I could. That as to a coalition with Mr. + Hamilton, if by that was meant that either was to sacrifice his general + system to the other, it was impossible. We had both, no doubt, formed our + conclusions after the most mature consideration; and principles + conscientiously adopted, could not be given up on either side. My wish + was, to see both Houses of Congress cleansed of all persons interested in + the bank or public stocks: and that a pure legislature being given us, I + should always be ready to acquiesce under their determinations, even if + contrary to my own opinions; for that I subscribe to the principle, that + the will of the majority, honestly expressed, should give law. I confirmed + him in the fact of the great discontents to the south; that they were + grounded on seeing that their judgments and interests were sacrificed to + those of the eastern States on every occasion, and their belief that it + was the effect of a corrupt squadron of voters in Congress, at the command + of the Treasury; and they see that if the votes of those members who had + any interest distinct from, and contrary to the general interest of their + constituents, had been withdrawn, as in decency and honesty they should + have been, the laws would have been the reverse of what they are on all + the great questions. I instanced the new Assumption carried in the House + of Representatives by the Speaker’s vote. On this subject he made no + reply. He explained his remaining in office to have been the effect of + strong solicitations after he returned here; declaring that he had never + mentioned his purpose of going out but to the Heads of departments and Mr. + Madison; he expressed the extreme wretchedness of his existence while in + office, and went lengthily into the late attacks on him for levees, &c. + and explained to me how he had been led into them by the persons he + consulted at New York; and that if he could but know what the sense of the + public was, he would most cheerfully conform to it. + </p> + <p> + February the 16th, 1793. E. Randolph tells J. Madison and myself, a + curious fact which he had from Lear. When the President went to New York, + he resisted for three weeks the efforts to introduce levees. At length he + yielded, and left it to Humphreys and some others to settle the forms. + Accordingly, an antechamber and presence-room were provided, and when + those who were to pay their court were assembled, the President set out, + preceded by Humphreys. After passing through the antechamber, the door of + the inner room was thrown open, and Humphreys entered first, calling out + with a loud voice, ‘The President of the United States.’ The President was + so much disconcerted with it, that he did not recover it the whole time of + the levee, and when the company was gone, he said to Humphreys, ‘Well, you + have taken me in once, but, by God, you shall never take me in a second + time.’ + </p> + <p> + There is reason to believe that the rejection of the late additional + Assumption by the Senate was effected by the President through Lear, + operating on Langdon. Beckley knows this. + </p> + <p> + February the 26th, 1793. Notes on the proceedings of yesterday. [See the + formal opinions given to the President in writing, and signed.] + </p> + <p> + First question. We were all of opinion that the treaty should proceed + merely to gratify the public opinion, and not from an expectation of + success. I expressed myself strongly, that the event was so unpromising, + that I thought the preparations for a campaign should go on without the + least relaxation, and that a day should be fixed with the commissioners + for the treaty, beyond which they should not permit the treaty to be + protracted, by which day, orders should be given for our forces to enter + into action. The President took up the thing instantly, after I had said + this, and declared he was so much in the opinion that the treaty would end + in nothing, that he then, in the presence of us all, gave orders to + General Knox, not to slacken the preparations for the campaign in the + least, but to exert every nerve in preparing for it. Knox said something + about the ultimate day for continuing the negotiations. I acknowledged + myself not a judge on what day the campaign should begin, but that + whatever it was, that day should terminate the treaty. Knox said he + thought a winter campaign was always the most efficacious against the + Indians. I was of opinion, since Great Britain insisted on furnishing + provisions, that we should offer to repay. Hamilton thought we should not. + </p> + <p> + Second question. I considered our right of preemption of the Indian lands, + not as amounting to any dominion, or jurisdiction, or paramountship + whatever, but merely in the nature of a remainder after the extinguishment + of a present right, which gave us no present right whatever, but of + preventing other nations from taking possession, and so defeating our + expectancy; that the Indians had the full, undivided, and independent + sovereignty as long as they chose to keep it, and that this might be for + ever; that as fast as we extend our rights by purchase from them, so fast + we extend the limits of our society, and as soon as a new portion became + encircled within our line, it became a fixed limit of our society: that + the executive, with either or both branches of the legislature, could not + alien any part of our territory; that by the law of nations it was + settled, that the unity and indivisibility of the society was so + fundamental, that it could not be dismembered by the constituted + authorities, except, 1. where all power was delegated to them (as in the + case of despotic governments,) or, 2. where it was expressly delegated; + that neither of these delegations had been made to our General Government, + and, therefore, that it had no right to dismember or alienate any portion + of territory once ultimately consolidated with us; and that we could no + more cede to the Indians than to the English or Spaniards, as it might, + according to acknowledged principles, remain as irrevocably and eternally + with the one as the other. But I thought, that, as we had a right to sell + and settle lands once comprehended within our lines, so we might forbear + to exercise that right, retaining the property, till circumstances should + be more favorable to the settlement, and this I agreed to do in the + present instance, if necessary for peace. + </p> + <p> + Hamilton agreed to the doctrine of the law of nations, as laid down in + Europe, but that it was founded on the universality of settlement there; + consequently that no lopping-off of territory could be made without a + lopping-off of citizens, which required their consent; but that the law of + nations for us, must be adapted to the circumstance of our unsettled + country, which he conceived the President and Senate may cede: that the + power of treaty was given to them by the constitution, without restraining + it to particular objects; consequently that it was given in as + plenipotentiary a form as held by any sovereign in any other society. + Randolph was of opinion, there was a difference between a cession to + Indians and to any others, because it only restored the ceded part to the + condition in which it was before we bought it, and consequently, that we + might buy it again hereafter: therefore, he thought the executive and + Senate could cede it. Knox joined in the main opinion. The President + discovered no opinion, but he made some efforts to get us to join in some + terms which could unite us all, and he seemed to direct those efforts more + towards me: but the thing could not be done. + </p> + <p> + Third question. We agreed in idea as to the line to be drawn; to wit, so + as to retain all lands appropriated, or granted, or reserved. + </p> + <p> + Fourth question. We all thought, if the Senate should be consulted, and + consequently apprized of our line, it would become known to Hammond, and + we should lose all chance of saving any thing more at the treaty than our + ultimatum. + </p> + <p> + The President, at this meeting, mentioned the declaration of some person, + in a paper of Fenno, that he would commence an attack on the character of + Dr. Franklin. He said, the theme was to him excessively disagreeable on + other considerations, but most particularly so, as the party seemed to do + it as a means of defending him (the President) against the late attacks on + him: that such a mode of defence would be peculiarly painful to him, and + he wished it could be stopped. Hamilton and Randolph undertook to speak to + Fenno to suppress it, without mentioning it as the President’s wish. Both + observed, that they had heard this declaration mentioned in many + companies, and that it had excited universal horror and detestation. + </p> + <p> + The paper in Fenno must lie between two persons, viz. Adams and Izard, + because they are the only persons who could know such facts as are there + promised to be unfolded. Adams is an enemy to both characters, and might + choose this ground as an effectual position to injure both. Izard hated + Franklin with unparalleled bitterness, but humbly adores the President, + because he is in <i>loco regis</i>. If the paper proceeds, we shall easily + discover which of these two gentlemen is the champion. In the mean time, + the first paper leads our suspicions more towards Izard than Adams, from + the circumstance of style, and because he is quite booby enough not to see + the injury he would do to the President by such a mode of defence. + </p> + <p> + February the 28th. Knox, E. Randolph, and myself met at Knox’s, where + Hamilton was also to have met, to consider the time, manner, and place of + the President’s swearing in. Hamilton had been there before, and had left + his opinion with Knox; to wit, that the President should ask a judge to + attend him in his own house to administer the oath, in the presence of the + Heads of departments; which oath should be deposited in the Secretary of + State’s office. I concurred in this opinion. Randolph was for the + President’s going to the Senate chamber to take the oath, attended by the + marshal of the United States, who should then make proclamation, &c. + Knox was for this, and for adding the House of Representatives to the + presence, as they would not yet be departed. Our individual opinions were + written, to be communicated to the President, out of which he might form + one. In the course of our conversation, Knox, stickling for parade, got + into great warmth, and swore that our government must either be entirely + new modeled, or it would be knocked to pieces in less than ten years; and + that, as it is at present, he would not give a copper for it; that it is + the President’s character, and not the written constitution which keeps it + together. + </p> + <p> + Same day. Conversation with Lear. He expressed the strongest confidence + that republicanism was the universal creed of America, except of a very + few; that a republican administration must of necessity immediately + overbear the contrary faction; said that he had seen with extreme regret, + that a number of gentlemen had for a long time been endeavoring to instil + into the President, that the noise against the administration of the + government was that of a little faction, which would soon be silent, and + which was detested by the people, who were contented and prosperous: that + this very party, however, began to see their error, and that the sense of + America was bursting forth to their conviction. + </p> + <p> + March the 2nd, 1793. See, in the papers of this date, Mr. Giles’s + resolutions. He and one or two others were sanguine enough to believe, + that the palpableness of these resolutions rendered it impossible the + House could reject them. Those who knew the composition of the House, 1. + of bank directors, 2. holders of bank stock, 3. stock-jobbers, 4. blind + devotees, 5. ignorant persons who did not comprehend them, 6. lazy and + good-humored persons, who comprehended and acknowledged them, yet were too + lazy to examine, or unwilling to pronounce censure; the persons who knew + these characters, foresaw, that the three first descriptions making one + third of the House, the three latter would make one half of the residue; + and of course, that they would be rejected by a majority of two to one. + But they thought, that even this rejection would do good, by showing the + public the desperate and abandoned dispositions with which their affairs + were conducted. The resolutions were proposed, and nothing spared to + present them in the fulness of demonstration. There were not more than + three or four who voted otherwise than had been expected. + </p> + <p> + March the 30th, 1793. At our meeting at the President’s, February the + 25th, in discussing the question, whether we should furnish to France the + three millions of livres desired, Hamilton, in speaking on the subject, + used this expression; ‘When Mr. Genet arrives, whether we shall receive + him or not, will then be a question for discussion’; which expression I + did not recollect till E. Randolph reminded me of it a few days after. + Therefore, on the 20th instant, as the President was shortly to set out + for Mount Vernon, I observed to him, that as Genet might arrive in his + absence, I wished to know beforehand how I should treat him, whether as a + person who would or would not be received. He said, he could see no ground + of doubt, but that he ought to be received. On the 24th, he asked E. + Randolph’s opinion on the subject, saying, he had consulted Colonel + Hamilton thereon, who went into lengthy considerations of doubt and + difficulty, and viewing it as a very unfortunate thing, that the President + should have the decision of so critical a point forced on him; but in + conclusion, said, since he was brought into that situation, he did not see + but that he must receive Mr. Genet. Randolph told the President, he was + clear he should be received, and the President said, he had never had any + doubt on the subject in his mind. Afterwards on the same day, he spoke to + me again on it, and said, Mr. Genet should unquestionably be received; but + he thought not with too much warmth or Cordiality, so only as to be + satisfactory to him. I wondered at first at this restriction: but when + Randolph afterwards communicated to me his conversation of the 24th, I + became satisfied it was a small sacrifice to the opinion of Hamilton. + </p> + <p> + March the 31st. Mr. Beckley tells me, that the merchants’ bonds for duties + on six months’ credit became due the 1st instant, to a very great amount; + that Hamilton went to the bank on that day, and directed the bank to + discount for those merchants all their bonds at thirty days, and that he + would have the collectors credited for the money at the treasury. Hence, + the treasury lumping its receipts by the month in its printed accounts, + these sums will be considered by the public as only received on the last + day; consequently, the bank makes the month’s interest out of it. Beckley + had this from a merchant, who had a bond discounted, and who supposes a + million of dollars were discounted at the bank here. Mr. Brown got the + same information from another merchant, who supposed only six hundred + thousand dollars discounted here. But they suppose the same orders went to + all the branch banks to a great amount. + </p> + <p> + Eodem die. Mr. Brown tells me he has it from a merchant here, that during + the last winter, the directors of the bank ordered the freest discounts. + Every man could obtain it. Money being so flush, the six per cents run up + to twenty-one and twenty-two shillings. Then the directors sold out their + private stocks. When the discounted notes were becoming due, they stopped + discounts, and not a dollar was to be had. This reduced six per cents to + eighteen shillings and three pence; then the same directors bought in + again. + </p> + <p> + April the 7th, 1793. Mr. Lear called on me, and introduced of himself a + conversation on the affairs of the United States. He laughed at the cry of + prosperity, and the deriving it from the establishment of the treasury: he + said, that, so far from giving in to this opinion, and that we were paying + off our national debt, he was clear the debt was growing on us: that he + had lately expressed this opinion to the President, who appeared much + astonished at it. I told him I had given the same hint to the President + last summer, and lately again had suggested, that we were even depending + for the daily subsistence of government on borrowed money. He said, that + was certain, and was the only way of accounting for what was become of the + money drawn over from Holland to this country. He regretted that the + President was not in the way of hearing full information, declared he + communicated to him every thing he could learn himself; that the men who + vaunted the present government so much on some occasions, were the very + men who at other times declared it was a poor thing, and such a one as + could not stand, and he was sensible they only esteemed it as a + stepping-stone to something else, and had availed themselves of the first + moments of the enthusiasm in favor of it, to pervert its principles and + make of it what they wanted: and that though they raised the cry of + anti-federalism against those who censured the mode of administration, yet + he was satisfied, whenever it should come to be tried, that the very men + whom they called anti-federalists, were the men who would save the + government, and he looked to the next Congress for much rectification. + </p> + <p> + April the 18th. The President sends a set of questions to be considered, + and calls a meeting. Though those sent me were in his own hand-writing, + yet it was palpable from the style, their ingenious tissue and suite, that + they were not the President’s, that they were raised upon a prepared chain + of argument, in short, that the language was Hamilton’s, and the doubts + his alone. They led to a declaration of the executive, that our treaty + with France is void. E. Randolph, the next day, told me that the day + before the date of these questions, Hamilton went with him through the + whole chain of reasoning of which these questions are the skeleton, and + that he recognised them the moment he saw them. + </p> + <p> + We met. The first question, whether we should receive the French minister, + Genet, was proposed, and we agreed unanimously that he should be received; + Hamilton, at the same time, expressing his great regret that any accident + had happened, which should oblige us to recognise the government. The next + question was, whether he should be received absolutely, or with + qualifications. Here Hamilton took up the whole subject, and went through + it in the order in which the questions sketch it. See the chain of his + reasoning in my opinion of April the 28th. Knox subscribed at once to + Hamilton’s opinion that we ought to declare the treaty void, + acknowledging, at the same time, like a fool as he is, that he knew + nothing about it. I was clear it remained valid. Randolph declared himself + of the same opinion, but on Hamilton’s undertaking to present to him the + authority in Vattel (which we had not present), and to prove to him, that + if the authority was admitted, the treaty might be declared void, Randolph + agreed to take further time to consider. It was adjourned. We determined + unanimously the last question, that Congress should not be called. There + having been an intimation by Randolph, that in so great a question he + should choose to give a written opinion, and this being approved by the + President, I gave in mine April the 28th. Hamilton gave in his. I believe + Knox’s was never thought worth offering or asking for. Randolph gave his + May the 6th, concurring with mine. The President told me, the same day, he + had never had a doubt about the validity of the treaty; but that since a + question had been suggested, he thought it ought to be considered: that + this being done, I might now issue passports to sea-vessels in the form + prescribed by the French treaty. I had for a week past only issued the + Dutch form; to have issued the French, would have been presupposing the + treaty to be in existence. The President suggested, that he thought it + would be as well that nothing should be said of such a question having + been under consideration. Written May the 6th. + </p> + <p> + May the 6th, 1793. When the question was, whether the proclamation of + April the 22nd should be issued, Randolph observed, that there should be a + letter written by me to the ministers of the belligerent powers, to + declare that it should not be taken as conclusive evidence against our + citizens in foreign courts of admiralty, for contraband goods. Knox + suddenly adopted the opinion before Hamilton delivered his. Hamilton + opposed it pretty strongly. I thought it an indifferent thing, but rather + approved Randolph’s opinion. The President was against it; but observed + that, as there were three for it, it should go. This was the first + instance I had seen of an opportunity to decide by a mere majority, + including his own vote. + </p> + <p> + May the 12th. Lear called on me to-day. Speaking of the lowness of stocks + (sixteen shillings), I observed it was a pity we had not money to buy on + public account. He said, yes, and that it was the more provoking, as two + millions had been borrowed for that purpose, and drawn over here, and yet + were not here. That he had no doubt those would take notice of the + circumstance whose duty it was to do so. I suppose he must mean the + President. + </p> + <p> + May the 23rd. I had sent to the President, yesterday, draughts of a letter + from him to the Provisory Executive Council of France, and of one from + myself to Mr. Ternant, both on the occasion of his recall. I called on him + to-day. He said there was an expression in one of them, which he had never + before seen in any of our public communications, to wit, ‘our republic’ + The letter prepared for him to the Council, began thus: ‘The Citizen + Ternant has delivered to me the letter wherein you inform me, that + yielding &c. you had determined to recall him from his mission, as + your Minister Plenipotentiary to our republic.’ He had underscored the + words our republic. He said that certainly ours was a republican + government, but yet we had not used that style in this way; that if any + body wanted to change its form into a monarchy, he was sure it was only a + few individuals, and that no man in the United States would set his face + against it more than himself: but that this was not what he was afraid of; + his fears were from another quarter; that there was more danger of anarchy + being introduced. He adverted to a piece in Freneau’s paper of yesterday; + he said he despised all their attacks on him personally, but that there + never had been an act of the government, not meaning in the executive line + only, but in any line, which that paper had not abused. He had also marked + the word republic thus X, where it was applied to the French republic. + (See the original paper.) He was evidently sore and warm, and I took his + intention to be, that I should interpose in some way with Freneau, perhaps + withdraw his appointment of translating clerk to my office. But I will not + do it. His paper has saved our constitution, which was galloping fast into + monarchy, and has been checked by no one means so powerfully as by that + paper. It is well and universally known, that it has been that paper which + has checked the career of the monocrats; and the President, not sensible + of the designs of the party, has not, with his usual good sense and <i>sang + froid</i>, looked on the efforts and effects of this free press, and seen + that, though some bad things have passed through it to the public, yet the + good have preponderated immensely. + </p> + <p> + June the 7th, 1793. Mr. Beckley, who has returned from New York within a + few days, tells me that, while he was there, Sir John Temple, Consul + General of the northern States for Great Britain showed him a letter from + Sir Gregory Page Turner, a member of parliament for a borough in + Yorkshire, who, he said, had been a member for twenty-five years, and + always confidential for the ministers in which he permitted him to read + particular passages of the following purport: that the government was well + apprized of the predominancy of the British interest in the United States; + that they considered Colonel Hamilton, Mr. King, and Mr. Smith of South + Carolina, as the main supports of that interest; that particularly, they + considered Colonel Hamilton, and not Mr. Hammond as their effective + minister here; that if the anti-federal interest (that was his term) at + the head of which they considered Mr. Jefferson to be should prevail, + these gentlemen had secured an asylum to themselves in England.’ Beckley + could not understand whether they had secured it themselves* or whether + they were only notified that it was secured to them. So that they + understand that they may go on boldly in their machinations to change the + government, and if they should be overset and choose to withdraw, they + will be secure of a pension in England, as Arnold, Deane, &c. had. Sir + John read passages of a letter (which he did not put into Beckley’s hand, + as he did the other) from Lord Grenville, saying nearly the same things. + This letter mentions Sir John, that though they had divided the + Consul-Generalship, and given the southern department to Bond, yet he Sir + John, was to retain his whole salary. [By this it would seem, as if, + wanting to use Bond, they had covered his employment with this cloak.] Mr. + Beckley says that Sir John Temple is a strong republican. I had a proof of + his intimacy with Sir John in this circumstance. Sir John received his new + commission of Consul General for the northern department, and, instead of + sending it through Mr. Hammond, got Beckley to enclose it to me for his + exequatur I wrote to Sir John that it must come through Mr Hammond + enclosing it back to him. He accordingly then sent it to Mr. Hammond. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [* In the margin is written, by Mr. Jefferson; ‘Impossible + as to Hamilton; he was far above that.] +</pre> + <p> + In conversation with the President to-day, and speaking about General + Greene, he said that he and General Greene had always differed in opinion + about the manner of using militia. Greene always placed them in his front: + himself was of opinion, they should always be used as a reserve to improve + any advantage, for which purpose they were the finest fellows in the + world. He said he was on the ground of the battle of Guilford, with a + person who was in the action, and who explained the whole of it to him. + That General Greene’s front was behind a fence at the edge of a large + field, through which the enemy were obliged to pass to get at them; and + that, in their passage through this, they must have been torn all to + pieces, if troops had been posted there who would have stood their ground; + and that the retreat from that position was through a thicket, perfectly + secure. Instead of this he posted the North Carolina militia there who + only gave one fire and fell back, so that the whole benefit of their + position was lost. He thinks that the regulars, with their field-pieces, + would have hardly let a single man get through that field. + </p> + <p> + Eodem die (June the 7th). Beckley tells me that he has the following fact + from Governor Clinton. That before the proposition for the present General + Government, i.e. a little before Hamilton conceived a plan for + establishing a monarchical government in the United States, he wrote a + draught of a circular letter, which was to be sent to about ———-persons, + to bring it about. One of these letters in Hamilton’s hand-writing, is now + in possession of an old militia General up the North River, who, at that + time, was thought orthodox enough to be entrusted in the execution. This + General has given notice to Governor Clinton, that he has this paper, and + that he will deliver it into his hands, and no one’s else. Clinton + intends, the first interval of leisure, to go for it, and he will bring it + to Philadelphia. Beckley is a man of perfect truth as to what he affirms + of his own knowledge, but too credulous as to what he hears from others. + </p> + <p> + June the 10th, 1793. Mr. Brown gives me the following specimen of the + phrenzy which prevailed at New York on the opening of the new government. + The first public ball which took place after the President’s arrival + there, Colonel Humphreys, Colonel W. S. Smith, and Mrs. Knox were to + arrange the ceremonials. These arrangements were as follows: a sofa at the + head of the room, raised on several steps whereon the President and Mrs. + Washington were to be seated. The gentlemen were to dance in swords. Each + one, when going to dance, was to lead his partner to the foot of the sofa, + make a low obeisance to the President and his lady, then go and dance, and + when done, bring his partner again to the foot of the sofa for new + obeisances, and then to retire to their chairs. It was to be understood, + too, that gentlemen should be dressed in bags. Mrs. Knox contrived to come + with the President, and to follow him and Mrs. Washington to their + destination, and she had the design of forcing an invitation from the + President to a seat on the sofa. She mounted up the steps after them + unbidden, but unfortunately the wicked sofa was so short, that when the + President and Mrs. Washington were seated, there was not room for a third + person; she was obliged therefore to descend in the face of the company, + and to sit where she could. In other respects the ceremony was conducted + rigorously according to the arrangements, and the President made to pass + an evening which his good sense rendered a very miserable one to him. + </p> + <p> + June the 12th. Beckley tells me that Klingham has been with him to-day, + and relates to him the following fact. A certificate of the old Congress + had been offered at the treasury and refused payment and so endorsed in + red ink as usual. This certificate came to the hands of Francis, (the + quondam clerk of the treasury who, on account of his being dipped in the + infamous case of the Baron Glaubec, Hamilton had been obliged to dismiss, + to save appearances, but with an assurance of all future service, and he + accordingly got him established in New York). Francis wrote to Hamilton + that such a ticket was offered him, but he could not buy it unless he + would inform him and give him his certificate that it was good. Hamilton + wrote him a most friendly letter, and sent him the certificate. He bought + the paper, and came on here and got it recognised, whereby he made + twenty-five hundred dollars Klingham saw both the letter and certificate. + </p> + <p> + Irving, a clerk in the treasury, an Irishman, is the author of the pieces + now coming out under the signature of Verita’s and attacking the + President. I have long suspected this detestable game was playing by the + fiscal party, to place the President on their side. + </p> + <p> + July the 18th, 1793. Lear calls on me. I told him that Irving, an + Irishman, and a writer in the treasury, who, on a former occasion, had + given the most decisive proofs of his devotion to his principal, was the + author of the pieces signed Veritas: and I wished he could get at some of + Irving’s acquaintances and inform himself of the fact, as the person who + told me of it would not permit the name of his informer to be mentioned. + [Note. Beckley told me of it, and he had it from Swaine, the printer to + whom the pieces were delivered]; that I had long before suspected this + excessive foul play in that party of writing themselves in the character + of the most exaggerated democrats and incorporating with it a great deal + of abuse on the President to make him believe it was that party who were + his enemies, and so throw him entirely into the scale of the monocrats. + Lear said he no longer ago than yesterday expressed to the President his + suspicions of the artifices of that party to work on him. He mentioned the + following fact as a proof of their writing in the character of their + adversaries; to wit, the day after the little incident of Richet’s + toasting ‘the man of the people’ (see the gazettes), Mrs. Washington was + at Mrs. Powel’s, who mentioned to her that, when the toast was given, + there was a good deal of disapprobation appeared in the audience, and that + many put on their hats and went out: on inquiry, he had not found the fact + true, and yet it was put into ———‘s paper, and written + under the character of a republican, though he is satisfied it is + altogether a slander of the monocrats. He mentioned this to the President, + but he did not mention to him the following fact, which he knows; that in + New York, the last summer, when the parties of Jay and Clinton were + running so high, it was an agreed point with the former, that if any + circumstances should ever bring it to a question, whether to drop Hamilton + or the President, they had decided to drop the President. He said that + lately one of the loudest pretended friends to the government, damned it, + and said it was good for nothing, that it could not support itself, and it + was time to put it down and set up a better; and yet the same person, in + speaking to the President, puffed off that party as the only friends to + the government. He said he really feared, that by their artifices and + industry, they would aggravate the President so much against the + republicans, as to separate him from the body of the people. I told him + what the same cabals had decided to do, if the President had refused his + assent to the bank bill; also what Brockhurst Livingston said to ———, + that Hamilton’s life was much more precious to the community than the + President’s. + </p> + <p> + August the 1st. Met at the President’s, to consider what was to be done + with Mr. Genet. All his correspondence with me was read over. The + following propositions were made. 1. That a full statement of Mr. Genet’s + conduct be made in a letter to G. Morris, and be sent with his + correspondence, to be communicated to the Executive Council of France; the + letter to be so prepared, as to serve for the form of communication to the + Council. Agreed unanimously. 2. That in that letter his recall be + required. Agreed by all, though I expressed a preference of expressing + that desire with great delicacy; the others were for peremptory terms. 3. + To send him off. This was proposed by Knox; but rejected by every other. + 4. To write a letter to Mr. Genet, the same in substance with that written + to G. Morris, and let him know we had applied for his recall. I was + against this, because I thought it would render him extremely active in + his plans, and endanger confusion. But I was overruled by the other three + gentlemen and the President. 5. That a publication of the whole + correspondence, and statement of the proceedings should be made by way of + appeal to the people. Hamilton made a jury speech of three quarters of an + hour, as inflammatory and declamatory as if he had been speaking to a + jury. E. Randolph opposed it. I chose to leave the contest between them. + Adjourned to next day. + </p> + <p> + August the 2nd. Met again. Hamilton spoke again three quarters of an hour. + I answered on these topics. Object of the appeal. The democratic society; + this the great circumstance of alarm; afraid it would extend its + connections over the continent; chiefly meant for the local object of the + ensuing election of Governor. If left alone, would die away after that is + over. If opposed, if proscribed, would give it importance and vigor; would + give it a new object, and multitudes would join it merely to assert the + right of voluntary associations. That the measure was calculated to make + the President assume the station of the head of a party, instead of the + head of the nation. Plan of the appeal. To consist of facts and the + decisions of the President. As to facts we are agreed; but as to the + decisions, there have been great differences of opinion among us. + Sometimes as many opinions as persons. This proves there will be ground to + attack the decision. Genet will appeal also; it will become a contest + between the President and Genet—anonymous writers—will be same + difference of opinion in public, as in our cabinet—will be same + difference in Congress, lot it must be laid before them—would, + therefore, work very unpleasantly at home. How would it work abroad? + France—unkind—after such proofs of her friendship, should rely + on that friendship and her justice. Why appeal to the world? Friendly + nations always negotiate little differences in private. Never appeal to + the world, but when they appeal to the sword. Confederacy of Pilnitz was + to overthrow the government of France. The interference of France to + disturb other governments and excite insurrections, was a measure of + reprisal. Yet these Princes have been able to make it believed to be the + system of France. Colonel Hamilton supposes Mr. Genet’s proceedings here + are in pursuance of that system: and we are so to declare it to the world, + and to add our testimony to this base calumny of the Princes. What a + triumph to them to be backed by our testimony. What a fatal stroke at the + cause of liberty; <i>Et tu, Brute?</i> We indispose the French government, + and they will retract their offer of the treaty of commerce. The President + manifestly inclined to the appeal to the people.* Knox, in a foolish, + incoherent sort of a speech, introduced the pasquinade lately printed, + called the funeral of George W—n and James W—-n, King and + Judge, &c, where the President was placed on a guillotine. The + President was much inflamed; got into one of those passions when he cannot + command himself; ran on much on the personal abuse which had been bestowed + on him; defied any man on earth to produce one single act of his since he + had been in the government, which was not done on the purest motives; that + he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning + his office, and that was every moment since; that by God he had rather be + in his grave than in his present situation; that he had rather be on his + farm than to be made Emperor of the world; and yet that they were charging + him with wanting to be a King. That that rascal Freneau sent him three of + his papers every day, as if he thought he would become the distributor of + his papers; that he could see in this, nothing but an impudent design to + insult him: he ended in this high tone. There was a pause. Some difficulty + in resuming our question; it was, however, after a little while, presented + again, and he said there seemed to be no necessity for deciding it now; + the propositions before agreed on might be put into a train of execution, + and perhaps events would show whether the appeal would be necessary or + not. He desired we would meet at my office the next day, to consider what + should be done with the vessels armed in our ports by Mr. Genet, and their + prizes. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * He said that Mr. Morris, taking a family dinner with him + the other day, went largely, and of his own accord, into + this subject; advised this appeal, and promised, if the + President adopted it, that he would support it himself, and + engage for all his connections. The President repeated this + twice, and with an air of importance. Now Mr. Morris has no + family connections; he engaged then for his political + friends. This shows that the President has not confidence + enough in the virtue and good sense of mankind, to confide + in a government bottomed on them, and thinks other props + necessary. +</pre> + <p> + August the 3rd. We met. The President wrote to take our opinions, whether + Congress should be called. Knox pronounced at once against it. Randolph + was against it. Hamilton said his judgment was against it, but that if any + two were for it, or against it, he would join them to make a majority. I + was for it. We agreed to give separate opinions to the President. Knox + said we should have had fine work, if Congress had been sitting these two + last months. The fool thus let out the secret. Hamilton endeavored to + patch up the indiscretion of this blabber, by saying ‘he did not know; he + rather thought they would have strengthened the executive arm.’ + </p> + <p> + It is evident they do not wish to lengthen the session of the next + Congress, and probably they particularly wish it should not meet till + Genet is gone. At this meeting I received a letter from Mr. Remsen at New + York, informing me of the event of the combat between the Ambuscade and + the Boston. Knox broke out into the most unqualified abuse of Captain + Courtnay. Hamilton, with less fury, but with the deepest vexation, loaded + him with censures. Both showed the most unequivocal mortification at the + event. + </p> + <p> + August the 6th, 1793. The President calls on me at my house in the + country, and introduces my letter of July the 31st, announcing that I + should resign at the close of the next month. He again expressed his + repentance at not having resigned himself, and how much it was increased + by seeing that he was to be deserted by those on whose aid he had counted: + that he did not know where he should look to find characters to fill up + the offices; that mere talents did not suffice for the department of + State, but it required a person conversant in foreign affairs, perhaps + acquainted with foreign courts; that without this, the best talents would + be awkward and at a loss. He told me that Colonel Hamilton had three or + four weeks ago written to him, informing him that private as well as + public reasons had brought him to the determination to retire, and that he + should do it towards the close of the next session. He said he had often + before intimated dispositions to resign, but never as decisively before; + that he supposed he had fixed on the latter part of next session, to give + an opportunity to Congress to examine into his conduct: that our going out + at times so different, increased his difficulty; for if he had both places + to fill at once, he might consult both the particular talents and + geographical situation of our successors. He expressed great apprehensions + at the fermentation which seemed to be working in the mind of the public; + that many descriptions of persons, actuated by different causes, appeared + to be uniting; what it would end in he knew not; a new Congress was to + assemble, more numerous, perhaps of a different spirit; the first + expressions of their sentiment would be important; if I would only stay to + the end of that, it would relieve him considerably. + </p> + <p> + I expressed to him my excessive repugnance to public life, the particular + uneasiness of my situation in this place, where the laws of society oblige + me always to move exactly in the circle which I know to bear me peculiar + hatred; that is to say, the wealthy aristocrats, the merchants connected + closely with England, the new created paper fortunes; that thus + surrounded, my words were caught, multiplied, misconstrued, and even + fabricated and spread abroad to my injury; that he saw also, that there + was such an opposition of views between myself and another part of the + administration, as to render it peculiarly unpleasing, and to destroy the + necessary harmony. Without knowing the views of what is called the + republican party here, or having any communication with them, I could, + undertake to assure him, from my intimacy with that party in the late + Congress, that there was not a view in the republican party as spread over + the United States, which went to the frame of the government; that I + believed the next Congress would attempt nothing material, but to render + their own body independent; that that party were firm in their + dispositions to support the government; that the manoeuvres of Mr. Genet + might produce some little embarrassment, but that he would be abandoned by + the republicans the moment they knew the nature of his conduct; and on the + whole, no crisis existed which threatened any thing. + </p> + <p> + He said, he believed the views of the republican party were perfectly + pure, but when men put a machine into motion, it is impossible for them to + stop it exactly where they would choose, or to say where it will stop. + That the constitution we have is an excellent one, if we can keep it where + it is; that it was, indeed, supposed there was a party disposed to change + it into a monarchical form, but that he could conscientiously declare + there was not a man in the United States who would set his face more + decidedly against it than himself. Here I interrupted him by saying, ‘No + rational man in the United States suspects you of any other disposition; + but there does not pass a week, in which we cannot prove declarations + dropping from the monarchical party, that our government is good for + nothing, is a milk-and-water thing which cannot support itself, we must + knock it down, and set up something of more energy. He said, if that was + the case, he thought it a proof of their insanity, for that the republican + spirit of the Union was so manifest and so solid, that it was astonishing + how any one could expect to move it. + </p> + <p> + He returned to the difficulty of naming my successor; he said Mr. Madison + would be his first choice, but that he had always expressed to him such a + decision against public office, that he could not expect he would + undertake it. Mr. Jay would prefer his present office. He said that Mr. + Jay had a great opinion of the talents of Mr. King; that there was also + Mr. Smith of South Carolina, and E. Rutledge: but he observed, that, name + whom he would, some objections would be made, some would be called + speculators, some one thing, some another; and he asked me to mention any + characters occurring to me. I asked him if Governor Johnson of Maryland + had occurred to him. He said he had; that he was a man of great good + sense, an honest man, and, he believed, clear of speculations: but this, + says he, is an instance of what I was observing; with all these + qualifications, Governor Johnson, from a want of familiarity with foreign + affairs, would be in them like a fish out of water; every thing would be + new to him, and he awkward in every thing. I confessed to him that I had + considered Johnson rather as fit for the Treasury department. ‘Yes,’ says + he, ‘for that he would be the fittest appointment that could be made; he + is a man acquainted with figures, and having as good a knowledge of the + resources of this country as any man.’ I asked him if Chancellor + Livingston had occurred to him. He said yes; but he was from New York, and + to appoint him while Hamilton was in, and before it should be known he was + going out, would excite a newspaper conflagration, as the ultimate + arrangement would not be known. He said McLurg had occurred to him as a + man of first-rate abilities, but it is said that he is a speculator. He + asked me what sort of a man Wolcot was. I told him I knew nothing of him + myself; I had heard him characterized as a cunning man. I asked him + whether some person could not take my office per interim, till he should + make an appointment; as Mr. Randolph, for instance. ‘Yes,’ says he; ‘but + there you would raise the expectation of keeping it, and I do not know + that he is fit for it, nor what is thought of Mr. Randolph.’ I avoided + noticing the last observation, and he put the question to me directly. I + then told him, I went into society so little as to be unable to answer it. + I knew that the embarrassments in his private affairs had obliged him to + use expedients, which had injured him with the merchants and shop-keepers, + and affected his character of independence; that these embarrassments were + serious, and not likely to cease soon. He said, if I would only stay in + till the end of another quarter (the last of December), it would get us + through the difficulties of this year, and he was satisfied that the + affairs of Europe would be settled with this campaign: for that either + France would be overwhelmed by it, or the confederacy would give up the + contest. By that time, too, Congress will have manifested its character + and views. I told him that I had set my private affairs in motion in a + line which had powerfully called for my presence the last spring, and that + they had suffered immensely from my not going home; that I had now + calculated them to my return in the fall, and to fail in going then, would + be the loss of another year, and prejudicial beyond measure. I asked him + whether he could not name Governor Johnson to my office, under an express + arrangement that at the close of the session he should take that of the + Treasury. He said that men never chose to descend; that being once in a + higher department, he would not like to go into a lower one. He asked me + whether I could not arrange my affairs by going home. I told him I did not + think the public business would admit of it; that there never was a day + now, in which the absence of the Secretary of State would not be + inconvenient to the public. And he concluded by desiring that I would take + two or three days to consider whether I could not stay in till the end of + another quarter, for that, like a man going, to the gallows, he was + willing to put it off as long as he could; but if I persisted, he must + then look about him and make up his mind to do the best he could: and so + he took leave. + </p> + <p> + November the 5th, 1793. E. Randolph tells me, that Hamilton, in + conversation with him yesterday, said, ‘Sir, if all the people in America + were now assembled, and to call on me to say whether I am a friend to the + French revolution, I would declare that I have it in abhorrence?’ + </p> + <p> + November the 8th, 1793. At a conference at the President’s, where I read + several letters of Mr. Genet; on finishing one of them, I asked what + should be the answer. The President thereupon took occasion to observe, + that Mr. Genet’s conduct continued to be of so extraordinary a nature, + that he meant to propose to our serious consideration, whether he should + not have his functions discontinued, and be ordered away. He went + lengthily into observations on his conduct, to raise against the + executive, 1. the people, 2. the State governments, 3. the Congress. He + showed he felt the venom of Genet’s pen, but declared he would not choose + his insolence should be regarded any farther, than as might be thought to + affect the honor of the country. Hamilton and Knox readily and zealously + argued for dismissing Mr. Genet. Randolph opposed it with firmness, and + pretty lengthily. The President replied to him lengthily, and concluded by + saying he did not wish to have the thing hastily decided, but that we + should consider of it, and give our opinions on his return from Reading + and Lancaster. Accordingly, November the 18th, we met at his house; read + new volumes of Genet’s letters, received since the President’s departure; + then took up the discussion of the subjects of communication to Congress. + 1. The Proclamation. E. Randolph read the statement he had prepared; + Hamilton did not like it; said much about his own views; that the + President had a right to declare his opinion to our citizens and foreign + nations; that it was not the interest of this country to join in the war, + and that we were under no obligation to join in it; that though the + declaration would not legally bind Congress, yet the President had a right + to give his opinion of it, and he was against any explanation in the + speech, which should yield that he did not intend that foreign nations + should consider it as a declaration of neutrality, future as well as + present; that he understood it as meant to give them that sort of + assurance and satisfaction, and to say otherwise now, would be a deception + on them. He was for the President’s using such expressions, as should + neither affirm his right to make such a declaration to foreign nations, + nor yield it. Randolph and myself opposed the right of the President to + declare any thing future on the question, Shall there or shall there not + be a war? and that no such thing was intended; that Hamilton’s + construction of the effect of the proclamation would have been a + determination of the question of the guarantee, which we both denied to + have intended, and I had at the time declared the executive incompetent + to. Randolph said he meant that foreign nations should understand it as an + intimation of the President’s opinion, that neutrality would be our + interest. I declared my meaning to have been, that foreign nations should + understand no such thing; that, on the contrary, I would have chosen them + to be doubtful, and to come and bid for our neutrality. I admitted the + President, having received the nation at the close of Congress in a state + of peace, was bound to preserve them in that state till Congress should + meet again, and might proclaim any thing which went no farther. The + President declared he never had an idea that he could bind Congress + against declaring war, or that any thing contained in his proclamation + could look beyond the first day of their meeting. His main view was to + keep our people in peace; he apologized for the use of the term neutrality + in his answers, and justified it, by having submitted the first of them + (that to the merchants, wherein it was used) to our consideration, and we + had not objected to the term. He concluded in the end, that Colonel + Hamilton should prepare a paragraph on this subject for the speech, and it + should then be considered. We were here called to dinner. + </p> + <p> + After dinner, the <i>renvoi</i> of Genet was proposed by himself. I + opposed it on these topics. France, the only nation on earth sincerely our + friend. The measure so harsh a one, that no precedent is produced where it + has not been followed by war. Our messenger has now been gone eighty-four + days; consequently, we may hourly expect the return, and to be relieved by + their revocation of him. Were it now resolved on, it would be eight or ten + days before the matter on which the order should be founded, could be + selected, arranged, discussed, and forwarded. This would bring us within + four or five days of the meeting of Congress. Would it not be better to + wait and see how the pulse of that body, new as it is, would beat. They + are with us now, probably, but such a step as this may carry many over to + Genet’s side. Genet will not obey the order, &c. &c. The President + asked me what I would do if Genet sent the accusation to us to be + communicated to Congress, as he threatened in the letter to Moultrie. I + said I would not send it to Congress; but either put it in the newspapers, + or send it back to him to be published if he pleased. Other questions and + answers were put and returned in a quicker altercation than I ever before + saw the President use. Hamilton was for the <i>renvoi</i>; spoke much of + the dignity of the nation; that they were now to form their character; + that our conduct now would tempt or deter other foreign ministers from + treating us in the same manner; touched on the President’s personal + feelings; did not believe France would make it a cause of war; if she did, + we ought to do what was right, and meet the consequences, &c. Knox on + the same side, and said he thought it very possible Mr. Genet would either + declare us a department of France, or levy troops here and endeavor to + reduce us to obedience. Randolph of my opinion, and argued chiefly on the + resurrection of popularity to Genet, which might be produced by this + measure. That at present he was dead in the public opinion, if we would + but leave him so. The President lamented there was not unanimity among us; + that as it was, we had left him exactly where we found him; and so it + ended. + </p> + <p> + November the 21st. We met at the President’s. The manner of explaining to + Congress the intentions of the proclamation, was the matter of debate. + Randolph produced his way of stating it. This expressed its views to have + been, 1. to keep our citizens quiet; 2. to intimate to foreign nations + that it was the President’s opinion, that the interests and dispositions + of this country were for peace. Hamilton produced his statement, in which + he declared his intention to be, to say nothing which could be laid hold + of for any purpose; to leave the proclamation to explain itself. He + entered pretty fully into all the argumentation of Pacificus; he justified + the right of the President to declare his opinion for a future neutrality, + and that there existed no circumstances to oblige the United States to + enter into the war on account of the guarantee; and that in agreeing to + the proclamation, he meant it to be understood as conveying both those + declarations; viz. neutrality, and that the <i>casus foederis</i> on the + guarantee did not exist. He admitted the Congress might declare war, + notwithstanding these declarations of the President. In like manner, they + might declare war in the face of a treaty, and in direct infraction of it. + Among other positions laid down by him, this was with great positiveness; + that the constitution having given power to the President and Senate to + make treaties, they might make a treaty of neutrality which should take + from Congress the right to declare war in that particular case, and that + under the form of a treaty they might exercise any powers whatever, even + those exclusively given by the constitution to the House of + Representatives. Randolph opposed this position, and seemed to think that + where they undertook to do acts by treaty (as to settle a tariff of + duties), which were exclusively given to the legislature, that an act of + the legislature would be necessary to confirm them, as happens in England, + when a treaty interferes with duties established by law. I insisted that + in giving to the President and Senate a power to make treaties, the + constitution meant only to authorize them to carry into effect, by way of + treaty, any powers they might constitutionally exercise. I was sensible of + the weak points in this position, but there were still weaker in the other + hypothesis; and if it be impossible to discover a rational measure of + authority to have been given by this clause, I would rather suppose that + the cases which my hypothesis would leave unprovided, were not thought of + by the convention, or if thought of, could not be agreed on, or were + thought of and deemed unnecessary to be invested in the government. Of + this last description, were treaties of neutrality, treaties offensive and + defensive, &c. In every event, I would rather construe so narrowly as + to oblige the nation to amend, and thus declare what powers they would + agree to yield, than too broadly, and, indeed, so broadly as to enable the + executive and Senate to do things which the constitution forbids. On the + question, which form of explaining the principles of the proclamation + should be adopted, I declared for Randolph’s, though it gave to that + instrument more objects than I had contemplated. Knox declared for + Hamilton’s. The President said he had had but one object, the keeping our + people quiet till Congress should meet; that nevertheless, to declare he + did not mean a declaration of neutrality, in the technical sense of the + phrase, might perhaps be crying <i>peccavi</i> before he was charged. + However, he did not decide between the two draughts. + </p> + <p> + November the 23rd. At the President’s. Present, Knox, Randolph, and Th: + Jefferson. Subject, the heads of the speech. One was, a proposition to + Congress to fortify the principal harbors. I opposed the expediency of the + General Government’s undertaking it, and the expediency of the President’s + proposing it. It was amended, by substituting a proposition to adopt means + for enforcing respect to the jurisdiction of the United States within its + waters. It was proposed to recommend the establishment of a military + academy. I objected that none of the specified powers given by the + constitution to Congress, would authorize this. It was, therefore, + referred for further consideration and inquiry. Knox was for both + propositions. Randolph against the former, but said nothing as to the + latter. The President acknowledged he had doubted of the expediency of + undertaking the former; and as to the latter, though it would be a good + thing, he did not wish to bring on any thing which might generate heat and + ill-humor. It was agreed that Randolph should draw the speech and the + messages. + </p> + <p> + November the 28th. Met at the President’s. I read over a list of the + papers copying, to be communicated to Congress on the subject of Mr. + Genet. It was agreed that Genet’s letter of August the 13th to the + President, mine of August the 16th, and Genet’s of November to myself and + the Attorney General, desiring a prosecution of Jay and King, should not + be sent to the legislature: on a general opinion, that the discussion of + the fact certified by Jay and King had better be left to the channel of + the newspapers, and in the private hands in which it now is, than for the + President to meddle in it, or give room to a discussion of it in Congress. + </p> + <p> + Randolph had prepared a draught of the speech. The clause recommending + fortifications was left out; but that for a military academy was inserted. + I opposed it, as unauthorized by the constitution. Hamilton and Knox + approved it without discussion. Randolph was for it, saying that the words + of the constitution anthorizing Congress to lay taxes, &c. for the + common defence, might comprehend it. The President said he would not + choose to recommend any thing against the constitution, but if it was + doubtful, he was so impressed with the necessity of this measure, that he + would refer it to Congress, and let them decide for themselves whether the + constitution authorized it or not. It was, therefore, left in. I was happy + to see that Randolph had, by accident, used the expression ‘our republic,’ + in the speech. The President, however, made no objection to it, and so, as + much as it had disconcerted him on a former occasion with me, it was now + put into his own mouth to be pronounced to the two Houses of legislature. + </p> + <p> + No material alterations were proposed or made in any part of the draught. + </p> + <p> + After dinner, I produced the draught of messages on the subject of France + and England, proposing that that relative to Spain should be subsequent + and secret. + </p> + <p> + Hamilton objected to the draught in toto; said that the contrast drawn + between the conduct of France and England amounted to a declaration of + war; he denied that France had ever done us favors; that it was mean for a + nation to acknowledge favors; that the dispositions of the people of this + country towards France, he considered as a serious calamity; that the + executive ought not, by an echo of this language, to nourish that + disposition in the people; that the offers in commerce made us by France, + were the offspring of the moment, of circumstances which would not last, + and it was wrong to receive as permanent, things merely temporary; that he + could demonstrate that Great Britain showed us more favors than France. In + complaisance to him I whittled down the expressions without opposition; + struck out that of ‘favors ancient and recent’ from France; softened some + terms, and omitted some sentiments respecting Great Britain. He still was + against the whole, but insisted that, at any rate, it should be a secret + communication, because the matters it stated were still depending. These + were, 1. the inexecution of the treaty; 2. the restraining our commerce to + their own ports and those of their friends. Knox joined Hamilton in every + thing. Randolph was for the communications; that the documents respecting + the first should be given in as public; but that those respecting the + second should not be given to the legislature at all, but kept secret. I + began to tremble now for the whole, lest all should be kept secret. I + urged, especially, the duty now incumbent on the President, to lay before + the legislature and the public what had passed on the inexecution of the + treaty, since Mr. Hammond’s answer of this month might be considered as + the last we should ever have; that, therefore, it could no longer be + considered as a negotiation pending. I urged that the documents respecting + the stopping our corn ought also to go, but insisted that if it should be + thought better to withhold them, the restrictions should not go to those + respecting the treaty; that neither of these subjects was more in a state + of pendency than the recall of Mr. Genet, on which, nevertheless, no + scruples had been expressed. The President took up the subject with more + vehemence than I have seen him show, and decided without reserve, that not + only what had passed on the inexecution of the treaty should go in as + public (in which Hamilton and Knox had divided in opinion from Randolph + and myself), but also that those respecting the stopping our corn should + go in as public (wherein Hamilton, Knox, and Randolph had been against + me.) This was the first instance I had seen of his deciding on the opinion + of one against that of three others, which proved his own to have been + very strong. + </p> + <p> + December the 1st, 1793. Beckley tells me he had the following fact from + Lear. Langdon, Cabot, and some others of the Senate, standing in a knot + before the fire after the Senate had adjourned, and growling together + about some measure which they had just lost; ‘Ah!’ said Cabot, ‘things + will never go right till you have a President for life, and an hereditary + Senate.’ Langdon told this to Lear, who mentioned it to the President. The + President seemed struck with it, and declared he had not supposed there + was a man in the United States who could have entertained such an idea. + </p> + <hr /> + <hr /> + <p> + March the 2nd, 1797. I arrived at Philadelphia to qualify as + Vice-President, and called instantly on Mr. Adams, who lodged at + Francis’s, in Fourth street. The next morning he returned my visit at Mr. + Madison’s, where I lodged. He found me alone in my room, and shutting the + door himself, he said he was glad to find me alone, for that he wished a + free conversation with me. He entered immediately on an explanation of the + situation of our affairs with France, and the danger of rupture with that + nation, a rupture which would convulse the attachments of this country; + that he was impressed with the necessity of an immediate mission to the + Directory; that it would have been the first wish of his heart to have got + me to go there, but that he supposed it was out of the question, as it did + not seem justifiable for him to send away the person destined to take his + place in case of accident to himself, nor decent to remove from + competition one who was a rival in the public favor. That he had, + therefore, concluded to send a mission, which, by its dignity, should + satisfy France, and by its selection from the three great divisions of the + continent, should satisfy all parts of the United States; in short, that + he had determined to join Gerry and Madison to Pinckney, and he wished me + to consult Mr. Madison for him. I told him that, as to myself, I concurred + in the opinion of the impropriety of my leaving the post assigned me, and + that my inclinations, moreover, would never permit me to cross the + Atlantic again; that I would, as he desired, consult Mr. Madison, but I + feared it was desperate, as he had refused that mission on my leaving it, + in General Washington’s time, though it was kept open a twelvemonth for + him. He said that if Mr. Madison should refuse, he would still appoint + him, and leave the responsibility on him. I consulted Mr. Madison, who + declined, as I expected. I think it was on Monday the 6th of March, Mr. + Adams and myself met at dinner at General Washington’s, and we happened, + in the evening, to rise from table and come away together. As soon as we + got into the street, I told him the event of my negotiation with Mr. + Madison. He immediately said, that, on consultation, some objections to + that nomination had been raised, which he had not contemplated; and was + going on with excuses which evidently embarrassed him, when we came to + Fifth street, where our road separated, his being down Market street, mine + off along Fifth, and we took leave: and he never after that said one word + to me on the subject, or ever consulted me as to any measures of the + government. The opinion I formed at the time on this transaction was, that + Mr. Adams, in the first moments of the enthusiasm of the occasion (his + inauguration), forgot party sentiments, and, as he never acted on any + system, but was always governed by the feeling of the moment, he thought, + for a moment, to steer impartially between the parties; that Monday, the + 6th of March, being the first time he had met his cabinet, on expressing + ideas of this kind, he had been at once diverted from them, and returned + to his former party views. + </p> + <p> + July, 1797. Murray is rewarded for his services by an appointment to + Amsterdam; W. Smith of Charleston, to Lisbon. + </p> + <p> + August the 24th. About the time of the British treaty, Hamilton and + Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, dined together, and Hamilton drank freely. + Conversing on the treaty, Talleyrand says, ‘<i>Mais vraiment, Monsieur + Hamilton, ce n’est pas Men honnete</i>, after making the Senate ratify the + treaty, to advise the President to reject it.’ ‘The treaty,’ says + Hamilton, ‘is an execrable one, and Jay was an old woman for making it; + but the whole credit of saving us from it must be given to the President.’ + After circumstances had led to a conclusion that the President also must + ratify it, he said to the same Talleyrand, ‘Though the treaty is a most + execrable one, yet when once we have come to a determination on it, we + must carry it through thick and thin, right or wrong.’ Talleyrand told + this to Volney, who told it to me. + </p> + <p> + There is a letter now appearing in the papers, from Pickering to Monroe, + dated July the 24th, 1797, which I am satisfied is written by Hamilton. He + was in Philadelphia at that date. + </p> + <p> + December the 26th, 1797. Langdon tells me, that at the second election of + President and Vice-President of the United States, when there was a + considerable vote given to Clinton in opposition to Mr. Adams, he took + occasion to remark it in conversation in the Senate chamber with Mr. + Adams, who gritting his teeth, said, ‘Damn ‘em, damn ‘em, damn ‘em, you + see that an elective government will not do.’ He also tells me that Mr. + Adams, in a late conversation,said,’ Republicanism must be disgraced, + ‘Sir.’ The Chevalier Yrujo called on him at Braintree, and conversing on + French affairs, and Yrujo expressing his belief of their stability, in + opposition to Mr. Adamses, the latter lifting up and shaking his finger at + him, said, ‘I’ll tell you what, the French republic will not last three + months.’ This I had from Yrujo. + </p> + <p> + Harper, lately in a large company, was saying that the best thing the + friends of the French could do, was to pray for the restoration of their + monarch. ‘Then,’ says a by-stander, ‘the best thing we could do, I + suppose, would be to pray for the establishment of a monarch in the United + States.’ ‘Qur people,’ says Harper, ‘are not yet ripe for it, but it is + the best thing we can come to, and we shall come to it.’ Something like + this was said in presence of Findlay. He now denies it in the public + papers, though it can be proved by several members. + </p> + <p> + December the 27th. Tench Coxe tells me, that a little before Hamilton went + out of office, or just as he was going out, taking with him his last + conversation, and among other things, on the subject of their differences, + ‘For my part,’ says he, ‘I avow myself a monarchist; I have no objection + to a trial being made of this thing of a republic, but,’ &c. + </p> + <p> + January the 5th, 1798. I receive a very remarkable fact indeed, in our + history, from Baldwin and Skinner. Before the establishment of our present + government, a very extensive combination had taken place in New York and + the eastern States, among that description of people who were partly + monarchical in principle, or frightened with Shays’s rebellion and the + impotence of the old Congress. Delegates in different places had actually + had consultations on the subject of seizing on the powers of a government, + and establishing them by force; had corresponded with one another, and had + sent a deputy to General Washington to solicit his co-operation. He + refused to join them. The new convention was in the mean time proposed by + Virginia and appointed. These people believed it impossible the States + should ever agree on a government, as this must include the impost and all + the other powers which the States had, a thousand times, refused to the + general authority. They therefore let the proposed convention go on, not + doubting its failure, and confiding that on its failure would be a still + more favorable moment for their enterprise. They therefore wished it to + fail, and especially, when Hamilton, their leader, brought forward his + plan of government, failed entirely in carrying it, and retired in disgust + from the convention. His associates then took every method to prevent any + form of government being agreed to. But the well-intentioned never ceased + trying, first one thing, then another, till they could get something + agreed to. The final passage and adoption of the constitution completely + defeated the views of the combination, and saved us from an attempt to + establish a government over us by force. This fact throws a blaze of light + on the conduct of several members from New York and the eastern States in + the convention of Annapolis, and the grand convention. At that of + Annapolis, several eastern members most vehemently opposed Madison’s + proposition for a more general convention, with more general powers. They + wished things to get more and more into confusion, to justify the violent + measure they proposed. The idea of establishing a government by reasoning + and agreement, they publicly ridiculed as an Utopian project, visionary + and unexampled. + </p> + <p> + February the 6th, 1798. Mr. Baldwin tells me, that in a conversation + yesterday with Goodhue, on the state of our affairs, Goodhue said, ‘I’ll + tell you what, I have made up my mind on this subject; I would rather the + old ship should go down than not’; (meaning the Union of the States.) Mr. + Hillhouse coming up, ‘Well,’ says Mr. Baldwin, ‘I’ll tell my old friend + Hillhouse what you say ‘; and he told him. ‘Well,’ says Goodhue, ‘I + repeat, that I would rather the old ship should go down, if we are to be + always kept pumping so.’ ‘Mr. Hillhouse,’ says Baldwin, ‘you remember when + we were learning logic together at school, there was the case categorical + and the case hypothetical. Mr. Goodhue stated it to me first as the case + categorical. I am glad to see that he now changes it to the case + hypothetical, by adding, ‘if we are always to be kept pumping so.’ Baldwin + went on then to remind Goodhue what an advocate he had been for our + tonnage duty, wanting to make it one dollar instead of fifty cents; and + how impatiently he bore the delays of Congress in proceeding to retaliate + on Great Britain before Mr. Madison’s propositions came on. Goodhue + acknowledged that his opinions had changed since that. + </p> + <p> + February the 15th, 1798. I dined this day with Mr. Adams, (the President.) + The company was large. After dinner I was sitting next to him, and our + conversation was first on the enormous price of labor,* house rent, and + other things. We both concurred in ascribing it chiefly to the flood of + bank paper now afloat, and in condemning those institutions. We then got + on the constitution; and in the course of our conversation he said, that + no republic could ever last which had not a Senate, and a Senate deeply + and strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against all popular storms + and passions; that he thought our Senate as well constituted as it could + have been, being chosen by the legislatures; for if these could not + support them, he did not know what could do it; that perhaps it might have + been as well for them to be chosen by the State at large, as that would + insure a choice of distinguished men, since none but such could be known + to a whole people; that the only fault in our Senate was, that it was not + durable enough; that hitherto, it had behaved very well; however, he was + afraid they would give way in the end. That as to trusting to a popular + assembly for the preservation of our liberties, it was the merest chimera + imaginable; they never had any rule of decision but their own will; that + he would as lieve be again in the hands of our old committees of safety, + who made the law and executed it at the same time; that it had been + observed by some writer (I forget whom he named), that anarchy did more + mischief in one night, than tyranny in an age; and that in modern times we + might say with truth, that, in France, anarchy had done more harm in one + night, than all the despotism of their Kings had ever done in twenty or + thirty years. The point in which he views our Senate, as the colossus of + the constitution, serves as a key to the politics of the Senate, who are + two thirds of them in his sentiments, and accounts for the bold line of + conduct they pursue. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * He observed, that eight or ten years ago he gave only + fifty dollars to a common laborer for his farm, finding him + food and lodging. Now he gives one hundred and fifty + dollars, and even two hundred dollars to one. +</pre> + <p> + March the 1st. Mr. Tazewell tells me, that when the appropriations for the + British treaty were on the carpet, and very uncertain in the lower House, + there being at that time a number of bills in the hands of committees of + the Senate, none reported, and the Senate idle for want of them, he, in + his place, called on the committees to report, and particularly on Mr. + King, who was of most of them. King said that it was true the committees + kept back their reports, waiting the event of the question about + appropriation: that if that was not carried, they considered legislation + as at an end; that they might as well break up and consider the Union as + dissolved. Tazewell expressed his astonishment at these ideas, and called + on King to know if he had misapprehended him. King rose again and repeated + the same words. The next day, Cabot took an occasion in debate, and so + awkward a one as to show it was a thing agreed to be done, to repeat the + same sentiments in stronger terms, and carried further, by declaring a + determination on their side to break up and dissolve the government. + </p> + <p> + March the 11th. In conversation with Baldwin and Brown of Kentucky, Brown + says that in a private company once, consisting of Hamilton, King, + Madison, himself, and some one else making a fifth, speaking of the + ‘federal government’; ‘Oh!’ says Hamilton, ‘say the federal monarchy; let + us call things by their right names, for a monarchy it is.’ + </p> + <p> + Baldwin mentions at table the following fact. When the bank bill was under + discussion in the House of Representatives, Judge Wilson came in, and was + standing by Baldwin. Baldwin reminded him of the following fact which + passed in the grand convention. Among the enumerated powers given to + Congress, was one to erect corporations. It was on debate struck out. + Several particular powers were then proposed. Among others, Robert Morris + proposed to give Congress a power to establish a national bank. Gouverneur + Morris opposed it, observing that it was extremely doubtful whether the + constitution they were framing could ever be passed at all by the people + of America; that to give it its best chance, however, they should make it + as palatable as possible and put nothing into it not very essential, which + might raise up enemies; that his colleague (Robert Morris) well knew that + ‘a bank’ was, in their State (Pennsylvania) the very watch-word of party; + that a bank had been the great bone of contention between the two parties + of the State, from the establishment of their constitution, having been + erected, put down, and erected again, as either party preponderated; that + therefore, to insert this power, would instantly enlist against the whole + instrument, the whole of the anti-bank party in Pennsylvania. Whereupon it + was rejected, as was every other special power, except that of giving + copyrights to authors, and patents to inventors; the general power of + incorporating being whittled down to this shred. Wilson agreed to the + fact. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Hunter of South Carolina, who lodges with Rutledge, [* J. Rutledge, + junior] tells me, that Rutledge was explaining to him the plan they + proposed to pursue as to war measures, when Otis came in. Rutledge + addressed Otis. ‘Now, Sir,’ says he, ‘you must come forward with something + liberal for the southern States, fortify their harbors and build galleys, + in order to obtain their concurrence.’ Otis said, ‘We insist on convoys + for our European trade, and <i>guarda-costas</i>, on which condition + alone, we will give them galleys and fortifications.’ Rutledge observed, + that in the event of war, McHenry and Pickering must go out; Wolcott, he + thought, might remain, but the others were incapable of conducting a war. + Otis said the eastern people would never abandon Pickering; he must be + retained; McHenry might go. They considered together whether General + Pinckney would accept the office of Secretary of War. They apprehended he + would not. It was agreed in this conversation, that Sewall had more the + ear of the President than any other person. + </p> + <p> + March the 12th. When the bill for appropriations was before the Senate, + Anderson moved to strike out a clause recognising (by way of + appropriation) the appointment of a committee by the House of + Representatives, to sit during their recess to collect evidence on + Blount’s case, denying they had power, but by a law, to authorize a + committee to sit during recess. Tracy advocated the motion, and said, ‘We + may as well speak out. The committee was appointed by the House of + Representatives, to take care of the British minister, to take care of the + Spanish minister, to take care of the Secretary of State, in short, to + take care of the President of the United States. They were afraid the + President and Secretary of State would not perform the office of + collecting evidence faithfully; that there would be collusion, &c. + Therefore, the House appointed a committee of their own. We shall have + them next sending a committee to Europe to make a treaty, &c. Suppose + that the House of Representatives should resolve, that after the + adjournment of Congress, they should continue to sit as a committee of the + whole House during the whole recess.’ This shows how the appointment of + that committee has been viewed by the President’s friends. + </p> + <p> + April the 5th. Doctor Rush tells me he had it from Mrs. Adams, that not a + scrip of a pen has passed between the late and present President, since he + came into office. + </p> + <p> + April the 13th. New instructions of the British government to their armed + ships now appear, which clearly infringe their treaty with us, by + authorizing them to take our vessels carrying produce of the French + colonies from those colonies to Europe, and to lake vessels bound to a + blockaded port. See them in Brown’s paper, of April the 18th, in due form. + </p> + <p> + The President has sent a government brig to France, probably to carry + despatches. He has chosen as the bearer of these, one Humphreys, the son + of a ship-carpenter, ignorant, under age, not speaking a word of French, + most abusive of that nation; whose only merit is, the having mobbed and + beaten Bache on board the frigate built here, for which he was indicted + and punished by fine. + </p> + <p> + April the 25th. At a dinner given by the bar to the federal judges, Chase + and Peters, present about twenty-four lawyers, and William Tilghman in the + chair, this toast was given; ‘Our <i>King</i> in old England.’ Observe the + double entendre on the word King. Du Ponceau, who was one of the bar + present, told this to Tench Coxe, who told me in presence of H. Tazewell. + Dallas was at the dinner; so was Colonel Charles Sims of Alexandria, who + is here on a law-suit vs. General Irving. + </p> + <p> + May the 3rd. The President some time ago appointed Steele, of Virginia, a + commissioner to the Indians, and recently Secretary of the Mississippi + Territory. Steele was a Counsellor of Virginia, and was voted out by the + Assembly because he turned tory. He then offered for Congress, and was + rejected by the people. Then offered for the Senate of Virginia, and was + rejected. The President has also appointed Joseph Hopkinson commissioner + to make a treaty with the Oneida Indians. He is a youth of about + twenty-two or twenty-three, and has no other claims to such an appointment + than extreme toryism, and the having made a poor song to the tune of the + President’s March. + </p> + <p> + October the 13th, 1798. Littlepage, who has been on one or two missions + from Poland to Spain, said that when Gardoqui returned from America, he + settled with his court an account of secret service money, of six hundred + thousand dollars. <i>Ex relatione</i> Colonel Monroe. + </p> + <p> + January, 1799. In a conversation between Doctor Ewen and the President, + the former said one of his sons was an aristocrat, the other a democrat. + The President asked if it were not the youngest who was the democrat. + ‘Yes,’ said Ewen. ‘Well,’ said the President, ‘a boy of fifteen who is not + a democrat is good for nothing, and he is no better who is a democrat at + twenty.’ Ewen told Hurt, and Hurt told me. + </p> + <p> + January the 14th. Logan tells me that in his conversation with Pickering + on his arrival, the latter abused Gerry very much; said he was a traitor + to his country, and had deserted the post to which he was appointed; that + the French temporized at first with Pinckney, but found him too much of a + man for their purpose. Logan observing, that, notwithstanding the pacific + declarations of France, it might still be well to keep up. the military + ardor of our citizens, and to have the militia in good order: ‘The + militia,’ said Pickering, ‘the militia never did any good to this country, + except in the single affair of Bunker’s Hill; that we must have a standing + army of fifty thousand men, which being stationed in different parts of + the continent, might serve as rallying points for the militia, and so + render them of some service.’ In his conversation with Mr. Adams, Logan + mentioned the willingness of the French to treat with Gerry. ‘And do you + know why,’ said Mr. Adams. ‘Why, Sir?’ said Logan. ‘Because,’ said Mr. + Adams, ‘they know him to have been an anti-federalist, against the + constitution.’ + </p> + <p> + January the 2nd, 1800. Information from Tench Coxe. Mr. Liston had sent + two letters to the Governor of Canada by one Sweezy. He had sent copies of + them, together with a third, (original) by one Cribs. Sweezy was arrested + (being an old horse-thief), and his papers examined. T. Coxe had a sight + of them. As soon as a rumor got out that there were letters of Mr. Liston + disclosed, but no particulars yet mentioned, Mr. Liston suspecting that + Cribs had betrayed him, thought it best to bring all his three letters, + and lay them before Pickering, Secretary of State. Pickering thought them + all very innocent. In his office they were seen by Mr. Hodgen of New + Jersey, commissary of military stores, and the intimate friend of + Pickering. It happens that there is some land partnership between + Pickering, Hodgen, and Coxe, so that the latter is freely and intimately + visited by Hodgen, who, moreover, speaks freely with him on political + subjects. They were talking the news of the day, when Mr. Coxe observed + that these intercepted letters of Liston were serious things; (nothing + being yet out but a general rumor.) Hodgen asked which he thought the most + serious. Coxe said the second; (for he knew yet of no other.) Hodgen said + he thought little of any of them, but that the third was the most + exceptionable. This struck Coxe, who, not betraying his ignorance of a + third letter, asked generally what part of that he alluded to. Hodgen said + to that wherein he assured the Governor of Canada, that if the French + invaded Canada, an army would be marched from these States to his + assistance. After this it became known that it was Sweezy who was + arrested, and not Cribs; so that Mr. Liston had made an unnecessary + disclosure of his third letter to Mr. Pickering, who, however, keeps his + secret for him. In the beginning of the conversation between Hodgen and + Coxe, Coxe happened to name Sweezy as the bearer of the letters. ‘That ‘s + not his name,’ says Hodgen, (for he did not know that two of the letters + had been sent by Sweezy also) ‘his name is Cribs.’ This put Coxe on his + guard, and set him to fishing for the new matter. + </p> + <p> + January the 10th. Doctor Rush tells me, that he had it from Samuel Lyman, + that during the X. Y. Z. Congress, the federal members held the largest + caucus they have ever had, at which he was present, and the question was + proposed and debated, whether they should declare war against France, and + determined in the negative. Lyman was against it. He tells me, that Mr. + Adams told him, that when he came on in the fall to Trenton, he was there + surrounded constantly by the opponents of the late mission to France. That + Hamilton pressing him to delay it, said, ‘Why, Sir, by Christmas, Louis + the XVIII. will be seated on his throne.’ Mr. A. ‘By whom?’ H. ‘By the + coalition.’ Mr. A. ‘Ah! then farewell to the independence of Europe. If a + coalition, moved by the finger of England, is to give a government to + France, there is an end to the independence of every country.’ + </p> + <p> + January the 12th. General Samuel Smith says that Pickering, Wolcott, and + McHenry, wrote a joint letter from Trenton to the President, then at + Braintree, dissuading him from the mission to France. Stoddard refused to + join it. Stoddard says the instructions are such, that if the Directory + have any disposition to reconciliation, a treaty will be made. He observed + to him also, that Ellsworth looks beyond this mission to the Presidential + chair. That with this view, he will endeavor to make a treaty, and a good + one. That Davie has the same vanity and views. All this communicated by + Stoddard to S. Smith. + </p> + <p> + January the 13th. Baer and Harrison G. Otis told J. Nicholas, that in the + caucus mentioned ante 10th, there wanted but five votes to produce a + declaration of war. Baer was against it. + </p> + <p> + January the 19th. W. C. Nicholas tells me, that in a conversation with + Dexter three or four days ago, he asked Dexter whether it would not be + practicable for the States to agree on some uniform mode of choosing + electors of President. Dexter said, ‘I suppose you would prefer an + election by districts.’ ‘Yes,’ said Nicholas, ‘I think it would be best; + but would nevertheless agree to any other consistent with the + constitution.’ Dexter said he did not know what might be the opinion of + his State, but his own was, that no mode of election would answer any good + purpose; that he should prefer one for life. ‘On that reasoning,’ said + Nicholas, ‘you should prefer an hereditary one.’ ‘No,’ he said, ‘we are + not ripe for that yet. I suppose,’ added he, ‘this doctrine is not very + popular with you.’ ‘No,’ said Nicholas, ‘it would effectually damn any man + in my State.’ ‘So it would in mine,’ said Dexter; ‘but I am under no + inducement to belie my sentiment; I have nothing to ask from any body; I + had rather be at home than here, therefore I speak my sentiments freely.’ + Mr. Nicholas, a little before or after this, made the same proposition of + a uniform election to Rossr who replied that he saw no good in any kind of + election. ‘Perhaps,’ said he, ‘the present one may last a while.’ On the + whole, Mr. Nicholas thinks he perceives, in that party, a willingness and + a wish to let every thing go from bad to worse, to amend nothing, in hopes + it may bring on confusion, and open a door to the kind of government they + wish. In a conversation with Gunn, who goes with them, but thinks in some + degree with us, Gunn told him that the very game which the minority of + Pennsylvania is now playing with McKean (see substitute of minority in + lower House, and address of Senate in upper), was meditated by the same + party in the federal government, in case of the election of a republican + President; and that the eastern States would in that case throw things + into confusion, and break the Union. That they have in a great degree got + rid of their paper, so as no longer to be creditors, and the moment they + cease to enjoy the plunder of the immense appropriations now exclusively + theirs, they would aim at some other order of things. + </p> + <p> + January the 24th. Mr. Smith, a merchant of Hamburg, gives me the following + information. The St. Andrew’s Club, of New York, (all of Scotch tories,) + gave a public dinner lately. Among other guests Alexander Hamilton was + one. After dinner, the first toast was ‘The President of the United + States.’ It was drunk without any particular approbation. The next was, + ‘George the Third.’ Hamilton started up on his feet, and insisted on a + bumper and three cheers. The whole company accordingly rose and gave the + cheers. One of them, though a federalist, was so disgusted at the + partiality shown by Hamilton to a foreign sovereign over his own + President, that he mentioned it to a Mr. Schwart-house, an American + merchant of New York, who mentioned it to Smith. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Smith also tells me, that calling one evening on Mr. Evans, then + Speaker of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, and asking the + news, Evans said, Harper had just been there, and speaking of the + President’s setting out to Braintree, said, ‘he prayed to God that his + horses might run away with him, or some other accident happen to break his + neck before he reached Braintree.’ This was in indignation at his having + named Murray, &c. to negotiate with France. Evans approved of the + wish. + </p> + <p> + February the 1st. Doctor Rush tells me that he had it from Asa Green, that + when the clergy addressed General Washington on his departure from the + government, it was observed in their consultation, that he had never, on + any occasion, said a word to the public which showed a belief in the + Christian religion, and they thought they should so pen their address, as + to force him at length to declare publicly whether he was a Christian or + not. They did so. However, he observed, the old fox was too cunning for + them. He answered every article of their address particularly except that, + which he passed over without notice. Rush observes, he never did say a + word on the subject in any of his public papers, except in his valedictory + letter to the Governors of the States when he resigned his commission in + the army, wherein he speaks of ‘the benign influence of the Christian + religion.’ + </p> + <p> + I know that Gouverneur Morris, who pretended to be in his secrets and + believed himself to be so, has often told me that General Washington + believed no more of that system than he himself did. + </p> + <p> + March, 1800. Heretical doctrines maintained in Senate, on the motion + against the Aurora. That there is in every legal body of men a right of + self-preservation, authorizing them to do whatever is necessary for that + purpose: by Tracy, Read, and Lawrence. That the common law authorizes the + proceeding proposed against the Aurora, and is in force here: by Read. + That the privileges of Congress are and ought to be indefinite: by Read. + </p> + <p> + Tracy says, he would not say exactly that the common law of England in all + its extent is in force here; but common sense reason, and morality, which + are the foundations of the common law, are in force here, and establish a + common law. He held himself so nearly half way between the common law of + England and what every body else has called natural law, and not common + law, that he could hold to either the one or the other, as he should find + expedient. + </p> + <p> + Dexter maintained that the common law, as to crimes, is in force in the + United States. + </p> + <p> + Chipman says, that the principles of common right are common law. + </p> + <p> + March the 11th. Conversing with Mrs. Adams on the subject of the writers + in the newspapers, I took occasion to mention that I never in my life had, + directly or indirectly, written one sentence for a newspaper; which is an + absolute truth. She said that Mr. Adams, she believed, had pretty well + ceased to meddle in the newspapers, since he closed the pieces on Davila. + This is the first direct avowal of that work to be his, though long and + universally understood to be so. + </p> + <p> + March the 14th. Freneau, in Charleston, had the printing of the laws in + his paper. He printed a pamphlet of Pinckney’s letters on Robbins’s case. + Pickering has given the printing of the laws to the tory paper of that + place, though not of half the circulation. The printing amounted to about + one hundred dollars a year. + </p> + <p> + March the 24th. Mr. Perez Morton of Massachusetts tells me that Thatcher, + on his return from the war Congress, declared to him he had been for a + declaration of war against France, and many others also; but that on + counting noses they found they could not carry it, and therefore did not + attempt it. + </p> + <p> + March the 27th. Judge Breckenridge gives me the following information. He + and Mr. Ross were originally very intimate; indeed, he says, he found him + keeping a little Latin school, and advised and aided him in the study of + the law, and brought him forward. After Ross became a Senator, and + particularly at the time of the western insurrection, they still were in + concert. After the British treaty, Ross, on his return, informed him there + was a party in the United States who wanted to overturn the government, + who were in league with France; that France, by a secret article of treaty + with Spain, was to have Louisiana; and that Great Britain was likely to be + our best friend and dependence. + </p> + <p> + On this information, he, Breckenridge, was induced to become an advocate + for the British treaty. During this intimacy with Ross, he says, that + General Collot, in his journey to the western country, called on him, and + he frequently led Breckenridge into conversations on their grievances + under the government, and particularly the western expedition; that he + spoke to him of the advantages that country would have in joining France + when she should hold Louisiana; showed him a map he had drawn of that part + of the country; pointed out the passes in the mountain, and the facility + with which they might hold them against the United States, and with which + France could support them from New Orleans. He says, that in these + conversations, Collot let himself out without common prudence. He says, + Michaux (to whom I, at the request of Genet, had given a letter of + introduction to the Governor of Kentucky as a botanist, which was his real + profession,) called on him; that Michaux had a commissary’s commission for + the expedition, which Genet had planned from that quarter against the + Spaniards; that —————, the late Spanish + commandant of St. Genevieve, with one Powers, an Englishman, called on + him. That from all these circumstances, together with Ross’s stories, he + did believe that there was a conspiracy to deliver our country, or some + part of it at least, to the French; that he made notes of what passed + between himself and Collot and the others, and lent them to Mr. Ross, who + gave them to the President, by whom they were deposited in the office of + the Board of War; that when he complained to Ross of this breach of + confidence, he endeavored to get off by compliments on the utility and + importance of his notes. They now cooled towards each other; and his + opposition to Ross’s election as Governor has separated them in truth, + though not entirely to appearance. + </p> + <p> + Doctor Rush tells me, that within a few days he has heard a member of + Congress lament our separation from Great Britain, and express his sincere + wishes that we were again dependent on her. + </p> + <p> + December the 25th, 1800. Colonel Hitchburn tells me what Colonel Monroe + had before told me of, as coming from Hitchburn. He was giving me the + characters of persons in Massachusetts. Speaking of Lowell, he said he + was, in the beginning of the Revolution, a timid whig, but as soon as he + found we were likely to prevail, he became a great office-hunter. And in + the very breath of speaking of Lowell, he stopped: says he, I will give + you a piece of information which I do not venture to speak of to others. + There was a Mr. Hale in Massachusetts, a reputable, worthy man, who + becoming a little embarrassed in his affairs, I aided him, which made him + very friendly to me. He went to Canada on some business. The Governor + there took great notice of him. On his return, he took occasion to mention + to me that he was authorized by the Governor of Canada to give from three + to five thousand guineas each to himself and some others, to induce them + not to do any thing to the injury of their country, but to befriend a good + connection between England and it. Hitchburn said he would think of it, + and asked Hale to come and dine with him to-morrow. After dinner he drew + Hale fully out. He told him he had his doubts, but particularly, that he + should not like to be alone in such a business. On that, Hale named to him + four others who were to be engaged, two of whom, said Hitchburn, are now + dead, and two living. Hitchburn, when he had got all he wanted out of + Hale, declined in a friendly way. But he observed those, four men, from + that moment, to espouse the interests of England in every point and on + every occasion. Though he did not name the men to me, yet as the speaking + of Lowell was what brought into his Read to tell me this anecdote, I + concluded he was one. From other circumstances respecting Stephen + Higginson, of whom he spoke, I conjectured him to be the other living one. + </p> + <p> + December the 26th. In another conversation, I mentioned to Colonel + Hitchburn, that though he had not named names, I had strongly suspected + Higginson to be one of Hale’s men. He smiled and said, if I had strongly + suspected any man wrongfully from his information, he would undeceive me: + that there were no persons he thought more strongly to be suspected + himself, than Higginson and Lowell. I considered this as saying they were + the men. Higginson is employed in an important business about our navy. + </p> + <p> + February the 12th, 1801. Edward Livingston tells me, that Bayard applied + to-day or last night to General Samuel Smith, and represented to him the + expediency of his coming over to the States who vote for Burr, that there + was nothing in the way of appointment which he might not command, and + particularly mentioned the Secretaryship of the Navy. Smith asked him if + he was authorized to make the offer. He said he was authorized. Smith told + this to Livingston, and to W. C. Nicholas, who confirms it to me. Bayard + in like manner tempted Livingston, not by offering any particular office, + but by representing to him his (Livingston’s) intimacy and connection with + Burr; that from him he had every thing to expect, if he would come over to + him. To Doctor Linn of New Jersey, they have offered the government of New + Jersey. See a paragraph in Martin’s Baltimore paper of February the 10th, + signed, ‘a looker on,’ staling an intimacy of views between Harper and + Burr. + </p> + <p> + February the 14th. General Armstrong tells me, that Gouverneur Morris, in + conversation with him to-day on the scene which is passing, expressed + himself thus. ‘How comes it,’ says he, ‘that Burr, who is four hundred + miles off (at Albany), has agents here at work with great activity, while + Mr. Jefferson, who is on the spot, does nothing?’ This explains the + ambiguous conduct of himself and his nephew, Lewis Morris, and that they + were holding themselves free for a price; i.e. some office, either to the + uncle or nephew. + </p> + <p> + February the 16th. See in the Wilmington Mirror of February the 14th, Mr. + Bayard’s elaborate argument to prove that the common law, as modified by + the laws of the respective States at the epoch of the ratification of the + constitution, attached to the courts of the United States. + </p> + <p> + June the 23rd, 1801. Andrew Ellicot tells me, that in a conversation last + summer with Major William Jackson of Philadelphia, on the subject of our + intercourse with Spain, Jackson said we had managed our affairs badly; + that he himself was the author of the papers against the Spanish minister + signed Americanus; that his object was irritation; that he was anxious, if + it could have been brought, about, to have plunged us into a war with + Spain, that the people might have been occupied with that, and not with + the conduct of the administration, and other things they had no business + to meddle with. + </p> + <p> + December the 13th, 1803. The Reverend Mr. Coffin of New England, who is + now here soliciting donations for a college in Greene county, in + Tennessee, tells me that when he first determined to engage in this + enterprise, he wrote a paper recommendatory of the enterprise, which he + meant to get signed by clergymen, and a similar one for persons in a civil + character, at the head of which he wished Mr. Adams to put his name, he + being then President, and the application going only for his name, and not + for a donation. Mr. Adams, after reading the paper and considering, said, + ‘he saw no possibility of continuing the union of the States; that their + dissolution must necessarily take place; that he therefore saw no + propriety in recommending to New England men to promote a literary + institution in the south; that it was in fact giving strength to those who + were to be their enemies, and therefore, he would have nothing to do with + it.’ + </p> + <p> + December the 31st. After dinner to-day, the pamphlet on the conduct of + Colonel Burr being the subject of conversation, Matthew Lyon noticed the + insinuations against the republicans at Washington, pending the + Presidential election, and expressed his wish that every thing was spoken + out which was known; that it would then appear on which side there was a + bidding for votes, and he declared that John Brown of Rhode Island, urging + him to vote for Colonel Burr, used these words. ‘What is it you want, + Colonel Lyon? Is it office, is it money? Only say what you want, and you + shall have it.’ + </p> + <p> + January the 2nd, 1804. Colonel Hitchburn, of Massachusetts, reminding me + of a letter he had written me from Philadelphia, pending the Presidential + election, says he did not therein give the details. That he was in company + at Philadelphia with Colonel Burr and ——— that in the + course of the conversation on the election, Colonel Burr said, ‘We must + have a President, and a constitutional one, in some way.’ ‘How is it to be + done,’ says Hitchburn; ‘Mr. Jefferson’s friends will not quit him, and his + enemies are not strong enough to carry another.’ ‘Why,’ says Burr, ‘our + friends must join the federalists, and give the President.’ ‘The next + morning at breakfast, Colonel Burr repeated nearly the same, saying, ‘We + cannot be without a President, our friends must join the federal vote.’ + ‘But,’ says Hitchburn, ‘we shall then be without a Vice-President; who is + to be our Vice-President?’ Colonel Burr answered, ‘Mr. Jefferson.’ + </p> + <p> + January the 26th. Colonel Burr, the Vice-President, calls on me in the + evening, having previously asked an opportunity of conversing with me. He + began by recapitulating summarily, that he had come to New York a + stranger, some years ago; that he found the country in possession of two + rich families (the Livingstons and Clintons); that his pursuits were not + political, and he meddled not. When the crisis, however, of 1800 came on, + they found their influence worn out, and solicited his aid with the + people. He lent it without any views of promotion. That his being named as + a candidate for Vice-President was unexpected by him. He acceded to it + with a view to promote my fame and advancement, and from a desire to be + with me, whose company and conversation had always been fascinating to + him. That, since, those great families had become hostile to him, and had + excited the calumnies which I had seen published. That in this Hamilton + had joined, and had even written some of the pieces against him. That his + attachment to me had been sincere, and was still unchanged, although many + little stories had been carried to him, and he supposed to me also, which + he despised; but that attachments must be reciprocal, or cease to exist, + and therefore he asked if any change had taken place in mine towards him; + that he had chosen to have this conversation with myself directly, and not + through any intermediate agent. He reminded me of a letter written to him + about the time of counting the votes (say February, 1801), mentioning that + his election had left a chasm in my arrangements; that I had lost him from + my list in the administration, &c. He observed, he believed it would + be for the interest of the republican cause for him to retire; that a + disadvantageous schism would otherwise take place; but that were he to + retire, it would be said he shrunk from the public sentence, which he + never would do; that his enemies were using my name to destroy him, and + something was necessary from me to prevent and deprive them of that + weapon, some mark of favor from me which would declare to the world that + he retired with my confidence. + </p> + <p> + I answered by recapitulating to him what had been my conduct previous to + the election of 1800. That I had never interfered directly or indirectly, + with my friends or any others, to influence the election either for him or + myself; that I considered it as my duty to be merely passive, except that + in Virginia I had taken some measures to procure for him the unanimous + vote of that State, because I thought any failure there might be imputed + to me. That in the election now coming on, I was observing the same + conduct, held no councils with any body respecting it, nor suffered any + one to speak to me on the subject, believing it my duty to leave myself to + the free discussion of the public; that I do not at this moment know, nor + have ever heard, who were to be proposed as candidates for the public + choice, except so far as could be gathered from the newspapers. That as to + the attack excited against him in the newspapers, I had noticed it but as + the passing wind; that I had seen complaints that Cheetham, employed in + publishing the laws, should be permitted to eat the public bread and abuse + its second officer: that as to this, the publishers of the laws were + appointed by the Secretary of State, without any reference to me; that to + make the notice general, it was often given to one republican and one + federal printer of the same place; that these federal printers did not in + the least intermit their abuse of me, though receiving emoluments from the + government, and that I have never thought it proper to interfere for + myself, and consequently not in the case of the Vice-President. That as to + the letter he referred to, I remembered it, and believed he had only + mistaken the date at which it was written; that I thought it must have + been on the first notice of the event of the election of South Carolina; + and that I had taken that occasion to mention to him, that I had intended + to have proposed to him one of the great offices, if he had not been + elected; but that his election, in giving him a higher station, had + deprived me of his aid in the administration. The letter alluded to was, + in fact, mine to him of December the 15th, 1800. I now went on to explain + to him verbally, what I meant by saying I had lost him from my list. That + in General Washington’s time, it had been signified to him that Mr. Adams, + the Vice-President, would be glad of a foreign embassy; that General + Washington mentioned it to me, expressed his doubts whether Mr. Adams was + a fit character for such an office, and his still greater doubts, indeed, + his conviction, that it would not be justifiable to send away the person + who, in case of his death, was provided by the constitution to take his + place: that it would moreover appear indecent for him to be disposing of + the public trusts, in apparently buying off a competitor for the public + favor. I concurred with him in the opinion, and, if I recollect rightly, + Hamilton, Knox, and Randolph were consulted, and gave the same opinions. + That when Mr. Adams came to the administration, in his first interview + with me, he mentioned the necessity of a mission to France, and how + desirable it would have been to him if he could have got me to undertake + it; but that he conceived it would be wrong in him to send me away, and + assigned the same reasons General Washington had done; and therefore, he + should appoint Mr. Madison, &c. That I had myself contemplated his + (Colonel Burr’s) appointment to one of the great offices, in case he was + not elected Vice-President; but that as soon as that election was known, I + saw it could not be done, for the good reasons which had led General + Washington and Mr. Adams to the same conclusion; and therefore, in my + first letter to Colonel Burr, after the issue was known, I had mentioned + to him that a chasm in my arrangements had been produced by this event. I + was thus particular in rectifying the date of this letter, because it gave + me an opportunity of explaining the grounds on which it was written, which + were, indirectly, an answer to his present hints. He left the matter with + me for consideration, and the conversation was turned to indifferent + subjects. I should here notice, that Colonel Burr must have thought I + could swallow strong things in my own favor, when he founded his + acquiescence to the nomination as Vice-President, to his desire of + promoting my honor, the being with me, whose company and conversation had + always been fascinating with him, &c. I had never seen Colonel Burr + till he came as a member of Senate. His conduct very soon inspired me with + distrust. I habitually cautioned Mr. Madison against trusting him too + much. I saw afterwards, that under General Washington’s and Mr. Adams’s + administrations, whenever a great military appointment or a diplomatic one + was to be made, he came post to Philadelphia to show himself, and in fact + that he was always at market, if they had wanted him. He was indeed told + by Dayton in 1800, he might be Secretary at War; but this bid was too + late! His election as Vice-President was then foreseen. With these + impressions of Colonel Burr, there never had been an intimacy between us, + and but little association. When I destined him for a high appointment, it + was out of respect for the favor he had obtained with the republican + party, by his extraordinary exertions and success in the New York election + in 1800. + </p> + <p> + April the 15th, 1806. About a month ago, Colonel Burr called on me, and + entered into a conversation, in which he mentioned, that a little before + my coming into office, I had written to him a letter intimating that I had + destined him for a high employ, had he not been placed by the people in a + different one; that he had signified his willingness to resign as + Vice-President, to give aid to the administration in any other place; that + he had never asked an office, however; he asked aid of nobody, but could + walk on his own legs and take care of himself; that I had always used him + with politeness, but nothing more; that he aided in bringing on the + present order of things; that he had supported the administration; and + that he could do me much harm: he wished, however, to be on different + ground: he was now disengaged from all particular business—willing + to engage in something—should be in town some days, if I should have + any thing to propose to him. I observed to him, that I had always been + sensible that he possessed talents which might be employed greatly to the + advantage of the public, and that, as to myself, I had a confidence that + if he were employed, he would use his talents for the public good: but + that he must be sensible the public had withdrawn their confidence from + him, and that in a government like ours it was necessary to embrace in its + administration as great a mass of public confidence as possible, by + employing those who had a character with the public, of their own, and not + merely a secondary one through the executive. He observed, that if we + believed a few newspapers, it might be supposed he had lost the public + confidence, but that I knew how easy it was to engage newspapers in any + thing. I observed, that I did not refer to that kind of evidence of his + having lost the public confidence, but to the late Presidential election, + when, though in possession of the office of Vice-President, there was not + a single voice heard for his retaining it. That as to any harm he could do + me, I knew no cause why he should desire it, but, at the same time, I + feared no injury which any man could do me: that I never had done a single + act, or been concerned in any transaction, which I feared to have fully + laid open, or which could do me any hurt, if truly stated: that I had + never done a single thing with a view to my personal interest, or that of + any friend, or with any other view than that of the greatest public good: + that, therefore, no threat or fear on that head would ever be a motive of + action with me. He has continued in town to this time; dined with me this + day week, and called on me to take leave two or three days ago. + </p> + <p> + I did not commit these things to writing at the time, but I do it now, + because in a suit between him and Cheetham, he has had a deposition of Mr. + Bayard taken, which seems to have no relation to the suit, nor to any + other object than to calumniate me. Bayard pretends to have addressed to + me, during the pending of the Presidential election in February, 1801, + through General Samuel Smith, certain conditions on which my election + might be obtained, and that General Smith, after conversing with me, gave + answers from me. This is absolutely false. No proposition of any kind was + ever made to me on that occasion by General Smith, nor any answer + authorized by me. And this fact General Smith affirms at this moment. + </p> + <p> + For some matters connected with this, see my notes of February the 12th + and 14th, 1801, made at the moment. But the following transactions took + place about the same time, that is to say, while the Presidential election + was in suspense in Congress, which, though I did not enter at the time, + they made such an impression on my mind, that they are now as fresh, as to + their principal circumstances, as if they had happened yesterday. Coming + out of the Senate chamber one day, I found Gouverneur Morris on the steps. + He stopped me, and began a conversation on the strange and portentous + state of things then existing, and went on to observe, that the reasons + why the minority of States was so opposed to my being elected, were, that + they apprehended that, 1. I would turn all federalists out of office; 2. + put down the navy; 3. wipe off the public debt. That I need only to + declare, or authorize my friends to declare, that I would not take these + steps, and instantly the event of the election would be fixed. I told him, + that I should leave the world to judge of the course I meant to pursue, by + that which I had pursued hitherto, believing it to be my duty to be + passive and silent during the present scene; that I should certainly make + no terms; should never go into the office of President by capitulation, + nor with my hands tied by any conditions which should hinder me from + pursuing the measures which I should deem for the public good. It was + understood that Gouverneur Morris had entirely the direction of the vote + of Lewis Morris of Vermont, who, by coming over to Matthew Lyon, would + have added another vote, and decided the election. About the same time, I + called on Mr. Adams. We conversed on the state of things. I observed to + him, that a very dangerous experiment was then in contemplation, to defeat + the Presidential election by an act of Congress declaring the right of the + Senate to name a President of the Senate, to devolve on him the government + during any interregnum: that such a measure would probably produce + resistance by force, and incalculable consequences, which it would be in + his power to prevent by negativing such an act. He seemed to think such an + act justifiable, and observed, it was in my power to fix the election by a + word in an instant, by declaring I would not turn out the federal + officers, nor put down the navy, nor spunge the national debt. Finding his + mind made up as to the usurpation of the government by the President of + the Senate, I urged it no further, observed, the world must judge as to + myself of the future by the past, and turned the conversation to something + else. About the same time, Dwight Foster of Massachusetts called on me in + my room one night, and went into a very long conversation on the state of + affairs, the drift of which was to let me understand, that the fears above + mentioned were the only obstacle to my election, to all of which I avoided + giving any answer the one way or the other. From this moment he became + most bitterly and personally opposed to me, and so has ever continued. I + do not recollect that I ever had any particular conversation with General + Samuel Smith on this subject. Very possibly I had, however, as the general + subject and all its parts were the constant themes of conversation in the + private tête-à-têtes with our friends. But certain I am, that neither he + nor any other republican ever uttered the most distant hint to me about + submitting to any conditions, or giving any assurances to any body; and + still more certainly, was neither he nor any other person ever authorized + by me to say what I would or would not do. + </p> + <hr /> + <hr /> + <p> + [The following official opinion, though inadvertently omitted in its + proper place, is deemed of sufficient importance to be inserted here.] + </p> + <p> + The bill for establishing a National Bank, undertakes, among other things, + </p> + <p> + 1. To form the subscribers into a corporation. + </p> + <p> + 2. To enable them, in their corporate capacities, to receive grants of + land; and so far, is against the laws of <i>Mortmain</i>.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Though the constitution controls the laws of Mortmain, so + far as to permit Congress itself to hold lands for certain + purposes, yet not so far as to permit them to communicate a + similar right to other corporate bodies. +</pre> + <p> + 3. To make alien subscribers capable of holding lands; and so far, is + against the laws of Alienage. + </p> + <p> + 4. To transmit these lands, on the death of a proprietor, to a certain + line of successors; and so far, changes the course of Descents. + </p> + <p> + 5. To put the lands out of the reach of forfeiture or escheat; and so far, + is against the laws of <i>Forfeiture</i> and <i>Escheat</i>. + </p> + <p> + 6. To transmit personal chattels to successors in a certain line; and so + far, is against the laws of Distribution. + </p> + <p> + 7. To give them the sole and exclusive right of banking under the national + authority; and so far, is against the laws of Monopoly. + </p> + <p> + 8. To communicate to them a power to make laws paramount to the laws of + the States; for so they must be construed, to protect the institution from + the control of the State legislatures; and so, probably, they will be + construed. + </p> + <p> + I consider the foundation of the constitution as laid on this ground, that + all powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution nor + prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States or to the + people.’ (Twelfth amendment.) To take a single step beyond the boundaries + thus specially drawn around the powers of Congress, is to take possession + of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of any definition. + </p> + <p> + The incorporation of a bank, and the powers assumed by this bill, have + not, in my opinion, been delegated to the United States by the + constitution. + </p> + <p> + I. They are not among the powers specially, enumerated. For these are, + </p> + <p> + 1. A power to <i>lay taxes</i> for the purpose of paying the debts of the + United States. But no debt is paid by this bill, nor any tax laid. Were it + a bill to raise money, its origination in the Senate would condemn it by + the constitution. + </p> + <p> + 2. To ‘borrow money.’ But this bill neither borrows money, nor insures the + borrowing it. The proprietors of the bank will be just as free as any + other money-holders, to lend or not to lend their money to the public. The + operation proposed in the bill, first to lend them two millions, and then + borrow them back again cannot change the nature of the latter act, which + will still be a payment and not a loan, call it by what name you please. + </p> + <p> + 3. ‘To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the States, and + with the Indian tribes.’ To erect a bank, and to regulate commerce, are + very different acts. He who erects a bank creates a subject of commerce in + its bills: so does he who makes a bushel of wheat, or digs a dollar out of + the mines. Yet neither of these persons regulates commerce thereby. To + make a thing which may be bought and sold, is not to prescribe regulations + for buying and selling. Besides, if this were an exercise of the power of + regulating commerce, it would be void, as extending as much to the + internal commerce of every State, as to its external. For the power given + to Congress by the constitution, does not extend to the internal + regulation, of the commerce of a State (that is to say, of the commerce + between citizen and citizen), which remains exclusively with its own + legislature; but to its external commerce only, that is to say, its + commerce with another State, or with foreign nations, or with the Indian + tribes. Accordingly, the bill does not propose the measure as a + ‘regulation of trade,’ but as ‘productive of considerable advantage to + trade.’ + </p> + <p> + Still less are these powers covered by any other of the special + enumerations. + </p> + <p> + II. Nor are they within either of the general phrases, which are the two + following. + </p> + <p> + 1. ‘To lay taxes to provide for the general welfare of the United States’; + that is to say, ‘to lay taxes for the purpose of providing for the general + welfare.’ For the laying of taxes is the power, and the general welfare + the purpose for which the power is to be exercised. Congress are not to + lay taxes, <i>ad libitum</i>, for any purpose they please: but only to pay + the debts, or provide for the welfare of the Union. In like manner, they + are not to do any thing they please, to provide for the general welfare, + but only to lay taxes for that purpose. To consider the latter phrase, not + as describing the purpose of the first, but as giving a distinct and + independent power to do any act they please, which might be for the good + of the Union, would render all the preceding and subsequent enumerations + of power completely useless. It would reduce the whole instrument to a + single phrase, that of instituting a Congress with power to do whatever + would be for the good of the United States; and as they would be the sole + judges of the good or evil, it would be also a power to do whatever evil + they pleased. It is an established rule of construction, where a phrase + will bear either of two meanings, to give it that which will allow some + meaning to the other parts of the instrument, and not that which will + render all the others useless. Certainly no such universal power was meant + to be given them. It was intended to lace them up straitly within the + enumerated powers, and those without which, as means, these powers could + not be carried into effect. It is known that the very power now proposed + as a means, was rejected as an end by the convention which formed the + constitution. A proposition was made to them, to authorize Congress to + open parials, and an amendatory one, to empower them to incorporate. But + the whole was rejected; and one of the reasons of rejection urged in + debate was, that they then would have a power to erect a bank, which would + render the great cities, where there were prejudices and jealousies on + that subject, adverse to the reception of the constitution. + </p> + <p> + 2. The second general phrase is, ‘to make all laws necessary and proper + for carrying into execution the enumerated powers.’ But they can all be + carried into execution without a bank. A bank, therefore, is not + necessary, and consequently, not authorized by this phrase. + </p> + <p> + It has been much urged, that a bank will give great facility or + convenience in the collection of taxes. Suppose this were true: yet the + constitution allows only the means which are ‘necessary’ not those which + are merely ‘convenient’ for effecting the enumerated powers. If such a + latitude of construction be allowed to this phrase, as to give any + non-enumerated power, it will go to every one; for there is no one which + ingenuity may not torture into a convenience, in some way or other, to + some one of so long a list of enumerated powers. It would swallow up all + the delegated powers, and reduce the whole to one phrase, as before + observed. Therefore it was, that the constitution restrained them to the + necessary means, that is to say, to those means without which the grant of + the power would be nugatory. + </p> + <p> + But let us examine this ‘convenience,’ and see what it is. The report on + this subject, page 2, states the only general convenience to be, the + preventing the transportation and re-transportation of money between the + States and the treasury. (For I pass over the increase of circulating + medium ascribed to it as a merit, and which, according to my ideas of + paper money, is clearly a demerit.) Every State will have to pay a sum of + tax-money into the treasury; and the treasury will have to pay in every + State a part of the interest on the public debt, and salaries to the + officers of government resident in that State. In most of the States, + there will be still a surplus of tax-money, to come up to the seat of + government, for the officers residing there. The payments of interest and + salary in each State, may be made by treasury orders on the state + collector. This will take up the greater part of the money he has + collected in his State and consequently prevent the great mass of it from + being drawn out of the state. If there be a balance of commerce in favor + of that State, against the one in which the government resides, the + surplus of taxes will be remitted by the bills of exchange drawn for that + commercial balance. And so it must be if there were a bank. But if there + be no balance of commerce, either direct or circuitous, all the banks in + the world could not bring us the surplus of taxes but in the form of + money. Treasury orders, then, and bills of exchange, may prevent the + displacement of the main mass of the money collected, without the aid of + any bank: and where these fail, it cannot be prevented even with that aid. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps, indeed, bank bills may be a more convenient vehicle than treasury + orders. But a little difference in the degree of convenience, cannot + constitute the necessity which the constitution makes the ground for + assuming any non-enumerated power. + </p> + <p> + Besides; the existing banks will, without doubt, enter into arrangements + for lending their agency, and the more favorable, as there will be a + competition among them for it. Whereas, this bill delivers us up bound to + the national bank, who are free to refuse all arrangements but on their + own terms, and the public not free, on such refusal to employ any other + bank. That of Philadelphia, I believe, now does this business by their + post notes, which, by an arrangement with the treasury, are paid by any + State collector to whom they are presented. This expedient alone, suffices + to prevent the existence of that necessity which may justify the + assumption of a non-enumerated power, as a means for carrying into effect + an enumerated one. The thing may be done, and has been done, and well + done, without this assumption; therefore, it does not stand on that degree + of necessity which can honestly justify it. + </p> + <p> + It may be said, that a bank, whose bills would have a currency all over + the States, would be more convenient than one whose currency is limited to + a single State. So it would be still more convenient, that there should be + a bank whose bills should have a currency all over the world. But it does + not follow from this superior conveniency, that there exists any where a + power to establish such a bank, or that the world may not go on very well + without it. Can it be thought that the constitution intended, that for a + shade or two of convenience, more or less, Congress should be authorized + to break down the most ancient and fundamental laws of the several States, + such as those against mortmain, the laws of alienage, the rules of + descent, the acts of distribution, the laws of escheat and forfeiture, and + the laws of monopoly. Nothing but a necessity invincible by any other + means, can justify such a prostration of laws, which constitute the + pillars of our whole system of jurisprudence. Will Congress be too + strait-laced to carry the constitution into honest effect, unless they may + pass over the foundation laws of the State governments, for the slightest + convenience to theirs? + </p> + <p> + The negative of the President is the shield provided by the constitution, + to protect against the invasions of the legislature, 1. the rights of the + Executive; 2. of the Judiciary; 3. of the States and State legislatures. + The present is the case of a right remaining exclusively with the States, + and is, consequently, one of those intended by the constitution to be + placed under his protection. + </p> + <p> + It must be added, however, that unless the President’s mind, on a view of + every thing which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear + that it is unauthorized by the constitution, if the pro and the con hang + so even as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of the + legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion. + It is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition, + or interest, that the constitution has placed a check in the negative of + the President. + </p> + <p> + Th: Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + February 15, 1791. + </p> + <div style="height: 6em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Memoir, Correspondence, And +Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, by Thomas Jefferson + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON *** + +***** This file should be named 16784-h.htm or 16784-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/7/8/16784/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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