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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/16702-8.txt b/16702-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fd3cef2 --- /dev/null +++ b/16702-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,15356 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook, The New York Times Current History of the +European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915, by Various + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 + What Americans Say to Europe + + +Author: Various + + + +Release Date: September 16, 2005 [eBook #16702] + +Language: en + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY +OF THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL. 1, JANUARY 9, 1915*** + + +E-text prepared by Juliet Sutherland, Linda Cantoni, and the Project +Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team + + + +Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this + file which includes the original illustrations. + See 16702-h.htm or 16702-h.zip: + (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/0/16702/16702-h/16702-h.htm) + or + (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/0/16702/16702-h.zip) + + + + + +The New York Times + +CURRENT HISTORY OF THE EUROPEAN WAR + +JANUARY 9, 1915. + +What Americans Say to Europe + + + + + + + +[Illustration: CHARLES W. ELIOT + +_(Photo (c) by Paul Thompson.)_ + +_See Page 473_] + +[Illustration: JAMES M. BECK + +_See Page 413_] + + + + +In the Supreme Court of Civilization + +Argued by James M. Beck. + + +THE NEW YORK TIMES _submitted the evidence contained in the official +"White Paper" of Great Britain, the "Orange Paper" of Russia, and the +"Gray Paper" of Belgium to James M. Beck, late Assistant Attorney +General of the United States and a leader of the New York bar, who has +argued many of the most important cases before the Supreme Court. On +this evidence Mr. Beck has argued in the following article the case of +Dual Alliance vs. Triple Entente. It has been widely circulated in +France and Great Britain._ + +Let us suppose that in this year of dis-Grace, Nineteen Hundred and +Fourteen, there had existed, as let us pray will one day exist, a +Supreme Court of Civilization, before which the sovereign nations could +litigate their differences without resort to the iniquitous and less +effective appeal to the arbitrament of arms. + +Let us further suppose that each of the contending nations had a +sufficient leaven of Christianity to have its grievances adjudged not by +the ethics of the cannon or the rifle, but by the eternal criterion of +justice. + +What would be the judgment of that august tribunal? + +Any discussion of the ethical merits of this great controversy must +start with the assumption that there is an international morality. + +This fundamental axiom, upon which the entire basis of civilization +necessarily rests, is challenged by a small class of intellectual +perverts. + +Some hold that moral considerations must be subordinated either to +military necessity or so-called manifest destiny. This is the Bernhardi +doctrine. + +Others teach that war is a beneficent fatality and that all nations +engaged in it are therefore equally justified. On this theory all of the +now contending nations are but victims of an irresistible current of +events, and the highest duty of the State is to prepare itself for the +systematic extermination, when necessary or expedient, of its neighbors. + +Notwithstanding the clever platitudes under which both these doctrines +are veiled, all morally sane minds are agreed that this war is a great +crime against civilization, and the only open question is, which of the +two contending groups of powers is morally responsible for that crime? + +Was Austria justified in declaring war against Servia? + +Was Germany justified in declaring war against Russia and France? + +Was England justified in declaring war against Germany? + +As the last of these questions is the most easily disposed of, it may be +considered first. + + +England's Justification. + +England's justification rests upon the solemn Treaty of 1839, whereby +Prussia, France, England, Austria, and Russia "became the guarantors" of +the "perpetual neutrality" of Belgium, as reaffirmed by Count Bismarck, +then Chancellor of the North German Confederation, on July 22, 1870, and +as even more recently reaffirmed in the striking fact disclosed in the +Belgian "Gray Book." + +In the Spring of 1913 a debate was in progress in the Budget Committee +of the Reichstag with reference to the Military Budget. In the course of +the debate the German Secretary of State said: + + "The neutrality of Belgium is determined by international + conventions, _and Germany is resolved to respect these + conventions_." + +To confirm this solemn assurance, the Minister of War added in the same +debate: + + "Belgium does not play any part in the justification of the + German scheme of military reorganization. The scheme is + justified by the position of matters in the East. _Germany + will not lose sight of the fact that Belgian neutrality is + guaranteed by international treaties._" + +A year later, on July 31, 1914, Herr von Below, the German Minister at +Brussels, assured the Belgian Department of State that he knew of a +declaration which the German Chancellor had made in 1911, to the effect +"that Germany had no intention of violating our neutrality," and "that +he was certain that the sentiments to which expression was given at that +time _had not changed_." (See Belgian "Gray Book," Nos. 11 and 12.) + +Apart from these treaty stipulations, which are only declaration of +Belgium's rights as sovereign nations, The Hague Conference, in which +forty-four nations (including Germany) participated, reaffirmed as an +axiom of international law the inherent right of a nation to the +sanctity of its territory. + +It seems unnecessary to discuss the wanton disregard of these solemn +obligations and protestations, when the present Chancellor of the German +Empire, in his speech to the Reichstag and to the world on Aug. 4, 1914, +frankly admitted that the action of the German military machine in +invading Belgium was a wrong. He said: + + "We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no + law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are + already on Belgian soil. _Gentlemen, that is contrary to the + dictates of international law._ It is true that the French + Government has declared at Brussels that France is willing to + respect the neutrality of Belgium, so long as her opponent + respects it. We knew, however, that France stood ready for + invasion. France could wait, but we could not wait. A French + movement upon our flank upon the lower Rhine might have been + disastrous. So we were compelled to override the just protest + of the Luxemburg and Belgian Governments. _The wrong--I speak + openly--that we are committing_ we will endeavor to make good + as soon as our military goal has been reached. Anybody who is + threatened as we are threatened, and is fighting for his + highest possessions, can only have one thought--how he is to + hack his way through." + +This defense is not even a plea of confession and avoidance. It is a +plea of "Guilty" at the bar of the world. It has one merit, that it +does not add to the crime the aggravation of hypocrisy. It virtually +rests the case of Germany upon the gospel of Treitschke and Bernhardi, +that each nation is justified in exerting its physical power to the +utmost in defense of its selfish interests and without any regard to +considerations of conventional morality. Might as between nations is the +sole criterion of right. There is no novelty in this gospel. Its only +surprising feature is its revival in the twentieth century. It was +taught far more effectively by Machiavelli in his treatise, "The +Prince," wherein he glorified the policy of Cesare Borgia in trampling +the weaker States of Italy under foot by ruthless terrorism, unbridled +ferocity, and the basest deception. Indeed, the wanton destruction of +Belgium is simply Borgiaism amplified ten-thousandfold by the mechanical +resources of modern war. + + +This Answer Cannot Satisfy. + +Unless our boasted civilization is the thinnest veneering of barbarism; +unless the law of the world is in fact only the ethics of the rifle and +the conscience of the cannon; unless mankind after uncounted centuries +has made no real advance in political morality beyond that of the cave +dweller, then this answer of Germany cannot satisfy the "decent respect +to the opinions of mankind." Germany's contention that a treaty of peace +is "a scrap of paper," to be disregarded at will when required by the +selfish interests of one contracting party, is the negation of all that +civilization stands for. + +Belgium has been crucified in the face of the world. Its innocence of +any offense, until it was attacked, is too clear for argument. Its +voluntary immolation to preserve its solemn guarantee of neutrality will +"plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against the deep damnation of its +taking off." On that issue the Supreme Court could have no ground for +doubt or hesitation. Its judgment would be speedy and inexorable. + +The remaining two issues, above referred to, are not so simple. +Primarily and perhaps exclusively, the ethical question turns upon the +issues raised by the communications which passed between the various +Chancelleries of Europe in the last week of July, for it is the amazing +feature of this greatest of all wars that it was precipitated by +diplomats and rulers, and, assuming that all these statesmen sincerely +desired a peaceful solution of the questions raised by the Austrian +ultimatum, (which is by no means clear,) it was the result of +ineffective diplomacy and clumsy diplomacy at that. + +I quite appreciate the distinction between the immediate causes of a war +and the anterior and more fundamental causes; nevertheless, with the +world in a state of Summer peace on July 23, 1914, an issue, gravely +affecting the integrity of nations and the balance of power in Europe, +is suddenly precipitated by the Austrian ultimatum, and thereafter and +for the space of about a week a series of diplomatic communications +passed between the Chancelleries of Europe, designed on their face to +prevent a war and yet so ineffective that the war is precipitated and +the fearful Rubicon crossed before the world knew, except imperfectly, +the nature of the differences between the Governments involved. The +ethical aspects of this great conflict must largely depend upon the +record that has been made up by the official communications which can, +therefore, be treated as documentary evidence in a litigated case. + +A substantial part of that record is already before the court of public +opinion in the British and German "White Papers," the Russian "Orange +Paper," and the Belgian "Gray Paper," and the purpose of this article is +to discuss what judgment an impartial and dispassionate court would +render upon the issues thus raised and the evidence thus submitted. + +Primarily such a court would be deeply impressed not only by what the +record as thus made up discloses, _but also by the significant omissions +of documents known to be in existence_. + +The official defense of England and Russia does not apparently show any +failure on the part of either to submit all of the documents in their +possession, _but the German "White Paper" on its face discloses the +suppression of documents of vital importance, while Austria has as yet +failed to submit any of the documentary evidence in its possession_. + +We know from the German "White Paper"--even if we did not conclude as a +matter of irresistible inference--that many important communications +passed in this crisis between Germany and Austria, and it is probable +that some communications must also have passed between those two +countries and Italy. Italy, despite its embarrassing position, owes to +the world the duty of a full disclosure. What such disclosure would +probably show is indicated by her deliberate conclusion that her allies +had commenced an _aggressive_ war, which released her from any +obligation under the Triple Alliance. + +The fact that communications passed between Berlin and Vienna, the text +of which has never been disclosed, is not a matter of conjecture. +Germany admits and asserts as part of her defense that she faithfully +exercised her mediatory influence with Austria, but not only is such +mediatory influence not disclosed by any practical results of such +mediation, but the text of these vital communications is still kept in +the secret archives of Berlin and Vienna. + +Thus in the official apology for Germany it is stated that, in spite of +the refusal of Austria to accept the proposition of Sir Edward Grey to +treat the Servian reply "as a basis for further conversations," + + "we [Germany] continued our mediatory efforts to the _utmost_ + and advised Vienna to make any possible compromise consistent + with the dignity of the Monarchy." + + [German "White Paper."] + +This would be more convincing if the German Foreign Office in giving +other diplomatic documents had only added the _text_ of the advice which +it thus gave Vienna. + +The same significant omission will be found when the same official +defense states that on July 29 the German Government advised Austria "to +begin the conversations with Mr. Sazonof." But here again _the text_ is +not found among the documents which the German Foreign Office has given +to the world. The communications, which passed between that office and +its Ambassadors in St. Petersburg, Paris, and London, are given _in +extenso_, but among the twenty-seven communications appended to the +German official defense it is most significant that not a single +communication is given of the many which passed from Berlin to Vienna +and only two that passed from Vienna to Berlin. + +This cannot be an accident. Germany has seen fit to throw the veil of +secrecy over the text of its communications to Vienna, although +professing to give the purport of a few of them. + +Until Germany is willing to put the most important documents in its +possession in evidence, it must not be surprised that the world, +remembering Bismarck's garbling of the Ems dispatch, which precipitated +the Franco-Prussian war, will be incredulous as to the sincerity of +Germany's mediatory efforts. + + +Austria's Case Against Servia. + +To discuss the justice of Austria's grievances against Servia would take +us outside the documentary record and into the realm of disputed facts +and would expand this discussion far beyond reasonable length. + +Let us therefore suppose _arguendo_ that our imaginary court would +commence its consideration with the assumption that Austria had a just +grievance against Servia, and that the murder of the Archduke on June +28, 1914, while in fact committed by Austrian citizens of Servian +sympathies on Austrian soil, had its inspiration and encouragement in +the political activities either of the Servian Government or of +political organizations of that country. + +The question for decision would then be not whether Austria had a just +grievance against Servia, but whether having regard to the obligations +which Austria, as well as every other country, owes to civilization, she +proceeded in the right manner to redress her grievance. + +On June 28, 1914, the Austrian Crown Prince was murdered at Serajevo. +For nearly a month there was no action by Austria, and no public +statement whatever of its intentions. The world profoundly sympathized +with Austria in its new trouble, and especially with its aged monarch, +who, like King Lear, was "as full of grief as years and wretched in +both." + +The Servian Government had formerly disclaimed any complicity with the +assassination and had pledged itself to punish any Servian citizen +implicated therein. + +From time to time, from June 28 to July 23, there came semi-inspired +intimations from Vienna that that country intended to act with great +self-restraint and in the most pacific manner. In his speech to the +French Chamber of Deputies, Viviani says that Europe had in the interval +preceding July 23 express assurances from Austria that its course would +be moderate and conciliatory. Never was it even hinted that Germany and +Austria were about to apply in a time of profound peace a match to the +powder magazine of Europe. + +This is strikingly shown by the first letter in the English "White +Paper" from Sir Edward Grey to Sir H. Rumbold, dated July 20, 1914. It +is one of the most significant documents in the entire correspondence. +At the time this letter was written it is altogether probable that +Austria's arrogant and most unreasonable ultimatum had already been +framed and approved in Vienna, and possibly in Berlin, and yet Sir +Edward Grey, the Foreign Minister of a great and friendly country, had +so little knowledge of Austria's policy that he + + "asked the German Ambassador today (July 20) if he had any + news of what was going on in Vienna with regard to Servia." + The German Ambassador replied "that he had not, but Austria + was certainly going to take some step." + +Sir Edward Grey adds that he told the German Ambassador that he had +learned that Count Berchtold, the Austrian Foreign Minister, + + "in speaking to the Italian Ambassador in Vienna, had + deprecated the suggestion that the situation was grave, but + had said that it should be cleared up." + +The German Minister then replied that it would be desirable "if Russia +could act as a mediator with regard to Servia," so that the first +suggestion of Russia playing the part of the peacemaker came from the +German Ambassador in London. Sir Edward Grey then adds that he told the +German Ambassador that he + + "assumed that the Austrian Government would not do anything + until they had first disclosed to the public their case + against Servia, founded presumably upon what they had + discovered at the trial," + +and the German Ambassador assented to this assumption. + +[English "White Paper," No. 1.] + +Either the German Ambassador was then deceiving Sir Edward Grey, on the +theory that the true function of an Ambassador is "to lie for his +country," or the thunderbolt was being launched with such secrecy that +even the German Ambassador in England did not know what was then in +progress. + +The British Ambassador at Vienna reports to Sir Edward Grey: + + "The delivery at Belgrade on the 23d July of the note to + Servia was preceded by a period of _absolute silence_ at the + Ballplatz." + +He proceeds to say that with the exception of the German Ambassador at +Vienna--note the significance of the exception--not a single member of +the Diplomatic Corps knew anything of the Austrian ultimatum and that +the French Ambassador when he visited the Austrian Foreign Office on +July 23 was not only kept in ignorance that the ultimatum had actually +been issued, but was given the impression that its tone was moderate. +Even the Italian Ambassador was not taken into Count Berchtold's +confidence. + +[Dispatch from Sir M. de Bunsen to Sir Edward Grey, dated Sept. 1, +1914.] + +No better proof of this sense of security need be adduced than that the +French President and her Foreign Minister were thousands of miles from +Paris, and the Russian Minister had, after the funeral of the Austrian +Archduke, left Vienna for his annual holiday. + +The interesting and important question here suggests itself whether +Germany had knowledge of and approved in advance the Austrian ultimatum. +If it did, it was guilty of duplicity, for the German Ambassador at St. +Petersburg gave to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs an express +assurance that + + "the German Government _had no knowledge of the text of the + Austrian note before it was handed in and has not exercised + any influence on its contents. It is a mistake to attribute to + Germany a threatening attitude_." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 18.] + +This statement is inherently improbable. Austria was the weaker of the +two allies and it was Germany's sabre that it was rattling in the face +of Europe. Obviously Austria could not have proceeded to extreme +measures, which it was recognized from the first would antagonize +Russia, unless it had the support of Germany, and there is a +probability, amounting to a moral certainty, that it would not have +committed itself and Germany to the possibility of a European war +without first consulting Germany. + +Moreover, we have the testimony of Sir M. de Bunsen, the English +Ambassador in Vienna, who advised Sir Edward Grey that he had "private +information that the German Ambassador (at Vienna) knew the text of the +Austrian ultimatum to Servia before it was dispatched and telegraphed it +to the German Emperor," and that the German Ambassador himself "indorses +every line of it." [English "White Paper," No. 95.] As he does not +disclose the source of his "private information," this testimony would +not by itself be convincing, but when we examine Germany's official +defense in the German "White Paper," _we find that the German Foreign +Office admits that it was consulted by Austria previous to the ultimatum +and not only approved of Austria's course but literally gave her a +carte blanche to proceed_. + +This point seems so important in determining the sincerity of Germany's +attitude and pacific protestations that we quote _in extenso_. After +referring to the previous friction between Austria and Servia, the +German "White Paper" says: + +"In view of these circumstances, Austria had to admit that it would not +be consistent either with the dignity or self-preservation of the +monarchy to look on longer at the operations on the other side of the +border without taking action. _The Austro-Hungarian Government advised +us of this view of the situation and asked our opinion in the matter. We +were able to assure our ally most heartily of our agreement with her +view of the situation and to assure her that any action that she might +consider it necessary to take in order to put an end to the movement in +Servia directed against the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy +would receive our approval._ We were fully aware in this connection that +warlike moves on the part of Austria-Hungary against Servia would bring +Russia into the question and might draw us into a war in accordance with +our duties as an ally." + +Sir M. de Bunsen's credible testimony is further confirmed by the fact +that the British Ambassador at Berlin, in his letter of July 22 to Sir +Edward Grey, states that _on the preceding night_ (July 21) he had met +the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and an allusion was +made to a possible action by Austria. + + "His Excellency was evidently of opinion that this step on + Austria's part would have been made ere this. He insisted that + the question at issue was one for settlement between Servia + and Austria alone, and that there should be no interference + from outside in the discussions between those two countries." + +He adds that while he had regarded it as inadvisable that his country +should approach Austria-Hungary in the matter, he had + + "on several occasions in conversation with the Servian + Minister emphasized the extreme importance that + Austro-Servian relations should be put on a proper footing." + +[English "White Paper," No. 2.] + +Here we have the first statement of Germany's position in the matter, a +position which subsequent events showed to be entirely untenable, but to +which Germany tenaciously adhered to the very end, and which did much to +precipitate the war. Forgetful of the solidarity of European +civilization and the fact that by policy and diplomatic intercourse +continuing through many centuries a United European State exists, even +though its organization be as yet inchoate, he took the ground that +Austria should be permitted to proceed to aggressive measures against +Servia without interference from any other power, even though, as was +inevitable, the humiliation of Servia would destroy the status of the +Balkan States and even threaten the European balance of power. + +No space need be taken in convincing any reasonable man that this +Austrian ultimatum to Servia was brutal in its tone and unreasonable in +its demands. It would be difficult to find in history a more offensive +document, and its iniquity was enhanced by the short shriving time which +it gave either Servia or Europe. Servia had forty-eight hours to answer +whether it would compromise its sovereignty, and virtually admit its +complicity in a crime which it had steadily disavowed. As the full text +of the ultimatum first reached the Foreign Chancelleries nearly +twenty-four hours after its service upon Servia, the other European +nations had barely a day to consider what could be done to preserve the +peace of Europe before that peace was fatally compromised. + +[English "White Paper," No. 5; Russian "Orange Paper," No. 3.] + +Further confirmation that the German Foreign Office did have advance +knowledge of at least the substance of the ultimatum is shown by the +fact that on the same day the ultimatum was issued the Chancellor of the +German Empire instructed the German Ambassadors in Paris, London, and +St. Petersburg to advise the English, French, and Russian Governments +that + + "the acts as well as _the demands_ of the Austro-Hungarian + Government cannot but be looked upon as justified." + +[German "White Paper," Annex 1B.] + +How could Germany thus indorse the "demands" if it did not know the +substance of the ultimatum? + +The hour when these instructions were sent is not given, so that it does +not follow that these significant instructions were necessarily prior to +the service of the ultimatum at Belgrade at 6 P.M. Nevertheless, as the +ultimatum did not reach the other capitals of Europe until the following +day, as the diplomatic correspondence clearly shows, it seems improbable +that the German Foreign Office would have issued this very carefully +prepared and formal warning to the other powers on July the 23d unless +it had not only knowledge of Austria's intention to serve the ultimatum +but also at least of the substance thereof. + +While it may be that Germany, while indorsing in blank the policy of +Austria, purposely refrained from examining the text of the +communication, so that it could thereafter claim that it was not +responsible for Austria's action--a policy which would not lessen the +discreditable character of the whole business--yet the more reasonable +assumption is that the simultaneous issuance of Austria's ultimatum at +Belgrade and Germany's warning to the powers were the result of a +concerted action and had a common purpose. No court or jury, reasoning +along the ordinary inferences of human life, would question this +conclusion for a moment. + +The communication for the German Foreign Office last referred to +anticipates that Servia "will refuse to comply with these demands"--why, +if they were justified?--and Germany suggests to France, England, and +Russia that if, as a result of such non-compliance, Austria has +"recourse to military measures," that "the choice of means must be left +to it." + +The German Ambassadors in the three capitals were instructed + + "to lay particular stress on the view that the above question + is one the settlement of which devolves solely upon + Austria-Hungary and Servia, and one which the powers should + earnestly strive to confine to the two countries concerned," + +and he added that Germany strongly desired + + "that the dispute be localized, since any intervention of + another power, on account of the various alliance obligations, + would bring consequences impossible to measure." + +This is one of the most significant documents in the whole +correspondence. If Germany were as ignorant as her Ambassador at London +affected to be of the Austrian policy and ultimatum, and if Germany was +not then instigating and supporting Austria in its perilous course, why +should the German Chancellor have served this threatening notice upon +England, France, and Russia, that Austria must be left free to make war +upon Servia, and that any attempt to intervene in behalf of the weaker +nation would "bring consequences impossible to measure"? + +[German "White Paper," Annex 1B.] + +A few days later the Imperial Chancellor sent to the Confederated +Governments of Germany a _confidential communication_ in which he +recognized the possibility that Russia might feel it a duty "to take the +part of Servia in her dispute with Austria-Hungary." Why, again, if +Austria's case was so clearly justified? The Imperial Chancellor added +that + + "if Russia feels constrained to take sides with Servia in this + conflict, she certainly has a right to do it," + +but added that if Russia did this it would in effect challenge the +integrity of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and that Russia would +therefore alone-- + + "bear the responsibility if a European war arises from the + Austro-Servian question, _which all the rest of the great + European powers wish to localize_." + +In this significant confidential communication the German Chancellor +declares the strong interest which Germany had in the punishment of +Servia by Austria. He says "_our closest interests therefore summon us +to the side of Austria-Hungary_," and he adds that + + "if contrary to hope, the trouble should spread, owing to the + intervention of Russia, then, true to our duty as an ally, we + should have to support the neighboring monarchy with the + entire might of the German Empire." + +[German "White Paper," Annex 2.] + +In reaching its conclusion our imaginary court would pay little +attention to mere professions of a desire for peace. A nation, like an +individual, can covertly stab the peace of another while saying, "Art +thou in health, my brother?" and even the peace of civilization can be +betrayed by a Judas kiss. Professions of peace belong to the cant of +diplomacy and have always characterized the most bellicose of nations. + +No war in modern times has been begun without the aggressor pretending +that his nation wished nothing but peace and invoking Divine aid for its +murderous policy. To paraphrase the words of Lady Teazle on a noted +occasion when Sir Joseph Surface talked much of "honor," it might be as +well in such instances to leave the name of God out of the question. + +Let us, then, analyze the record as already made up; and for the sake of +clearness the events which preceded the war will be considered +chronologically. + +Immediately upon the receipt of the ultimatum in St. Petersburg on July +24, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a formal communication +to Austria-Hungary, suggested that the abrupt time limit "leaves to the +powers a delay entirely insufficient to undertake any useful steps +whatever for the straightening out of the complications that have +arisen," and added: + + "To prevent the incalculable consequences, equally disastrous + for all the powers, which can follow the method of action of + the Austro-Hungarian Government, it seems indispensable to us + that, above all, the delay given to Servia to reply should be + extended." + +Sazonof further suggested that time should be given for the powers to +examine the results of the inquiry that the Austro-Hungarian Government +had made in the matter of the Serajevo assassination, and stated that if +the powers were convinced + + "of the well-groundedness of certain of the Austrian demands + they would find themselves in a position to send to the + Servian Government consequential advice." + +He justly observes that + + "a refusal to extend the terms of the ultimatum ... would be + in contradiction with the very bases of international + relations." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 4.] + +Could any court question the justice of this contention? The peace of +the world was at stake. Time only was asked to see what could be done to +preserve that peace and satisfy Austria's grievances to the uttermost +farthing. + +Concurrently with Sazonof's plea for a little time to preserve the peace +of the world, Sir Edward Grey had seen the German Ambassador on July 24 +and had suggested to him that the only method of preventing the +catastrophe was + + "that the four powers, Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves, + (England,) should work together simultaneously at Vienna and + St. Petersburg." + +[English "White Paper," No. 11.] + +Germany had only to intimate to Austria that "a decent respect to the +opinions of mankind," as well as common courtesy to great and friendly +nations, required that sufficient time be given not only to Servia, but +to the other nations, to concert for the common good, especially as the +period was one of Summer dullness and many of the leading rulers and +statesmen were absent from their respective capitals. + +Under these circumstances was it not natural that Russia should announce +on July 24 + + "that any action taken by Austria to humiliate Servia would + not leave Russia indifferent," + +and that on the same day the Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna +suggested to the Austrian Foreign Office + + "that the Austrian note was drawn up in a form rendering it + impossible of acceptance as it stood, and that it was both + unusual and peremptory in its terms"? + +To which the only reply of the Austrian Foreign Minister was that their +representative in Servia + + "was under instructions to leave Belgrade unless Austrian + demands were accepted in their integrity by 4 P.M. tomorrow." + +[English "White Paper," No. 7.] + +Austria's only concession then or subsequently to the cause of peace was +the assurance that Austria would not _after its conquest_ of Servia +demand any territory. + +The action of Germany on this day, July 24, is most significant. Its +Ambassador in England communicated a note to Sir Edward Grey in which it +justified Austro-Hungarian grievances and ultimatum by saying that + + "under these circumstances the course of procedure and demands + of the Austro-Hungarian Government can only be regarded as + equitable and moderate." + +The note added: + + "The Imperial Government [Germany] want to emphasize their + opinion that in the present case there is only question of a + matter to be settled exclusively between Austria-Hungary and + Servia, and that the great powers ought seriously to endeavor + to reserve it to those two immediately concerned." + +[English "White Paper," No. 9.] + +On July 25, probably to the great surprise of both Germany and Austria, +which had definitely calculated upon Servians non-compliance with the +ultimatum, the latter country, under the conciliatory advice of Russia +and England, made a reply in which, at some sacrifice of its +self-respect as a sovereign State, it substantially accepted all but one +of the demands of Austria, and as to that it did not, in terms, refuse +it, but expressed its willingness to refer it either to arbitration or +to a conference of the powers. + +[English "White Paper," No. 39.] + +No court would question for a moment the conclusion that the reply was a +substantial acquiescence in the extreme Austrian demands, nor indeed did +either Germany or Austria seriously contend that it was not. They +contented themselves with impeaching the sincerity of the assurances, +calling the concessions "shams," and of this it is enough to say that if +Germany and Austria had accepted Servians reply as sufficient, and +Servia had subsequently failed to fulfill its promises thus made in the +utmost good faith, there would have been little sympathy for Servia, and +no general war. Indeed, both Russia and England pledged their influence +to compel Servia, if necessary, to meet fully any reasonable demand of +Austria. The outstanding question, which Servia agreed to arbitrate or +leave to the powers, was the participation of Austrian officials in the +Servian courts. This did not present a difficult problem. Austria's +professed desire for an impartial investigation could have been easily +attained by having the neutral powers appoint a commission of jurists to +make such investigation. + +On July 24 Sir Edward Grey also had asked the German Ambassador to use +his good influences at Vienna to secure an extension of time. To this +most reasonable request the answer and action of the German Government +was disingenuous in the extreme. They agreed to "pass on" the +suggestion, but the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs added +that as the Austrian Prime Minister was away from Vienna there would be +delay and difficulty in getting the time limit extended, and + + "he admitted quite freely that the Austro-Hungarian Government + _wished to give the Servians a lesson and that they meant to + take military action. He also admitted that the Servian + Government could not swallow certain of the Austro-Hungarian + demands_." + +He added that Germany did not want a general war and "he would do all in +his power to prevent such a calamity." + +[English "White Paper," Nos. 11 and 18.] + +Immediately on the issuance of the ultimatum the Austrian Foreign +Minister, Count Berchtold, had most inopportunely taken himself to +Ischl, where he remained until after the expiration of the time limit. +Access to him proved difficult, and the Russian Chargé at Vienna, having +lodged a pacific protest with the Acting Foreign Minister in order to +take no chances, telegraphed it to Berchtold at Ischl. Nevertheless, +Berchtold's apparently designed absence from the capital was Germany's +excuse for its failure to get the time limit extended. + +If Germany made any communication to Austria in the interests of peace +the text has yet to be disclosed to the world. A word from Berlin to +Vienna would have given the additional time which, with sincerely +pacific intentions, might have resulted in the preservation of peace. +Germany, so far as the record discloses, never spoke that word. + +Contrast this attitude with that of Russia, whose Foreign Minister on +the morning of July 25 offered + + "to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of + England, France, Germany, and Italy." + +[English "White Paper," No. 17.] + +As Russia was the member of the Triple Entente most interested in the +fate of Servia, what proposal could have been more conciliatory or +magnanimous? + +On July 25 Sir Edward Grey proposed that the four powers (including +Germany) should unite + + "in asking the Austrian and Russian Governments not to cross + the frontier and to give time for the four powers, acting at + Vienna and St. Petersburg, to try and arrange matters. If + Germany will adopt this view I feel strongly that France and + ourselves should act upon it. Italy would no doubt gladly + co-operate." + +[English "White Paper," Nos. 24 and 25.] + +To this reasonable request the Imperial German Chancellor replied: + + "First and last, we take the ground that this question must be + localized _by the abstention of all the powers from + intervention in it_," + +but added that Germany would, if an Austro-Russian dispute arose, + + "co-operate with the other great powers in mediation between + Russia and Austria." + +[German "White Paper," Annex 13.] + +This distinction is very hard to grasp. It attempts to measure the +difference between tweedledum and tweedledee. Russia's difference with +Austria was over the attempt of the latter to crush Servia. Germany +would not interfere in the latter, but would as an abstract proposition +mediate between Russia and Austria. For all practical purposes the two +things were indistinguishable. + +How she "co-operated" we shall presently see. + +All that Germany _did_ on July 25, so far as the record discloses, was +to "pass on" England's and Russia's requests for more time, but +subsequent events indicate that it was "passed on" without any +indorsement, for is it credible that Austria would have ignored its +ally's request for more time if it had ever been made? + +The Austrian Foreign Minister, having launched the ultimatum, absented +himself from the capital, but the Russian Minister at Vienna, as already +stated, succeeded in submitting this most reasonable request verbally to +the Acting Foreign Minister, who simply said that he would submit it to +Count Berchtold, _but that he could predict with assurance a categorical +refusal_. Later on that day (July 25) Russia was definitely advised that +no time extension would be granted. + +[Russian "Orange Paper," Nos. 11 and 12.] + +Was ever the peace of the world shattered upon so slight a pretext? A +little time, a few days, even a few hours, might have sufficed to +preserve the world from present horrors, but no time could be granted. +A colossal snap judgment was to be taken by these pettifogging +diplomats. A timely word from the German Chancellor would have saved the +flower of the youth of Germany and Austria from perishing. It would be +difficult to find in recorded history a greater discourtesy to a +friendly power, for Austria was not at war with Russia. + +Defeated in their effort to get an extension of time, England, France, +and Russia made further attempts to preserve peace by temporarily +arresting military proceedings until efforts toward conciliation could +be made. Sir Edward Grey proposed to Germany, France, Russia, and Italy +that they should unite in asking Austria and Servia not to cross the +frontier "until we had had time to try and arrange matters between +them," but the German Ambassador read Sir Edward Grey a telegram that he +had received from the German Foreign Office that "once she [Austria] had +launched that note [the ultimatum] Austria could not draw back." + +[English "White Paper," No. 25.] + +As we have seen, Germany never, so far as the record discloses, sought +in any way to influence Austria to make this or any concession. Its +attitude was shown by the declaration of its Ambassador at Paris to the +French Minister of Foreign Affairs, which, while disclaiming that +Germany had countenanced the Austrian ultimatum, yet added that Germany +approved its point of view, + + "and that certainly the arrow, once sent, Germany could not + allow herself to be guided except by her duty to her ally." + +This seemed to be the fatal fallacy of Germany, that its duties to +civilization were so slight that it should support its ally, Austria, +whether the latter were right or wrong. Such was its policy, and it +carried it out with fatal consistency. To support its ally in actual war +may be defensible, but to support it in times of peace in an iniquitous +demand and a policy of gross discourtesy offends every sense of +international morality. + +On the following day Russia proposed to Austria that they should enter +into an exchange of private views, with the object of an alteration in +common of some clauses of the Austrian note of July 23. _To this Austria +never even replied._ The Russian Minister communicated this suggestion +to the German Minister of Foreign Affairs and expressed the hope that he +would "find it possible to advise Vienna to meet our proposal," but this +did not accord with German policy, for on that day the German Ambassador +in Paris called upon the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, and in +reply to a similar suggestion that Germany should suggest to Vienna to +meet Servia in the same conciliatory spirit which Servia had shown, the +Ambassador answered that that "was not possible in view of the +resolution taken not to interfere in the Austro-Servian conflict." + +On the same day England asked France, Italy, and Germany to meet in +London for an immediate conference to preserve the peace of Europe, and +to this fruitful suggestion, which might have saved the peace of Europe, +the German Chancellor replied with the pitiful quibble that "it is +impossible to bring our ally before a European court in its difference +with Servia," although it affected to accept "in principle" the policy +of mediation. + +Germany's acceptance "in principle" of a policy which she in practice +thwarted suggests the law-abiding tendencies of that Maine statesman who +was "for the Maine prohibition liquor law, but against its enforcement." + +[English "White Paper," No. 46.] + +Germany's refusal to have Servia's case submitted to the powers even for +their consideration is the more striking when it is recalled that the +German Ambassador at London quoted to Sir Edward Grey the German +Secretary of State as saying + + "that there were some things in the Austrian note that Servia + could hardly be expected to accept," + +thus recognizing that Austria's ultimatum was, at least in part, unjust. +Sir Edward Grey then called the German Ambassador's attention to the +fact that if Austria refused the conciliatory reply of Servia and +marched into that country + + "it meant that she was determined to crush Servia at all + costs, being reckless of the consequences that might be + involved." + +He added that the Servian reply + + "should at least be treated as a basis for discussion and + pause," + +and asked that the German Government should urge this at Vienna, but the +German Secretary of State on July 27 replied that such a conference "was +not practicable," and that it "would practically amount to a court of +arbitration," and could not, in his opinion, be called together "except +at the request of Austria and Russia." + +[English "White Paper," Nos. 43 and 46.] + +That this was a mere evasion is perfectly plain. Germany already knew +that Austria would not ask for such a conference, for Austria had +already refused Russia's request for an extension of time and had +actually commenced its military operations. Germany's attitude is best +indicated by the letter of the Russian Minister in Germany to the +Russian Foreign Office in which he states that on July 27 he called at +the German Foreign Office and asked it + + "to urge upon Vienna in a more pressing fashion to take up + this line of conciliation. Jagow replied that he could not + advise Austria to yield." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 38.] + +Why not? Russia had advised Servia to yield, and Servia had conceded +nearly every claim. Why could not the German Foreign Office advise +Vienna to meet conciliation by conciliation, if its desire for peace +were sincere? All that Russia and England desired was that a little time +and consideration should be given, without prejudice to the rights or +claims of Austria, before the peace of the world was hopelessly +shattered. + +Before this interview took place the French Ambassador had called at the +German Foreign Office on a similar errand and urged the English +suggestion that action should at once be taken by England, Germany, +Russia, and France at St. Petersburg and Vienna, to the effect that +Austria and Servia + + "should abstain from any act which might aggravate the + situation at the present hour." + +By this was meant that there should be, pending further parleys, no +invasion of Servia by Austria and none of Austria by Russia. _To this +the German Foreign Minister opposed a categorical refusal._ + +On the same day the Russian Ambassador at Vienna had "a long and earnest +conversation" with the Austrian Under Secretary of State for Foreign +Affairs. He expressed the earnest hope that + + "something would be done before Servia was actually invaded. + Baron Machio replied that this would now be difficult, as a + skirmish had already taken place on the Danube, in which the + Servians had been aggressors." + +The Russian Ambassador then said that his country would do all it could +to keep the Servians quiet, + + "and even to fall back before an Austrian advance in order to + gain time." + +He urged that the Austrian Ambassador at St. Petersburg should be +furnished with full powers to continue discussions with the Russian +Minister for Foreign Affairs, + + "who was very willing to advise Servia to yield all that could + be fairly asked of her as an independent power." + +The only reply to this reasonable suggestion was that it would be +submitted to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. + +[English "White Paper," No. 56.] + +On the same day the German Ambassador at Paris called upon the French +Foreign Office and strongly insisted on the "_exclusion of all +possibility of mediation or of conference_," and yet contemporaneously +the Imperial German Chancellor was advising London that he had + + "started the efforts toward mediation in Vienna, immediately + in the way desired by Sir Edward Grey, and had further + communicated to the Austrian Foreign Minister the wish of the + Russian Foreign Minister for a direct talk in Vienna." + +What hypocrisy! In the formal German defense, the official apologist for +that country, after stating his conviction + + "that an act of mediation could not take into consideration + the Austro-Servian conflict, which was purely an + Austro-Hungarian affair," + +claimed that Germany had transmitted Sir Edward Grey's further +suggestion to Vienna, in which Austria-Hungary was urged + + "either to agree to accept the Servian answer as sufficient or + to look upon it as a basis for further conversations"; + +but the Austro-Hungarian Government--playing the rôle of the wicked +partner of the combination--"in full appreciation of our mediatory +activity," (so says the German "White Paper" with sardonic humor,) +replied to this proposition that, coming as it did after the opening of +hostilities, "_it was too late_." + +Does any reasonable man question for a moment that, if Germany had done +something more than merely "transmit" these wise and pacific +suggestions, Austria would have complied with the suggestions of its +powerful ally or that Austria would have suspended its military +operations if Germany had given any intimation of such a wish? + +On the following day, July 28, the door was further closed on any +possibility of compromise when the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs + + "said, quietly but firmly, _that no discussion could be + accepted on the basis of the Servian note_; that war would be + declared today, and that the well-known pacific character of + the Emperor, as well as, he might add, his own, might be + accepted as a guarantee that the war was both just and + inevitable; that this was a matter that must be settled + directly between the two parties immediately concerned." + +To this arrogant and unreasonable contention that Europe must accept the +guarantee of the Austrian Foreign Minister as to the righteousness of +Austria's quarrel the British Ambassador suggested "the larger aspect of +the question," namely, the peace of Europe, and to this "larger aspect," +which should have given any reasonable official some ground for pause, +the Austrian Foreign Minister replied that he + + "had it also in mind, but thought that Russia ought not to + oppose operations like those impending, which did not aim at + territorial aggrandizement, and which could no longer be + postponed." + +[English "White Paper," No. 62.] + +The private conversations between Russia and Austria having thus failed, +Russia returned to the proposition of a European conference to preserve +its peace. Its Ambassador in Vienna on July 28 had a conference with +Berchtold and pointed to the dangers to the peace of Europe and the +desirability of good relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia. + +To this Count Berchtold replied that he understood perfectly well the +seriousness of the situation and the advantages of a frank explanation +with the Cabinet at St. Petersburg. + + "He told me that, on the other hand, the Austro-Hungarian + Government, which had only reluctantly decided upon the + energetic measures which it had taken against Servia, _could + now neither withdraw nor enter upon any discussion of the + terms of the Austro-Hungarian note."_ + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 45.] + +On the same day, July 28, the German Imperial Chancellor sent for the +English Ambassador and excused his failure to accept the proposal of +conference of the neutral powers, on the ground that he did not think it +would be effective, + + "because such a conference would in his opinion have the + appearance of an 'Areopagus' consisting of two powers of each + group sitting in judgment upon the two remaining powers." + +After engaging in this pitiful and insincere quibble, and when reminded +of Servia's conciliatory reply, amounting to a virtual surrender, + + "his Excellency said that he did not wish to discuss the + Servian note, but that Austria's standpoint, and in this he + agreed, was that her quarrel with Servia was a purely Austrian + concern, _with which Russia had nothing to do_." + +[English "White Paper," No. 71.] + +At this point the rules of the countries intervened in the dispute. The +Kaiser, having returned from Norway, telegraphed the Czar, under date of +July 28, that he was + + "exerting all my influence to endeavor to make Austria-Hungary + come to an open and satisfying understanding with Russia," + +and invoked the Czar's aid. + +[German "White Paper," Annex 20.] + +If the Kaiser were sincere, and he may have been, _his attitude was not +that of his Foreign Office_. Upon the face of the record we have only +his own assurance that he was doing everything to preserve peace, but +the steps that he took or the communications he made to influence +Austria _are not found in the formal defense which the German Government +has given to the world_. The Kaiser can only convince the world of his +innocence of the crime of his Potsdam camarilla by giving the world _the +text_ of any advice he gave the Austrian officials. He has produced his +telegrams to the Czar. _Where are those he presumably sent to Francis +Joseph or Count Berchtold? Where are the instructions he gave his own +Ambassadors or Foreign Minister?_ + +It is significant that on the same day Sazonof telegraphed to Count +Benckendorff: + + "My conversations with the German Ambassador confirm my + impression that Germany is rather favorable to the + uncompromising attitude adopted by Austria," + +and he adds, and history will vindicate him in the conclusion, that + + "the Berlin Cabinet, which might have been able to arrest the + whole development of this crisis, seems to exercise no action + on its ally." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 43.] + +On July 29 Sir Edward Goschen telegraphed Sir Edward Grey that he had +that night seen the German Chancellor, who had "just returned from +Potsdam," where he had presumably seen the Kaiser. The German Chancellor +then showed clearly how the wind was blowing in making the suggestion to +Sir Edward Goschen that if England would remain neutral, Germany would +agree to guarantee that she would not take any French territory. When +asked about the French colonies, no assurance was given. + +[English "White Paper," No. 85.] + +Later in the day the German Chancellor again saw the English Ambassador, +and expressed regret + + "that events had marched too rapidly, and that it was + therefore too late to act upon your [Sir Edward Grey's] + suggestion that the Servian reply might form the basis of + discussion." + +[English "White Paper," No. 75.] + +On the same day the Ambassador for Germany at St. Petersburg called upon +Sazonof and expressed himself in favor of further explanations between +Vienna and St. Petersburg, to which Sazonof assented. [Russian "Orange +Paper," No. 49.] On the same day Sir Edward Grey asked the German +Government + + "_to suggest any form of procedure_ under which the idea of + mediation between Austria and Russia, already accepted by the + German Government in principle, _could be applied_." + +To which the German Foreign Office replied that it could not act for +fear that if they made to their ally any suggestion that looked like +pressure it might "_cause them [Austria] to precipitate matter and +present a fait accompli_." [See letter of Sir Edward Goschen to Sir +Edward Grey, July 29--English "White Paper," No. 70.] + +This was the last and worst of the quibbles put forth to gain time while +Austria was making progress toward Belgrade. It assumes that Austria +might not only fail to respect the wish in a matter of common concern of +its more powerful ally, but that it might act in disregard of Germany's +wish. This strains human credulity to the breaking point. Did the German +Secretary of State keep a straight face when he uttered this sardonic +pleasantry? It may be the duty of a diplomat to lie on occasion, but is +it ever necessary to utter such a stupid falsehood? The German Secretary +of State sardonically added in the same conversation that he was not +sure that the effort for peace had not hastened the declaration of war, +as though the declaration of war against Servia had not been planned and +expected from the first. + +As a final effort to meet quibbles, the British Ambassador at Berlin +then suggested that after Austria had satisfied her military prestige, +the moment might then be favorable for four disinterested powers to +discuss the situation and come forward with suggestions for preventing +graver complications. + +To this proposal the German Secretary of State seemingly acquiesced, +but, as usual, _nothing whatever was done_. [English "White Paper," No. +76.] It is true that on July 29 Sir Edward Grey was assured by the +German Ambassador that the German Foreign Office was + + "endeavoring to make Vienna explain in a satisfactory form at + St. Petersburg the scope and extension of Austrian proceedings + in Servia," + +but again the communications which the German Foreign Office sent to +Vienna on this point _have never yet been disclosed to the world_. + +[English "White Paper," No. 84.] + +In this same conference Sir Edward Grey + + "urged that the _German Government should suggest any method_ + by which the influence of the four powers could be used + together to prevent war between Austria and Russia. France + agreed, Italy agreed. The whole idea of mediation or mediating + influence was ready to be put into operation _by any method + that Germany could suggest_ if mine were not acceptable. In + fact, mediation was ready to come into operation by any method + that Germany thought possible, if only Germany would 'press + the button' in the interests of peace." + +[English "White Paper," No. 84.] + +The difficulty was, however, that Germany never "pressed the button," +although obviously it would have been easy for her to do so, as the +stronger and more influential member of the Double Alliance. + +On the same day the Austrian Government left a memorandum with Sir +Edward Grey to the effect that Count Mensdorff said that the war with +Servia must proceed. + +On the night of July 29 the British Ambassador at Berlin was informed +that the German Foreign Office "_had not had time to send an answer +yet_" to the proposal that Germany suggest the form of mediation, but +that the question had been referred to the Austro-Hungarian Government +with a request as to "what would satisfy them." + +[English "White Paper," No. 107.] + +On the following day the German Ambassador informed Sir Edward Grey that +the German Government would endeavor to influence Austria, after taking +Belgrade and Servian territory in the region of the frontier, to promise +not to advance further, while the powers endeavored to arrange that +Servia should give satisfaction sufficient to pacify Austria, but if +Germany ever exercised any such pressure upon Vienna, _no evidence of it +has ever been given to the world_. Certainly it was not very effective, +and for the reasons mentioned it is impossible to conclude that the +advice of Germany, if in good faith, would not have been followed by its +weaker ally. + +From all that appears in the record, Austria made no reply to this most +conciliatory suggestion of England, but, in the meantime, the +irrepressible Kaiser made the crisis more acute by cabling to the Czar +that the mobilization of Russia to meet the mobilization of Austria was +affecting his position of mediator, to which the Czar made a +conciliatory reply, stating that Russia's mobilization was only for a +defense against Austria. + +The Czar, to put at rest any anxiety of the Kaiser as to Russia's +intentions with respect to Germany, added: + + "I thank you cordially for your mediation which permits the + hope that everything may yet end peaceably. It is technically + impossible to discontinue our military preparations which have + been made necessary by the Austrian mobilization. It is far + from us to want war. _As long as the negotiations between + Austria and Servia continue, my troops will undertake no + provocative action. I give you my solemn word thereon._ I + confide with all my faith in the grace of God, and I hope for + the success of your mediation in Vienna for the welfare of our + countries and the peace of Europe." + +What more could Russia do? If Austria continued to mobilize, why not +Russia? + +On this day, July 30, the German Ambassador had two interviews at St. +Petersburg with Sazonof, and it was then that Sazonof drew up the +following formula as a basis for peace: + + "If Austria, recognizing that her conflict with Servia has + assumed character of question of European interest, declares + herself ready to eliminate from her ultimatum the points which + violate principle of sovereignty of Servia, _Russia engages to + stop all military preparations_." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 60.] + +At this stage King George telegraphed Prince Henry of Prussia that + + "the English Government was doing its utmost, suggesting to + Russia and France to suspend further military preparations, if + Austria will consent to be satisfied with the occupation of + Belgrade and neighboring Servian territory as a hostage for + satisfactory settlement of her demands, other countries + meanwhile suspending their war preparation." + +The King adds a hope that the Kaiser + + "will use his great influence to induce Austria to accept + this proposal, thus proving that Germany and England are + working together to prevent what would be an international + catastrophe." + +[Second German "White Paper."] + +This last proposition, however, was never accepted or declined, for the +impetuous Kaiser gave his twelve-hour ultimatum to Russia to demobilize, +and this was an arrogant demand which no self-respecting power, much +less so great a one as Russia, could possibly accept. + +While this demand was in progress Sir Edward Grey was making his last +attempt to preserve peace by asking Germany to sound Vienna, as he would +sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be possible for the four +disinterested powers to offer to Austria that they would + + "undertake to see that she obtained full satisfaction of her + demands on Servia, provided they did not embarrass Servian + sovereignty and the integrity of Servian territory." + +Sir Edward Grey went so far as to tell the German Ambassador that if +this was not satisfactory, and if Germany would make any reasonable +proposals to preserve peace and Russia and France rejected it, that + + "his Majesty's Government would have nothing to do with the + consequences," + +which obviously meant either neutrality or actual intervention in behalf +of Germany and Austria. + +On the same day the British Ambassador at Berlin besought the German +Foreign Office to + + "put pressure on the authorities at Vienna to do something in + the general interest to reassure Russia and to show themselves + disposed to continue discussions on a friendly basis." + +And Sir Edward Goschen reports that the German Foreign Minister replied +that last night he had + + "begged Austria to reply to your last proposal, and that he + had received a reply to the effect that the Austrian Minister + for Foreign Affairs would take the wishes of the Emperor this + morning in the matter." + +_Again the text of the letter in which Germany "begged" Austria to be +conciliatory is not found in the record._ + +The excuse of Germany that the mobilization of Russia compelled it to +mobilize does not justify the war. Mobilization does not necessarily +mean aggression, but simply preparation. If Russia had the right to +mobilize because Austria mobilized, Germany equally had the right to +mobilize when Russia mobilized, but it does not follow that either of +the three nations could justify a war to compel the other parties to +demobilize. Mobilization is only a preparation against eventualities. It +is the right of the sovereign State and by no code of ethics a _casus +belli_. The demand of Germany that Russia could not arm to defend +itself, when Austria was preparing for a possible attack on Russia, has +few, if any, parallels in history for bullying effrontery. It treated +Russia as an inferior, almost a vassal, State. + +It must be observed that, while Germany insisted that Russia should +demobilize, the Kaiser offered no reciprocal promise. On his theory +Germany and Austria were to be left free to complete their preparations, +but Russia was to tie her own hands and leave herself "naked to her +enemies." This is shown by the last telegrams which passed between the +Czar and Kaiser. The Czar telegraphed: + + "I have received your telegram. I comprehend that you are + forced to mobilize, but I should like to have from you the + same guaranty which I have given you, viz., that these + measures do not mean war, and that we shall continue to + negotiate for the welfare of our two countries and the + universal peace which is so dear to our hearts. With the aid + of God it must be possible to our long-tried friendship to + prevent the shedding of blood. I expect with full confidence + your urgent reply." + +To this the Kaiser replied: + + "I thank you for your telegram. I have shown yesterday to your + Government the way through which alone war may yet be averted. + Although I asked for a reply by today noon, no telegram from + my Ambassador has reached me with the reply of your + Government. I therefore have been forced to mobilize my army. + An immediate, clear, and unmistakable reply of your Government + is the sole way to avoid endless misery. Until I receive this + reply I am unable, to my great grief, to enter upon the + subject of your telegram. I must ask most earnestly that you, + without delay, order your troops to commit, under no + circumstances, the slightest violation of our frontiers." + +This impetuous step of Germany to compel its great neighbor to desist +from military preparations to defend itself came most inopportunely, for +on Aug. 1 the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador _for the first time_ declared +to the Russian Government its willingness to discuss the terms of the +Austrian ultimatum to Servia, and it was then suggested that the form of +the ultimatum and the questions arising thereon should be discussed in +London. (Dispatch from British Ambassador at Vienna to Sir Edward Grey, +dated Sept. 1, 1914.) Sir Edward Grey at once advised the English +Ambassador in Berlin of the fact, and urged that it was still possible +to maintain peace + + "if only a little respite in time can be gained before any + great power begins war," + + [English "White Paper," No. 131.] + +but the Kaiser, having issued the arrogant ultimatum to Russia to +demobilize in twelve hours, had gone too far for retreat, and, spurred +on by the arrogant Potsdam military party, he "let slip the dogs of +war." After the fatal Rubicon had been crossed and the die was cast the +Czar telegraphed King George: + +"In this solemn hour I wish to assure you once more I have done all in +my power to avert war." + +Such will be the verdict of history. + + +The Judgment. + +These are _the facts_ as shown by the record, and upon them, in my +judgment, an impartial court would not hesitate to pass the following +judgment: + +1--_That Germany and Austria in a time of profound peace secretly +concerted together to impose their will upon Europe and upon Servia in a +matter affecting the balance of power in Europe. Whether in so doing +they intended to precipitate a European war to determine the mastery of +Europe is not satisfactorily established, although their whole course of +conduct suggests this as a possibility. They made war almost inevitable +by (a) issuing an ultimatum that was grossly unreasonable and +disproportionate to any grievance that Austria had and (b) in giving to +Servia, and Europe, insufficient time to consider the rights and +obligations of all interested nations._ + +2--_That Germany had at all times the power to compel Austria to +preserve a reasonable and conciliatory course, but at no time +effectively exerted that influence. On the contrary, she certainly +abetted, and possibly instigated, Austria in its unreasonable course._ + +3--_That England, France, Italy, and Russia at all times sincerely +worked for peace, and for this purpose not only overlooked the original +misconduct of Austria but made every reasonable concession in the hope +of preserving peace._ + +4--_That Austria, having mobilized its army, Russia was reasonably +justified in mobilizing its forces. Such act of mobilization was the +right of any sovereign State, and as long as the Russian armies did not +cross the border or take any aggressive action no other nation had any +just right to complain, each having the same right to make similar +preparations._ + +5--_That Germany, in abruptly declaring war against Russia for failure +to demobilize when the other powers had offered to make any reasonable +concession and peace parleys were still in progress, precipitated the +war._ + +6--_That Belgium as a sovereign State has as an inherent right the power +to determine when and under what conditions an alien can cross her +frontiers. This right exists independently of treaties, but is, in the +case of Belgium, reinforced by the Treaty of 1839 and The Hague +Convention, whereby the leading European nations (including Germany) +guarantee its "perpetual neutrality." The invasion of Belgium by Germany +was in violation of these rights, and England only respected its own +solemn covenant when, in defense of that neutrality, it declared war +against Germany._ + + +In Conclusion. + +The writer of this article has reached these conclusions with +reluctance, as he has a feeling of deep affection for the German people +and equal admiration for their ideals and matchless progress. Even more +he admires the magnificent courage with which the German Nation, beset +on every hand by powerful antagonists, is now defending its prestige as +a nation. The whole-hearted devotion of this great nation to its flag is +worthy of the best traditions of the Teutonic race. Nevertheless, this +cannot alter the ethical truth, which stands apart from any +considerations of nationality; nor can it affect the conclusion that the +German Nation has been plunged into this abyss by its scheming statesmen +and its self-centred and highly neurotic Kaiser, who in the twentieth +century sincerely believes that he is the proxy of Almighty God on +earth, and therefore infallible. + +In visiting its condemnation, the Supreme Court of Civilization should +therefore distinguish between the military caste, headed by the Kaiser +and the Crown Prince, which precipitated this great calamity, and the +German people. + +The very secrecy of the plot against the peace of the world and the +failure to disclose to the German people the diplomatic communications +hereinbefore quoted, strongly suggest that this detestable war is not +merely a crime against civilization, _but also against the deceived and +misled German people_. They have a vision and are essentially +progressive and peace-loving in their national characteristics, while +the ideals of their military caste are those of the Dark Ages. + +One day the German people will know the full truth and then there will +be a dreadful reckoning for those who have plunged a noble and +peace-loving nation into this fathomless chasm of misfortune. + + "Though the mills of God grind slowly, + Yet they grind exceeding small, + Though with patience He stands waiting, + With exactness grinds He all." + + + + +Critics Dispute Mr. Beck + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It is regrettable that President Wilson's admirable policy of strict +neutrality is not more sincerely and carefully observed by the press and +public of this country. + +We are a cosmopolitan nation. Citizens of the five great warring +countries and their descendants, to a very great extent, constitute our +population. Partiality of any kind tends to destroy the elemental ties +which bind us together, to disrupt our Union, and to make us a house +divided against itself. James M. Beck's article in last Sunday's TIMES +is of the kind which, serving no good purpose, helps to loosen, if not +sever, our most vital domestic ties. While not for an instant doubting +Mr. Beck's sincerity, we must take issue with his inadvertently +ill-timed expression of opinion. + +The article in question is based on the following statement: "Any +discussion of the ethical merits of this great controversy must start +with the assumption that there is such a thing as international +morality." How does Mr. Beck define "international morality"? How can he +assume that to exist which each of the contending nations by their +diverse actions prove to be non-extant? How can he claim that there is +an "international morality" of accepted form when each nation claims +that its interpretation must be accepted by the others? + +Mr. Beck's allegation that the question "Was England justified in +declaring war against Germany?" is more easily disposed of than the +questions "Was Austria justified in declaring war against Servia?" and +"Was Germany justified in declaring war against Russia and France?" +proves two things--first, that his interest lies primarily in the +vindication of England; second, that he disregards the fundamental +causes and recognizes only the precipitating causes of the war. + +The precipitating cause of the war between England and Germany is +verbosely if inadequately covered by his article. We must admit that a +treaty was broken by Germany, yet we contend that this broken agreement +was a pretext for a war fomented and impelled by basic economic causes. +At the outset, let us distinguish between a contract and a treaty. A +contract is an agreement between individuals contemplating enforcement +by a court of law; punishment by money damages in the great majority of +cases, by a specific performance in a very few. A treaty is an agreement +between nations contemplating enforcement by a court of international +public opinion; punishment by money indemnity in the great majority of +cases, by specific performance (i.e., force of arms) in a very few. + + +Germany's Existence Threatened. + +Germany contends that her breach of treaty obligation is punishable by +the payment of money indemnity to the aggrieved party. This she has +offered to do in the case of Belgium, as she has already done in the +case of Luxemburg. Germany's existence was so seriously threatened that +her action seems justifiable, and there remains a sole moral obligation +to compensate any neutral country injured by her. + +The mere fact that Belgium had made an unfortunate alliance with England +is deplorable in that Belgium has suffered terribly; but this suffering +is not attributable to Germany. When Japan violated Chinese neutrality, +China protested. Though she was entitled to a money indemnity, there is +no valid reason under the sun why the United States as a guarantor of +the integrity of China should declare war against Japan. England's +justification, in so far as there can be any justification for adding to +the toll of death, is the same as that of Germany, the preservation of +national sovereignty. + +Further: "It seems unnecessary to discuss the wanton disregard of these +solemn obligations." There can be nothing wanton in a struggle for +existence, and that this European war is such a struggle is the only +possible explanation of its magnitude, ferocity, and vast possible +consequences. Then, too, though deplorable, treaty obligations are not +solemn, as Italy has proved to the complete satisfaction of so many. +Italy's contention that this is an aggressive war on the part of Germany +and Austria is as untenable as the German contention that it is an +aggressive war on the part of England. For this war was not an +aggressive war on the part of any nation, but an unavoidable war caused +by the simultaneous bursting of the long-gathering economic storm +clouds. + +Again: "The ethical aspects of this great conflict must largely depend +upon the record that has been made up by the official communications." +This is similar to a contention that the ethical rights in a case in +court must depend upon the astuteness of counsel in summing up to the +jury. "A court would be deeply impressed ... by the significant +omissions of documents known to be in existence." A court of law, as our +former Assistant Attorney General of the United States surely knows, +compels no one to give testimony that tends to incriminate, and, +furthermore, does not construe failure to testify on the grounds that it +will tend to incriminate against the defendant. In the law the defendant +is entitled to every reasonable doubt. It is also conceivable that a +reasonable time for the defense to present its case would be granted +before passing judgment. + +Passing on: "To discuss the justice of Austria's grievances against +Servia would take us ... into the realm of disputed facts." This seems a +delectable bit of humor. We respectfully submit that Mr. Beck's other +assertions might also be considered as "in the realm of disputed facts." +Mr. Beck admits that Austria had a just grievance against Servia, though +he questions her method of redress. Though we conceive that in the +unfortunate European tangle Austria relied on German support in the +event of international conflict, we submit that reliance on Russian +support was a bigger factor in encouraging little Servia to defy her big +neighbor than the remoter help that Germany would furnish Austria in the +event of the conflict spreading. + +Austria, in the exercise of her right to engage in a punitive expedition +against Servia, guaranteed that she would do nothing to generalize the +conflict by her assurances to Russia and to the world that there would +be no annexation of Servian territory or annihilation of the Servian +Kingdom. Whether these assurances were genuine or not is impossible of +determination. We have no right to constitute ourselves arbiters of +their sincerity. + + +No European Solidarity. + +Mr. Beck speaks of "the solidarity of European civilization and the fact +that by policy and diplomatic intercourse ... a United European State +exists, even though its organization be as yet inchoate." This +solidarity is conspicuous only by its utter non-existence. Whatever may +have been achieved by policy and diplomatic intercourse has been marred +and rendered useless by the lines of demarkation of the spheres of +influence of the great powers of Europe and by the racial and +temperamental incongruities of Europe's population. + +We read: "Servia had forty-eight hours to answer; ... the other European +nations had barely a day to consider what could be done to preserve the +peace of Europe. Why should an Austro-Servian war compromise the peace +of Europe?" Was it not because of the tangled web of international +diplomacy, the Triple Entente as well as the Triple Alliance? + +Referring to a German warning in regard to Austria's demands on Servia, +"the German Foreign Office anticipates that Servia 'will refuse to +comply with these demands'--why, if they were justified?" We grieve at +the shattered ideal of Mr. Beck, who, in the face of the international +calamity which has befallen the world, still can believe that all +justifiable demands are complied with. + +Again, quoting German "White Paper," Annex 1B, Germany desired "that +the dispute be localized, since any intervention of another power, on +account of the various alliance obligations, would bring consequences +impossible to measure." The explanation of this statement is not--an +aggressor threatens his adversary, but, rather, a prudent man begs +opposing factions to keep cool. + +Great space is devoted in the article in question to Germany's +unwillingness to place the Austro-Servian controversy in the hands of +France, England, Germany, and Italy. As Germany disavows all interest in +the controversy, if she speaks truly, it was not within her power to +dictate to her ally in a matter which she could in nowise control except +by force of arms. Furthermore, had she had the power, how could she be +expected to exert pressure on her ally to leave a vital controversy to a +court of four, two of whom were bound by alliances with Russia, +Austria's real antagonist, and a third, (Italy,) as subsequent events +have shown, Austria's natural, geographical, and hereditary enemy? At +best, had each power held to its treaty obligations, there would have +been a deadlock. + +Further: "The Russian Minister ... called at the German Foreign Office +and asked it 'to urge upon Vienna ... to take up this line of +conciliation. Jagow replied that he could not advise Austria to yield.'" +Elsewhere in the article a statement is made that the Austro-Servian and +Austro-Russian questions "for all practical purposes ... were +indistinguishable." This inconsistency of having Servia in the light of +a principal and then again in the light of an agent is the greatest +stumbling block to a clear analysis of the precipitating cause of the +war. The logical explanation of Servia's position is that of Russia's +agent. Hence Germany could not be expected to exert the same pressure on +an allied principal that Russia could exert on her agent. + +It is true that Germany engaged in many blundering diplomatic quibbles +in the final stages of preparation for the war; but it is also true that +England quibbled, though with greater diplomatic finesse; for instance, +"Sir Edward Grey went so far as to tell the German Ambassador that ... +if Germany would make any reasonable proposals to preserve peace, and +Russia and France rejected it, that 'his Majesty's Government would have +nothing to do with the consequences.'" Here it is apparent to every one +that the word "reasonable" begs the questions. + + +Slav and Teuton. + +The German people were encouraged to relish the idea of a war against +Russia once that war became likely, for sooner or later it seemed +inevitable that Slav and Teuton would clash, and Germany felt confident +that at the present time she outmatched her enemy. The Russians, too, +were encouraged to desire the Slav provinces of Austria, which racially +are a part of the Russian domain. The English people were made to relish +this opportunity to strike their great commercial competitor, especially +when they could do so with little likelihood of unfavorable criticisms. +Finally, the impressionable French people were stirred to thoughts of +revenge and recovery of their lost provinces. + +Sympathy with any country in this most disgraceful yet most inevitable +of wars brands the sympathizer as a party to the material and lustful +purposes of at least one of the combatants. There is no ethical +justification of this war from any standpoint. There is no justification +of this war from any standpoint. There is only an explanation of the war +from an economic standpoint. All these specious arguments on the +precipitating causes of the war can be but for the display of brilliant +forensic oratory and matchless diction. Let us thrust aside in these +dark moments of peril and horror all subterfuge. + +England, overburdened with taxation, was on the verge of civil war. +Russia, whose masses were overridden roughshod by a bureaucracy +weighting down the peasants with onerous national burdens, expected +sooner or later the cataclysmic upheaval with which the Nihilistic +societies have long been threatening its tyrannical Government. France, +seriously financially embarrassed because of crop impoverishment and +bad foreign investments in Brazil, Russia, and the Balkans, was subject +to continued internal political upheavals, with ever-changing Ministries +and a growing Socialist Party. + +Austria, "the ramshackle empire," was in danger of disintegrating from a +variety of causes, not the least of which was the infusibility of its +racially different elements. Germany, in a blind race for commercial +supremacy, suffered from industrial overproduction, thus creating an +unhealthy financial condition which fortified the Socialist Party to an +extent which threatened her imperialistic form of government itself. + +So these monarchies whose days were numbered, because of dissatisfaction +at the waste and extravagance of a world gone mad with national excesses +committed in the name of civilization, in reality the price of our +modernization, in a final desperate effort to rally their waning +fortunes stampeded their awakening masses into a ruinous interracial war +in order to stave off the torch and the guillotine. + +GEORGE E. BERNHEIMER. + +New York, Oct. 30, 1914. + + + + +Russia to Blame + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Allow me to submit the following in answer to the article of James M. +Beck, entitled "Case of the Double Alliance vs. the Triple Entente," +published in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Oct. 25, 1914: + +The case of "Russian Mobilization vs. German Mediation." Q.--Upon whom +was the duty to yield? + +Mr. Beck has spent considerable time and effort to prove, at least by +inference, that Germany must have been informed beforehand of the +Austrian ultimatum to Servia. Personally, I am convinced that the +ultimatum in question was sent with the full knowledge and consent of +Germany; and, whether this is true or not, I maintain that it was +Austria's duty to inform her ally before taking a step which was likely +to endanger the peace of Europe. + +The concession of this point takes me immediately to the ultimatum +itself and to the question, "Was the tenor of the ultimatum justified?" +Mr. Beck, in his judgment, says: "The ultimatum is grossly unreasonable +and disappropriate to any grievance that Austria had." Perhaps Mr. Beck +is right, but I have good reasons to think that the tenor of the +ultimatum was fully justified, in view of Servia's former conduct. + +Austria was dealing here with a Government the real spirits of which had +come into power by the commission of one of the most dastardly crimes of +modern times. A crime which, at the time of its commission, sent a shock +of horror through the entire civilized world, to wit, "the outrageous +murder of the former King and Queen of Servia," outrageous because it +was perpetrated by the so-called aristocracy of Servia. The +long-continued agitation carried on by Servia against Austria, at the +instigation of Russia, which finally culminated in another no less +outrageous assassination, that of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his +consort, to my idea fully justified Austria in making demands which +under ordinary circumstances might have been termed "unreasonable." + +The question whether Austria was justified in going to war against +Servia is a debatable one, but I respectfully refer to the fact that our +own country, the United States, was only very recently on the verge of +precipitating war with a "much weaker" nation than ours, on account of +the latter's refusal to salute the American flag. Neither did we stop on +that occasion with the ultimatum, but we followed it up with dispatching +a fleet of warships, the landing of troops, and the seizure of Vera +Cruz. + +From the time Austria's ultimatum was sent all the great powers seemed +to have professed a great eagerness for the preservation of peace. Mr. +Beck asserts that Germany was not sincere in its desire for peace and +could have avoided the war if it had seriously tried to exert its +influence over Austria. This finding is based on the inference drawn +from the fact that Germany failed to achieve any results. + +To determine whether Mr. Beck is justified in finding as he does, it is +necessary, first of all, to examine the exact status of the powers at +the time the ultimatum was sent. We find that Austria had a just +grievance against Servia, for which it was seeking redress. An issue was +therefore raised between Austria and Servia. Germany, although Austria's +ally, immediately defined its attitude by declaring emphatically that +"the question at issue was one for settlement between Servia and Austria +alone." + + +Why Did Russia Mobilize? + +I beg to ask Mr. Beck to answer the following question: By what +right--moral, legal, or equitable--did Russia make Servia's cause its +own? Did Russia have any alliance with Servia? I further ask: What +privity existed between Austria, Servia, and Russia? + +Suppose Mr. Beck can justify the action of Russia, although a "rank +outsider," in taking Servia's part, how can he possibly justify the +positively unreasonable and, under the circumstances, most dangerous +step of "actual mobilization" on the part of Russia? + +Mr. Beck has tried to justify the mobilization by quoting the Russian +excuse "that Russia's mobilization was only for a defense against +Austria." On close examination what does this amount to? It resolves +itself into a situation somewhat like this: A sends an ultimatum to B +seeking redress for a wrong committed by B upon A, whereupon C mobilizes +"for defense against A." I leave it to the average American of ordinary +intelligence to find a reason for C's mobilization "for defense against +A." Mr. Beck might as well try to justify a mobilization on the part of +Japan if the United States was preparing to invade Mexico for the +purpose of redressing an insult to the American flag. Does Mr. Beck +realize the seriousness of actual mobilization by Russia at that +critical moment? Not one of the other powers dared to take this one step +which among nations is regarded as tantamount to a declaration of war. + +And what did the Kaiser do at this moment? He did the only thing he +could do, and, I dare say, the only thing our American Nation could have +done under the same circumstances. He wired the Czar and stated: "I am +willing to bring my influences to bear upon Austria, provided you agree +to cease mobilization." Was this demand unreasonable? What else could +Germany have done, I ask, with the Russian bear standing on the border +with the sword already drawn? This moment was the crucial and decisive +one in the prologue to this awful world drama. + +The only question therefore and the all-important one to be submitted to +the Court of Civilization, is, Whose duty was it to yield? Was it +Russia's, with the sword already drawn against a country which had not +attacked it, not even threatened it, or was it Germany's, with the sword +in the sheath? + +In his "conclusion," Mr. Beck speaks of Germany as "beset on every hand +by powerful antagonists." Does he really mean to deprive the German +Emperor of the right to demand as a condition precedent to mediation on +his part the discontinuance of mobilization by Russia? + +Mr. Beck in his "judgment" under Paragraph 4 says "that Austria, having +mobilized its army, Russia was reasonably justified in mobilizing its +forces." The use of the qualifying word "reasonably" seems to indicate +that even Mr. Beck is not quite certain that Russia was in fact +justified in mobilizing its forces. + +Is it reasonable, just, and fair of Mr. Beck to expect Germany, "beset +on every hand by powerful antagonists," to permit Russia to continue +mobilizing its 18,000,000 soldiers and have Germany believe that Russia +was sincere in its "peaceful intentions" in the face of actual +mobilization? At this moment the German Kaiser made a very reasonable +demand upon Russia to cease mobilization, and I ask every fair-minded +American, whether lawyer or layman, "whose duty it was to yield" at this +moment. The answer to this question will settle the much-disputed point +as to the actual cause of the war. + +In conclusion, I beg to ask Mr. Beck: Why expect so much of Germany and +nothing of Russia, when Germany had not merely professed her peaceful +intentions, but actually maintained peace for over forty years, during +which period not a foot of territory had been acquired by her through +conquest? This is a fact. + +Coming into a court of law supported by such a reputation, does Mr. Beck +really believe that the decision of the court would have been in favor +of Russia? Does Mr. Beck really believe that the decision would have +been against Germany, whose war lord was begging the Czar almost on his +knees to avoid the awful calamity by the discontinuance of mobilization? + +Picture the United States about to invade Mexico to redress an insult to +the American flag. Picture England as the ally of the United States, and +Japan supporting Mexico, without any alliance existing between the two +latter countries. To make this example conform to the actual facts under +discussion, we must, of course, assume that both Japan and England are +situated in the North American Continent, and across the border from the +United States and England. Japan, with an army of 18,000,000 soldiers, +(assumed for the purpose of argument,) mobilizes her army, professedly +for defense against the United States. Could any fair-minded American +possibly expect England to intercede with her ally, the United States, +without first demanding the demobilization of Japan? Whose duty was it +to yield? + +The actual fact is that Germany even then did not declare war against +Russia until Russian soldiers had actually crossed not the Austrian but +the German border. + +I may add that in writing the above I am prompted only by the very +natural desire, viz., to impress upon the jury composed of the American +people the one fact which should be given the most careful consideration +in order to enable it to arrive at a just verdict in the case submitted, +and this fact is "the mobilization of Russia." + +FRANK SEGGEBRUCH. + +New York, Oct. 29, 1914. + + + + +In Defense of Austria + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Referring to your editorial, "The Evidence Examined," in your Sunday +edition, I wish to protest emphatically against your assertion that a +"Court of Civilization" must inevitably come to the conclusion that +Germany precipitated the war. There are still millions of civilized +people who see these things quite differently. + +Mr. Beck makes out a case from the viewpoint of the accusing party--of +course, nobody will doubt the legal abilities of Mr. Beck--but before +the Supreme Court of Civilization there is also a law: audiatur et +altera pars. Mr. Beck, as he presents the case to the court, has not +mentioned very important points which, for the decision of the Supreme +Court, would be most vital ones. + +At first the breach of Belgian neutrality, admitted and regretted by the +German Government, has nothing to do with the question--who precipitated +the war? It constituted only an action of the war itself. On the other +hand, you call in your editorial the Austrian ultimatum a savage one +and take it for granted that this ultimatum started the stone rolling +and brought finally the general clash in Europe about. This presumption, +when presented to the court, will have to be thoroughly proved, because +there are many people, fair and just, as you consider yourself, who are +convinced of the ample justification of this ultimatum. + +It is hardly describable how many criminal acts have been committed by +Servians against the very existence of the Dual Monarchy for the last +six years, under the eyes of the Servian Government and approved by it, +by intriguing against Austria's right to cultivate her own territory, +Bosnia, spreading secret societies all over the empire, &c. + +The awful crime, the assassination of the heir to the throne, was only +the finish of a long chain of like acts. These facts, which immediately +lead up to the ultimatum, ought to be considered in the first place by +judging Austria's justification for sending this ultimatum to Servia. A +just Judge in the Court of Civilization will, I am convinced, carefully +study the ante-history and in all probability arrive at the conclusion +that the ultimatum was amply justified and Servia fully deserved the +severest punishment possible. + +Mr. Beck presents to the court the Russian interference with this +intended punishment and forgets to tell the Judge that Russia had not +the least right to this interference. No foreign power had. + +Therefore, Austria was entirely within her right to decline any +negotiations with Russia about this punishment before its completion. +Nevertheless, the German Government brought these negotiations about, +and, while these negotiations proceeded satisfactorily, Russia +mobilized, mobilized all along her western frontier against Austria and +Germany, notwithstanding the fact that she had promised not to do so and +officials in Petrograd had pledged their words to the contrary. + +Russia knew there could be no such thing as a war with Austria alone, as +well as Germany knew that a war with Russia meant a war with France. If +the laws of morality rule in the Court of Civilization, they should +above all be applied to the conduct of Servia and Russia. Austria was in +a state of self-defense, when she decided not to bear any longer +Servia's treacherous and murderous attacks against her existence; this +is entirely within the boundaries of the laws of morality. Russia, +however, without the slightest right, moral or legal, attacked Austria +from the back by interfering with Austria's own affairs. + +Therefore I wish to point out that a careful student of the papers, by +considering the ante-history of the war, which, as you will admit, is +very essential, may come to a quite different conclusion and Mr. Beck as +State's attorney will have a hard stand against the counsel of the +defendant. + +EDWARD PICK. + +New York, Oct. 27, 1914. + +[Illustration] + + + + +Defense of the Dual Alliance--A Reply + +By Dr. Edmund von Mach. + + Instructor of Fine Arts, Harvard, 1899-1903; Instructor in + History of Art, Wellesley College, 1899-1902; Lecturer in + History of Art, Bradford Academy, Cambridge, Mass. Author of + many books on Greek and Roman sculpture and the history of + painting. Served in the German Army, 1889-91. + + +Hon. James M. Beck has eloquently argued the case of the Allies against +Germany and Austria-Hungary, and submitted his findings with confident +assurance of their acceptance by the Supreme Court of Civilization. +Carried away by his zeal he has at times used terms not warranted by the +evidence, such as "the irrepressible Kaiser," "stupid falsehood," +"duplicity," and the like, but since the court can be trusted to +disregard such expressions no further attention will be paid to them. + +To a certain extent this article is not a reply but a continuation of +Mr. Beck's argument, for, wherever our personal sympathies may lie, we +are all equally interested in discovering the truth. In the final +settlement of peace American public opinion may, nay, will, have a +prominent voice. If it is exerted on the strength of a true +understanding of European events, it will contribute to the +establishment of a lasting peace. + +As to the evidence submitted Mr. Beck seems to err in believing that +Governments are accustomed to publish in their various white, gray, or +orange papers "the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." +This is nowhere done, for there are many bits of information which come +to a Government through its diplomatic connections which it would be +indelicate, discourteous, or unwise to give to the public. The official +documents on American foreign relations and all white, gray, or orange +papers are "edited." They are understood to be so by Congress, +Parliament, the Reichstag, the Duma, &c., and no charge of dishonesty +can be maintained against the respective Governments on that score. + +If the Chancellor says that Germany was using her good offices in +Vienna, this is as valuable a bit of evidence as the reprint of a +dispatch in the "White Paper," unless we wish to impugn his veracity, +and in that case the copy of a dispatch would be valueless, for he might +have forged it. The entire argument, therefore, against Germany and +Austria, based on what Mr. Beck calls the "suppression of vitally +important documents," is void, unless you will apply it equally to Great +Britain and the other countries. + +In Sir Edward Grey's "White Paper" Mr. Beck has missed no important +documents because he looked at England's well-prepared case through +sympathetic eyes, and it did not occur to him to ask, "Where are all the +documents bearing on Italian neutrality?" Does he believe that England +was so little interested in the question whether she would have to fight +two or three foes, and whether her way to Egypt and India would be safe +or threatened? There are many dispatches to and from Rome included in +the "White Paper," but not a mention of Italy's position. + +The first paper contains a letter to the British Ambassador in Berlin +concerning the Austro-Servian relations. Is it not probable that Sir +Edward Grey's attention was called to this question by his Ambassador in +Vienna? Where is his letter? Or, if Sir Edward thought of it himself, +why did he not mention his conversation also to Sir M. de Bunsen in +Vienna? Where is this note? Are we to assume that Sir M. de Bunsen made +his first report on July 23, although Sir Edward Goschen in Berlin had +an interesting report to make a day earlier? + +We can thus go through the whole British "White Paper" and discover the +omission of many interesting documents. + +No. 38 is a letter from Sir Rennell Rodd in Rome, dated on July 23 and +received on July 27. He had no doubt sent also a telegram. What did it +contain, and why was it not published under the date of its arrival +instead of the letter which had been delayed in transit? + + +Where Is No. 28? + +In No. 29 Sir Edward Grey refers in a telegram to Sir R. Rodd to what "I +had said to the German Ambassador." Such a reference could have a +meaning for Sir R. Rodd only if he had been informed of this +conversation. There is no dispatch printed in the "White Paper" +containing this information. Possibly it was so entwined with other +instructions, which Sir Edward Grey did not care to have known, that it +could not be published. Was it perhaps sent to the printer first as No. +28, and removed at the last moment when it was too late to change the +subsequent numbers? Or, if this assumption is wrong, what was printed +originally as No. 28? Where is No. 28? There are other omissions, and +one especially noteworthy one between Nos. 80 and 106 which will be +discussed later. + +Viewed in this light, the English "White Paper" loses much of the value +of a complete record, which it has had in the eyes of many. There is +absolutely no reason to doubt the accuracy of those dispatches which +have been printed, but it becomes incumbent upon the searcher after the +truth to inquire whether the existence of unprinted (in the case of the +German "White Paper" Mr. Beck uses the term "suppressed") papers may not +at times alter the interpretation which should be given to those that +are printed. + +Since we have no published records anywhere concerning the advice given +to Italy by the Allies, and the gradual steps leading up to Italy's +decision to remain neutral; nor any hint as to the day when her decision +was communicated to England and the other powers, it would be futile to +speculate on this subject. Since, however, the Queen of Italy and the +wife of the Commander in Chief of the Russian forces are sisters, and +since it was in the interest of the Allies to keep Italy neutral, it is +not unreasonable to assume that an exchange of opinion took place +between Italy and the Allies concerning the conditions under which Italy +would remain neutral. + +If the actual opening of hostilities could be so managed that Germany +could be called the aggressor, then Italy probably declared that she +would not enter the war. This is a very important phase of the case, and +the omission from Sir Edward Grey's "White Paper" of all dispatches +dealing with Italian neutrality is much to be regretted. + +Since we are dealing with the Italian dispatches here, it may be +advisable to consider at once all the communications which are published +as having passed between Sir Edward Grey and the British Ambassador, Sir +Rennell Rodd, in Rome. They are numbered 19, (perhaps 28,) 29, 35, 36, +38, 49, 57, 63, 64, 80, 81, 86, 92, 100, and 106, of which the important +numbers are 38, 57, 64, 80, and 86. + +On July 23 Sir Edward Grey was informed that "the gravity of the +situation lay in the conviction of the Austro-Hungarian Government that +it was absolutely necessary for their prestige, after the many +disillusions which the turn of events in the Balkans has occasioned, to +score a definite success." (No. 38.) + +Austria, in other words, believed that to let the murder of her +heir-apparent pass unpunished would have meant a deathblow to her +prestige, and consequently, as any one familiar with her conditions will +agree, to her existence. Russia, on the other hand, on July 25 said (see +No. 17, report from Sir G. Buchanan) that she could not "allow (note the +word) Austria to crush Servia and become the predominant power in the +Balkans, and if she feels secure of the support of France, she will face +all the risks of war." + +These two dispatches to Sir Edward Grey tell the whole story in a +nutshell. Austria believed, rightly or wrongly, that it was a question +of life or death for her, while Russia claimed the right of preventing +Austria from becoming the predominate power in the Balkans, and actually +threatened war. Russia did not claim to be concerned with the justice of +Austria's demands on Servia. + +No such definite word of Russia's intention was sent to Germany, for on +July 26 Sir M. de Bunsen reported Germany's confident belief that +"Russia will keep quiet during the chastisement of Servia." (No. 32.) + +On the next day Sir Rennell Rodd reports from Rome (No. 57) that the +Minister of Foreign Affairs believes that "if Servia will even now +accept it (the Austrian note) Austria will be satisfied" and refrain +from a punitive war. He, moreover, believes--and this is very +important--that Servia may be induced to accept the note in its entirety +on the advice of the four powers invited to the conference, and this +would enable her to say that she had yielded to Europe and not to +Austria-Hungary alone. Since Italy was to be one of the four powers, the +Minister's belief was doubtless based on accurate information. There is +then as late as July 27 no claim made by Servia that Austria's demands +are unreasonable. She only hates to yield to Austria alone. Austria, in +the meanwhile, (No. 57,) repeats her assurance that she demands no +territorial sacrifices from Servia. + +On the next day, July 28, Sir Rennell Rodd reports (No. 64) that "Servia +might still accept the whole Austrian note, if some explanation were +given regarding mode in which Austrian agents would require to +intervene." Austria, on her part, had explained that "the co-operation +of the Austrian agents in Servia was to be only in investigation, not in +judicial or administrative measures. Servia was said to have willfully +misinterpreted this." (No. 64.) + +From these reports it appears that the differences between Austria and +Servia were on the way to a solution. Austria claimed that her demands +were just, and Servia did not deny this. Austria further claimed that +her prestige, her very existence, demanded the prompt compliance with +her requests by Servia. She explained in a satisfactory way the one +point on which Servia had taken exceptions, and Servia was on the point +of complying, and would have complied, if the powers had been willing to +let her do so. Such a conclusion of the incident would have strengthened +Austria's prestige and assured the punishment of the murderers of +Serajevo. + + +Russia's Remark About Austria. + +The reason why Servia was not allowed to submit was Russia's remark, +quoted above, that she would not "allow" Austria to become the +predominant power in the Balkans. It was, therefore, Russia's task to +prevent Servia from accepting Austria's note. Since war was her +alternative, baldly stated to England from the first, she had to do +three things--first, to secure as many allies as possible; secondly, to +weaken her enemies, preferably by detaching from them Italy, and, +thirdly, to get as much of a start in her mobilization as possible. + +The treaties between Russia, France, and Great Britain, unlike those +between Germany, Austria, and Italy, have never been published. Whatever +their wording may be, Russia was at first apparently not absolutely sure +of the support of France, (No. 17,) and France, it would seem, was +unwilling to tempt fate without the help of England. That England should +be willing to join such a combination for such a cause seemed so +preposterous to Germany that she did not believe it. Without England no +France, without France no war, for alone Russia could not measure +herself against Austria. Austria would not have attacked her of her own +free will, but if Russia had attacked Austria, the whole world knew from +the published treaties that Germany was bound to come to the assistance +of her ally. It would have been two against one, and the two could have +waited until Russia had finished her cumbersome mobilization. For even +if she had her whole army of many million men on the frontier, Austria +and Germany together were strong enough to stem her advance. + +Russia's only chance, therefore, when Servia was on the point of +yielding, and Austria had almost re-established her prestige, was to +secure the help of France, but this meant also the promise of England. + +The demands made on England by Russia, some of which are quoted in the +"White Paper," are too well known to deserve repetition. This was the +chief thing that counted, to get England's promise. The next was to +detach Italy from her allies, (but of this there are no documents +available,) and the third to gain time for her mobilization. All the +other suggestions and counter-suggestions which fill the English "White +Paper" are insignificant, as soon as the fundamental positions of +Austria and Russia are understood. + +Germany has claimed that England promised her support to Russia and +France on July 30, or in the night of July 29, and, to prove it, has +published the letter from the Belgian Minister in St. Petersburg to his +Minister of Foreign Affairs, printed in translation in THE NEW YORK +TIMES on Oct. 7. This letter, which has not been officially denied by +the Allies, states that the promise of England's support gave the +Russian war party the upper hand and resulted in the order of complete +mobilization. + + +English "White Paper's" Testimony. + +Strangely enough, and doubtless by an oversight, the English "White +Paper" contains two dispatches (Nos. 80 and 106) which seem to confirm +the accuracy of M. de l'Escaille's statement, viz., that England +promised the Russian-French combination her support. + +On July 29 Sir Rennell Rodd wrote to Sir Edward Grey (No. 80) that the +Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs had told him "there seemed to be a +difficulty in making Germany believe that Russia was in earnest. As +Germany, however, was really anxious for good relations with ourselves, +if she believed that Great Britain would act with Russia and France, he +thought it would have a great effect." + +In a later dispatch of the same day (No. 86) he deprecates Russia's +partial mobilization, which he fears has spoiled the chances of +Germany's exerting any pressure on Austria. + +But on the next day, July 30, these remarkable words occur: "He [the +Italian Minister] had reason to believe that Germany was now disposed to +give more conciliatory advice to Austria, as she seemed convinced that +we should act with France and Russia, and was most anxious to avoid +issue with us." (No. 106.) + +Readers of the "White Paper" will look in vain for an explanation of +such a change of heart on Germany's part. What does "now" mean in the +last letter? And why does Germany seem "convinced" that England will act +with Russia--if not that she has heard of the promise mentioned by M. de +l'Escaille, as given early on July 30 or late the 29th? The dates agree, +and unless Sir Edward Grey publishes further papers to explain the +change that had taken place between July 29 and July 30 one seems forced +to accept this explanation. + +What is Germany's attitude? Does she rush into war? Not at all, for she +is "most anxious to avoid issue" with England. (No. 106.) Germany knew +that Russia had begun to mobilize. Every day, every hour counted; for +against the masses of Russia she had only her greater speed to match. +She knew that England had gone over to Russia, although she was probably +hoping that the alliance between the Saxon and the Slav was not yet +irrefragable. Still, the prospects were dark. But in spite of this the +efforts were renewed to see what could be done in Vienna. + +The famous exchange of telegrams between royalty began in the evening of +July 29; and here it is wise to halt for a moment. On July 30 the Czar +telegraphed to the Emperor in reply to the Emperor's expression of +regret that Russia should be mobilizing, as follows: "The military +measures in force now were decreed five days ago." That is, according to +the Czar, the Russian mobilization had begun on July 25. On July 27, +however, the Russian Minister of War, M. Suchomlinow, had declared to +the German Military Attaché "on his word of honor" that no mobilization +order had been issued. July 25, however, it will be remembered, was the +day on which Sir G. Buchanan had reported from St. Petersburg that +Russia will "face all risks of war" if she can feel sure of the support +of France. + +On July 31 Russia mobilized her entire army, which led to Germany's +ultimatum that Russia demobilize within twelve hours. No reply was +received to the request, and orders for the mobilization of the German +Army were issued at 5:15 P.M., Aug. 1, after the German Ambassador in +St. Petersburg had been instructed to declare that, owing to the +continued mobilization of the Russian Army, a state of war existed +between the two countries. + + +Kaiser Tried to Keep Peace. + +In order to understand this step one should read the book "La France +Victorieuse dans la Guerre de Demain," ("France Victorious in the Next +War,") by Col. Arthur Boucher, published in 1911. Col. Boucher has +stated the case baldly and so simply that every one can understand it. +In substance his argument is this: "Alone France has no chance, but +together with Russia she will win against Germany. Suppose the three +countries are beginning mobilization on the same day. Germany finishes +first, France second, and Russia last. Germany must leave some of her +troops on her eastern frontier, the rest she throws against France. All +France has to do is to hold them for a few days. [Col. Boucher mentions +the exact number of days. This book is not at hand, and the writer +prefers not to quote from memory.] Then Russia comes into play, more +German troops will be needed in the East, the French proceed to an +attack on their weakened enemy, and La France sera victorieuse." + +Everything hinges on just a couple of days or so. A couple of days! And +how much of a start had Russia? She had begun on July 25; on July 27 +definite news of the Russian mobilization was reported in Berlin, +although the Minister of War denied it "on his honor." On July 30 +England was understood to have promised her support to Russia, and the +Czar acknowledged that Russia had been mobilizing for the past five +days. Five days! And Col. Boucher, expressing the opinion of military +experts, had counted on victory on a much smaller margin! + +Do the Judges of the Supreme Court of Civilization realize the almost +super-human efforts in the interest of peace made by the German Emperor? +Russia has a start of five days, and on July 31 a start of six days. Can +we not hear all the military leaders imploring the Emperor not to +hesitate any longer? But in the interest of peace the Emperor delays. He +has kept the peace for Germany through the almost thirty years of his +reign. He prays to his God, in Whom he has placed his trust through all +his upright life, with a fervor which has often brought him ridicule. +Also, he still believes in England, and hopes through her efforts to be +able to keep the peace. He waits another day. A start of seven days for +Russia! The odds against Germany have grown tremendously. At last he +orders mobilization. For a longer delay he would not have been able to +answer to his country. As it is, there are many people who blame him +severely for having waited so long. + +But William II. was right, for when the world will begin to realize the +agonies through which he must have passed during these days of waiting, +and the sacrifices he made in his effort to preserve peace, it will +judge Germany rightly, and call the Emperor the great prince of peace +that he is. + +But, it has been said, why did he not avoid war, either by forcing +Austria to yield to Russia, or, if she refused, by withdrawing from her? +In common with the whole of Germany, he probably felt that Austria's +position was right. Servia herself, as has been seen above, did not +claim that she was unjustly treated, whatever outsiders thought of +Austria's demands; and Austria was fully justified by past events in +believing that it was with her a question of life and death. Should +Germany sacrifice her faithful friend under such circumstances, and for +what? For the arrogance of Russia, who would not "allow" her to +re-establish her prestige in a righteous cause? The word "righteous" is +used advisedly, because in the early stages of the controversy nobody, +not even Russia nor Servia herself, denied the justice of Austria's +demands. The writer is informed that even the liberal English press +found no fault with the course taken by Austria, although it commented +adversely on the language used in the note. + +What would have been the result of peace bought by Germany at such a +cost? It would have alienated her only faithful friend without laying +the foundations for a lasting friendship with her opponents. This at +least was Germany's honest belief. She may have been wrong. History more +probably will call her right. To desert Austria might have postponed the +war, but when it would have come Germany would have stood alone, and, +worse, she would have lost her self-respect. + +This claim may sound strange in the ears of those who have just +witnessed and will never forget the suffering of that beautiful little +country, Belgium. They hold that, since Germany invaded Belgium, it is +Germany who broke a treaty and who is to blame. + +Mr. Beck considers this to be so self-evident that he deems it +unnecessary to advance any proof. He quotes the Chancellor's speech, +and, moving for a quick verdict, declares his motion of guilty carried. +The matter, however, is not quite so simple for the man who is seeking +for the whole truth. Let us look at the facts. + +Belgium was a neutral country, just as any country has the right to +declare itself neutral, with this difference: that in 1839 she had +promised to five powers--Great Britain, France, Russia, Austria, and +Prussia--that she would remain perpetually neutral. These five powers in +their turn had promised to guarantee her neutrality. She was, however, a +sovereign State, and as such had the undoubted right to cease being +neutral whenever she chose by abrogating the Treaty of 1839. If the +other high contracting parties did not agree with her, it was their +right to try to coerce Belgium to keep to her pledges, although this +would undoubtedly have been an infringement of her sovereignty. + +The Treaty of 1839 contains the word "perpetual," but so does the treaty +between France and Germany, in which Alsace and Lorraine are ceded by +France to be perpetually an integral part of the German Empire. Does +this mean that France, if the Allies should win, could not retake these +provinces? Nobody probably will believe this. + +The Treaty of 1839 was a treaty just like the Treaty of 1871, with this +difference, that the latter treaty was concluded between two powers, and +the earlier one between five powers on one side and Belgium and Holland +on the other. This gave certain rights to all the signatory powers, any +one of whom had the right to feel itself sufficiently aggrieved to go to +war if any other power disregarded the treaty. + + +Rights of Neutrals. + +There was once another neutral State, the city and district of Cracow, +also established by a treaty to which Great Britain was a signatory. +Three of the signers considered the conditions developing in Cracow to +be so threatening that they abolished Cracow as an independent State. +Great Britain sent a polite note of protest, and dropped the matter. + +Since that time, however, two Hague Conferences have been held and +certain rules agreed upon concerning the rights and duties of neutrals. +The Belgian status of inviolability rests on these rules, called +conventions, rather than on the Treaty of 1839. During the +Franco-Prussian War of 1870 Mr. Gladstone very clearly stated that he +did not consider the Treaty of 1839 enforceable. Great Britain, +therefore, made two new treaties, one with France and one with Prussia +(quoted and discussed in Boston Evening Transcript, Oct. 14, 1914) in +which she promised to defend Belgian neutrality, by the side of either +France or Prussia, against that one of them who should infringe the +neutrality. + +These treaties were to terminate one year after peace had been +concluded between the contestants. A treaty, like the one of 1839, +however, which was considered unenforceable in 1870, can hardly be +claimed to have gained new rights in 1914. In calm moments nobody will +claim that a greater sanctity attaches to it than to the treaty in which +Alsace and Lorraine are ceded forever to Germany. + +No, it is The Hague Conventions to which we must look. The first +convention (1899) contained no rules forbidding belligerents from +entering neutral territory. In the second conference it was thought +desirable to formulate such rules, because it was felt that in war +belligerents are at liberty to do what is not expressly forbidden. At +the request of France, therefore, a new set of rules was suggested, to +which Great Britain and Belgium offered valuable amendments. The rules +were finally accepted, and are today parts of international law. They +read; "Article I. The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. Article +II. Belligerents are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either +munitions of war or supplies across the territory of a neutral power." + +These articles, together with the whole convention called "Rights and +duties of neutral powers and persons in case of war on land," have been +ratified and therefore accepted as law by the United States of America, +Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Japan, and Russia and other minor +powers. Great Britain experienced a change of heart, and, although her +own delegates had moved these articles, she refused to ratify them, when +she ratified most of the other conventions on Nov. 27, 1909. (A table +showing the ratifications of conventions has been published by The World +Peace Foundation, Boston.) + + +The Case of Belgium. + +Since Great Britain did not accept these articles as law, she was not +bound by them, for the principle of The Hague Conferences is that a +nation is bound only by those laws which it accepts. The remarkable +fact, therefore, appears that the only one of the big nations which had +refused to accept these articles, and which, therefore, might have moved +her troops across a neutral country and have claimed that she could do +so with a clear conscience because she broke no law which was binding on +her, was Great Britain. And the world now sees the spectacle of Great +Britain claiming to have gone to war because another power did what she +herself could have done, according to her own interpretation, with +impunity. Japan has broken the international law by infringing the +neutrality of China, but Great Britain can claim that she did not break +a law by doing exactly what Japan did. + +It is not asserted here that the citizens of Great Britain are not +absolutely sincere in their belief of the causes which have allied them +with the Russians and the Japanese, and the Indians and the Zouaves, and +the negroes and the French and the Belgians against Germany. Their +Government, however, should have known that the presumption of +insincerity exists when one charges against others a crime which one +would have felt at liberty to commit one's self. Yet, more, the British +Government knew better than anybody else that Germany had not even +committed this crime; for, according to all laws of justice, no person +or nation can claim the inviolability of a neutral when he has committed +"hostile acts against a belligerent, or acts in favor of a belligerent." +(Article XVII. of The Hague Conference of 1907.) + +The question, therefore, arises, "Did Belgium commit acts in favor of +one of Germany's opponents, if not actually hostile acts against +Germany?" In order to understand Germany's charge that Belgium had +committed such acts, attention must be directed to one of the most +unfortunate stipulations of the Treaty of 1839, which compelled Belgium +to maintain several fortresses. This meant that a small neutral people, +sandwiched in between two great powers, had to keep itself informed on +military affairs. Instead of being able to foster a peaceful state of +mind, which is the surest guarantee of neutrality, the Belgians were +forced to think military thoughts. + +[Illustration: ANDREW CARNEGIE + +_(Photo (c) by Underwood & Underwood.)_ + +_See Page 415_] + +[Illustration: JACOB H. SCHIFF + +_(Photo by American Press Assn.)_ + +_See Page 459_] + +In the eighties and early nineties they suspected France of designs on +their integrity. Since then a change in the popular feeling has taken +place and in recent years the instruction of the Belgian artillery, for +instance, was intrusted to French officers in active service. These +officers were constantly at home and very properly concerned with +solving military problems such as a future war with Germany might +present. What was more natural than that these same officers, when they +were detached for a few months or years to Ličge or Namur or Huy, taught +their Belgian charges to prepare against a German attack, and to look +upon the French as their friends and the Germans as their enemies? If +conditions had been different, and German officers had been in charge of +Belgian fortresses, the Belgian guns in practice would always have been +trained on imaginary French invaders. + + +French Officers in Belgian Forts. + +If this is understood it will be seen that in the case of war the actual +neutrality of the Belgian garrisons would naturally be determined by the +position taken by that nation whose officers had been in charge of the +Belgian fortresses. And this might be entirely independent of the +professed wishes of the Belgian people or their Government. If French +officers in active service remained in the several fortresses, or even +only in one after the beginning of hostilities, and if the French +campaign plans contemplated an attack through Belgium, then Belgium had +committed an "act in favor of France" by not forcing the French officers +to leave, and had forfeited the rights and privileges granted by The +Hague Convention of 1907 to a neutral State. + +Did French officers remain in Ličge or in any other Belgian fortress +after hostilities had begun, and did France plan to go through Belgium? +Germany has officially made both claims. The first can easily be +substantiated by the Supreme Court of Civilization by an investigation +of the prisoners of war taken in Belgium. Until an impartial +investigation becomes possible no further proof than the claim made by +the German Government can be produced. + +The second charge is contained in No. 157 of the English "White Paper" +in these words of instruction from the German Foreign Secretary to the +German Ambassador in London: "Please impress upon Sir Edward Grey that +German Army could not be exposed to French attack across Belgium, which +was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable information." + +Sir Edward Grey has attacked Germany for invading Belgium, but has +nowhere denied that Germany had the unimpeachable evidence she said she +had, and which of course nullified any previous assurance from France. + +It is not known whether Sir Edward Grey was shown this evidence or not, +but if the preservation of Belgian neutrality was Great Britain's chief +concern, why did she not offer to negotiate treaties with Germany and +France as she had done in 1870? It will be remembered that then she +bound herself to join with either of the contestants in defending +Belgian neutrality against the attacks of the other. + +As the case stands today, on the evidence of Sir Edward Grey's own +"White Paper" and speeches, Great Britain is making war on Germany +because: + +1. She broke the Treaty of 1839, although her own Gladstone had declared +this treaty to be without force, and although the status of neutral +States had been removed by The Hague Convention from the uncertainty of +treaties to the security of international law. + +2. Great Britain makes war against Germany because Germany has broken +Articles I. and II. of Chapter 1 of The Hague Convention referring to +neutrals, although Great Britain herself has refused to recognize these +articles as binding upon her own conduct. + +3. She makes war on Germany although she has never denied the +correctness of Germany's assertion that she had unimpeachable proof of +France's intentions of going through Belgium, which, together with the +sojourn of French officers in Belgium, constitutes the offense which, +according to The Hague Convention, deprives a so-called neutral State of +the privileges granted in Articles I. and II. + +It is impossible to say here exactly what these proofs are which Germany +possesses, and which for military reasons she has not yet been able to +divulge. She has published some of them, namely, the proof of the +continued presence of French officers on Belgian soil, and has given the +names and numbers of the several army corps which France had planned to +push through Belgium. + +The case then stands as follows: + +1. Was the inviolability of Belgium guaranteed by Articles I. and II. of +The Hague Convention? Yes. + +2. Had Germany ratified these articles? Yes. + +3. Had Great Britain ratified these articles? No. + +4. Would Belgium have forfeited the right of having her country held +inviolable if she had committed "acts in favor of France," even if these +acts were not actually hostile acts? Yes, according to Article XVII. of +The Hague Convention. + +5. Did Belgium commit "acts in favor of France," and was Germany, +therefore, justified in disregarding the inviolability of her territory? + + +The Main Question. + +This is the important question, and the answer must be left to the +Supreme Court of Civilization. The weight of the evidence would seem to +point to a justification of Germany. Yet no friend of Germany can find +fault with those who would wish to defer a verdict until such a time +when Germany can present her complete proof to the world, and this may +be when the war is over. + +Throughout this argument the famous passage of the Chancellor's speech +in the Reichstag has been disregarded. It reads: + + Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are already on + Belgian soil. Gentlemen, that is contrary to the dictates of + international law. It is true that the French Government has + declared at Brussels that France is willing to respect the + neutrality of Belgium so long as her opponents respect it. We + knew, however, that France stood ready for invasion. The + wrong--I speak openly--that we are committing we will endeavor + to make good. + +This has been understood to mean that the Chancellor acknowledged that +Germany was breaking the Treaty of 1839 without warrant, and that +Germany, therefore, deserved the contempt of the world. May it not bear +another interpretation? Thus: + +The Chancellor, like Gladstone in 1870, did not consider the 1839 Treaty +enforceable, but saw the guarantee for Belgium in The Hague Convention. +He did not wish to offend Belgium by announcing to the world that she +had lost her rights as a neutral because of her acts favorable to +France, for when he spoke he was still of the opinion that she would +accept the German offer which guaranteed to her both her independence +and integrity. + +And just as Servia would have accepted Austria's note if Russia had +permitted her, so Belgium would not have resisted the German demand if +it had not been for England. + +This can be proved by the British "White Paper," Nos. 153 and 155. In +the former the King of the Belgians appeals "to the diplomatic +intervention of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of +Belgium," being apparently of the impression that Germany wished to +annex parts, if not the whole, of his country. The London reply advises +the Belgians "to resist by any means in their power, and that his +Majesty's Government will support them in offering such resistance, and +that his Majesty's Government in this event are prepared to join Russia +and France, if desired, in offering to the Belgian Government at once +common action for the purpose of resisting use of force by Germany +against them, and a guarantee to maintain their independence and +integrity in future years." + +Has Mr. Beck really not noticed in this promise the omission of the word +neutrality? By the Treaty of 1839 Belgium enjoyed not only independence +and integrity, but also perpetual neutrality. Does Great Britain offer +to fight Germany for the enforcement of the Treaty of 1839? No! Because +hereafter the word neutrality is dropped from her guarantee, and since +she alone of all the great powers has not ratified the articles of The +Hague Convention concerning neutrals she alone will be able to disregard +the inviolability of Belgian soil, even though Belgium kept strictly +neutral in a future war. + +And what, finally, does she guarantee her? Independence and integrity! +That is exactly the same that Germany had promised her. For this Belgium +had to be dragged through the horrors of war, and the good name of +Germany as that of an honest nation had to be dragged through the mire, +and hatred and murder had to be started, that Belgium might get on the +battlefield, from the insufficient support of Russia and France and +England, what Germany had freely offered her--independence and +integrity. + +Casual readers would not miss the word neutrality from Sir Edward Grey's +guarantee, because they do not differentiate between the words +integrity, independence, and neutrality. Great Britain and her ally +Japan, marching through China into Kiao-Chau, may be said to have +violated China's neutrality, but not her independence, nor, so long as +they refrain from annexing any Chinese territory, her integrity. + + +Fixing the Blame. + +Nobody familiar with the careful work of Sir Edward Grey can for one +moment believe that Sir Edward inadvertently dropped the word, just as +little as J. Ramsay Macdonald and other British leaders believe that he +inadvertently dropped one of the two remaining words, integrity and +independence, when he told Parliament of Germany's guarantee, and why +Great Britain should not accept it, but go to war. + +When the blame for the horrors committed in Belgium are assessed these +facts must be remembered: + +1. Belgium was by treaty bound to maintain fortresses. + +2. France tempted her to commit "acts friendly" to herself, by which +Belgium forfeited her rights to the protection of The Hague articles +governing the rights and duties of neutrals. + +3. England urged her to take up arms, when she had only asked to have +her integrity guaranteed by diplomatic intervention. (Nos. 153, 155.) + +4. Germany promised her independence and integrity and peace, while +England, quietly dropping her guarantee of neutrality "in future years," +promised her independence and integrity and war. + +5. And Sir Edward Grey was able to sway Parliament, according to one of +the leaders of Parliament himself, only because he misrepresented +Germany's guarantee, and, having dropped, in his note to Belgium, the +word "neutrality," dropped yet another of the two remaining words, +integrity and independence. + +This is the case as it appears on the evidence contained in the various +"White Papers." Austria was attending properly to her own affairs; +Servia was willing to yield; Russia, however, was determined to +humiliate Austria or to go to war. Germany proved a loyal friend to her +ally, Austria; she trusted in the British professions of friendship to +the last, and sacrificed seven valuable days in the interest of peace. +France was willing to do "what might be required by her interests," +while Great Britain yielded to Russia and France, promising them their +support without which France, and therefore Russia, would not have +decided on war. + +As to Belgium, Germany told Sir Edward Grey that she had unimpeachable +evidence that France was planning to go through Belgium, and she +published her evidence concerning the French officers who remained in +Belgium. Although Belgium had thus lost any rights attaching to her +state of neutrality, Germany promised to respect her integrity and +independence, and to pay for any damage done. She preferred, however, to +listen to Great Britain, who promised exactly the same except pay for +any damage done. + +Unlike Mr. Beck, who in the same article pleads his case as the counsel +for the Allies and casts his verdict as the Supreme Court of +Civilization, the present writer prefers to leave the judgment to his +readers as a whole, and further still, to the whole American +people--yea, to all the peoples of the world. Nor is he in a hurry, for +he is willing to wait and have the Judges weigh the evidence and call +for more, if they consider insufficient what has already been submitted. + +Snap judgments are ever unsatisfactory. They have often to be reversed. +The present case, however, is too important to warrant a hasty decision. +The final judgment, if it is based on truth, will very strongly +influence the nature of the peace, which will either establish good-will +and stable conditions in the world, or lead to another and even more +complete breakdown of civilization. + + + + +What Gladstone Said About Belgium + +By George Louis Beer. + + Historian; winner of the first Loubat Prize, 1913, for his + book on the origins of the British Colonial system. + + +In the course of his solemn speech of Aug. 8, 1914, in the House of +Commons Sir Edward Grey quoted some remarks made by Gladstone in 1870 on +the extent of the obligation incurred by the signatory powers to the +Quintuple Treaty of 1839 guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. Shorn +from their context as they were, these sentences are by no means +illuminating, and it cannot be said that their citation in this form by +Sir Edward Grey was a very felicitous one. During the paper polemics of +the past months these detached words of Gladstone have been freely used +by Germany's defenders and apologists to maintain that Great Britain of +1870 would not have deemed the events of 1914 a casus belli, and that +its entrance into the present war on account of the violation of +Belgium's neutrality was merely a pretext. During the course of this +controversy Gladstone's attitude has in various ways been grossly +misrepresented, Dr. von Mach of Harvard even stating in the columns of +THE NEW YORK TIMES that Gladstone had declared the Treaty of 1839 "to be +without force." But, apart from such patent distortions, Gladstone's +real position is apparently not clearly defined in the mind of the +general public, which is merely seeking for the unadulterated truth, +regardless of its effect upon the case of any one of the belligerents. + +Shortly after the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war in 1870 the +Prussian Ambassador in London informed Gladstone, then Prime Minister, +that some time prior to the existing war France had asked Prussia to +consent to the former country's absorption of Belgium, and that there +was in the possession of the Prussian Government the draft of a treaty +to this effect in the handwriting of M. Benedetti, then French +Ambassador at Berlin. This communication was obviously made, as Lord +Morley tells us, with the object of prompting Gladstone to be the agent +in making the evil news public and thus of prejudicing France in the +judgment of Europe. Gladstone thought this "no part of his duty," and +very shortly thereafter, at the direct instance of Bismarck, this draft +treaty of 1866-7 was communicated by Baron Krause of the Prussian +Embassy in London to Delane, the editor of The Times. On July 25, 1870, +it was published in the columns of that paper and aroused considerable +anxiety in England. + +It immediately became imperative upon the British Government to take +some action. As Gladstone wrote to Bright, the publication of this +treaty + + has thrown upon us the necessity of doing something fresh to + secure Belgium, or else of saying that under no circumstances + would we take any step to secure her from absorption. This + publication has wholly altered the feeling of the House of + Commons, and no Government could at this moment venture to + give utterance to such an intention about Belgium. But neither + do we think it would be right, even if it were safe, to + announce that we would in any case stand by with folded arms + and see actions done which would amount to a total extinction + of the public right in Europe. + + +The Special Identical Treaties. + +A simple declaration of Great Britain's intention to defend the +neutrality of Belgium by arms in case it were infringed seemed to +Gladstone not to meet the special requirements of the case as revealed +by the proposed Treaty of 1866-7 between Prussia and France. His main +object was to prevent the actual execution of such an agreement, by +means of which the two belligerent powers would settle their quarrels +and satisfy their ambitions at the expense of helpless Belgium. Hence, +on July 30, the British Government opened negotiations with France and +Prussia and within a fortnight had concluded separate but identical +treaties with each of these powers. According to these treaties, in case +the neutrality of Belgium were violated by either France or Germany, +Great Britain agreed to co-operate with the other in its defense. The +preamble of these treaties states that the contracting powers + + being desirous at the present time of recording in a solemn + act their fixed determination to maintain the independence and + neutrality of Belgium, + +as provided in the Treaty of 1839, have concluded this separate treaty, +which, + + without impairing or invalidating the conditions of the said + Quintuple Treaty, shall be subsidiary and accessory to it. + +Article III. further provided that these Treaties of 1870 were to expire +twelve months after the conclusion of the existing war, and that +thereafter the independence and neutrality of Belgium would "continue to +rest, as heretofore," on the Treaty of 1839. + +These documents tell a plain tale, which is amply confirmed by the +proceedings in Parliament in connection with this matter. On Aug. 5, +1870, while the negotiations leading to the above-mentioned treaties +were still pending, questions were raised in the House of Commons about +the recently published abortive Treaty of 1866-7 between Prussia and +France. In reply Gladstone stated that + + the Treaty of 1839 is that under which the relations of the + contracting powers with Belgium are at present regulated; + +and that, while he could not explain the intentions of the Government +"in a matter of this very grave character in answer to a question," he +hoped to be able to communicate some further information in an authentic +manner. Three days later, as these treaties with France and Prussia had +been virtually concluded, Gladstone was able to satisfy the anxiety of +the House and outlined their terms. He explicitly stated that, after +their expiration, + + the respective parties, being parties to the Treaty of 1839, + shall fall back upon the obligations they took upon themselves + under that treaty. + +After Gladstone had finished speaking the leader of the opposition, +Disraeli, took the floor and pointed out that, as a general proposition, + + when there is a treaty guarantee so explicit as that expressed + in the Treaty of 1839, I think the wisdom of founding on that + another treaty which involves us in engagements may be open to + doubt. + +But he accepted Gladstone's statement + + as the declaration of the Cabinet, that they are resolved to + maintain the neutrality and independence of Belgium, I accept + it as a wise and spirited policy, and a policy, in my opinion, + not the less wise because it is spirited. + +Gladstone then replied, saying that the reason the Government had not +made a general declaration of its intentions regarding Belgium was that +much danger might arise from such a declaration and that inadvertently +they might have given utterance to words + + that might be held to import obligations almost unlimited and + almost irrespectively of circumstances. + +We had made up our minds, he continued, that we had a duty to perform, +and we thought a specific declaration of what we thought the obligations +of this country better than any general declaration. Referring to the +two treaties in process of ratification, he concluded: + + We thought that by contracting a joint engagement we might + remove the difficulty and prevent Belgium from being + sacrificed. + +The policy of the Government continued, however, to be criticised, +mainly on the ground that the Treaty of 1839 amply covered the case. On +Aug. 10 Gladstone defended his policy in the House of Commons in a +speech pitched on a high moral plane, in which he dilated upon Belgium's +historic past and splendid present and on Great Britain's duty to this +little nation irrespective of all questions of its own self-interest. +With genuine fervor, he exclaimed: + + If, in order to satisfy a greedy appetite for aggrandisement, + coming whence it may, Belgium were absorbed, the day that + witnessed that absorption would hear the knell of public right + and public law in Europe.... We have an interest in the + independence of Belgium which is wider than that which we may + have in the literal operation of the guarantee. It is found in + answer to the question whether under the circumstance of the + case this country, endowed as it is with influence and power, + would quietly stand by and witness the perpetration of the + direst crime that ever stained the pages of history, and thus + become participators in the sin. + + +What Gladstone Had in Mind. + +What Gladstone had in mind was the scheme of 1866-7, by which France was +to absorb Belgium, with Prussia's consent and aid. He distinctly stated +that the Treaties of 1870 were devised to meet the new state of affairs +disclosed by the publication of this incomplete treaty. It was in order +to prevent the revival of such a conspiracy that Gladstone made separate +and identical treaties in 1870 with France and Prussia. They were a +practical device to secure an effectual enforcement of the Treaty of +1839 under unforeseen and difficult circumstances. The agreement of 1870 +was, as Gladstone said, a cumulative treaty added to that of 1839, and +the latter treaty + + loses nothing of its force, even during the existence of this + present treaty. + +During the course of this speech defending the Government's action +against those critics who claimed that the Treaty of 1839 adequately met +the situation, Gladstone made some general remarks about the extent of +the obligation incurred by the signatories to the Treaty of 1839: + + It is not necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into + the complicated question of the nature of the obligations of + that treaty, but I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of + those who have held in this House what plainly amounts to an + assertion that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee + is binding on every party to it, irrespectively altogether of + the particular position in which it may find itself at the + time when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises. + +It is, of course, impossible to state precisely what were those +unuttered thoughts that passed through Gladstone's mind as he spoke +these characteristically cautious words, but what in general they were +can be satisfactorily gleaned from a letter that he had written six days +before this to John Bright: + + That we should simply declare _we_ will defend the neutrality + of Belgium by arms in case it should be attacked. Now, the + sole or single-handed defense of Belgium would be an + enterprise which we incline to think quixotic; if these two + great military powers [France and Prussia] combined against + it--that combination is the only serious danger; and this it + is which by our proposed engagements we should, I hope, render + improbable to the very last degree. I add for myself this + confession of faith: If the Belgian people desire, on their + own account, to join France or any other country, I for one + will be no party to taking up arms to prevent it. But that the + Belgians, whether they would or not, should go "plump" down + the maw of another country to satisfy dynastic greed is + another matter. The accomplishment of such a crime as this + implies would come near to an extinction of public right in + Europe, and I do not think we could look on while the + sacrifice of freedom and independence was in course of + consummation. + + + + +Fight to the Bitter End + +AN INTERVIEW WITH ANDREW CARNEGIE. + + Retired ironmaster and philanthropist; builder of the Peace + Temple at The Hague; founder of the Carnegie Institution at + Washington; founder and patron of a chain of libraries in the + United States and Great Britain, and benefactor of many + societies and institutions. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +Here is the report of a truly remarkable statement by Mr. Carnegie. He +is the world's most notable peace advocate, and in this interview he +voices the reflections suggested to him by the great European war. + +They are unusual, and make this interview especially worthy of a place +upon the pages of the Christmas issue of THE TIMES, although it +principally deals with war, and Christmas is the festival of peace. + +"Has war ever settled anything which might not have been settled better +by arbitration?" I asked Mr. Carnegie. + +"No; never," he replied. "No truer inference was ever made than may be +found in Milton's query, penned three centuries ago and never answered: +'What can war but wars breed?' + +"War can breed only war. Of course, peace inevitably must follow war, +but, truly, no peace ever was born of war. We all revere the memory of +him who voiced the warning: 'In time of peace prepare for war'; but, as +a matter of fact, we all know that when one nation prepares for war +others inevitably must follow its dangerous lead. + +"Hence, and hence only, the huge armaments which have oppressed the +world, making its most peaceful years a spectacle of sadness--a +spectacle of men preparing and prepared to fight with one another. +Sooner or later men prepared to fight will fight; huge armaments and +armies mean huge battles; huge battles mean huge tragedies. + +"This never has been otherwise, and never can be. Peace can come only +when mankind abandons warful preparation. And so I seem to have replied +to your inquiry with an answer with a tail to it; and the tail is more +important than the answer, for the answer merely says that war never +settled anything which might not have been settled better by +arbitration, while the tail proclaims the folly of a world prepared for +war." + + +How to Prevent War. + +"Armament must mean the use of armament, and that is war. If we are to +prevent war we must prevent preparation for war, just as if we are to +prevent burglary we must prevent preparation for burglary by prohibiting +the carrying of the instruments of burglary. The only cure for war" [Mr. +Carnegie in speaking italicized the word "cure"] "is war which defeats +some one; but two men who are unarmed are certain not to shoot at one +another. Here, as in medicine, prevention is much better than cure. + +"Plainly it must be through such prevention, not through such a cure as +victory sometimes is supposed to represent, that warfare can be stopped. +Warfare means some one's defeat, of course, and that implies his +temporary incapacity for further war, but it goes without saying that +all conquered nations must be embittered by their defeat. + +"Few nations ever have fought wars in which the majority of at least +their fighting men did not believe the side they fought for to be in the +right. Defeat by force of arms, therefore, always has meant the general +conviction throughout conquered nations that injustice has been done." + + +Nations Like Individuals. + +"In such circumstances nations must be like individuals under similar +conditions. The individual believing himself to have been in the right, +yet finding himself beaten in his efforts to maintain it, will not +accept the situation philosophically; he will be angry and rebellious; +he will nurse what he believes to be his wrong. + +"To nurse a wrong, whether it be real or fancied, is to help it grow in +the imagination, and that must mean at least the wish to find some +future means of righting it, either by strategy or increased strength. + +"There are two things which humanity does not forget--one is an injury, +and, no matter how strongly some may argue against the truth of this +contention, the other is a kindness. + +"In the long run both will be repaid. And nations, like individuals, +prefer the coin which pays the latter debt. Military force never has +accomplished kindness. Kindness means industrial armies decked with the +garlands of peace; military armies, armed and epauletted, must mean +minds obsessed with the spirit of revenge or conquest, hands clenched to +strike, hearts eager to invade. + +"Every military implement is designed to cut or crush, to wound and +kill. Nations at peace help one another with humanity's normal +tenderness of heart at times of pestilence, of famine, of disaster. +Nations at war exert their every ounce of strength to force upon their +adversaries hunger, destruction, and death. Starvation of the enemy +becomes a detail of what is considered good military strategy in war +time, just as world-embracing charity has become a characteristic of +all civilization during times of peace. Must we not admit flotillas +carrying grain to famine-stricken peoples to be more admirable than +fleets which carry death to lands in which prosperity might reign if +undisturbed by war?" + +"But do you not admit that wars sometimes have helped the forces of +civilization in their conquest against barbarism?" + +"War has not been the chief force of civilization against barbarism," +Mr. Carnegie replied with emphasis. Then he continued more thoughtfully: + +"That is one way of saying it. Another is, no effort of the forces of +civilization against barbarism is war in the true sense of the word. + +"Such an armed effort is a part of the force pushing barbarism backward, +and therefore, in the last analysis, tends toward kindness and peace; +while, in the sense in which we use the word, war means the +retrogression of civilization into barbarism. It is usually born of +greed--greed for territory or for power. + +"Such war as that of which we all are thinking in these days is war +between civilized men. One civilized man cannot improve another +civilized man by killing him, although it is not inconceivable that a +civilized man may do humanity a service by destroying human savages, for +with the savages he must destroy their savagery. + +"But a war in civilized Europe destroys no savagery; it breeds it, so +that it and its spawn may defile future generations. + +"There has been much balderdash in talk about unselfish motives as the +origin of warfare. It is safe to say that 99 per cent of all the +slaughter wrought by civilization under the cloak of a desire to better +bad conditions really has been evil. It is impossible to conceive of +general betterment through general slaughter. There have been few +altruistic wars." + +"But how about our Spanish war?" I asked. "Surely it was not greed which +sent our men and ships to Cuba." + +"No," said Mr. Carnegie, "that was not war, but world-police work. + +"Our skirmish with Spain was a most unusual international episode. We +harmed none of the people of the land wherein we fought, but taught them +what we could of wise self-government and gave them independence. To +battle for the liberation of the slave is worthy work, and this of ours +was such a battle. + +"Our Spanish war was not the outgrowth of our rivalry with any one or +any one's with us; it was the manifestation of our high sense of +responsibility as strong and healthy human beings for the welfare of the +weak and oppressed." + + +That Was Police Work. + +"It did not make toward militarism on this continent, but the reverse; +in a few months it established permanent peace where peace had been a +stranger. It was police work on the highest plane, substituting order +for disorder." + +"But did it not emphasize the need for the maintenance, even here, of a +competent and efficient naval and military force?" I asked. + +Mr. Carnegie shook his head emphatically. + +"That is the old, old argument cropping up again," said he, "the +argument that a provocative is a preventive. For us to maintain a great +army for the purpose of preventing war thereby would be as sensible as +for each of us to be afraid to walk about except with a lightning rod +down his back, since men have been struck by lightning. No nation wants +to fight us. We have friends throughout the world. + +"Millions now resident in military nations are hoping that some day they +may be able to become citizens of our beloved republic, principally +because it now is not, nor is it every likely to be, military. Humanity +loves peace. Here peace abides, and, if we follow reason, will remain +unbroken. + +"Note the advantages of our own position. Imagine what the task would be +of landing seventy thousand hostile soldiers on our shores! First they +would need to cross three thousand miles of the Atlantic or five +thousand miles of the Pacific. + +"And what if they should come? My plan of operation would be to bid them +welcome as our visitors, considering them as men, not soldiers; to take +them to our great interior, say, as far west as Chicago, and there to +say to them: + +"'Here we shall leave you. Make yourselves at home, if that thought +pleases you; fight us if it does not. If you think you can conquer us, +try it.' + +"They would make themselves at home and, learning the advantages of +staying with us, would become applicants for our citizenship, rather +than our opponents in warfare. + +"And if they tried to fight us, what would happen to them? Our nation is +unique in an important respect. Its individuals are the best armed in +the world. Not only, for example, are its farmers armed, but they can +shoot, which is far more than can be said of those of Britain or of any +other nation. + +"The Governments of Europe cannot afford to give their citizenry arms, +and, as for the European citizenry, it not only cannot afford to +purchase arms, but cannot afford even to pay the license fees which +Government demands of those possessing arms with the right to use them. + +"But ours? Most Americans can afford to and do own guns with which to +shoot, and, furthermore, most Americans, when they shoot, can hit the +things at which they shoot. + +"Combine this powerful protective influence with the fact that thousands +of any army coming to invade us would not want to fight when once they +got here, but would want to settle here and enjoy peace, and we find +that we thus are protected as no nation in the world ever has been +protected or can be. + +"Imagine the effect upon the European fighting man's psychology if he +found that an army transport had conveyed him to a land where one man's +privilege is every man's right! Learning this, it is not a joke to say, +but is a statement of the probable fact, that the invading soldiery +would not want to fire its first volleys, but would want to file its +first papers. They would not ask for cartridges, but for citizenship. + +"America is protected by a force incomparable, which I may call its +peaceful militia, and the man who, above all other men, I most should +wish to see appointed to its command would be Gen. Leonard Wood were it +not for the fact that there would be some danger that in such an +eventuation his professional training would carry him beyond the rule of +reason. + +"That is likely to be the most serious trouble with the trained soldier. +The doctor wants to dose, the parson to preach, and the soldier to +fight. Professional habit may make any of us dangerous. + +"But if it came to fighting I do not consider it within the bounds of +possibility that we could lose. I once asked Gen. Sherman how the troops +which he commanded during the civil war compared for efficiency with +European troops. His answer was: + +"'The world never has seen the army that I would be afraid to trust my +boys with, man for man.'" + + +Would Surprise the Enemy. + +"That thought of welcoming an invading army appeals strongly to me. The +hostile General would be amazed by the ease with which he got his forces +in, but he would be more startled by the difficulty he would find if he +tried to get them out. If they once learned the advantages of our +liberties they would find it hard not to get away, but to go away. I +restrain my temper with difficulty when I contemplate the foolishness of +the people who discuss with gravity the possibility of a successful +invasion of these United States by a foreign foe. The thought always +arises when I hear these cries from our army and naval officers for a +greater armament: 'Are these men cowards?' I don't believe it. It is +their profession which makes them alarmists. + +"Not only are the physical difficulties which would hamper an invasion +practically insuperable, but the reception enemies would get, if any of +them landed, would be wholly without parallel in the world's history. + +"If our liberties really were threatened, every man, and very nearly +every woman, in our vast population would rise to their defense as never +any people yet has risen to any national defense. Americans, young and +old, en masse, would sweep to the protection of what they know, and what +the world knows, would be the cause of right and human liberty. + +"I, myself, should wish to be invited to advance and meet invading +forces if they came. I would approach them without any weapons on my +person. I would not shoot at them. I would make a speech to them. + +"'Gentlemen,' I would say, 'here's the chance of your life to win life's +chief prize. Now you are peasant soldiers. You have the opportunity to +become citizen kings. We are all kings here. Here the least of you can +take a rank much higher than that of any General in your army. He can +become a sovereign in a republic.' + +"I think they would hurrah for me, not harm me, after they had heard my +speech. + +"Striving for peace, we shall become so powerful that if war comes we +shall be invincible. Peace, not war, makes riches; the rich nation is +the powerful nation. + +"Perhaps I was as much a peace man in my youth as I am now, but when I +was asked, during the civil war, to organize a corps of telegraph +operators and railroad conductors and engineers and take them to +Washington, I considered it the greatest of all privileges to obey the +order. + +"I was the last man to get on the last train leaving Burkes Station, +after Bull Run, and, now, if the country ever should be invaded, I would +be, I hope, one of the first to rush to meet the enemy--but I think my +haste would be to convert, not to kill, him. + +"The man who has done well in business, however, learns to abhor all +waste, and I must admit that it does pain me to see hundreds of millions +of our dollars spent on battleships which will but rust away, and +thousands of our able men vegetating on them or in an army. + +"The men who urge this vast waste of our money and men mean well, no +doubt, but they do not know the nation of which they have the good +fortune to be citizens--they do not realize how very potent a force we +have become in the wide world, nor the fact that one of the great +reasons why we have become a force lies in the circumstance that our +national development has not been hampered by the vast expense of +militarism." + +Mr. Carnegie paused. + +Some weeks ago, in an interview granted me for publication in THE NEW +YORK TIMES, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia +University, predicted that the present war would find its final outcome +in the establishment of the United States of Europe. I asked Mr. +Carnegie to express his view upon this subject. + +"Nothing else could occur which would be of such immense advantage to +Europe," he replied. + +"United we stand, and divided they fall. If the territory now occupied +by the homogeneous and co-operative federation known as the United +States of America were occupied instead by a large number of small, +independent competitive nations, that is, if each section of our +territory which now is a State were an independent country, America +would be constantly in turmoil. + +"Europe has been set back a century because she substituted the present +war of nations for the promotion of a federation plan. The latter would +have meant peace and prosperity, the former means ruin. + +"If in Europe this year such a federation as Dr. Butler regards as a +future probability had been a present actuality, 1914 would have left a +record very different from that which it is making. + +"For instance, it would have been as difficult for the State of Germany +to fight the State of Russia, or the State of France, or that of +England, or all of them, and to trample neutral Belgium, as it now +would be, here, for the State of Pennsylvania to declare war on the +States of New York and Connecticut and to wreck New Jersey as she sent +her troops to the invasion. + +"Originally we had thirteen States, and thirteen only, but there was +other territory here, and the attractive force of the successful union +of the thirteen States brought the other territory in as it was +organized. + +"Thus we started right. Europe had begun before men had become so wise, +and, having begun wrong, has found herself, through the centuries, +unable to correct old errors." + + +A Federation of Europe. + +"Certainly I hope that out of the great crime of this vast war some good +will come. The greatest good which could come would be a general +European federation. I do not believe that this will come at once; but +the world will be infinitely the better if it comes at length--if the +natural law of mutual attraction for mutual advantage draws these +nations now at war into a union which shall make such wars impossible in +future, as wars between our States, here, are impossible. + +"But before this can come peace must come, and before peace can come one +or the other of the nations now at war must at least ask for an +armistice. + +"If I were in the place of that great General, Lord Kitchener, and +should receive the news that such a request had been made by the +commander of the opposing forces, I should say: 'No armistice! +Surrender!' + +"But, then, if the surrender should be made, I should say, in effect: + +"'Gentlemen, we have made up our minds that these terrible explosions +must mark the end of war between our civilized nations. Our sacrifices +in this war have been too great to permit us to be satisfied with less +than this. + +"'If we now cannot feel assured of such a federation of nations as will +result in the settlement of all future disputes by peaceful arbitration +at The Hague, then we shall keep on fighting till the day comes when we +can achieve that end. + +"'Upon the other side of the Atlantic,' I should continue if I were Lord +Kitchener and should be confronted by such a situation, 'we see in the +United States of America an example which must satisfy us that world +peace now can be maintained. + +"'There,' I should go on, 'thirteen States were banded into union in +1776. Their total population was less than the present population of +their largest city and their area has spread until it links two oceans +and offers homes in forty-eight States to one hundred millions, and the +population still increases rapidly. An experiment of world significance +was tried, and is a success, for the aggregated nation has grown and now +is growing in power more rapidly than any other nation on the surface of +the earth.'" + + +Would Mean World Peace. + +"'It is plain to me and should be plain to all of us,' I should +continue, if I were Lord Kitchener, so placed, 'that we in Europe have +but to follow this example which America has set for us in order to +achieve an ultimate result as notably desirable. When we have +accomplished it world peace will be enthroned and all the peoples of the +earth will be able safely to go about the pleasant and progressive +business of their lives without apprehension of their neighbors. +Humanity, thus freed of its most dreadful burden, will be able to leap +forward toward the realization of its ultimate possibilities of +progress.'" + +"And do you really think there is the immediate possibility of an +effective European league for permanent peace and general disarmament?" +I asked Mr. Carnegie. + +"Naturally my mind has dwelt much on this problem," he replied. "The +culmination of the European situation in the present war is very +dreadful, but no good ever came out of crying over spilled milk. +However, it seems safe to conclude that a majority of the people of the +civilized world will presently decide that a step forward must be taken. + +"Everywhere in Europe, when the present conflict ends, this fact will be +emphasized by shell-wrecked, fire-blackened buildings; by the vacant +chairs of sons and fathers who have fallen victims; by innumerable +graves and by a general impoverishment, the inevitable result of war's +great waste, which will touch and punish every man, every woman, every +child. + +"In the face of such an emphasis no denial of the facts will be among +the possibilities, and I scarcely think that any even will be attempted. +If the federation Dr. Butler has predicted does not come about at once, +it will be admitted almost universally that future disputes occurring +between the Governments of Europe shall be settled, not by force of +fighting men, but by arbitration at The Hague. + +"And now a serious question obtrudes itself. Must there not be a +carefully considered and cautiously worked out understanding, which may +be considered the preliminary of peace? Later on the foremost men of +every nation can meet in conference to consider with an earnestness +hitherto unknown the great problems which will be involved in the +permanent abolition of war and establishment of peace; but for this the +way must be prepared. + +"Here, again, I think The Hague Tribunal is the proper body to assemble +for the purpose of devising means for the accomplishment of the great +end, which must be such legislation as will accomplish, at the end of +this war, the ending of all war among the nations. + +"An important duty of the conference would be some arrangement for a +union of the forces of the nations now at war, charged with and +qualified to perform the duty of maintaining peace pending the +completion of the final comprehensive plan." + + +For One Purpose Only. + +"It is possible and even probable that as a part of the accomplishment +of this it may be found to be desirable and even necessary to organize +and provide for the maintenance of a joint naval and military body of +strength sufficient to enforce world peace during the period necessary +for the preparation of a plan to be submitted to all powers. But if this +force is to be established, it must be done with the clear understanding +that it is designed for one thing only, the maintenance of peace, and +must not be used at any time for any other service. + +"In the selection of the commanding officer to be intrusted with this +task, it will be conceded that the victors in this war, or those who +have a notable advantage at the time of the beginning of the armistice, +shall have the right of his appointment. + +"No protest ever will arise from the mass of the people of Europe +against the abolishment of militarism. Even the people of Germany, as a +whole, have not found militarism attractive. It has been the influence +of the military aristocracy of Germany, the most powerful caste in the +world, which not only has encouraged the national tendency, but has +forced the Emperor, as I believe, to action against his will and +judgment. + +"But a change was notable in Germany before the war began, and will be +far more notable after it has ended. The socialistic movement waxes +strong throughout the nation, and the proceedings of the Reichstag show +us that the nation is marching steadily, though perhaps slowly, toward a +real democracy. + +"I believe the first election to follow peace will result in a demand by +the Reichstag that it, alone, shall be given power to declare war. It +will be argued, and it is evident that it then will be amply provable, +that it is the people who suffer most through war, and that, therefore, +their representatives should utterly control it. + +"That itself would be a most important step toward peace, and I feel +certain that it is among the probabilities. + +"As things stand in Germany, although the Reichstag has its powerful +influence in regard to war expenditure and might accomplish important +results by refusing to vote amounts demanded, the fact remains that +until it has been given the power of making or withholding declaration +of war the most important results cannot be accomplished." + +"In Fried's volume," I suggested to Mr. Carnegie, "you are credited with +saying that Emperor William, himself and by himself, might establish +peace. Granting that that might have been the fact before this war +began, is it your opinion that he, or any other one man, could now +control the situation to that extent?" + +"Assuming that the Germans should come out victorious," Mr. Carnegie +replied, "the Emperor would become a stronger power than ever toward the +maintenance of peace among the nations. At one time I believed him to be +the anointed of God for this purpose, and did not fail to tell him so. + +"Even if his forces should be defeated in this present carnage, I am +sure he would be welcomed by the conference I have suggested as the +proposer of the great world peace, thus fulfilling the glorious destiny +for which at one time I considered that he had been chosen from on +high." + +I asked Mr. Carnegie what part he thought this country, the United +States, should play in the great movement which he has in mind and +thoroughly believes is even now upon its way. + +"The United States," he answered, "although, happily, not a party to the +world crime which is now in progress, seems entitled to preference as +the one to call the nations of the world to the consideration of the +greatest of all blessings--universal, lasting peace." + + + + +Woman and War + +"SHOT. TELL HIS MOTHER." + +By W.E.P. French, Captain, U.S. Army. + + +What have I done to you, Brothers,--War-Lord and Land-Lord and Priest,-- +That my son should rot on the blood-smeared earth where the raven and + buzzard feast? +He was my baby, my man-child, that soldier with shell-torn breast, +Who was slain for your power and profit--aye, murdered at your behest. +I bore him, my boy and my manling, while the long months ebbed away; +He was part of me, part of my body, which nourished him day by day. +He was mine when the birth-pang tore me, mine when he lay on my heart, +When the sweet mouth mumbled my bosom and the milk-teeth made it smart, +Babyhood, boyhood, and manhood, and a glad mother proud of her son-- +See the carrion birds, too gorged to fly! Ah! Brothers, what have you + done? + +You prate of duty and honor, of a patriot's glorious death, +Of love of country, heroic deeds--nay, for shame's sake, spare your + breath! +Pray, what have you done for your country? Whose was the blood that was + shed +In the hellish warfare that served your ends? My boy was shot in your + stead. + +And for what were our children butchered, men makers of cruel law? +By the Christ, I am glad no woman made the Christless code of war! +Shirks and schemers, why don't you answer? Is the foul truth hard to + tell? +Then a mother will tell it for you, of a deed that shames fiends in + hell:-- +Our boys were killed that some faction or scoundrel might win mad race +For goals of stained gold, shamed honors, and the sly self-seeker's + place; +That money's hold on our country might be tightened and made more sure; +That the rich could inherit earth's fullness and their loot be quite + secure; +That the world-mart be wider opened to the product mulct from toil; +That the labor and land of our neighbors should become your war-won + spoil; +That the eyes of an outraged people might be turned from your graft and + greed +In the misruled, plundered home-land by lure of war's ghastly deed; +And that priests of the warring nations could pray to the selfsame God +For His blessing on battle and murder and corpse-strewn, blood-soaked + sod. +Oh, fools! if God were a woman, think you She would let kin slay +For gold-lust and craft of gamesters, or cripple that trade might pay? + +This quarrel was not the fighters':--the cheated, red pawns in your + game:-- +You stay-at-homes garnered the plunder, but the pawns,--wounds, death, + and "Fame"! +You paid them a beggarly pittance, your substitute prey-of-the-sword, +But, ye canny beasts of prey, they paid, in life and limb, for your + hoard. +And, behold! you have other victims: a widow sobs by my side, +Who clasps to her breast a girl-child. Men, she was my slain son's + bride! + +I can smell the stench of the shambles, where the mangled bodies lie; +I can hear the moans of the wounded; I can see the brave lads die; +And across the heaped, red trenches and the tortured, bleeding rows +I cry out a mother's pity to all mothers of dear, dead "foes." +In love and a common sorrow, I weep with them o'er our dead, +And invoke my sister woman for a curse on each scheming head. + +Nay, why should we mothers curse you? Lo! flesh of our flesh are ye; +But, by soul of Mary who bore the Christ-man murdered at Calvary, +Into our own shall the mothers come, and the glad day speed apace +When the law of peace shall be the law of the women that bear the race; +When a man shall stand by his mother, for the worldwide common good, +And not bring her tears and heart-break nor make mock of her motherhood. + + + + +The Way to Peace + +AN INTERVIEW WITH JACOB H. SCHIFF. + + One of the leading American financiers and noted + philanthropist; founder of Jewish Theological Seminary and of + Semitic Museum at Harvard University; a native of Germany and + member of the firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., bankers. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +American as I am in every fibre, and in accord as I feel with every +interest of the country of my adoption, I cannot find myself in +agreement with what appears to be, to a considerable extent, American +opinion as to the origin and responsibility for the deplorable conflict +in which almost all of Europe has become involved. + +For many reasons my personal sympathies are with Germany. I cannot feel +convinced that she has been the real aggressor; I believe that war was +forced upon her, almost as if by prearrangement among the nations with +whom she now contends; I cannot but believe that they had become jealous +and envious of her rapid and unprecedented peaceful development and had +concluded that the moment had arrived when all was favorable for a union +against her. + +Although I left Germany half a century ago, I would think as little of +arraying myself against her, the country of my birth, in this the moment +of her struggle for existence, as of arraying myself against my parents. + +But while I steadfastly believe this war to have been forced upon +Germany against her will, I also believe that circumstances which were +stronger than the Governments of England and France, her present +enemies, were necessary to overcome an equally definite reluctance upon +their part. + +In other words, I cannot wholly blame the English Government, or the +French Government, any more than I can wholly blame the German +Government. + +Let us see how the great tragedy came about. It is safe to pass rapidly +over the Servian-Bosnian-Herzegovinian-Austro-Hungarian complication +which served as the immediate precipitant of hostilities. It has been +detailed repeatedly in THE TIMES and other American publications. + +It had reached a point at which the Austro-Hungarian Government felt +compelled to take extreme measures by means of which to safeguard the +integrity of the empire. + +The firm but fatal ultimatum to Servia followed, the reply to which, +suffice it to say, was unsatisfactory to Austria, who could not accept +the suggestion of an investigation into the circumstances attending the +assassination of the Archduke Ferdinand through a commission or court on +which she was not represented. + + +Like Maine Case. + +The situation really was analogous to that which existed between the +United States and Spain when the Maine was blown up in Havana Harbor. In +order to fix the responsibility for this dastardly affair we then +similarly demanded an investigation by Spain, to be carried out with the +assistance of representatives of this Government. Spain, too, then +offered to conduct an investigation, but she peremptorily declined to +allow us to take part in it. + +This attitude on her part quickly brought about our declaration of war +against her. It is important that Americans should realize the +similarity in the two situations and the likeness of the Austrian action +of 1914 to that which our own Government took in 1898. + +As soon as Austria had rejected as unsatisfactory Servia's reply to her +ultimatum she prepared to undertake a punitive armed expedition against +Servia, and Russia at once declared that she would rank herself as +Servia's protector. + +Indeed, without any further parley, and to give effect to this threat, +Russia immediately mobilized her army. Since then it has been averred +that this mobilization had been in progress for several weeks previous +to Servia's rejection of the Austrian ultimatum. + +This made it obligatory upon Germany to go to Austria's aid, under the +provisions of their treaty of alliance, although she was well aware that +such an action would bring France into the conflict under the terms of +her alliance with Russia. Indeed, an unsatisfactory reply had been +received from France as to the latter's intentions, but Germany +endeavored to secure at least an assurance of England's neutrality. This +proved to be impossible. + +How the German Government could indulge for a moment in the hope that in +a war with Russia and France on the one side and Germany and Austria on +the other, England could be induced to remain neutral passes +comprehension, but that it did believe this seems a certainty. + +The English Government, no doubt, correctly felt that without the aid of +its immense resources, and particularly without the operations of its +great navy against Germany and Austria, the latter nations would find it +not so very difficult a task to dispose of both Russia and France. + +English statesmen very promptly must have become alive to the +probability that a Germany which had subdued Russia and France, and thus +had made itself master of the Continent, would be unlikely long to +tolerate a continuance of England's world leadership. + +So, even if the neutrality of Belgium had not been violated, other +reasons would have been found by England for joining France and Russia +in the war against Germany, for England would not risk, without any +effort to protect them, the loss of her continued domination of the +high seas and her undisputed possession of her vast colonial empire. + + +Germany Fighting for Life. + +I am not defending the violation of Belgian neutrality. This, +undeniably, was a most unjustifiable action, in spite of German claims +that she was forced into it by the necessities of the situation. But I +am explaining that, even had it not occurred, still England would have +gone to war. + +That was the situation. + +Germany is now fighting for her very existence, and I, who am not +without knowledge of German conditions, am convinced that never has +there been a war more wholly that of a whole people than is this present +conflict, as far as Germany is concerned. + +Any one who has been in even superficial touch with German public +opinion and individual feeling in any part of the empire, since the war +began, must know that there is hardly a man, woman, or child throughout +the empire who would hesitate if called upon to sacrifice possessions or +life in order to insure victory to the Fatherland. Seventy million +people who are animated by unanimous sentiment of this sort cannot be +crushed, probably not subdued. + +And England is confronted by the certainty that her world leadership is +the stake for which she is fighting; that her defeat would mean the end +of the vast dominance which she has exercised throughout the world, +since the time of the Armada, through the power of her great navy. + +Is it not apparent, therefore, that these nations, if left to +themselves, inevitably must continue the war until one side or the +other, or both, shall become exhausted--an eventuation which may be +postponed not for mere months but for years? + +In our own civil war Grant for almost two years stood within a hundred +or a hundred and fifty miles of Richmond, the heart of the Confederacy, +and was not able to sufficiently subdue Lee's forces to enable him to +get possession of the city until the complete exhaustion of the +Confederacy's resources in men and money had been accomplished. + +[Illustration: VISCOUNT JAMES BRYCE + +_(Photo from George G. Bain.)_ + +_See Page 477_] + +[Illustration: DR. BERNHARD DERNBURG + +_(Photo by Campbell Studios.)_ + +_See Page 487_] + +[Illustration: DAVID STARR JORDAN + +_See Page 502_] + +[Illustration: JOHN GRIER HIBBEN + +_(Photo by McManus.)_ + +_See Page 503_] + +While that situation may not offer a true parallel in all respects to +that in which we find the belligerent forces in the present European +war, it nevertheless may be taken as a precedent proving that frontal +encounters of powerful opponents generally do not yield final results +until actual exhaustion compels one side or the other to abandon hope. + +Such an exhaustion hardly can be expected within measurable time on the +part of either one or the other of the combatants in the existing +European conflict, and this means the probable continuation for a long +period of the merciless slaughter which has marked the last few months. +We hold up our hands in horror at the stories of human sacrifices in the +early ages when, after all, these were, perhaps, less brutal and less +appalling than the wholesale slaughter of the flower of these warring +peoples of which we now read almost daily. + +As I see the situation there really are only three contestants in the +war--England, Russia, and Germany. France, Belgium, and Austria are +important auxiliaries, but they are playing to a certain extent +secondary rôles. + +England's real object is the utter defeat of Germany--nothing more nor +less than that--and if this is accomplished England will have control of +Europe. It must be remembered that the English Government and English +people frequently have asserted that they would not be satisfied with +mere defeat of Germany's armed forces, but that her power must be +permanently paralyzed. + +If England should accomplish this, with Germany, its army and its navy, +thus wholly out of the way, no one would be left for England to fear in +future upon the high seas. + +That might be the chief significance of England's complete victory, and +its complete significance would be that every nation in the world would +have to do the British bidding, for should any one refuse she could +completely destroy its commerce and shut off its overseas supplies. + +In the cases of most nations overseas supplies include material vital +to the continuance of life and happiness; to every nation, in these days +of a developed and habitual foreign trade, overseas supplies are +actually essential, even when they do not necessarily include meats and +wheat and other foodstuffs. + +The effect upon the United States of such an English victory would be +most disastrous. + +The alliance between England and Japan is likely to be permanent. That +is something which Americans cannot afford to forget for a moment. + +England needs Japan in the Far East, especially as an ally in case of +need, which at some time is certain to arrive, against Russia; and Japan +for many reasons needs the strength of English backing, without which +her financial and political situation soon would become most dangerous, +if not collapse. + +Such a permanent alliance would have this consequence upon us, that +without even the probability of difficulties with either England or +Japan--and, personally, I do not believe that such a probability need be +feared--we nevertheless year after year would be compelled to +increasingly prepare for what may be defined as the disagreeable +possibility of the eventuation of a disagreeable possibility. + +Certainly we should be under the necessity of notably and, therefore, +very expensively, increasing our naval armament; we should be under the +necessity of large expenditures for coast defense. + +Corollary military cost would be enormous and burdensome. The +preparation which would be imposed on us as a necessity by such a +permanent alliance would be sufficiently extensive and expensive to +burden our people heavily and handicap our national progress. + +It might involve, perhaps, even a greater hardship in our case than +militarism has involved in Germany. It is improbable that the average +American realizes the part which absence of such burdens has played in +our national development so far; it would be difficult for the average +American who has not studied the whole subject carefully to estimate +accurately the part which the imposition of such a burden would be sure +to play in our future. + +We have been measurably a free people. If we were under the necessity of +supporting vast military and naval establishments we should be that no +longer, no matter how completely we adhered to our democratic political +system and ideals. It is not Kings, but what they do, which burdens +countries, and the most burdensome, act of any King is to load his +country up with non-productive, threatening, and expensive war +machinery. + + +The Real Peril. + +I fear that the American people as a whole have visualized only +slightly, if at all, the real peril involved in this contingency; but I +cannot feel otherwise than sure that soon they must awake to the great +danger that militarism and navalism may be imposed upon them through no +fault of their own. + +American impulses trend away from armament toward peaceful development +along industrial lines, but even now political leaders in Washington +begin to see what may be coming. The propositions which already have +been made for considerable increases in our naval and military forces +may be regarded as only the forerunners of what is to be expected later. + +My sympathies and interests, in other words my patriotic sentiments, are +definitely American. I must repeat that I am of German origin, and that +as regards the present struggle I am pro-German, yet it would be +impossible for me to say that I am anti-English, although I am +anti-Russian for reasons that are obvious. + +I already have expressed the belief that the complete humiliation of +England would be disastrous to us. Now, it seems to me that if Germany +should be completely successful, if she should be able to wear out the +Allies, break down France, hold Russia in check, and cripple or even +invade England, (which many German leaders actually believe can be done, +incredible as it may seem to us,) Germany would acquire a position such +as never has been held by any nation since the beginning of history. Not +even the power of the Roman Empire would approach it. + +The advance which has marked the development of every means of +communication, transportation, manufacturing, &c., since Rome's day +would give Germany, in the case of such an eventuation, a power which +would have been inconceivable to the most ambitious Roman Emperor. It +would make her a menace not only to her immediate neighbors, but to the +entire globe. + +Could she be trusted with such power? Notwithstanding my personal +sympathies, which I have taken pains to clearly outline, I must admit +that I cannot think so. The German character is not only self-reliant, +which is admirable, but it readily becomes domineering, particularly +when in the ascendency. + +In the rôle of a world conqueror Germany would become a world +dictator--would indulge in a domination which would be almost unbearable +to every other nation. Particularly would this be the case in respect to +her relations with the United States, a nation with which she always has +had and always must have intimate trade and commercial relations. + +Should Germany make England impotent and France powerless we should +become more or less dependent upon German good-will, and it is highly +probable, indeed I regard it as a certainty, that before long, in such +an event, the Monroe Doctrine would cease to exercise any important +influence on world events. It would become a thing of the past--a "scrap +of paper." + +You see that while I am not neutral to the extreme, while I fervently +hope and pray that Germany may not be wrecked and that she may emerge +from the war with full ability to maintain her own, I cannot believe +that it would be good for her or good for the world in general if she +found herself absolutely and incontrovertibly victorious at the end of +the great struggle. In other words, I wish Germany to be victorious, but +I do not wish her to be too victorious. + +This brings us definitely to the question as to what can be done to stop +this war. Its continuance is infinitely costly of men and treasure; its +prosecution to the bitter end would mean complete disaster for one +contestant and only less complete destruction for the other, and it +would give to the victor, no matter what his sufferings and losses might +have been, a power dangerous to the entire world. + +How shall it end? We do not want its end to mean a new European map. +Anything of the sort would include the seed of another European war, to +be fought out later and at even greater probable cost, with all the +world-disturbance implied in such an eventuation. + +What the United States should desire and does desire is an understanding +between these nations, of just what they are fighting for, which I +almost believe they no longer know themselves, and a conference between +them now, a pause to think, which at least may help toward stimulating +each side to make concessions, before the ultimate of damage has been +done. + +Such a conference might be called even without any interval in warfare +and induced without definite outside intervention from ourselves or any +one else. I believe it not to be beyond the bounds of possibility that +if this course could be brought about importantly enough, a way out of +this brutal struggle and carnage might be discovered even now, and I +know I am not alone in this belief. + +The situation is unprecedented. No congress such as in former times more +than once has settled wars and brought about peace by the give-and-take +process could be of avail in the existing circumstances. Something far +higher than such a conference is needed. This peace must not be +temporary. It must mark not the ending of this war alone but the ending +of all war. + +Some means must be devised and generally agreed to which, after the +re-establishment of peace, will do away with jealousies among European +nations, so that the continual increase of armament on land and sea no +longer will be necessary, and humanity will be freed from its tremendous +burden. + +It is not at present possible to point out any concrete means by which +these things may be accomplished, but it is not impossible that, when +reason shall be returned to the Governments now at war, they themselves +may suggest to one another plans and ways and means how this may be +effectuated. + +Toward this end America may help tremendously, and herein lies, it seems +to me, the greatest opportunity ever offered by events to the American +press. + +Let the newspapers of America stop futile philosophizing upon the merits +and demerits of each case, let them measurably cease their comment upon +what each side has accomplished or failed to accomplish during the +tragic four months which have traced their bloody mark on history. + +Let them begin to stimulate public opinion in favor of a rational +adjustment of the points at issue--such an adjustment as will leave each +contestant unhumiliated and intact, such an adjustment as will avoid, as +far as may be possible, the complete defeat of any one, such an +adjustment as will do what can be done toward righting wrongs already +wrought, and such an adjustment as will let the world return as soon as +may be to the paths of peace, productiveness, prosperity, and happiness. + +In suggesting that America should regard this effort as an obligation I +am assuming for this country no rights which are not properly hers. We, +a nation of a hundred million people, laboring constantly for peace and +human progress, have a right to make our voice heard, and if we raise it +properly it will find listeners among those who can help toward the +accomplishment of what we seek. But if we would make it heard we must be +earnest, be honest, and be ceaseless in the reiteration of our demand. + +Have we not the right to insist that the interests of neutral nations, +of whom, with our South American cousins, (for the better intercourse +with whom we have just spent several hundred millions upon the +construction of the Panama Canal,) we form so large a percentage, shall +before long be given some consideration by the nations whose great +quarrel is harming us incalculably? + + +Americans Should Speak Out. + +The interruption of our economic development already has become marked +and the war's baneful influence upon moral conditions in our midst shows +itself through constantly increasing unemployment and, as a logical +consequence of that, the rapid filling of our eleemosynary and penal +institutions. May we not reasonably demand that this shall speedily be +brought to an end? + +It probably is true that under the rules of the game the President of +the United States cannot offer his good offices again to the +belligerents without first being invited by one or the other side to do +this, but the people of the United States have a voice even more +powerful than his; if that of the people of South America should be +joined with it, and if the combined sound should be made unquestionably +apparent to the warring nations, it could not pass unheeded. + +Public opinion in the United States should firmly seek to impress upon +the warring nations the conviction that nothing can secure a lasting +peace except assurance of conditions under which not mighty armies +and tremendous navies are held to be the factors through which +trade expansion and the conquest of the markets of the world are +to be obtained, but that this can be accomplished better and more +lastingly through rigid adherence to the qualities and methods which +generally make for success in commercial or any other peaceful +competition--fairness, thorough efficiency, and hard work. + +The concentrated power of the American press and people would be +tremendous. I am sure that, in this instance, it is possible to +concentrate it for righteousness and the future good of all humanity. + + + + +Prof. Mather on Mr. Schiff + + Professor of Art at Princeton University; editorial writer for + The New York Evening Post and Assistant Editor of The Nation, + 1901-06. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It seems to me that the Belgian previous question ought to be moved with +all candid pro-Germans. Mr. Schiff is plainly candid, so I have framed +an open letter to elicit his opinion: + +[_An Open Letter to Jacob H. Schiff._] + +Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, New York. + +My Dear Sir: The universal esteem which you enjoy in the country of your +adoption lends great weight to any utterance of yours on public matters. +Your interview on the war in THE TIMES of Nov. 22 will everywhere have +influence for its gravity and fineness of feeling. It is with +compunction that I call your attention to the fact that your statement +is ambiguous on precisely those issues of the conflict which your +fellow-citizens have nearest at heart. + +Your general position may be described as a desire for prompt peace and +restoration of the former balance of power. More specifically you wish +"Germany to be victorious, but not too victorious." If this be merely an +instinctive expression of the residual German in you, an expression made +with no practical implications of any sort, no American will do +otherwise than respect such a sentiment. But if you deliberately desire +a moderate victory for Germany, with all that such moderate victory +practically implies, it behooves your fellow-citizens to judge your +views in the light of what these really call for. + +An ever so slightly victorious Germany would presumably retain Belgium, +in whole or in part. Does such a conquest have your moral assent? + +Or suppose the rather improbable event of a Germany driven out of +Belgium, but otherwise slightly victorious. In such case not a pfennig +of indemnity would come to Belgium. Do you believe that no indemnity is +morally due Belgium? + +Knowing your reputation as a man and philanthropist, I can hardly +believe that your desire for a "not too victorious" Germany includes its +logical implication of a subjugated or uncompensated Belgium. But if +this be so, candor expects an avowal. Until you have made yourself clear +on the issue that most concerns your fellow-citizens they will remain in +doubt as to your whole moral attitude on the war. Does your pacificism +contemplate a German Belgium? I feel sure you will admit that no fairer +question could be set to any one who comments on the sequels of the war. +I am, most respectfully yours, + +FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. + +Princeton University, Oct. 23, 1914. + + + + +The Eliot-Schiff Letters + + _On Nov. 22_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _printed this interview with + Jacob H. Schiff on the European war reproduced above. Two days + later Dr. Charles W. Eliot, President Emeritus of Harvard, who + is an old friend of Mr. Schiff, wrote him a letter of comment + on THE TIMES interview. This letter resulted in considerable + correspondence between the two. At the time this + correspondence was penned there was not the least thought in + the mind of either of the writers of giving the letters to the + public. It was simply an interchange of ideas between men who + had long known each other. When they were convinced, however, + that publication might serve a useful purpose in shaping + public opinion, both Mr. Schiff and Dr. Eliot cordially + assented to their being printed._ + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Nov. 24, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: It was a great relief to me to read just now your +interview in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Nov. 22, for I have been afraid that +your judgment and mine, concerning the desirable outcome of this +horrible war, were very different. I now find that at many points they +coincide. + +One of my strongest hopes is that one result of the war may be the +acceptance by the leading nations of the world of the precept or +law--there shall be no world empire for any single nation. If I +understand you correctly, you hold the same opinion. You wish neither +Germany nor England to possess world empire. You also look forward, as I +do, to some contract or agreement among the leading nations which shall +prevent competitive armaments. I entirely agree with you that it is in +the highest degree undesirable that this war should be prolonged to the +exhaustion of either side. + +When, however, I come to your discussion of the means by which a good +result toward European order and peace may be brought out of the present +convulsion I do not find clear guidance to present action on your part +or mine, or on the part of our Government and people. Was it your +thought that a congress of the peoples of North and South America should +now be convened to bring to bear American opinion on the actual +combatants while the war is going on? Or is it your thought that the +American nations wait until there is a lull or pause in the indecisive +fighting? + +So far as I can judge from the very imperfect information which reaches +us from Germany, the confidence of the German Emperor and people in +their "invincible" army is not much abated, although it clearly ought to +be. It is obvious that American opinion has some weight in Germany; but +has it not enough weight to induce Germany to abandon her intense desire +for Belgium and Holland and extensive colonial possessions? To my +thinking, without the abandonment of that desire and ambition on the +part of Germany, there can be no lasting peace in Europe and no +reduction of armaments. Sincerely yours, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +NEW YORK, Nov. 25, 1914. + +My Dear Dr. Eliot: + +I am just in receipt of your thoughtful letter of yesterday, which it +has given me genuine pleasure to receive. While it is true that I have +not found myself in accord with many of the views to which you have +given public expression concerning the responsibility for this +deplorable conflict and the unfortunate conditions it has created, I +never doubted that as to its desirable outcome we would find ourselves +in accord, and I am very glad to have this confirmed by you, though as +to this our views could not have diverged. + +As to the means by which a desirable result toward European order and +peace may be brought about out of the chaos which has become created, it +is, I confess, difficult to give guidance at present. What needs first, +in my opinion, to be done is to bring forth a healthy and insistent +public opinion here for an early peace without either side becoming +first exhausted, and it was my purpose in the interview I have given to +set the American people thinking concerning this. I have no idea that I +shall have immediate success; but if men like you and others follow in +the same line, I am sure American public opinion can before long be made +to express itself emphatically and insistently in favor of an early +peace. Without this it is not unlikely that this horrible slaughter and +destruction may continue for a very, very long time. + +Yours most faithfully, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + +President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Nov. 28, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: + +I think, just as you do, that the thing which most needs to be done is +to induce Germany to modify its present opinion that the nation must +fight for its very life to its last mark and the last drop of its blood. +Now, every private letter that I have received from Germany, and every +printed circular, pamphlet, or book on the war which has come to me from +German sources insists on the view that, for Germany, it is a question +between world empire or utter downfall. There is no sense or reason in +this view, but the German philosophers, historians, and statesmen are +all maintaining it at this moment. + +England, France, and Russia have no such expectations or desires as +regards the fate of Germany. What they propose to do is to put a stop to +Germany's plan of attaining world empire by militarism. Have you any +means of getting into the minds of some of the present rulers of Germany +the idea that no such alternative as life or death is presented to +Germany in this war, and that the people need only abandon their +world-empire ambitions while securing safety in the heart of Europe and +a chance to develop all that is good in German civilization? Sincerely +yours, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +The Greenbrier, +WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, W. Va., +Dec. 1, 1914. + +Dear Dr. Eliot: + +I have received today your letter of the 28th ult., and I hasten to +reply to it, for I know of nought that is of more importance than the +discussion between earnest men of what might be done to bring to +cessation this horrible and senseless war. + +I believe you are mistaken--though in this I am stating nothing, +absolutely, but my personal opinion--that Germany would not listen to +the suggestion for a restoration of peace until it has either come into +a position to dictate the terms or until it is utterly crushed. Indeed, +I rather feel, and I have indications that such is the case, that +England is unwilling to stop short of crushing Germany, and it is now +using all the influence it can bring to bear in this country to prevent +public opinion being aroused in favor of the stoppage of hostilities and +re-establishment of peace. + +The same mail which brought your letter this morning brought me also a +letter from a leading semi-military man, whom I know by name, but not +personally. It is so fine and timely that I venture to inclose a copy +for your perusal. Why would not you, and perhaps Dr. Andrew D. White, +who--is it not a coincidence--has likewise written me today on the +subject of my recent TIMES interview, be the very men to carry out the +suggestion made by my correspondent? + +Perhaps no other two men in the entire country are so greatly looked up +to by its people for guidance as you--in the first instance--and Dr. +White. You could surely bestow no greater gift upon the entire civilized +world than if now, in the evening of a life which has been of such great +value to mankind, you would call around you a number of leading, earnest +Americans with the view of discussing and framing plans through which +American public opinion could be crystallized and aroused to the point +where it will insistently demand that these warring nations come +together and, with the experience they have made to their great cost, +make at least an attempt to find a way out. I cannot but believe that +the Governments of England, France, and Germany--if not Russia--will +have to listen, if the American people speak with no uncertain voice. +Do it, and you will deserve and receive the blessing of this and of +coming generations! Yours most faithfully, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Dec. 8, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: + +I thank you for your letter of Dec. 1 and its interesting inclosure. + +Although every thoughtful person must earnestly desire that the waste +and destruction of this greatest of wars should be stopped as soon as +possible, there is an overpowering feeling that the war should go on +until all the combatants, including Germany, have been brought to see +that the Governmental régime and the state of the public mind in Germany +which have made this war possible are not consistent with the security +and well-being of Europe in the future. + +Personally, I feel strongly that the war ought to go on so long as +Germany persists in its policies of world empire, dynastic rule, +autocratic bureaucracy, and the use of force in international dealings. +If the war stops before Germany sees that those policies cannot prevail +in twentieth-century Europe, the horrible wrongs and evils which we are +now witnessing will recur; and all the nations will have to continue the +destructive process of competitive armaments. If peace should be made +now, before the Allies have arrived at attacking Germany on her own +soil, there would result only a truce of moderate length, and then a +renewal of the present horrors. + +I cannot but think that Europe now has a chance to make a choice between +the German ideal of the State and the Anglo-American ideal. These two +ideals are very different; and the present conflict shows that they +cannot coexist longer in modern Europe. + +In regard to the suggestion which your correspondent made to you that a +conference of private persons should now be called in the hope of +arriving at an agreed-upon appeal to the combatants to desist from +fighting and consider terms of settlement, I cannot but feel (1) that +such a conference would have no assured status; (2) that the combatants +would not listen; and (3) that the effort would, therefore, be untimely +now, though perhaps useful later. + +One idea might possibly bring about peace, if it fructified in the mind +of the German Emperor--the idea, namely, that the chance of Germany's +obtaining dominating power in either Europe or the world having already +gone, the wise thing for him to do is to save United Germany within her +natural boundaries for secure development as a highly civilized strong +nation in the heart of Europe. Surplus population can always emigrate +happily in the future as in the past. + +The security of Germany would rest, however, on an international +agreement to be maintained by an international force; whereas, the +example which Germany has just given of the reckless violation of +international agreements is extremely discouraging in regard to the +possibility of securing the peace of Europe in the future. + +Although this war has already made quite impossible the domination of +Germany in Europe or in the world, the leaders of Germany do not yet see +or apprehend that impossibility. Hence, many earnest peace-seekers have +to confess that they do not see any means whatever available for +promoting peace in Europe now, or even procuring a short truce. + +I wish I could believe with you that the Governments of England, France, +Germany, and Russia would listen to the voice of the American people. +They all seem to desire the good opinion and moral support of America; +but I see no signs that they would take American advice or imitate +American example. President Wilson seems to think that this country will +be accepted as a kind of umpire in this formidable contest; but surely +we have no right to any such position. Our example in avoiding +aggression on other nations, and in declining to enter the contest for +world power, ought to have some effect in abating European ambitions in +that direction; but our exhortations to peace and good-will will, I +fear, have little influence. There is still a real contest on between +democracy and oligarchical methods. + +You see, my dear Mr. Schiff, that I regard this war as the result of +long-continuing causes which have been gathering force for more than +fifty years. In Germany all the forces of education, finance, commercial +development, a pagan philosophy, and Government have been preparing this +war since 1860. To stop it now, before these forces have been +overwhelmingly defeated, and before the whole German people is convinced +that they are defeated, would be to leave humanity exposed to the +certain recurrence of the fearful convulsions we are now witnessing. + +If anybody can show me any signs that the leaders of Germany are +convinced that there is to be no world empire for Germany or any other +nation, and no despotic Government in Europe, I shall be ready to take +part in any effectual advocacy of peace. Sincerely yours. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +NEW YORK, Dec. 5, 1914. + +President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. + +Dear Dr. Eliot: + +Your letter of Dec. 3 reached me this morning, and has given me much +food for thought. + +I wish I could follow you in the position you have taken, for I like +nothing better than to sit at the feet of a master like you and be +instructed. But, much as I have tried, even before our recent +correspondence was begun, to get at your viewpoint as from time to time +published, I have not been able to convince myself that you occupy a +correct position. Please accept this as expressed in all modesty, for I +know were you not thoroughly convinced of the justice of the position +you have taken from the start you would not be so determined in holding +to it. + +I am perfectly frank to say that I am amazed and chagrined when you say +that you feel strongly that the war ought to go on until the Allies +have arrived at attacking Germany on her own soil, which, if this is at +all likely to come, may take many months yet, and will mean sacrifice of +human life on both sides more appalling than anything we have seen yet +since the war began. So you are willing that, with all the human life +that has already perished, practically the entire flower of the warring +nations shall become exterminated before even an effort be made to see +whether these nations cannot be brought to reason, cannot be made to +stop and to consider whether, with the experience of the past four +months before them, it would not be better to even now make an effort to +find a way in which the causes that have led to this deplorable conflict +can be once and forever eradicated? + +That it will be possible to find at this time any method or basis +through the adoption of which the world would become entirely immune +against war I do not believe, even by the establishment of the +international police force such as you and others appear to have in +mind. + +The perpetual cessation of all war between the civilized nations of the +world can, as I see it, only be brought about in two ways, both Utopian +and likely impracticable, for many years to come. War could be made only +to cease entirely if all the nations of Europe could be organized into a +United States of Europe and if free trade were established throughout +the world. In the first instance, the extreme nationalism, which has +become so rampant during the past fifty years and which has been more or +less at the bottom of every war, would then cease to exist and prevail, +and in the second event, namely, if free trade became established +throughout the world the necessity for territorial expansion and +aggression would no longer be needed, for, with the entire world open on +equal terms to the commerce and industry of every nation, territorial +possession would not be much of a consideration to any peoples. + +You continually lay stress upon the danger of the domination of Germany +in Europe and in the world. I believe I have already made myself quite +clear in my recent NEW YORK TIMES interview, which has called forth this +correspondence between us, that neither would I wish to have Germany +come into a position where it might dominate Europe, and more or less +the world, nor do I believe that the German Nation, except perhaps a +handful of extremists, has any such desires. + +I believe I have also made myself quite clear in the interview to which +I have referred that my feelings are not anti-English, for I shall never +forget that liberal government and all forms of liberalism have had +their origin, ever since the Magna Charta, in that great nation whom we +so often love to call our cousins. But, with all of this, can you ignore +the fact that England even today, without the further power and prestige +victory in the present conflict would give her, practically dominates +the high seas, that she treats the ocean as her own and enforces her +dictates upon the waters even to our very shores? That this is true the +past four months have amply proved. I am not one of those who fear that +the United States, as far as can now be foreseen, will get into any +armed conflict with Great Britain or with Japan, her permanent ally, but +I can well understand that many in our country are of a different +opinion, and it takes no prophet to foresee that, with England coming +out of this war victorious and her and Japan's power on the high seas +increased, the demand from a large section of our people for the +acquisition and possession of the United States of an increased powerful +navy and for the erection of vast coast defenses, both on the Atlantic +and Pacific shores, will become so insistent that it cannot be +withstood. What this will mean to the American people in lavish +expenditures and in increased taxation I need not here further go into. + +Yes, my dear and revered friend, I can see nought but darkness if a way +cannot be soon found out of the present deplorable situation as it +exists in Europe. + +But even if the Allies are victorious it will mean, as I am convinced, +the beginning of the descent of England as the world's leader and the +hastened ascendency of Russia, who, not today or tomorrow, but in times +to come, is sure to crowd out England from the world's leadership. A +Russia that will have become democratic in its government, be it as a +republic or under a truly constitutional monarchy; a Russia in which +education will be as free as it is in our own country; a Russia in which +the people can move about and make homes in the vast territory she +possesses wherever they can find most happiness and prosperity; a Russia +with its vast natural resources of every kind fully developed, is bound +to be the greatest and most powerful nation on the earth. + +But I am going too far into the future and I must return to the sad and +deplorable present. I only wanted to show how England's alliance with +this present-day Russia and its despotic, autocratic, and inhuman +Government may, if the Allies shall be victorious, prove possibly in the +nearer future, but certainly in the long run, England's Nemesis. + +Before closing I want to correct the impression you appear to have +received that I have meant to suggest a conference of private persons +for the purpose of agreeing upon an appeal by them to the nations of +Europe to desist from fighting and consider terms of settlement. I know +this would be entirely impracticable and useless, but what I meant to +convey to you was my conviction that if you and men like you, of whom I +confess there are but too few, were to make the endeavor to rouse public +opinion in the United States to a point where it should insistently +demand that this terrific carnage of blood and destruction cease, it +would not be long before these warring Governments would take notice of +such sentiments on the part of the American people; and what should be +done at once is the stoppage of the furnishing of munitions of war to +any of the belligerents, as is unfortunately done to so great an extent +at present from this country. + +We freely and abundantly give to the Red Cross and the many other relief +societies, but we do this, even if indirectly, out of the very profits +we derive from the war material we sell to the belligerents, and with +which the wounds the Red Cross and other relief societies endeavor to +assuage are inflicted. Yours most faithfully, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Dec. 8, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: + +Your letter of Dec. 5 tells me what the difference is between you and me +in respect to the outcome of the war--I am much more hopeful or sanguine +of the world's getting good out of it than you are. Since you do not +hope to get any good to speak of out of it, you want to stop it as soon +as possible. You look forward to future war from time to time between +the nations of Europe and to the maintenance of competitive armaments. +You think that the lust of dominion must continue to be felt and +gratified, now by one nation and now by another; that Great Britain can +gratify it now, but that she will be overpowered by Russia by and by. + +I am unwilling to accept these conditions for Europe, or for the world, +without urging the freer nations to make extraordinary efforts to reach +a better solution of the European international problem which, unsolved, +has led down to this horrible pit of general war. + +I have just finished another letter to THE NEW YORK TIMES, which will +probably be in print by the time you get back to New York, so I will not +trouble you with any exposition of the grounds of my hopefulness. It is +because I am hopeful that I want to see this war fought out until +Germany is persuaded that she cannot dominate Europe, or, indeed, make +her will prevail anywhere by force of arms. When that change of mind has +been effected I hope that Germany will become a member of a federation +firm enough and powerful enough to prevent any single nation from +aiming at world empire, or even pouncing on a smaller neighbor. + +There is another point on which I seem to differ from you: I do not +believe that any single nation has now, or can ever hereafter have, the +leadership of the world, whereas you look forward to the existence of +such leadership or domination in the hands of a single great power. Are +there not many signs already, both in the East and in the West, that the +time has past for world empire? Very sincerely and cordially yours, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +NEW YORK, Dec. 14, 1914. + +Dear Dr. Eliot: + +I have delayed replying to your valued letter of the 8th inst. until +after the appearance of your further letter to THE NEW YORK TIMES, to +which you had made reference, and, like everything emanating from you, +the contents of your last TIMES letter have evoked my deepest interest. + +Had our recent correspondence not already become more extended than you +likely had intended it to become when you first wrote me on the subject +of my TIMES interview of some weeks ago, I should go into your latest +arguments at greater length. As it is, I shall only reiterate that I +find myself unable to follow you in your belief and hope, that world +empire and world leadership, as this now exists, is likely to cease as a +consequence of the present war, much as we all may desire this. + +England has taken up arms to retain her world dominion and leadership; +and to gain it, Germany is fighting. How can you, then, expect that +England, if victorious, would be willing to surrender her control of the +oceans and the dominion over the trade of the world she possesses in +consequence, and where is there, then, room for the hope you express +that world leadership may become a thing of the past with the +termination of the present conflict? + +I repeat, with all my attachment for my native land and its people, I +have no inimical feeling toward England, have warm sentiments for +France, and the greatest compassion for brave, stricken Belgium. + +Thus, "with malice toward none," and with the highest respect for your +expressed views, I am still of the opinion that there can be no greater +service rendered to mankind than to make the effort, either through the +force of public opinion of the two Americas, or otherwise, to bring +these warring Governments together at an early moment, even if this can +only be done without stopping their conflict, so that they may make the +endeavor, whether--with their costly experience of the last five months, +with the probability that they now know better what need be done to make +the extreme armaments on land and sea as unnecessary as they are +undesirable in the future--a basis cannot be found upon which +disarmament can be effectively and permanently brought about. + +This, at some time, they will have come to, in any event, and must there +first more human lives be sacrificed into the hundreds and hundreds of +thousands, and still greater havoc be wrought, before passions can be +made to cease and reason be made to return? + +If, as you seem to think, the war need go on until one country is beaten +into a condition where it must accept the terms the victor chooses to +impose, because it can no longer help itself to do else, the peace thus +obtained will only be the harbinger of another war in the near or +distant future, bloodier probably than the present sanguinary conflict, +and through no compact which might be entered into will it be possible +to actually prevent this. + +Twenty centuries ago Christianity came into the world with its lofty +message of "peace on earth and good-will to men," and now, after two +thousand years, and at the near approach of the season when Christianity +celebrates the birth of its founder, it is insisted that the merciless +slaughter of man by man we have been witnessing these last months must +be permitted to be continued into the infinite. Most faithfully yours, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + +President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. + + + + +LA CATHEDRALE. + +From Figaro. + +By EDMOND ROSTAND. + + + Ils n'ont fait que la rendre un peu plus immortelle. + L'Oeuvre ne périt pas, que mutile un gredin. + Demande ŕ Phidias et demande ŕ Rodin + Si, devant ses morceaux, on ne dit plus: "C'est Elle!" + + La Forteresse meurt quand on la démantčle. + Mais le Temple, brisé, vit plus noble; et soudain + Les yeux, se souvenant du toit avec dédain, + Préfčrent voir le ciel dans la pierre en dentelle. + + Rendons grace--attendu qu'il nous manquait encor + D'avoir ce qu'ont les Grecs sur la colline d'or; + Le Symbole du Beau consacré par l'insulte!-- + + Rendons grace aux pointeurs du stupide canon, + Puisque de leur adresse allemande il résulte + Une Honte pour eux, pour nous un Parthénon! + + * * * * * + +THE CATHEDRAL. + +A Free Translation of Rostand's Sonnet. + +By FRANCES C. FAY. + + "Deathless" is graven deeper on thy brow; + Ghouls have no power to end thy endless sway. + The Greek of old, the Frenchman of today, + Before thy riven shrine are bending now. + + A wounded fortress straightway lieth prone, + Not so the Temple dies; its roof may fall, + The sky its covering vault, an azure pall, + Doth droop to crown its wealth of lacework stone. + + Praise to you, Vandal guns of dull intent! + We lacked till now our Beauty's monument + Twice hallowed o'er by insult's brutal hand, + + As Pallas owns on Athens' golden hill, + We have it now, thanks to your far-flung brand! + Your shame--our gain, misguided German skill! + + + + +Probable Causes and Outcome of the War + +By Charles W. Eliot. + + President Emeritus of Harvard University; Officer Legion + d'Honneur (France); Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, first + class (Japan); Royal Prussian Order of the Crown, first class; + Grand Officer of the Crown of Italy; Member of the General + Education Board, and an original investigator for the cause of + international peace. + + _Following Is Reproduced a Series of Five Letters to_ THE NEW + YORK TIMES _from Dr. Eliot, Together with the Comments Thereon + by Eminent Critics._ + + +DR. ELIOT'S FIRST LETTER. + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The American people without distinction of party are highly content with +the action of their National Administration on all the grave problems +presented to the Government by the sudden outbreak of long-prepared war +in Europe--a war which already involves five great States and two small +ones. They heartily approve of the action of the Administration on +mediation, neutrality, aid to Americans in Europe, discouragement of +speculation in foods, and, with the exception of extreme protectionists, +admission to American registery of foreign-built ships; although the +legislation on the last subject, which has already passed Congress, is +manifestly inadequate. + +Our people cannot see that the war will necessarily be short, and they +cannot imagine how it can last long. They realize that history gives no +example of such a general interruption of trade and all other +international intercourse as has already taken place, or of such a +stoppage of the production and distribution of the necessaries of life +as this war threatens. They shudder at the floods of human woe which are +about to overwhelm Europe. + +Hence, thinking Americans cannot help reflecting on the causes of this +monstrous outbreak of primitive savagery--part of them come down from +the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and part developed in the +nineteenth--and wondering what good for mankind, if any, can possibly +come out of the present cataclysm. + +The whole people of the United States, without regard to racial origin, +are of one mind in hoping that mankind may gain out of this prodigious +physical combat, which uses for purposes of destruction and death all +the new forces of nineteenth-century applied science, some new liberties +and new securities in the pursuit of happiness; but at this moment they +can cherish only a remote hope of such an issue. The military force +which Austria-Hungary and Germany are now using on a prodigious scale, +and with long-studied skill, can only be met by similar military force, +and this resisting force is summoned more slowly than that of +Austria-Hungary and Germany, although the ultimate battalions will be +heavier. In this portentous physical contest the American people have no +part; their geographical position, their historical development, and +their political ideals combine to make them for the present mere +spectators, although their interests--commercial, industrial, and +political--are deeply involved. For the moment, the best thing our +Government can do is to utilize all existing neutrality rights, and, if +possible, to strengthen or develop those rights, for out of this war +ought to come more neutral States in Europe and greater security for +neutralized territory. + + +The Need for Discussion. + +The chances of getting some gains for mankind out of this gigantic +struggle will be somewhat increased if the American people, and all +other neutral peoples, arrive through public discussion at some clear +understanding of the causes and the possible and desirable issues of the +war, and the sooner this public discussion begins, and the more +thoroughly it is pursued, the sounder will probably be the tendencies of +public sentiment outside of the contending nations and the conclusions +which the peace negotiations will ultimately reach. + +When one begins, however, to reflect on the probable causes of the +sudden lapse of the most civilized parts of Europe into worse than +primitive savagery, he comes at once on two old and widespread evils in +Europe from which America has been exempt for at least 150 years. The +first is secret diplomacy with power to make issues and determine +events, and the second is autocratic national Executives who can swing +the whole physical force of the nation to this side or that without +consulting the people or their representatives. + +The actual catastrophe proves that secret negotiations like those +habitually conducted on behalf of the "concert of Europe," and alliances +between selected nations, the terms of which are secret, or at any rate +not publicly stated, cannot avert in the long run outrageous war, but +can only produce postponements of war, or short truces. Free +institutions, like those of the United States, take the public into +confidence, because all important movements of the Government must rest +on popular desires, needs, and volitions. Autocratic institutions have +no such necessity for publicity. This Government secrecy as to motives, +plans, and purposes must often be maintained by disregarding truth, fair +dealing, and honorable obligations, in order that, when the appeal to +force comes, one Government may secure the advantage of taking the other +by surprise. Duplicity during peace and the breaking of treaties during +war come to be regarded as obvious military necessities. + +The second great evil under which certain large nations of +Europe--notably Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary--have long suffered +and still suffer is the permanent national Executive, independent of +popular control through representative bodies, holding strong views +about rights of birth and religious sanctions of its authority, and +really controlling the national forces through some small council and a +strong bureaucracy. So long as Executives of this sort endure, so long +will civilization be liable to such explosions as have taken place this +August, though not always on so vast a scale. + +Americans now see these things more clearly than European lovers of +liberty, because Americans are detached from the actual conflicts by the +Atlantic, and because Americans have had no real contact with the feudal +or the imperial system for nearly 300 years. Pilgrim and Puritan, +Covenanter and Quaker, Lutheran and Catholic alike left the feudal +system and autocratic government behind them when they crossed the +Atlantic. Americans, therefore, cannot help hoping that two results of +the present war will be: (1) The abolition of secret diplomacy and +secret understandings, and the substitution therefor of treaties +publicly discussed and sanctioned, and (2) the creation of national +Executives--Emperors, Sultans, Kings, or Presidents--which cannot use +the national forces in fight until a thoroughly informed national +assembly, acting with deliberation, has agreed to that use. + + +Opposite Tendencies. + +The American student of history since the middle of the seventeenth +century sees clearly two strong though apparently opposite tendencies in +Europe: First, the tendency to the creation and maintenance of small +States such as those which the Peace of Westphalia (1648) recognized and +for two centuries secured in a fairly independent existence, and, +secondly, a tendency from the middle of the nineteenth century toward +larger national units, created by combining several kindred States +under one executive. This second tendency was illustrated strongly in +the case of both Germany and Italy, although the Prussian domination in +Germany has no parallel in Italy. Somewhat earlier in the nineteenth +century the doctrine of the neutralization of the territories of small +States was established as firmly as solemn treaties could do it. The +larger national units had a more or less federative quality, the +components yielding some of their functions to a central power, but +retaining numerous independent functions. This tendency to limited +unification is one which Americans easily understand and appreciate. We +believe in the federative principle, and must therefore hope that out of +the present European horror will come a new development of that +principle, and new security for small States which are capable of +guaranteeing to their citizens "life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness"--a security which no citizen of any European country seems +today to possess. + +Some of the underlying causes of the horrible catastrophe the American +people are now watching from afar are commercial and economic. Imperial +Germany's desire for colonies in other continents--such as Great Britain +and France secured earlier as a result of keen commercial ambitions--is +intense. Prussia's seizure of Schleswig in 1864-5 had the commercial +motive; and it is with visions of ports on the North Sea that Germany +justifies her present occupation of Belgium. The Russians have for +generations desired to extend their national territory southward to the +Aegean and the Bosphorus, and eastward to good harbors on the Pacific. +Later they pushed into Mongolia and Manchuria, but were resisted +successfully by Japan. Austria-Hungary has long been seeking ports on +the Adriatic, and lately seized without warrant Herzegovina and Bosnia +to promote her approach toward the Aegean, and is now trying to seize +Servia with the same ends in view. With similar motives Italy lately +descended on Tripoli, without any excuse except this intense desire for +colonies--profitable or unprofitable. On the other hand, the American +people, looking to the future as well as to the past, object to +acquisitions of new territory by force of arms; and since the twentieth +century opened they have twice illustrated in their own practice--first +in Cuba, and then in Mexico--this democratic objection. They believe +that extensions of national territory should be brought about only with +the indubitable consent of the majority of the people most nearly +concerned. They also believe that commerce should always be a means of +promoting good-will, and not ill-will, among men, and that all +legitimate and useful extensions of the commerce of a manufacturing and +commercial nation may be procured through the policy of the "open +door"--which means nothing more than that all nations should be allowed +to compete on equal terms for the trade of any foreign people, whether +backward or advanced in civilization. No American Administration has +accepted a "concession" of land in China. They also believe that +peaceable extensions of territory and trade will afford adequate relief +from the economic pressure on a population too large for the territory +it occupies, and that there is no need of forcible seizure of territory +to secure relief. It is inevitable, therefore, that the American people +should hope that one outcome of the present war should be--no +enlargement of a national territory by force or without the free consent +of the population to be annexed, and no colonization except by peaceable +commercial and industrial methods. + + +Aggressive Force a Failure. + +One of the most interesting and far-reaching effects of the present +outbreak of savagery is likely to be the conviction it carries to the +minds of thinking people that the whole process of competitive +armaments, the enlistment of the entire male population in national +armies, and the incessant planning of campaigns against neighbors, is +not a trustworthy method for preserving peace. It now appears that the +military preparations of the last fifty years in Europe have resulted +in the most terrific war of all time, and that a fierce ultimate +outbreak is the only probable result of the system. For the future of +civilization this is a lesson of high value. It teaches that if modern +civilization is to be preserved, national Executives--whether imperial +or republican--must not have at their disposal immense armaments and +drilled armies held ready in the leash; that armaments must be limited, +an international Supreme Court established, national armies changed to +the Swiss form, and an international force adequate to deal with any +nation that may suddenly become lawless agreed upon by treaty and held +always in readiness. The occasional use of force will continue to be +necessary even in the civilized world; but it must be made not an +aggressive but a protective force and used as such--just as protective +force has to be used sometimes in families, schools, cities, and +Commonwealths. + +At present Americans do not close their eyes to the plain fact that the +brute force which Germany and Austria-Hungary are now using can only be +overcome by brute force of the same sort in larger measure. It is only +when negotiations for peace begin that the great lesson of the futility +of huge preparations for fighting to preserve peace can be given effect. +Is it too much to expect that the whole civilized world will take to +heart the lessons of this terrible catastrophe and co-operate to prevent +the recurrence of such losses and woes? Should Germany and +Austria-Hungary succeed in their present undertakings, the whole +civilized world would be obliged to bear continuously, and to an +ever-increasing amount, the burdens of great armaments, and would live +in constant fear of sudden invasion, now here, now there--a terrible +fear, against which neither treaties nor professions of peaceable +intentions would offer the least security. + +It must be admitted, however, that the whole military organization, +which has long been compulsory on the nations of Continental Europe, is +inconsistent in the highest degree with American ideals of individual +liberty and social progress. Democracies can fight with ardor, and +sometimes with success, when the whole people is moved by a common +sentiment or passion; but the structure and discipline of a modern army +like that of Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia, has a despotic or +autocratic quality which is inconsistent with the fundamental principles +of democratic society. To make war in countries like France, Great +Britain, and the United States requires the widespread, simultaneous +stirring of the passions of the people on behalf of their own ideals. +This stirring requires publicity before and after the declaration of war +and public discussion; and the delays which discussion causes are +securities for peace. Out of the present struggle should come a check on +militarism--a strong revulsion against the use of force as means of +settling international disputes. + + +America Cannot Be Indifferent. + +It must also be admitted that it is impossible for the American people +to sympathize with the tone of the imperial and royal addresses which, +in summoning the people to war, use such phrases as "My monarchy," "My +loyal people," "My loyal subjects"; for there is implied in such phrases +a dynastic or personal ownership of peoples which shocks the average +American. Americans inevitably think that the right way for a ruler to +begin an exhortation to the people he rules is President Wilson's way: +"My fellow-countrymen." + +It follows from the very existence of these American instincts and hopes +that, although the people of the United States mean to maintain +faithfully a legal neutrality, they are not, and can not be, neutral or +indifferent as to the ultimate outcome of this titanic struggle. It +already seems to them that England, France, and Russia are fighting for +freedom and civilization. It does not follow that thinking Americans +will forget the immense services which Germany has rendered to +civilization during the last hundred years, or desire that her power to +serve letters, science, art, and education should be in the least +abridged in the outcome of this war upon which she has entered so +rashly and selfishly and in so barbarous a spirit. Most educated +Americans hope and believe that by defeating the German barbarousness +the Allies will only promote the noble German civilization. + +[Illustration: JOHN W. BURGESS + +_(Photo by Alman & Co.)_ + +_See Page 507_] + +[Illustration: WILLIAM M. SLOANE + +_(Photo by Pach.)_ + +_See Page 515_] + +The presence of Russia in the combination against Germany and +Austria-Hungary seems to the average American an abnormal phenomenon; +because Russia is itself a military monarchy with marked territorial +ambitions; and its civilization is at a more elementary stage than that +of France or England; but he resists present apprehension on this score +by recalling that Russia submitted to the "Concert of Europe" when her +victorious armies were within seventeen miles of Constantinople, that +she emancipated her serfs, proposed The Hague Conferences, initiated the +"Duma," and has lately offered--perhaps as war measures only--autonomy +to her Poles and equal rights of citizenship to her Jews. He also +cannot help believing that a nation which has produced such a literature +as Russia has produced during the last fifty years must hold within its +multitudinous population a large minority which is seething with high +aspirations and a fine idealism. + +For the clarification of the public mind on the issue involved, it is +important that the limits of American neutrality should be discussed and +understood. The action of the Government must be neutral in the best +sense; but American sympathies and hopes cannot possibly be neutral, for +the whole history and present state of American liberty forbids. For the +present, thinking Americans can only try to appreciate the scope and +real issues of this formidable convulsion, and so be ready to seize +every opportunity that may present itself to further the cause of human +freedom, and of peace at last. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Asticou, Me., Sept. 1, 1914. + + + + +Appreciation from Lord Bryce + + Late Ambassador at Washington from Great Britain; Chief + Secretary for Ireland, 1905-6; author of "The American + Commonwealth," and of studies in history and biography. + + +It has been a great pleasure to see from your published letter, which +has just reached us, that you so clearly understand the motive and +feelings with which Great Britain has entered on the present war. +Neither commercial rivalry nor any fancied jealousy of Germany's +greatness has led us into it, and to the German people our people bear +no ill-will whatever. Along with many others I have worked steadily +during long years for the maintenance of friendship with Germany, +admiring the splendid gifts of the German race, and recognizing their +enormous services to science, philosophy, and literature. We had hoped, +as some thoughtful statesmen in Germany had also hoped, that by a +cordial feeling between Germany and Britain the peace of Europe might be +secured and something done to bring about permanently better relations +between Germany and her two great neighbors with whom we found ourselves +on friendly terms; and we had confidently looked to the United States to +join with us in this task. But the action of the German Government in +violating the neutrality of Belgium when France had assured us that she +would respect it, the invasion of a small State whose neutrality and +independence she and England had joined in guaranteeing, evoked in this +country an almost unanimous sentiment that the faith of treaties and the +safety of small States must be protected. There has been no war for more +than a century--perhaps two centuries--into which the nation has entered +with so general a belief that its action is justified. We rejoice to be +assured that this is the general feeling of the people of the United +States, whose opinion we naturally value more than we do that of any +other people. + +Most persons in this country, including all those who work for peace, +agree with you in deploring the vast armaments which European States +have been piling up, and will hope with you that after this war they may +be reduced--and safely reduced--to slender dimensions. Their existence +is a constant menace to peace. They foster that spirit of militarism +which has brought these horrors on the world; for they create in the +great countries of the Continent a large and powerful military and naval +caste which lives for war, talks and writes incessantly of war, and +glorifies war as a thing good in itself. + +It is (as you say) to the peoples that we must henceforth look to +safeguard international concord. They bear the miseries of war, they +ought to have the power to arrest the action of those who are hurrying +them into it. + +To get rid of secret diplomacy is more difficult in Europe than in +America, whose relations with foreign States are fewer and simpler, but +what you say upon that subject also will find a sympathetic echo here +among the friends of freedom and of peace. I am always sincerely yours, + +JAMES BRYCE. + +Forest Row, Sussex, Sept. 17, 1914. + + + + +A Reply by Dr. Francke + + Professor of the History of German Culture at Harvard + University and Curator of the Germanic Museum; author of works + on German literature. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +In his letter of Sept. 1 President Eliot expresses the opinion that in +the present war "England, France, and Russia are fighting for freedom +and civilization." And he adds: + + It does not follow that thinking Americans will forget the + immense services which Germany has rendered to civilization + during the last hundred years, or desire that her power to + serve letters, science, art, and education should be in the + least abridged in the outcome of this war, upon which she has + entered so rashly and selfishly and in so barbarous a spirit. + Most educated Americans hope and believe that by defeating the + German barbarousness the Allies will only promote the noble + German civilization. + +In other words, German military and political power is to be crushed in +order to set free the German genius for science, literature, and art. It +is interesting to contrast with such views as these the following words +of Goethe, uttered in 1813: + + I have often felt a bitter grief at the thought of the German + people, which is so noble individually and so wretched as a + whole. A comparison of the German people with other nations + gives us painful feelings, which I try to overcome by all + possible means; and in science and art I have found the wings + which lift me above them. But the comfort which they afford + is, after all, only a miserable comfort, and does not make up + for the proud consciousness of belonging to a nation strong, + respected, and feared. However, I am comforted by the thought + of Germany's future. Yes, the German people has a future. The + destiny of the Germans is not yet fulfilled. The time, the + right time, no human eye can foresee, nor can human power + hasten it on. To us individuals, meanwhile, is it given, to + every one according to his talents, his inclinations, and his + position, to increase, to strengthen, and to spread national + culture. In order that in this respect, at least, Germany may + be ahead of other nations and that the national spirit, + instead of being stifled and discouraged, may be kept alive + and hopeful and ready to rise in all its might when the day of + glory dawns. + +If I am not mistaken, these words of Germany's greatest poet express +accurately what the German people during the last hundred years has been +striving for--national culture and national pre-eminence in every field +of human activity. To advocate the reduction of Germany to a land of +isolated scientists, poets, artists, and educators is tantamount to a +call for the destruction of the German Nation. + +KUNO FRANCKE. + +Harvard University, Sept. 5, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S SECOND LETTER + +The Stout and Warlike Breed + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +There is nothing new in the obsession of the principal European nations +that, in order to be great and successful in the world as it is, they +must possess military power available for instant aggression on weak +nations, as well as for effective defense against strong ones. + +When Sir Francis Bacon wrote his essay on "The True Greatness of +Kingdoms and Estates" he remarked that forts, arsenals, goodly races of +horses, armaments, and the like would all be useless "except the breed +and disposition of the people be stout and warlike." He denied that +money is the sinews of war, giving preference to the sinews of men's +arms, and quoted Solon's remark to Croesus, "Sir, if any other come that +hath better iron than you, he will be master of all this gold"--a truly +Bismarckian proposition. Indeed, Sir Francis Bacon says explicitly "that +the principal point of greatness in any State is to have a race of +military men." + +Goethe, reflecting on the wretchedness of the German people as a whole, +found no comfort in the German genius for science, literature, and art, +or only a miserable comfort which "does not make up for the proud +consciousness of belonging to a nation strong, respected, and feared." +Because Germany in his time was weak in the military sense, he could +write: "I have often felt a bitter grief at the thought of the German +people, which is so noble individually, and so wretched as a whole"; and +he longed for the day when the national spirit, kept alive and hopeful, +should be "ready to rise in all its might when the day of glory dawns." + +"The day of glory" was to be the day of military power. Carlyle said of +Germany and France in November, 1870, "that noble, patient, deep, pious, +and solid Germany should be at length welded into a nation, and become +Queen of the Continent, instead of vaporing, vainglorious, +gesticulating, quarrelsome, restless, and oversensitive France, seems to +me that hopefulest public fact that has occurred in my time." How did +Germany attain to this position of "Queen of the Continent"? By creating +and maintaining, with utmost intelligence and skill, the strongest army +in Europe--an army which within six years had been used successfully +against Denmark, Austria, and France. Germany became "Queen" by virtue +of her military power. + +In the same paper Carlyle said of the French Revolution, of which he was +himself the great portrayer: "I often call that a celestial infernal +phenomenon, the most memorable in our world for a thousand years; on the +whole, a transcendent revolt against the devil and his works, (since +shams are all and sundry of the devil, and poisonous and unendurable to +man.)" Now, the French Revolution was an extraordinary outbreak of +passionate feeling and physical violence on the part of the French +Nation, both at home and abroad; and it led on to the Napoleonic wars, +which were tremendous physical struggles for mastery in Europe. + +In a recent public statement two leading philosophical writers of modern +Germany, Profs. Eucken and Haeckel, denounce the "brutal national +egoism" of England, which they say "recognizes no rights on the part of +others, and, unconcerned about morality or unmorality, pursues only its +own advantage"; and they attribute to England the purpose to hinder at +any cost the further growth of German greatness. But what are the +elements of that German greatness which England is determined to arrest +by joining France and Russia in war against Germany and Austria-Hungary? +The three elements of recent German greatness are the extension of her +territory; contiguous territories in Europe and in other continents +colonial possessions; the enlargement of German commerce and wealth, and +to these ends the firm establishment of her military supremacy in +Europe. These are the ideas on the true greatness of nations which have +prevailed in the ruling oligarchy of Germany for at least sixty years, +and now seem to have been accepted, or acquiesced in, by the whole +German people. In this view, the foundation of national greatness is +fighting power. + +This conception of national greatness has prevailed at many different +epochs--Macedonian, Roman, Saracen, Spanish, English, and French--and, +indeed, has appeared from time to time in almost all the nations and +tribes of the earth; but the civilized world is now looking for better +foundations of national greatness than force and fighting. + +The partial successes of democracy in Europe have much increased the +evils of war. Sir Francis Bacon looked for a fighting class; under the +feudal system when a Baron went to war he took with him his vassals, or +that portion of them that could be spared from the fields at home. +Universal conscription is a modern invention, the horrors of which, as +now exhibited in Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France, much exceed those +of earlier martial methods. There has never been such an interruption of +agricultural and industrial production, or such a rending of family ties +in consequence of war as is now taking place in the greater part of +Europe. Moreover, mankind has never before had the use of such +destructive implements as the machine gun, the torpedo, and the dynamite +bomb. The progress of science has much increased the potential +destructiveness of warfare. + +Thinking people in all the civilized countries are asking themselves +what the fundamental trouble with civilization is, and where to look for +means of escape from the present intolerable conditions. Christianity in +nineteen centuries has afforded no relief. The so-called mitigations of +war are comparatively trivial. The recent Balkan wars were as ferocious +as those of Alexander. The German aviators drop aimless bombs at night +into cities occupied chiefly by non-combatants. The North Sea is strewn +with floating mines which may destroy fishing, freight, or passenger +vessels of any nation, neutral or belligerent, which have business on +that sea. The ruthless destruction of the Louvain Library by German +soldiers reminds people who have read history that the destroyers of the +Alexandria Library have ever since been called fanatics and barbarians. +The German Army tries to compel unfortified Belgian cities and towns to +pay huge ransoms to save themselves from destruction--a method which the +Barbary States, indeed, were accustomed to use against their Christian +neighbors, but which has long been held to be a method appropriate only +for brigands and pirates--Greek, Sicilian, Syrian, or Chinese. + + +What Is Wrong with Civilization? + +How can it be that the Government of a civilized State commits, or +permits in its agents, such barbarities? The fundamental reason seems to +be that most of the European nations still believe that national +greatness depends on the possession and brutal use of force, and is to +be maintained and magnified only by military and naval power. + +In North America there are two large communities--heretofore inspired +chiefly by ideals of English origin--which have never maintained +conscripted armies, and have never fortified against each other their +long frontier--Canada and the United States. Both may fairly be called +great peoples even now; and both give ample promise for the future. +Neither of these peoples lacks the "stout and warlike" quality of which +Sir Francis Bacon spoke; both have often exhibited it. The United States +suffered for four years from a civil war, characterized by determined +fighting, in indecisive battles, in which the losses, in proportion to +the number of men engaged, were often much heavier than any thus far +reported from the present battlefields in Belgium and France. There +being then no lack of martial spirit in these two peoples, it is an +instructive phenomenon that power to conquer is not their ideal of +national greatness. Much the same thing may be said of some other +self-governing constituents of the British Empire, such as Australia, +New Zealand, and South Africa. They, too, have a better ideal of +national greatness than that of military supremacy. + +What are the real ambitions and hopes of the people of the United States +and the people of Canada in regard to their own future? Their +expectations of greatness certainly are not based on any conception of +invincible military force, or desire for the physical means of enforcing +their own will on their neighbors. They both believe in the free +commonwealth, administered justly, and with the purpose of securing for +each individual all the freedom he can exercise without injury to his +neighbors and the collective well-being. They desire for themselves, +each for itself, a strong Government, equipped to perform its functions +with dignity, certainty, and efficiency; but they wish to have that +Government under the control of the deliberate public opinion of free +citizens, and not under the control of any Prćtorian Guard, Oligarchic +Council, or General Staff, and they insist that the civil authority +should always control such military and police forces as it may be +necessary to maintain for protective purposes. + + +True National Greatness. + +They believe that the chief object of government should be the promotion +of the public welfare by legislative and administrative means; that the +processes of government should be open and visible, and their results be +incessantly published for approval or disapproval. They believe that a +nation becomes great through industrial productiveness and the resulting +internal and external commerce, through the gradual increase of comfort +and general well-being in the population, and through the advancement of +science, letters, and art. They believe that education, free intercourse +with other nations, and religious enthusiasm and toleration are means of +national greatness, and that in the development and use of these means +force has no place. They attribute national greatness in others, as well +as in themselves, not to the possession of military force, but to the +advance of the people in freedom, industry, righteousness, and +good-will. + +They believe that the ideals of fighting power and domination should be +replaced by the ideals of peaceful competition in production and trade, +of generous rivalry in education, scientific discovery, and the fine +arts, of co-operation for mutual benefit among nations different in +size, natural abilities, and material resources, and of federation among +nations associated geographically or historically, or united in the +pursuit of some common ends and in the cherishing of like hopes and +aspirations. They think that the peace of the world can be best promoted +by solemn public compacts between peoples--not Princes or +Cabinets--compacts made to be kept, strengthened by mutual services and +good offices, and watched over by a permanent International Judicial +Tribunal authorized to call on the affiliated nations for whatever force +may be necessary to induce obedience to its decrees. + +Will not the civilized world learn from this horrible European war--the +legitimate result of the policies of Bismarck and his associates and +disciples--that these democratic ideals constitute the rational +substitute for the imperialistic ideal of fighting force as the +foundation of national greatness? The new ideals will still need the +protection and support, both within and without each nation, of a +restrained public force, acting under law, national and international, +just as a sane mind needs as its agent a sound and strong body. Health +and vigor will continue to be the safeguards of morality, justice, and +mercy. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Asticou, Me., Sept. 14, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S THIRD LETTER. + +Why Is America Anti-German? + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The numerous pamphlets which German writers are now distributing in the +United States, and the many letters about the European war which +Americans are now receiving from German and German-American friends, are +convincing thoughtful people in this country that American public +opinion has some weight with the German Government and people, or, at +least, some interest for them; but that the reasons which determine +American sympathy with the Allies, rather than with Germany and +Austria-Hungary, are not understood in Germany, and are not always +appreciated by persons of German birth who have lived long in the United +States. + +It would be a serious mistake to suppose that Americans feel any +hostility or jealousy toward Germany, or fail to recognize the immense +obligations under which she has placed all the rest of the world, +although they now feel that the German Nation has been going wrong in +theoretical and practical politics for more than a hundred years, and is +today reaping the consequences of her own wrong-thinking and +wrong-doing. + +There are many important matters concerning which American sympathy is +strongly with Germany: (1) The unification of Germany, which Bismarck +and his co-workers accomplished, naturally commended itself to +Americans, whose own country is a firm federation of many more or less +different States, containing more or less different peoples; while most +Americans did not approve Bismarck's methods and means, they cordially +approved his accomplishment of German unification; (2) Americans have +felt unqualified admiration for the commercial and financial growth of +Germany during the past forty years, believing it to be primarily the +fruit of well-directed industry and enterprise; (3) all educated +Americans feel strong gratitude to the German Nation for its +extraordinary achievements in letters, science, and education within the +last hundred years. Jealousy of Germany in these matters is absolutely +foreign to American thought, and that any external power or influence +should undertake to restrict or impair German progress in these respects +would seem to all Americans intolerable, and, indeed incredible; (4) all +Americans who have had any experience in Governmental or educational +administration recognize the fact, that German administration--both in +peace and in war--is the most efficient in the world, and for that +efficiency they feel nothing but respect and admiration, unless the +efficiency requires an inexpedient suppression or restriction of +individual liberty; (5) Americans sympathize with a unanimous popular +sentiment in favor of a war which the people believe to be essential to +the greatness, and even the safety, of their country--a sentiment which +prompts to family and property sacrifices very distressing at the +moment, and irremediable in the future; and they believe that the German +people today are inspired by just such an overwhelming sentiment. + +How is it, then, that, with all these strong American feelings tending +to make them sympathize with the German people in good times or bad, in +peace or in war, the whole weight of American opinion is on the side of +the Allies in the present war? The reasons are to be found, of course, +in the political and social history of the American people, and in its +Governmental philosophy and practice today. These reasons have come out +of the past, and are intrenched in all the present ideals and practices +of the American Commonwealth. They inevitably lead Americans to object +strongly and irrevocably to certain German national practices of great +moment, practices which are outgrowths of Prussian theories, and +experiences that have come to prevail in Germany during the past hundred +years. In the hope that American public opinion about the European war +may be a little better understood abroad it seems worth while to +enumerate those German practices which do not conform to American +standards in the conduct of public affairs: + +(a) Americans object to the committal of a nation to grave measures of +foreign policy by a permanent Executive--Czar, Kaiser, or King--advised +in secret by professional diplomatists who consider themselves the +personal representatives of their respective sovereigns. The American +people have no permanent Executive, and the profession of diplomacy +hardly exists among them. In the conduct of their national affairs they +utterly distrust secrecy, and are accustomed to demand and secure the +utmost publicity. + +(b) They object to placing in any ruler's hands the power to order +mobilization or declare war in advance of deliberate consultation with a +representative assembly, and of co-operative action thereby. The fact +that German mobilization was ordered three days in advance of the +meeting of the Reichstag confounds all American ideas and practices +about the rights of the people and the proper limits of Executive +authority. + +(c) The secrecy of European diplomatic intercourse and of international +understandings and terms of alliance in Europe is in the view of +ordinary Americans not only inexpedient, but dangerous and +unjustifiable. Under the Constitution of the United States no treaty +negotiated by the President and his Cabinet is valid until it has been +publicly discussed and ratified by the Senate. During this discussion +the people can make their voice heard through the press, the telegraph, +and the telephone. + +(d) The reliance on military force as the foundation of true national +greatness seems to thinking Americans erroneous, and in the long run +degrading to a Christian nation. They conceive that the United States +may fairly be called a great nation; but that its greatness is due to +intellectual and moral forces acting through adequate material forces +and expressed in education, public health and order, agriculture, +manufacturing, and commerce, and the resulting general well-being of the +people. It has never in all its history organized what could be called a +standing or a conscripted army; and, until twenty years ago, its navy +was very small, considering the length of its sea coasts. There is +nothing in the history of the American people to make them believe that +the true greatness of nations depends on military power. + + +Object to Extension by Force. + +(e) They object to the extension of national territory by force, +contrary to the wishes of the population concerned. This objection is +the inevitable result of democratic institutions; and the American +people have been faithful to this democratic opinion under circumstances +of considerable difficulty--as, for example, in withdrawing from Cuba, +the rich island which had been occupied by American troops during the +short war with Spain, (1898,) and in the refusing to intervene by force +in Mexico for the protection of American investors, when that contiguous +country was distracted by factional fighting. This objection applies to +long-past acts of the German Government an well as to its proceedings in +the present war--as, for example, to the taking of Schleswig-Holstein +and Alsace-Lorraine, as well as to the projected occupation of Belgium. + +(f) Americans object strenuously to the violation of treaties between +nations on the allegation of military necessity or for any other reason +whatever. They believe that the progress of civilization will depend in +future on the general acceptance of the sanctity of contracts or solemn +agreements between nations and on the development by common consent of +international law. The neutralization treaties, the arbitration +treaties, The Hague Conferences, and some of the serious attempts at +mediation, although none of them go far enough, and many of them have +been rudely violated on occasion, illustrate a strong tendency in the +civilized parts of the world to prevent international wars by means of +agreements deliberately made in time of peace. The United States has +proposed and made more of these agreements than any other power, has +adhered to them, and profited by them. Under one such agreement, made +nearly a hundred years ago, Canada and the United States have avoided +forts and armaments against each other, although they have had serious +differences of opinion and clashes of interests, and the frontier is +3,000 miles long and for the most part without natural barriers. +Cherishing the hope that the peace of Europe and the rights of its +peoples may be secured through solemn compacts, (which should include +the establishment of a permanent international judicial tribunal, +supported by an international force,) Americans see, in the treatment by +the German Government of the Belgian neutralization treaty as nothing +but a piece of paper which might be torn up on the ground of military +necessity, evidence of the adoption by Germany of a retrograde policy of +the most alarming sort. That single act on the part of Germany--the +violation of the neutral territory of Belgium--would have determined +American opinion in favor of the Allies, if it had stood alone by +itself--the reason being that American hopes for the peace and order of +the world are based on the sanctity of treaties. + +(g) American public opinion, however, has been greatly shocked in other +ways by the German conduct of the war. The American common people see no +justification for the dropping of bombs, to which no specific aim can be +given, into cities and towns chiefly inhabited by non-combatants, the +burning or blowing up of large portions of unfortified towns and cities, +the destruction of precious monuments and treasuries of art, the +strewing of floating mines through the North Sea, the exacting of +ransoms from cities and towns under threat of destroying them, and the +holding of unarmed citizens as hostages for the peaceable behavior of a +large population under threat of summary execution of the hostages in +case of any disorder. All these seem to Americans unnecessary, +inexpedient, and unjustifiable methods of warfare, sure to breed hatred +and contempt toward the nation that uses them, and therefore to make it +difficult for future generations to maintain peace and order in Europe. +They cannot help imagining the losses civilization would suffer if the +Russians should ever carry into Western Europe the kind of war which the +Germans are now waging in Belgium and France. They have supposed that +war was to be waged in this century only against public, armed forces +and their supplies and shelters. + +These opinions and prepossessions on the part of the American people +have obviously grown out of the ideals which the early English colonists +carried with them to the American wilderness in the seventeenth century, +out of the long fighting and public discussion which preceded the +adoption of the Constitution of the United States in the eighteenth +century, and out of the peculiar experiences of the free Commonwealths +which make up the United States, as they have spread across the almost +uninhabited continent during the past 125 years. + +The experience and the situation of modern Germany have been utterly +different. Germany was divided for centuries into discordant parts, had +ambitious and martial neighbors, and often felt the weight of their +attacks. Out of war came accessions of territory for Prussia, and at +last German unity. The reliance of intelligent and patriotic Germany on +military force as the basis of national greatness is a natural result of +its experiences. Americans, however, believe that this reliance is +unsound both theoretically and practically. The wars in Europe since +1870-71, the many threatenings of war, and the present catastrophe seem +to Americans to demonstrate that no amount of military preparedness on +the part of the nations of Europe can possibly keep the peace of the +Continent, or indeed prevent frequent explosions of destructive warfare. +They think, too, that preparation for war on the part of Germany better +than any of her neighbors can make will not keep her at peace or protect +her from invasion, even if this better preparation include advantages of +detail which have been successfully kept secret. All the nations which +surround Germany are capable of developing a strong fighting spirit; and +all the countries of Europe, except England and Russia, possess the +means of quickly assembling and getting into action great bodies of men. +In other words, all the European States are capable of developing a +passionate patriotism, and all possess the railroads, roads, +conveyances, telegraphs, and telephones which make rapid mobilization +possible. No perfection of military forces, and no amount of previous +study of feasible campaigns against neighbors, can give peaceful +security to Germany in the present condition of the great European +States. In the actual development of weapons and munitions, and of the +art of quick intrenching, the attacking force in battle on land is at a +great disadvantage in comparison with the force on the defensive. That +means indecisive battles and ultimately an indecisive war, unless each +party is resolved to push the war to the utter exhaustion and +humiliation of the other--a long process which involves incalculable +losses and wastes and endless miseries. Americans have always before +them the memory of their four years' civil war, which, although +resolutely prosecuted on both sides, could not be brought to a close +until the resources of the Southern States in men and material were +exhausted. In that dreadful process the whole capital of the Southern +States was wiped out. + + +But One Possible Issue. + +Now that the sudden attack on Paris has failed, and adequate time has +been secured to summon the slower-moving forces of Russia and England, +and these two resolute and persistent peoples have decided to use all +their spiritual and material forces in co-operation with France against +Germany, thoughtful Americans can see but one possible issue of the +struggle, whether it be long or short, namely, the defeat of Germany and +Austria-Hungary in their present undertakings, and the abandonment by +both peoples of the doctrine that their salvation depends on militarism +and the maintenance of autocratic Executives intrusted with the power +and the means to make sudden war. They believe that no human being +should ever be trusted with such power. The alternative is, of course, +genuine constitutional government, with the military power subject to +the civil power. + +The American people grieve over the fruitless sacrifices of life, +property, and the natural human joys which the German people are making +to a wrong and impossible ideal of national power and welfare. The +sacrifices which Germany is imposing on the Allies are fearfully heavy, +but there is reason to hope that these will not be fruitless, for out of +them may come great gains for liberty and peace in Europe. + +All experienced readers on this side of the Atlantic are well aware that +nine-tenths of all the reports they get about the war come from English +and French sources, and this knowledge makes them careful not to form +judgments about details until the events and deeds tell their own story. +They cannot even tell to which side victory inclines in a long, +far-extended battle until recognizable changes in the positions of the +combatants show what the successes or failures must have been. The +English and French win some advantage so far as the formation of public +opinion in this country is concerned, because those two Governments send +hither official reports on current events more frequently than the +German Government does, and with more corroborative details. The amount +of secrecy with which the campaign is surrounded on both sides is, +however, a new and unwelcome experience for both the English and the +American public. + + +German Ignorance of Events. + +The pamphlets by German publicists and men of letters which are now +coming to this country, and the various similar publications written +here, seem to indicate that the German public is still kept by its +Government in ignorance about the real antecedents of the war and about +many of the incidents and aspects of the portentous combat. These +documents seem to Americans to contain a large amount of misinformation +about the attack of Austria-Hungary on Servia, the diplomatic +negotiations and the correspondence between the sovereigns which +immediately preceded the war, and the state of mind of the Belgian and +English peoples. American believers in the good sense and good feeling +of the common people naturally imagine, when an awful calamity befalls a +nation, that the people cannot have been warned of its approach, else +they would have avoided it. In this case they fear that the Emperor, the +Chancellery, and the General Staff have themselves been misinformed in +important respects, have made serious miscalculations which they are +proposing to conceal as long as possible, and are not taking the common +people into their confidence. American sympathies are with the German +people in their sufferings and losses, but not with their rulers, or +with the military class, or with the professors and men of letters who +have been teaching for more than a generation that might makes right. +That short phrase contains the fundamental fallacy which for fifty years +has been poisoning the springs of German thought and German policy on +public affairs. + +Dread of the Muscovite does not seem to Americans a reasonable +explanation of the present actions of Germany and Austria-Hungary, +except so far as irrational panic can be said to be an explanation. +Against possible, though not probable, Russian aggression, a firm +defensive alliance of all Western Europe would be a much better +protection than the single might of Germany. It were easy to imagine +also two new "buffer" States--a reconstructed Poland and a Balkan +Confederation. As to French "revenge," it is the inevitable and +praiseworthy consequence of Germany's treatment of France in 1870-71. +The great success of Germany in expanding her commerce during the last +thirty years makes it hard for Americans to understand the hot +indignation of the Germans against the British because of whatever +ineffective opposition Great Britain may have offered to that expansion. +No amount of commercial selfishness on the part of insular England can +justify Germany in attempting to seize supreme power in Europe and +thence, perhaps, in the world. + +Finally, Americans hope and expect that there will be no such fatal +issue of the present struggle as the destruction or ruin of the German +Nation. On the contrary, they believe that Germany will be freer, +happier, and greater than ever when once she has got rid of the +monstrous Bismarck policies and the Emperor's archaic conception of his +function, and has enjoyed twenty years of real peace. Your obedient +servant, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Asticou, Me., Sept. 28, 1914. + + + + +Dr. Dernburg's Reply to the Third Letter + + Late German Secretary of State for the Colonies; lived for + several years in the United States as member of the banking + firm of Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co., New York. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Prof. Eliot is conferring a great favor on the exponents of the German +side in the present struggle in explaining to them what he thinks of the +so-called anti-German feeling in the United States. I am sure his views +will be read also in Germany with a great deal of attention, although he +will certainly not remain unchallenged in nearly all essential points. +The compliment that Prof. Eliot pays to the German people as a whole +must be specially appreciated, the more so as it comes from a scientist +whose great authority is equally recognized on both sides of the +Atlantic. + +The anti-German feeling, according to Prof. Eliot, takes its source from +the American objection to the committal of a nation to grave mistakes by +a permanent Executive. But then, with the exception of France, all the +warring nations have permanent Executives, professional diplomatists; +all their affairs are conducted in secret, and all their rulers have the +power, including the President of France, to embroil their nations in +war. The German Emperor is in this respect certainly more restricted +than the other heads of State, and I have not read that the declaration +of war has been expressly sanctioned by the English Parliament, and +certainly the mobilization of the English fleet that took place in July, +and the mobilization of the Russian Army that took place at the same +time, have not even been brought to the knowledge of the respective +Parliaments. When, therefore, the same conditions prevail in all the +warring States, how can they be made the reason for such an anti-German +feeling? + +The same objection holds good with the American antipathy against the +power of rulers to order mobilization or declare war in advance without +consultation of Parliament, to which I have only to say that the English +fleet was mobilized without consulting the English Parliament, while in +Germany the Bundesrat, the representatives of the Federal States, as +well as of the Federal Diets, has been duly consulted. I may add that +also the party leaders of the Reichstag, which could not be convoked +earlier than two days after the declaration of the war, have been +continuously informed and consulted. + +Against the next paragraph, where Prof. Eliot complains of the secrecy +of European diplomacy and of international treaties and understandings, +the same objection must be made. The state described here as particular +to Germany prevails in all European countries, and neither the treaty of +the Russian-French alliance, nor the arrangements of the Triple Entente +have ever been submitted to the French or British Parliaments. As +regards the American attitude toward armaments, I purposely refrain from +adducing the American example into my argument, much as I could show +that with a very large part of the American Nation the idea of defending +the American coast against any invader and the maintenance of a strong +Pan-American policy, if need be by arms, is just as fixed a tenet as the +German idea that the Fatherland should be held safe from invasion or +destruction by the will and the strength of its people. England has +always held the same, if not through her army so through her navy, and +so did the rest of Europe; and there is no argument to be gotten from +that for an anti-German feeling. + + +No Seizure of Schleswig-Holstein. + +Americans object to the extension of territory by force. Germany has +never done that, even if one goes back as far as Prof. Eliot wishes to +go. Mr. Eliot is absolutely mistaken as to the history of the +incorporation of Schleswig-Holstein into Prussia. Schleswig-Holstein was +a Dual-Dukedom that never belonged to Denmark, but having as its Duke +the King of Denmark as long as he belonged to the elder line of the +House of Oldenburg. This elder line was extinct when King Christian +VIII. died without male issue. His successor wanted to incorporate the +two German Dukedoms into Denmark. Then the people stood up and expressed +the desire to remain with the German Federation, to which it had always +belonged, and there it is now, of its own free will. The natural +dividing line between Denmark and Germany, however, is the River Eider. +There are about 30,000 Danes south of the Eider, who have been absorbed +against their will, a thing that can never be avoided, and that has +sometimes given Prussia a little trouble. + + +Alsace-Lorraine Originally German. + +As to Alsace-Lorraine, the facts are known to be that it had belonged to +Germany until it had been taken, against the will of the people, by +France under Louis XIV., and it was returned to Germany as a matter of +right, more than three-quarters of the population being of German +descent and speaking the German language. + +But let me ask in return, Mr. Eliot, when did ever in her political +career England consult the will of the people when she took a country? +Can he say that, when England tore the treaty of Majuba Hill, like a +"scrap of paper," and made war on the Boers? Did she consult the people +of Cyprus in 1878? Does he know of any plébiscite in India? Has she +consulted the Persians, or has France consulted the people of Morocco, +or of Indo-China, Italy the people of Tripoli? Since Germany has not +acted here in any other way forty years ago than all the other nations, +why does Dr. Eliot consider the American people justified in taking +anti-German views for reasons of such an old date, while he forgives the +nations of the party he favors for much more recent infringement of his +rule? + +"Americans object to the violation of treaties." So do the Germans. We +have always kept our treaties, and mean to do so in the future. The fact +with Belgium is that her neutrality was very one-sided; that, as can be +proved, as early as the 25th of June, Ličge was full of French soldiers, +that Belgian fortifications were all directed against Germany, and that +for years past it was the Belgian press that outdid the French press in +attacks against Germany. But I can give Mr. Eliot here some authority +that he has so far not challenged. When Sir Edward Grey presented the +English case in the House of Commons on the 3d of August he declared +that the British attitude was laid down by the British Government in +1870, and he verbally cited Mr. Gladstone's speech, in which he said he +could not subscribe to the assertion that the simple fact of the +existence of a guarantee was binding on every party, irrespective +altogether of the particular position in which it may find itself at the +time when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises. He called +that assertion a "stringent and impracticable" view of the guarantee and +the whole treaty a "complicated question." So Mr. Gladstone, and with +him Sir Edward Grey, has held the Belgian neutrality treaty not binding +on every party, when it was against the interest which the particular +situation dictated, when the war broke out. It was the interest of Great +Britain to maintain the treaty, and that is why she acted. It was +against German interest to maintain the treaty, and that is why she +broke it. That is the British and not the German theory, and I could +very well rest my case here. My theory is with the German Chancellor, +that I greatly regret the necessity of violating the Belgian neutrality, +after Belgium had chosen to repel the German overtures for a free +passage. + +It is quite certain that the breach of the Belgian neutrality by Germany +was used in Great Britain as a powerful instrument to influence the +public sentiment. Every war must be borne by national unity, and it is +the duty of the nation's leaders to secure such unity by all practicable +means. But has it been forgotten that the attitude of Sir Edward Grey +caused such excellent men as Lord Morley, John Burns, and Sir John +Trevelyan to leave the Cabinet, where they were looked upon as the best +and most liberal members of the ruling combination? Bernard Shaw says of +Great Britain that she has never been at a loss for an effective moral +attitude. Such an attitude is a powerful weapon in diplomatical and +actual warfare, and it must be resorted to, if the necessity arises. But +that cannot blind us to the fact that the British Government allowed the +political interest to be the paramount consideration in this Belgian +neutrality matter. The German interest for not acting on the guarantee +was just as strong as the English to act for it. + +The proof is found in the English "White Paper." I cite the famous +reprint of THE TIMES, (Dispatch No. 148 of Aug. 2 to Paris.) Here Sir +Edward Grey says: "We were considering ... whether we should declare +violation of Belgian neutrality to be a casus belli." + + +"Treaties Must Not Be Overrated." + +I am an ardent believer in all international arrangements to prevent +difficulties and wars between nations, and I rejoice with the American +people in the signal success this policy is now having in this country. +But international treaties must not be overrated. There are questions +which cannot be settled by them. It is too difficult to explain just the +nature of such situations as arose in Europe, so I may be permitted for +once to ask this question: Does Prof. Eliot believe that the majority of +the American people think that the unwritten Monroe Doctrine could be +made the subject of arbitration, whether it had a right to exist or to +be enforced? I must emphatically say, No, it could not. It can be as +little arbitrated upon as a matter of religion or of personal morals. + +Mr. Eliot thinks a happy result of the war would be that American +institutions should prevail in Germany thereafter. Why should Germany +only become a representative republic? Does he not demand the same +regarding Russia, England, Italy, Austria, and Japan? And if not, why +not? + +From all this I fail to see the point in the reasons given by Prof. +Eliot why fair-minded Americans should side with the Allies because the +objections made against German procedure, down to the breach of the +Belgian neutrality, must be made against all other European States. +British history is just teeming with examples of broken treaties and +torn "scraps of paper." The chasing of German diplomatic representatives +out of neutral Egypt is a case in point. + +I must insist that whatever anti-German feeling there is is not fully +explained by Prof. Eliot, and his article cannot be made a code by which +German behavior could be regulated in the future. Prof. Eliot is a +scholar; business interests do not come very near him. So he is +especially concerned with the ethical aspect of the matter. He believes +the Germans think that "might is right." This is very unjust. Our +history proves that we have never acted on this principle. We have never +got or attempted to get a world empire such as England has won, all of +which, with a very few exceptions, by might, by war, and by conquest. +The German writers who have expounded this doctrine have only shown how +the large world empires of England and France were welded together, what +means have been adopted for that purpose, and against what sort of +political doctrines we must beware. + + +Our Sympathy for the Under Dog. + +As Dr. Eliot makes his remarks for the benefit of his German confrčres, +may I be permitted to say to them what I consider the reason for the +American attitude? There is, in the first place, the ethical side. +Americans have a very strong sense of generosity, and are, as a rule, +very good sports. They think Belgium a small nation, brutally attacked +by a much bigger fellow; they feel that the little man stands up bravely +and gamely, and fights for all he is worth. Such a situation will always +command American sympathy and antagonism against the stronger. Then +there is the business side. Americans feel that this war is endangering +their political and commercial interests, so they are naturally angry +against the people who, they believe, have brought the war about. + +As Germany has not had an opportunity to make herself heard as amply as +her adversaries, they think that it was Germany which set the world +afire, and that is what they resent, and in which they were justified, +if it were true. But the question of the hour is not the question of the +past, but of the present and of the future, and the people on this side +who will give Germany fair play because it is just in them will examine +the situation in the light of their interests. Then they will find that +Belgium had been in league with the Allies long before the conflagration +broke out, only to be left to its own resources when the critical hour +arose. They will further find that it is not Germany but England and her +allies that are throttling commerce, maiming cables, stopping mails, +and breaking neutrality and other treaties to further their aims; that, +finally, today England has established a world rule on the sea to which +even America must submit. They will then soon come to the conclusion +that, no matter what happened in the past, the peace of the world can +only be assured by a good understanding between Germany and the United +States as a sort of counterbalance against the unmeasured aggrandizement +of English sea power. Then the feeling toward Germany will be +considerably better, and I may add that even now it is not so very bad +after all. + +I make these remarks with due respect to Prof. Eliot and his views, and +with great reluctance for being compelled to enter the field against a +personality whose undoubted superiority I wish to be the first to +acknowledge. + +BERNHARD DERNBURG. + +New York, Oct. 4, 1914. + + + + +Dr. Jordan's Reply to Dr. Dernburg + + Daniel Jordan is Assistant Professor of Roman Languages and + Literature at Columbia University. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +President Eliot is as fair a judge of the present European situation as +can be found anywhere, and is well qualified to explain the almost +unanimous attitude of thoughtful Americans in regard to Germany. Dr. +Dernburg, on the other hand, has been officially sent from Germany to +expound the German official version; both his point of view and his +treatment of facts are essentially un-American. + +He says: "Americans object to the extension of territory by force. +Germany has never done that." Apparently he believes that the Poles +asked Prussia to become her subjects. The facts are that they have +fought and begged for autonomy for nearly 150 years, and that at the +present time high German officials are members of the Anti-Polish +League. + +Dr. Dernburg, when he comes to Schleswig-Holstein, states that 30,000 +Danes south of the Eider River (this is in Holstein) have been absorbed +against their will, "a thing that can never be avoided, and that has +sometimes given Prussia a little trouble." But what about the Danes +north of the Eider River? Schleswig and Holstein are really two +provinces. Holstein is German, but the northern part of Schleswig, north +of Fiensburg, is inhabited by Danes who are longing to join Denmark and +who number about 200,000. Article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, signed on +Aug. 23, 1866, after Sadowa, between Prussia and Austria, states that +the inhabitants of Northern Schleswig shall be given a chance to join +Denmark, "if they should so express the desire by a free vote." Prussia +has not respected this solemn promise any more than former promises +concerning Schleswig. The frequently renewed protests of the annexed +Danes have remained unanswered. The best proof that Prussia's title to +Danish Schleswig was not considered as very substantial is that in +October, 1878, Prussia finally obtained from Austria the annulment of +Article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, which dealt with the taking of a +plébiscite in Danish Schleswig. + +To decide the fate of a province without consulting the inhabitants +seems perfectly natural to German Kultur, but to Americans it is not; +the days of slavery have gone, and wherever slavery still exists it is +time to make a change. + +As to Alsace-Lorraine, says Dr. Dernburg, "the facts are known that it +had belonged to Germany until it was taken by Louis XIV., against the +will of the people, and that it was returned to Germany as a matter of +right." Such an argument is mediaeval, and it might just as well be +argued that Germany should now belong to France, because Germany was +once conquered, civilized, and organized by inhabitants of France, led +by their Frankish King. And it is not sure that in 1648 Alsace was not +glad to become French, because Louis XIV., by the Treaty of Westphalia, +then granted perfect religious freedom to the Alsatians, who unlike +their neighbors, lived ever since without fear of religious +persecutions. Lorraine itself was not annexed by Louis XIV., nor by +force, as it was peacefully united to France at the death of Stanislas, +father of the Queen of France, Marie-Lesinzka. As for the inhabitants of +Metz, they were considered long ago as French. Metz was annexed to +France in 1552, with the full consent of the then allies of the French +King, Henri II., the German Princes, who recognized by the Treaty of +Cateau-Cambresis, (1559,) that Metz, Toul, and Verdun were French +cities, and could not be considered as a part of the German +Confederation. So there were at one time German Princes who accepted +the dogma of the consent of the governed! + +Attacking the record of England in order to defend the record of +Germany, as Dr. Dernburg does, is no justification for the necessary +German aggression of today. Even granting that the English record is +poor, which is a matter open to discussion, two wrongs would not make +things right. + +Dr. Dernburg also compares the policy of aggrandizement of Germany in +Schleswig, Alsace, &c., with that of other countries in Morocco, +Tripoli, &c. Even school children know that two things which are +entirely unlike must not be compared. Northern Africa had too long been +a den of pirates and brigands, and Latin Europe has rendered an immense +service to the world in establishing order there. Algeria has been +conquered in the same way as Morocco is now being conquered, and her +natives enjoy more genuine liberty than they ever did before; they are +even willing to fight as volunteers for the country they consider now as +their own. Neither Danish Schleswig nor Alsace-Lorraine, which were as +civilized as any other European country when they were last annexed, can +be compared to Morocco any more than to the Philippines. So this +comparison made by Dr. Dernburg also falls to pieces. + +The case of the German point of view is not entirely without hope. In +THE TIMES of Oct. 5 Dr. Dernburg approves the annexation of Holstein +because the Germans of Holstein wanted to belong to Germany. This is a +sound conclusion, and Dr. Dernburg will doubtless acknowledge +later--better late than never--that the Alsatians and the Danish of +Schleswig should have had their say, just like the Germans of Holstein. +It cannot be possible that to him the wish of the inhabitants of a +province is the voice of God when it suits Germany and the voice of the +devil when it suits somebody else. + +DANIEL JORDAN. + +Columbia University, Nov. 6, 1914. + + + + +Dr. Irene Sargent's Reply to Dr. Dernburg + + Professor of the History of Fine Arts, Syracuse University. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Contradicting Dr. Eliot, Dr. Bernhard Dernburg says: + + Schleswig-Holstein was a dual Dukedom that never belonged to + Denmark; but, having as its Duke the King of Denmark, as long + as he belonged to the elder line of the house of Oldenburg ... + Frederick VII. wanted to incorporate the two German Dukedoms + into Denmark.... Then the people stood up and expressed the + desire to remain with the German Federation. + +Such an assertion is a summary, inaccurate, and unfair manner of dealing +with perhaps the most complex series of diplomatic, legal, and racial +questions that arose in the nineteenth century. It would appear from the +best evidence that Schleswig was indissolubly united with the Crown of +Denmark. To maintain this principle Christian VIII. in 1846 issued +letters patent declaring that the royal line of succession (female) was +in full force, as far as Schleswig was concerned. As to Holstein, the +King stated that he was prevented from giving an equally clear decision, +and the reason of his hesitation lay in the assumption that the law of +the Salic Saxons excluding women from the throne would naturally prevail +in Holstein, where the Germans, their customs, and their language were +dominant. Two years later, Prussia sought to restore her prestige, lost +in the Revolution of 1848, by sending troops into the Duchies in order +to enforce the principle that this territory constituted two independent +and indivisible States, the government of which was hereditary in the +male line alone. The Prussian troops were afterward withdrawn by the +hesitating Frederic William, and there followed a succession of +protocols, constitutions, and compacts until the time of Bismarck, who, +in his "Reflections," Volume II., Page 10, in writing of the Duchies, +acknowledges: + +"From the beginning I kept annexation steadily before my eyes." + +The master of statecraft conquered. But did the people "stand up and +express their desire to remain with the German Federation," as Dr. +Dernburg asserts? + +If his assertion be true, why were the Danish "optants" subjected to +domiciliary visits, perquisitions, arrest, and expulsion? And why--only +to mention one instance of espionage--did the Prussian police confiscate +the issue of a Danish newspaper published in Schleswig because it +contained a reference to that Duchy under its historic name of South +Jutland? + +The truth stands that the whole Schleswig-Holstein question is one that +involves the modern principle of "nationality," and, as such, enters of +necessity into the present European crisis. It is broadly understood by +Dr. Eliot and willfully misapprehended by his critic. + +Passing on to consider Alsace-Lorraine, Dr. Dernburg declares that "it +had belonged to Germany until it was taken, against the will of the +people, under Louis XIV." + +In this statement, as in the treatment of the previous question, facts +are mutilated and wrong impressions are given. Alsace, it is well known, +was included within the confines of ancient Gaul, its original +population was Celtic, and it passed, late in the fifth Christian +century, under the rule of the Franks, one of whose chieftains, Clovis, +became the founder of the first French monarchy. In dealing with its +later history Dr. Dernburg confuses the Holy Roman (Germanic) Empire +with Germany, considered in its modern sense. He appears to forget that +the reign of Louis XIV. was an age of absolutism and not of plébiscites. + +He also ignores that the most strenuous efforts on the part of Germany +to strangle the French nationality and language in the imperial +territory (Alsace-Lorraine) have proved useless, although they have been +exerted constantly for almost a half century. + +IRENE SARGENT. + +Professor of the History of Fine Arts. + +Syracuse University, Nov. 3, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S FOURTH LETTER. + +Germany and World Empire + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Each one of the principal combatants in Europe seems to be anxious to +prove that it is not responsible for this cruelest, most extensive, and +most destructive of all wars. Each Government involved has published the +correspondence between its Chief Executive and other Chief Executives, +and between its Chancellery or Foreign Office and the equivalent bodies +in the other nations that have gone to war, and has been at pains to +give a wide circulation to these documents. To be sure, none of these +Government publications seems to be absolutely complete. There seems to +be in all of them suppressions or omissions which only the future +historian will be able to report--perhaps after many years. They reveal, +however, the dilapidated state of the Concert of Europe in July, 1914, +and the flurry in the European Chancelleries which the ultimatum sent by +Austria-Hungary to Servia produced. They also testify to the existence +of a new and influential public opinion, about war and peace, to which +nations that go to war think it desirable to appeal for justification or +moral support. + +These publications have been read with intense interest by impartial +observers in all parts of the world, and have in many cases determined +the direction of the readers' sympathy and good will; and yet none of +them discloses or deals with the real sources of the unprecedented +calamity. They relate chiefly to the question who struck the match, and +not to the questions who provided the magazine that exploded, and why +did he provide it. Grave responsibility, of course, attaches to the +person who gives the order to mobilize a national army or to invade a +neighbor's territory; but the real source of the resulting horrors is +not in such an order, but in the Governmental institutions, political +philosophy, and long-nurtured passions and purposes of the nation or +nations concerned. + + +German Desire for World Empire. + +The prime source of the present immense disaster in Europe is the desire +on the part of Germany for world empire, a desire which one European +nation after another has made its supreme motive, and none that has once +adopted it has ever completely eradicated. Germany arrived late at this +desire, being prevented until 1870 from indulging it, because of her +lack of unity, or rather because of being divided since the Thirty +Years' War into a large number of separate, more or less independent, +States. When this disease, which has attacked one nation after another +through all historic times, struck Germany it exhibited in her case a +remarkable malignity, moving her to expansion in Europe by force of +arms, and to the seizure of areas for colonization in many parts of the +world. Prussia, indeed, had long believed in making her way in Europe by +fighting, and had repeatedly acted on that belief. Shortly before the +achievement of German unity by Bismarck she had obtained by war in 1864 +and 1866 important accessions of territory and leadership in all +Germany. + +With this desire for world empire went the belief that it was only to +be obtained by force of arms. Therefore, united Germany has labored with +utmost intelligence and energy to prepare the most powerful army in the +world, and to equip it for instant action in the most perfect manner +which science and eager invasion could contrive. To develop this supreme +military machine universal conscription--an outgrowth of the conception +of the citizens' army of France during the Revolution--was necessary; so +that every young man in Germany physically competent to bear arms might +receive the training of a soldier, whether he wished it or not, and +remain at the call of the Government for military duty during all his +years of competency, even if he were the only son of a widow, or a +widower with little children, or the sole support of a family or other +dependents. In order to the completeness of this military ideal the army +became the nation and the nation became the army to a degree which had +never before been realized in either the savage or the civilized world. +This army could be summoned and put in play by the Chief Executive of +the German Nation with no preliminaries except the consent of the +hereditary heads of the several States which united to form the empire +in 1870-71 under the domination of Prussia, the Prussian King, become +German Emperor, being Commander in Chief of the German Army. At the word +of the Emperor this army can be summoned, collected, clothed, equipped +and armed, and set in motion toward any frontier in a day. The German +Army was thus made the largest in proportion to population, the best +equipped, and the most mobile in the world. The German General Staff +studied incessantly and thoroughly plans for campaigns against all the +other principal States of Europe, and promptly utilized--secretly, +whenever secrecy was possible--all promising inventions in explosives, +ordnance, munitions, transportation, and sanitation. At the opening of +1914 the General Staff believed that the German Army was ready for war +on the instant, and that it possessed some significant advantages in +fighting--such as better implements and better discipline--over the +armies of the neighboring nations. The army could do its part toward the +attainment of world empire. It would prove invincible. + + +A Great German Navy. + +The intense desire for colonies, and for the spread of German commerce +throughout the world, instigated the creation of a great German navy, +and started the race with England in navy building. The increase of +German wealth, and the rapid development of manufactures and commercial +sea power after 1870-71, made it possible for the empire to devote +immense sums of money to the quick construction of a powerful navy, in +which the experience and skill of all other shipbuilding nations would +be appropriated and improved on. In thus pushing her colonization and +sea-power policy Germany encountered the wide domination of Great +Britain on the oceans; and this encounter bred jealousy, suspicion, and +distrust on both sides. That Germany should have been belated in the +quest for foreign possessions was annoying; but that England and France +should have acquired early ample and rich territories on other +continents, and then should resist or obstruct Germany when she aspired +to make up for lost time, was intensely exasperating. Hence chronic +resentments, and--when the day came--probably war. In respect to its +navy, however, Germany was not ready for war at the opening of 1914; +and, therefore, she did not mean to get into war with Great Britain in +that year. Indeed, she believed--on incorrect information--that England +could not go to war in the Summer of 1914. Neither the Government nor +the educated class in Germany comprehends the peculiar features of party +government as it exists in England, France, and the United States; and, +therefore, the German leaders were surprised and grievously disappointed +at the sudden popular determination of Great Britain and Ireland to lay +aside party strife and take strenuous part in the general European +conflict. + +The complete preparation of the German Army for sudden war, the +authority to make war always ready in the hands of the German Emperor, +and the thorough studies of the German Staff into the most advantageous +plans of campaign against every neighbor, conspired to develop a new +doctrine of "military necessity" as the all-sufficient excuse for +disregarding and violating the contracts or agreements into which +Prussia or the new Germany had entered with other nations. To gain +quickly a military advantage in attacking a neighbor came to be regarded +as proper ground for violating any or all international treaties and +agreements, no matter how solemn and comprehensive, how old or how new. +The demonstration of the insignificance or worthlessness of +international agreements in German thought and practice was given in the +first days of the war by the invasion of Belgium, and has been continued +ever since by violation on the part of Germany of numerous agreements +concerning the conduct of war into which Germany entered with many other +nations at the Second Hague Conference. + + +Sanctity of National Contracts. + +This German view of the worthlessness of international agreements was +not a cause of the present war, because it was not fully evident to +Europe, although familiar and of long standing in Germany; but it is a +potent reason for the continuance of the war by the Allies until Germany +is defeated; because it is plain to all the nations of the world, except +Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey at the moment, that the hopes of +mankind for the gradual development of international order and peace +rest on the sanctity of contracts between nations, and on the +development of adequate sanctions in the administration of international +law. The new doctrine of military necessity affronts all law and is +completely and hopelessly barbarous. + +World empire now, as always, is to be won by force--that is, by conquest +and holding possession. So Assyria, Israel, Macedonia, Athens, Rome, +Islam, England, and France have successively believed and tried to +accomplish in practice. United Germany has for forty years been putting +into practice, at home and abroad, the doctrine of force as the source +of all personal and national greatness and all worthy human +achievements. In the support of this doctrine, educated Germany has +developed and accepted the religion of valor and the dogma that might +makes right. In so doing it has rejected with scorn the Christian +teachings concerning humility and meekness, justice and mercy, +brotherhood and love. The objects of its adoration have become Strength, +Courage, and ruthless Will-power; let the weak perish and help them to +perish; let the gentle, meek, and humble submit to the harsh and proud; +let the shiftless and incapable die; the world is for the strong, and +the strongest shall be ruler. This is a religion capable of inspiring +its followers with zeal and sustained enthusiasm in promoting the +national welfare at whatever cost to the individual of life, liberty, or +happiness, and also of lending a religious sanction to the extremes of +cruelty, greed, and hate. It were incredible that educated people who +have been brought up within earshot of Christian ethics and within sight +of gentle men and women should all be content with the religion-of-valor +plan. Accordingly, the finer German spirits have invented a supplement +to that Stone Age religion. They have set up for worship a mystical +conception of the State as a majestic and beneficent entity which +embraces all the noble activities of the nation and guides it to its +best achievements. To this ideal State every German owes duty, +obedience, and complete devotion. The trouble with this supplement to +the religion of valor is that it dwells too much on submission, +self-sacrifice, and discipline, and not enough on individual liberty and +self-control in liberty. Accordingly, when the valiant men got control +of the Government and carried the nation into a ferocious war, they +swept away with them all the devotees of this romantic and spiritual +State. The modern German is always a controlled, directed, and drilled +person, who aspires to control and discipline his inferiors; and in his +view pretty much all mankind are his inferiors. He is not a freeman in +the French, English, or American sense; and he prefers not to be. + + +What German Domination Would Mean. + +The present war is the inevitable result of lust of empire, autocratic +government, sudden wealth, and the religion of valor. What German +domination would mean to any that should resist it the experience of +Belgium and Northern France during the past three months aptly +demonstrates. The civilized world can now see where the new German +morality--be efficient, be virile, be hard, be bloody, be rulers--would +land it. To maintain that the power which has adopted in practice that +new morality, and in accordance with its precepts promised Austria its +support against Servia and invaded Belgium and France in hot haste, is +not the responsible author of the European war, is to throw away memory, +reason, and common sense in judging the human agencies in current +events. + +The real cause of the war is this gradually developed barbaric state of +the German mind and will. All other causes--such as the assassination of +the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, the sympathy of Russia with +the Balkan States, the French desire for the recovery of +Alsace-Lorraine, and Great Britain's jealousy of German +aggrandizement--are secondary and incidental causes, contributory, +indeed, but not primary and fundamental. If any one ask who brought the +ruling class in Germany to this barbaric frame of mind, the answer must +be Bismarck, Moltke, Treitschke, Nietzsche, Bernhardi, the German +Emperor, their like, their disciples, and the military caste. + + +Germany Never Dreaded Russia. + +Many German apologists for the war attribute it to German fear of +Russia. They say that, although Germany committed the first actual +aggression by invading Belgium and Luxemburg on the way to attack France +with the utmost speed and fierceness, the war is really a war of +defense against Russia, which might desirably pass over, after France +has been crushed, into a war against Great Britain, that perfidious and +insolent obstacle to Germany's world empire. The answer to this +explanation is that, as a matter of fact, Germany has never dreaded, or +even respected, the military strength of Russia, and that the recent +wars and threatenings of war by Germany have not been directed against +Russia, but against Denmark, Austria, France, and England. In her +colonization enterprises it is not Russia that Germany has encountered, +but England, France, and the United States. The friendly advances made +within the last twenty years by Germany to Turkey were not intended +primarily to strengthen Germany against Russia, but Germany against +Great Britain through access by land to British India. In short, +Germany's policies, at home and abroad, during the last forty years have +been inspired not by fear of Russia, or of any other invader, but by its +own aggressive ambition for world empire. In the present war it thinks +it has staked its all on "empire or downfall." + + +Germany Should Be Defeated. + +Those nations which value public liberty and believe that the primary +object of Government is to promote the general welfare by measures and +policies founded on justice, good-will, and respect for the freedom of +the individual cannot but hope that Germany will be completely defeated +in its present undertakings; but they do not believe that Germany is +compelled to choose between a life of domination in Europe and the world +and national death. They wish that all her humane culture and her genius +for patient and exact research may survive this hideous war and guide +another Germany to great achievements for humanity. + +If the causes of the present immense catastrophe have been have +correctly stated, the desirable outcomes of the war are, no world empire +for any race or nation, no more "subjects," no Executives, either +permanent or temporary, with power to throw their fellow-countrymen +into war, no secret diplomacy justifying the use for a profit of all the +lies, concealments, deceptions, and ambuscades which are an inevitable +part of war and assuming to commit nations on international questions, +and no conscription armies that can be launched in war by Executives +without consulting independent representative assemblies. There should +come out from this supreme convulsion, a federated Europe, or a league +of the freer nations, which should secure the smaller States against +attack, prevent the larger from attempting domination, make sure that +treaties and other international contracts shall be public and be +respected until modified by mutual consent, and provide a safe basis for +the limitation and reduction of armaments on land and sea, no basis to +be considered safe which could fail to secure the liberties of each and +all the federated States against the attacks of any outsider or +faithless member. No one can see at present how such a consummation is +to be brought about, but any one can see already that this consummation +is the only one which can satisfy the lovers of liberty under law, and +the believers in the progress of mankind through loving service each to +all and all to each. + +Extreme pacificists shrink from fighting evil with evil, hell with +hell, and advise submission to outrage, or at least taking the risk of +being forced into resigned submission. The believers in the religion of +valor, on the other hand, proclaim that war is a good thing in itself, +that it develops the best human virtues, invigorates a nation become +flaccid through ease and luxury, and puts in command the strong, +dominating spirit of a valid nation or race. What is the just mean +between these two extremes? Is it not that war is always a hideous and +hateful evil, but that a nation may sometimes find it to be the least of +two evils between which it has to choose? The justifiable and indeed +necessary war is the war against the ravager and destroyer, the enemy of +liberty, the claimant of world empire. More and more the thinkers of the +world see, and the common people more and more believe instinctively, +that the cause of righteous liberty is the cause of civilization. In the +conference which will one day meet to settle the terms of peace, and +therefore the future conditions of life in Europe, the example of the +American Republic in regard to armaments and war, the publicity of +treaties, and public liberty, security and prosperity may reasonably +have some influence. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Cambridge, Mass., Nov. 14, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S FIFTH LETTER. + +A Hopeful Road to Lasting Peace + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The great war has now been going on long enough to enable mankind to +form approximately correct views about its vast extent and scale of +operations, its sudden interference with commerce and all other helpful +international intercourse, its unprecedented wrecking of family +happiness and continuity, its wiping out, as it proceeds, of the +accumulated savings of many former generations in structures, objects of +art, and industrial capital, and the huge burdens it is likely to impose +on twentieth century Europe. From all these points of view, it is +evidently the most horrible calamity that has ever befallen the human +race and the most crucial trial to which civilization has been exposed. +It is, and is to be, the gigantic struggle of these times between the +forces which make for liberty and righteousness and those which make +for the subjection of the individual man, the exaltation of the State, +and the enthronement of physical force directed by a ruthless collective +will. It threatens a sweeping betrayal of the best hopes of mankind. + +Each of the nations involved, horrified at the immensity of the +disaster, maintains that it is not responsible for the war; and each +Government has issued a statement to prove that some other Government is +responsible for the outbreak. This discussion, however, relates almost +entirely to actions by monarchs and Cabinets between July 23 and Aug. +4--a short period of hurried messages between the Chancelleries of +Europe--actions which only prove that the monarchs and Ministers for +Foreign Affairs could not, or at least did not, prevent the +long-prepared general war from breaking out. The assassination of the +Archduke and Duchess of Hohenberg on the 28th of June was in no proper +sense a cause of the war, except as it was one of the consequences of +the persistent aggressions of Austria-Hungary against her southeastern +neighbors. Neither was Russian mobilization in four military districts +on July 29 a cause of the war; for that was only an external +manifestation of the Russian state of mind toward the Balkan peoples, a +state of mind well known to all publicists ever since the Treaty of +Berlin in 1878. No more was the invasion of Belgium by the German Army +on Aug. 4 a true cause of the war, or even the cause, as distinguished +from the occasion, of Great Britain's becoming involved in it. By that +action Germany was only taking the first step in carrying out a +long-cherished purpose and in executing a judicious plan of campaign +prepared for many years in advance. The artificial panic in Germany +about its exposed position between two powerful enemies, France and +Russia, was not a genuine cause of the war; for the General Staff knew +they had crushed France once, and were confident they could do it again +in a month. As to Russia, it was, in their view, a huge nation, but +very clumsy and dull in war. + +The real causes of the war are all of many years' standing; and all the +nations now involved in the fearful catastrophe have contributed to the +development of one or more of these effective causes. The fundamental +causes are: (1) The maintenance of monarchical Governments, each +sanctioned and supported by the national religion, and each furnished +with a Cabinet selected by the monarch--Governments which can make war +without any previous consultation of the peoples through their elected +representatives; (2) the constant maintenance of conscript armies, +through which the entire able-bodied male population is trained in youth +for service in the army or navy, and remains subject to the instant call +of the Government till late in life, the officering of these permanent +armies involving the creation of a large military class likely to become +powerful in political, industrial, and social administration; (3) the +creation of a strong, permanent bureaucracy within each nation for the +management of both foreign and domestic affairs, much of whose work is +kept secret from the public at large; and, finally, (4) the habitual use +of military and naval forces to acquire new territories, contiguous or +detached, without regard to the wishes of the people annexed or +controlled. This last cause of the war is the most potent of the four, +since it is strong in itself, and is apt to include one or more of the +other three. It is the gratification of the lust for world empire. + +Of all the nations taking part in the present war, Great Britain is the +only one which does not maintain a conscript army; but, on the other +hand, Great Britain is the earliest modern claimant of world empire by +force, with the single exception of Spain, which long since abandoned +that quest. Every one of these nations except little Servia has yielded +to the lust for empire. Every one has permitted its monarch or its +Cabinet to carry on secret negotiations liable at any time to commit the +nation to war, or to fail in maintaining the peace of Europe or of the +Near East. In the crowded diplomatic events of last July, no phenomenon +is more striking than the exhibition of the power which the British +people confide to the hands of their Foreign Secretary. In the interests +of public liberty and public welfare no official should possess such +powers as Sir Edward Grey used admirably--though in vain--last July. In +all three of the empires engaged in the war there has long existed a +large military caste which exerts a strong influence on the Government +and its policies, and on the daily life of the people. + +These being the real causes of the terrific convulsion now going on in +Europe, it cannot be questioned that the nation in which these complex +causes have taken strongest and most complete effect during the last +fifty years is Germany. Her form of government has been imperialistic +and autocratic in the highest degree. She has developed with great +intelligence and assiduity the most formidable conscript army in the +world, and the most influential and insolent military caste. Three times +since 1864 she has waged war in Europe, and each time she has added to +her territory without regard to the wishes of the annexed population. +For twenty-five years she has exhibited a keen desire to obtain colonial +possessions; and since 1896 she has been aggressive in this field. In +her schools and universities the children and youth have been taught for +generations that Germany is surrounded by hostile peoples, that her +expansion in Europe and in other continents is resisted by jealous +powers which started earlier in the race for foreign possessions, and +that the salvation of Germany has depended from the first, and will +depend till the last, on the efficiency of her army and navy and the +warlike spirit of her people. This instruction, given year after year by +teachers, publicists, and rulers, was first generally accepted in +Prussia, but now seems to be accepted by the entire empire as unified in +1871. + +The attention of the civilized world was first called to this state of +the German mind and will by the triumphant policies of Bismarck; but +during the reign of the present Emperor the external aggressiveness of +Germany and her passion for world empire have grown to much more +formidable proportions. Although the German Emperor has sometimes played +the part of a peacemaker, he has habitually acted the war lord in both +speech and bearing, and has supported the military caste whenever it has +been assailed. He is by inheritance, conviction, and practice a +Divine-right sovereign whose throne rests on an "invincible" army, an +army conterminous with the nation. In the present tremendous struggle he +carries his subjects with him in a rushing torrent of self-sacrificing +patriotism. Mass fanaticism and infectious enthusiasm seem to have +deprived the leading class in Germany, for the moment, of all power to +see, reason, and judge correctly--no new phenomenon in the world, but +instructive in this case because it points to the grave defect in German +education--the lack of liberty and, therefore, practice in self-control. + +The twentieth century educated German is, however, by no means given +over completely to material and physical aggrandizement and the worship +of might. He cherishes a partly new conception of the State as a +collective entity whose function is to develop and multiply, not the +free, healthy, and happy individual man and woman, but higher and more +effective types of humanity, made superior by a strenuous discipline +which takes much account of the strong and ambitious, and little of the +weak or meek. He rejects the ethics of the Beatitudes as unsound, but +accepts the religion of valor, which exalts strength, courage, +endurance, and the ready sacrifice by the individual of liberty, +happiness, and life itself for Germany's honor and greatness. A nation +of 60,000,000 holding these philosophical and religious views, and +proposing to act on them in winning by force the empire of the world, +threatens civilization with more formidable irruptions of a destroying +host than any that history has recorded. The rush of the German Army +into Belgium, France, and Russia and its consequences to those lands +have taught the rest of Europe to dread German domination, and--it is to +be hoped--to make it impossible. + +The real cause of the present convulsion is, then, the state of mind or +temper of Germany, including her conception of national greatness, her +theory of the State, and her intelligent and skillful use of all the +forces of nineteenth century applied science for the destructive +purposes of war. It is, therefore, apparent that Europe can escape from +the domination of Germany only by defeating her in her present +undertakings; and that this defeat can be brought about only by using +against her the same effective agencies of destruction and the same +martial spirit on which Germany itself relies. Horrible as are the +murderous and devastating effects of this war, there can be no lasting +peace until Europe as a whole is ready to make some serious and +far-reaching decisions in regard to Governmental structures and powers. +In all probability the sufferings and losses of this widespread war must +go further and cut deeper before Europe can be brought to the decisions +which alone can give securities for lasting peace against Germany on the +one hand and Russia on the other, or to either of these nations, or can +give security for the future to any of the smaller nations of +Continental Europe. There can, indeed, be no security for future peace +in Europe until every European nation recognizes the fact that there is +to be no such thing in the world as one dominating nation--no such thing +as world empire for any single nation--Great Britain, Germany, Russia, +Japan, or China. There can be no sense of security against sudden +invasion in Europe so long as all the able-bodied men are trained to be +soldiers and the best possible armies are kept constantly ready for +instant use. There can be no secure peace in Europe until a federation +of the European States is established, capable of making public +contracts intended to be kept, and backed by an overwhelming +international force subject to the orders of an international tribunal. +The present convulsion demonstrates the impotence toward permanent +peace of secret negotiations, of unpublished agreements, of treaties and +covenants that can be broken on grounds of military necessity, of +international law if without sanctions, of pious wishes, of economic and +biological predictions, and of public opinion unless expressed through a +firm international agreement, behind which stands an international +force. When that international force has been firmly established it will +be time to consider what proportionate reductions in national armaments +can be prudently recommended. Until that glorious day dawns, no patriot +and no lover of his kind can wisely advocate either peace in Europe or +any reduction of armaments. + +The hate-breeding and worse than brutal cruelties and devastations of +the war, with their inevitable moral and physical degradations, ought to +shock mankind into attempting a great step forward. Europe and America +should undertake to exterminate the real causes of the catastrophe. In +studying that problem the coming European conference can profit by the +experience of the three prosperous and valid countries in which public +liberty and the principle of federation have been most successfully +developed--Switzerland, Great Britain, and the United States. +Switzerland is a democratic federation which unites in a firm federal +bond three different racial stocks speaking three unlike languages, and +divided locally and irregularly between the Catholic Church and the +Protestant. The so-called British Empire tends strongly to become a +federation; and the methods of Government both in Great Britain itself +and in its affiliated Commonwealths are becoming more and more +democratic in substance. The war has brought this fact out in high +relief. As to the United States, it is a strong federation of +forty-eight heterogeneous States which has been proving for a hundred +years that freedom and democracy are safer and happier for mankind than +subjection to any sort of autocracy, and affords far the best training +for national character and national efficiency. Republican France has +not yet had time to give this demonstration, being incumbered with many +survivals of the Bourbon and Napoleonic régimes, and being forced to +maintain a conscript army. + +It is an encouraging fact that every one of the political or +Governmental changes needed is already illustrated in the practice of +one or more of the civilized nations. To exaggerate the necessary +changes is to postpone or prevent a satisfactory outcome from the +present calculated destructions and wrongs and the accompanying moral +and religious chaos. Ardent proposals to remake the map of Europe, +reconstruct European society, substitute republics for empires, and +abolish armaments are in fact obstructing the road toward peace and +good-will among men. That road is hard at best. + +The immediate duty of the United States is presumably to prepare, on the +basis of its present army and navy, to furnish an effective quota of the +international force, servant of an international tribunal, which will +make the ultimate issue of this most abominable of wars not a truce, but +a durable peace. + +In the meantime the American peoples cry with one voice to the German +people, like Ezekiel to the House of Israel: "Turn ye, turn ye from your +evil ways; for why will ye die?" + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Cambridge, Mass., Dec. 8, 1914. + + + + +THE LORD OF HOSTS. + +By JOSEPH B. GILDER. + + +"He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh." + + The warring hosts that gather + To ravage, burn, and slay, + Turn first to that dread Father + To whom the nations pray: + + "O God, our hearts Thou knowest, + Our minds Thou readest clear; + Where we go, there Thou goest-- + With Thee we have no fear. + + "The folk that harm and hate us-- + Thy enemies, O Lord-- + Thou knowest how they bait us: + Make brittle their strong sword! + + "Against the foe that goaded + We heed Thy call to fight: + Our guns are primed and loaded, + Our swords, how keen and bright! + + "Make strong our hearts to serve Thee, + Uphold our lifted hands; + Let no petition swerve Thee + To succor alien bands. + + "So shall we burn and slaughter, + Spread desolation wide, + If still, by land and water, + Thou fightest on our side." + + The Lord of Hosts had listened-- + Had heard the rivals' prayer, + Upraised where bayonets glistened + And banners dyed the air; + + And as His people waited + An answer to their cry, + Two bolts with lightning freighted + Flashed from the angry sky. + + To left, to right they darted, + Impartially they fell: + The hosts in terror started + As they envisaged hell. + + For wide their ranks were riven, + Night blotted out the sky, + As prostrate, dazed or driven, + They caught their God's reply. + + Then, as the blinding levin's + Twin bolts were buried deep, + Who dwelleth in the heavens + Was heard to laugh--and weep! + + + + +A War of Dishonor + +By David Starr Jordan. + + Late President of Leland Stanford Junior University, now its + Chancellor; Chief Director of the World Peace Foundation since + 1910. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +In this war what of right and what of wrong? Not much of right, perhaps, +and very much of wrong. But there are degrees in wrong, and sometimes, +by comparison, wrong becomes almost right. + +The armed peace, the peace of guns and dreadnoughts and sabre rattlers, +has come to its predestined end. Its armaments were made for war. Its +war makers and war traders, the Pan-Germanists in the lead, have done +their worst for the last nine years. They have been foiled time after +time, but they have their way at last. Their last and most fatal weapon +was the ultimatum. If Servia had not given them their chance they would +have found their pretext somewhere else. When a nation or a continent +prepares for war it will get it soon or later. To prepare for war is to +breed a host of men who have no other business, and another host who +find their profits in blood. + +When the war began it had very little meaning. It was the third Balkan +war, brought on, as the others were, by intrigues of rival despotisms. +The peoples of Europe do not hate each other. The springs of war come +from a few men impelled by greed and glory. Diplomacy in Europe has been +for years the cover for robbery in Asia or Africa. Of all the nations +concerned not one had any wish to fight, and Belgium alone could fight +with clean hands. + +And this fact gave the war its meaning. The invasion of Belgium changed +the whole face of affairs. As by a lightning flash the issue was made +plain: the issue of the sacredness of law; the rule of the soldier or +the rule of the citizen; the rule of fear or the rule of law. Germany +stands for army rule. This was made clear when, a year ago, she passed +under the yoke at Zabern. However devious her diplomacy in the past, +Britain stands today for the rule of law. The British soldier is the +servant of the British people, not their master. + +The highest conception of human relations is embodied in the word law. +Law is the framework of civilization. Law is the condition of security, +happiness, and progress. War is the denial of all law. It makes scrap +paper of all the solemn agreements men and nations have established for +their mutual good. + +The rape of Belgium made scrap paper of international law. The sowing of +mines in the fairways of commerce made scrap paper of the rights of +neutral nations. The torture of the Belgian people made scrap paper of +the rights of non-combatants. + +War may be never righteous, but it is sometimes honorable. In honorable +war armies fight against armies, never against private citizens. If +armies give no needless provocation, they will receive none. The sacking +of Malines, Aerschot, Dinant--these are not acts of honorable war. The +wreck of Louvain, historic Louvain, the venerable centre for 500 years +of Catholic erudition, at the hands of blood-drunk soldiers was an act +of dishonorable war. It marks a stain on the record of Germany which the +ages will not efface. + +"A needed example," say the apologists for this crime. The Duke of Alva +gave the same "needed example" to these same people in his day. For +centuries the words "Spanish blood" struck terror into peoples' hearts +throughout the Netherlands. For centuries to come the word Prussian will +take its hated place. + +The good people of Germany do not burn universities. Neither do they +make war for war's sake. They are helpless in the hands of a monster of +their own creation. The affair at Zabern a year ago testifies to their +complete subjugation. All the virtues are left to them, save only the +love of freedom. This the mailed fist has taken away. + +The Germany of today is an anachronism. Her scientific ideals are of the +twentieth century. Her political ideals hark back to the sixteenth. Her +rulers have made her the most superb fighting machine in a world which +is soul-weary of fighting. For a nation in shining armor the civilized +World has no place. It will not worship them, it will not obey them. It +will not respect those who either worship or obey. It finds no people +good enough to rule other people against their will. + +A great nation which its own people do not control is a nation without a +Government. It is a derelict on the international sea. It is a danger to +its neighbors, a greater danger to itself. Of all the many issues, good +or bad, which may come from this war, none is more important than this, +that the German people should take possession of Germany. + +DAVID STARR JORDAN. + +Berkeley, Cal., Sept. 19, 1914. + + + + +Might or Right + +By John Grier Hibben. + + President of Princeton University; author of works on logic + and philosophy. + + +_The address printed below was delivered by President Hibben at the +opening of the Laymen's Efficiency Convention in New York City, Oct. 16, +1914._ + +We are all of us sadly conscious of our failure to realize in any +adequate measure the standards of right conduct which we set for +ourselves. Attainment falls far short of purpose and desire. Through +want of courage, or it may be of inclination, or of sheer inertia, we +fail to obey perfectly the law of duty which we recognize as +imperatively binding upon us. There is, however, a more subtle kind of +failure as regards our moral endeavor and achievement which is due to +the unconscious shifting of these standards of right and wrong +themselves. It is not merely that we fail to do that which we know to be +right, but at times the very idea of right itself is strangely altered. +The good insensibly assimilates to itself certain elements of evil which +we allow and accept without full realization of the significance of this +moral alchemy to which the most fundamental of our ideas are often times +subjected. The idea of right no longer stands in its integrity, but is +compromised and even neutralized by conflicting thoughts and sentiments. +The things which at one time held first place in our estimate of life +become secondary. Our attitude toward men, and manners, and affairs +experiences a radical change. This in most cases takes place +unconsciously, or if conscious of it, we refrain from confessing it even +to ourselves. + +There are some, however, who are both frank enough and bold enough to +announce their belief in the radical doctrine which demands a complete +transformation of essential values. For them, good is evil and evil +good, and they seem not ashamed to avow it. The conspicuous German +philosopher of later years, Nietzsche, with a naďve simplicity insists +that the great need of our modern civilization is that which he +designates as "the transvaluation of all values." By this he means the +complete transformation of certain ideas of supreme value into their +direct opposites. He declares, for instance, that the central virtues of +Christianity, such as those of self-sacrifice, pity, mercy, indicate an +inherent weakness of the human race, and that the strong man dissipates +his energies through the offices of kindness and helpfulness. Thus the +law which commands us to bear one another's burdens must be regarded as +obsolete. Every man should be strong enough to bear his own burdens. If +not, he is a drag to the onward progress of humanity, and to assist him +is to do evil and not good. If you help the weak, you so far forth +assist in perpetuating an inferior type of manhood. + + +Nietzsche's "Moralic Acid." + +From this point of view, the definition of religion given in the Old +Testament should be revised, "Do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly +before thy God." In doing justice we must first be just to self; in +loving mercy it must not be at the expense of our own interests and +advantage, and we must not walk so humbly before our God as to give to +the world the appearance of weakness or lack of independence. As +Nietzsche insists, "The man who loves his neighbor as himself must have +an exceedingly poor opinion of himself." If the race is to be perfected, +everything and every person must be sacrificed in order to produce and +preserve the strong man at all hazards. There is a kind of "moralic +acid," as Nietzsche styles it, which is corroding the strength of +humanity in our modern day. We have discoursed too much of character, +too little of power; too much of self-sacrifice and too little of +self-assertion; too much of right, too little of might. Conscience not +only interferes with success, but also prevents the evolution of a +superior type of man, that superman who is not constrained by duty nor +limited by law, living his life "beyond good and evil." + +The serious question which presents itself to our minds at this time is +whether our modern world has not been unconsciously incorporating these +ideas into its living beliefs--that is, those beliefs which reveal +themselves in actual living and doing, in daily purpose, in the +adaptation of means to ends, in the deeds which the world honors, and in +the achievements which it crowns with glory. There are many persons who +would not have the frankness of Nietzsche to say that might makes right, +and that a moral sense is the great obstacle to progress, and that in +"vigorous eras noble civilizations see something contemptible in +sympathy, in brotherly love, in the lack of self-assertion and +self-reliance." Our modern world may not explicitly subscribe to such +doctrines in their extreme and exaggerated expression, but nevertheless +may be unconsciously influenced by them. Our real opinions, however, are +to be tested by our sense of values as revealed by the things which we +crave, which we set our hearts upon, which we strive early and late to +gain, and sacrifice all else in order to secure. Have we not offered our +prayers to the God of might rather than the God of righteousness, to the +God of power rather than the God of justice, the God of mercy and of +love? + +The time has come, in my opinion, for us to take account of the things +which we really believe, and of the God Whom we really worship. If we +have been following false gods, let us honestly endeavor to re-establish +fundamental and essential values, to discover anew what is of supreme +worth and set our faces resolutely toward its realization. The need of +our modern world today is the same as that of the ancient world at the +time of the coming of Christ. His message to the world as indicated by +His teaching, and His life was an arraignment of the ancient régime as +regards three crucial points. + + +The Brotherhood of Man. + +First, the religious and moral beliefs of that age had become purely +formal. There was the letter of conviction, but not the spirit of it. +The creed, the ritual, the ceremony were there, but the life had +departed. And so today our beliefs have lost vitality to a large extent +because we have been content to indulge in formulas oft repeated, which +have ceased to have significance for our thoughts or for our feelings. +We have allowed ourselves to be betrayed by words which are mere sounds +without substance. We have verbalized our beliefs, and have +depotentialed them of vital significance. Take, for instance, the +phrases, "The fatherhood of God" and "The brotherhood of man." They have +been so often upon our lips as to become trite; their real meaning has +disappeared. It is easy to repeat the words, and to be satisfied with +the repetition, and nevertheless remain wholly insensible to their +profound import, and under no compulsion whatsoever to obey their +sublime command. We assent to the formula: but it does not become a +determining factor in our purposes and plans. There is perhaps no age in +the history of the world which has so emphasized the idea of the +brotherhood of man as our own, and never in all history has there been +such a denial of this idea as by the present European war. If the +brotherhood of man had been the living, dominant idea of our +civilization, could this present tragedy of the nations have occurred? +If the world had believed profoundly in the idea of God, would we now be +daily reading of the ghastly scenes where human life is no longer +sacred, where love gives place to hate, where the constructive forces of +the world are superseded by the destructive, and all the passions of +man's brute inheritance are given full play and scope? + +Second--In the teachings of Christ there was a remarkable expansion of +the idea of God. Instead of the tribal God worshipped as the God of +Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, He substituted the idea of God, as the +God of all peoples and all races, the God of the Jew and Gentile, of the +Greek and barbarian, of the bond and the free. It was the great apostle +of the Gentiles who at the centre of Greek civilization announced this +fundamental conception of Christianity to the old world: + + God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on + all the face of the earth. + +This was the sublime idea of the God of a united humanity. The God of +the tribe had given place to the God of the whole world. That conception +was very foreign to the popular religious notions current at the time +of Christ, and it seems still further away from our ideas of the present +day. It is a very narrow and circumscribed view of God to regard Him as +concerned merely for our little insular affairs, to regard Him simply as +a God of the individual or of the home, or even one's nation. He +transcends all these limitations of particular interests and particular +needs. He is not merely our God but the God of all mankind. The children +of Israel called Him the God of battle, the God of hosts, that is, the +one who would give victory to them in their battles, and who would prove +the leader of their hosts. But Christ came to the world in God's name to +universalize this narrow tribal idea of God, proclaiming peace on earth +and good will to men. It was the dawn of a new era, the Christian era. +That light which shone upon the old world is darkened by the cloud +hanging low over Europe at the present time. We cannot think, however, +that it is permanently extinguished. To that light the nations of the +earth must again return. + + +The Area of Moral Obligation. + +Third--Christ gave to the world of His day an enlarged idea of the area +of moral obligation. He insisted most stoutly upon the expansion of the +scope of individual responsibility. This freeing of the idea of duty +from the limitations of race prejudice is a natural corollary to the +idea of the universality of God's relation to the world. Corresponding +to the tribal view of God there is always an accompanying idea of the +restricted obligation of the individual. To care for one's own family or +one's own clan or tribe and present a hostile front to the rest of +mankind has always been the characteristic feature of primitive +morality. It was peculiarly the teaching of Christ which brought to the +world the idea that the area of moral obligation is co-extensive with +the world itself. There are no racial or national lines which can limit +the extent of our responsibility. The world today needs to learn this +lesson anew, and it is evident that it must acquire this knowledge +through bitter and desperate experiences. We must interpret in this +large sense the great moral dictum of the German philosopher, Kant, that +every one in a particular circumstance should act as he would wish all +men to act if similarly circumstanced and conditioned. This is the +complete universalizing of our moral obligations--stripping our sense of +duty of everything that is particular and local and isolated. The +natural tendency of human nature is to particularize our relations to +God and bound our relations to our fellow-men; to narrow our relations +to God so as to embrace only our direst needs, and to circumscribe our +relations to man so as to include in the field of responsibility only +those who are our kin or our own kind. The time has certainly come for +us to take larger views of the world, of man, and of God. + +After the great calamity of this present war is passed there must +necessarily follow a period of reconstruction. It will not be merely the +reconstruction of national resources and international relations, but +it must be also a reconstruction of our fundamental conceptions of man +and of the relation of man to man the world over, and of the relation +also of man to God. We must ask anew the question, Who is our neighbor? +In this great moral enterprise you will naturally play a large and +significant part, for you belong to the class of men who are expected to +have strong and decided opinions in the face of a great world crisis, +and are capable of leading others toward the goal of a regenerated +humanity. To know the right and to maintain it, to fight against the +wrong, to impart courage to the timid, strength to the weak, and hope to +the faint-hearted; to forget self in the service of others and extend a +human sympathy to the ends of the earth, this is your vocation. It is +the call of the world, it is the voice of one calling to you out of a +distant past across the nineteen Christian centuries; it is the "spirit +of the years to come," summoning you to establish the Kingdom of God +upon earth. + + + + +JEANNE D'ARC--1914. + +By ALMA DURANT NICOLSON. + + + Rise from the buried ages, O thou Maid, + Rise from thy glorious ashes, unafraid, + And wheresoe'er thy Brothers need thee most, + Arise again, to lead thy tireless host. + France calls thee as she called in days gone by! + She calls thy spirit where her soldiers die; + She knows thy courage and thy sacrifice, + And wills today to pay the selfsame price, + All-confident that when the work is done, + She shall behold her Honor saved and Victory won. + + God calls thee, Maid, from out the Past-- + The Past of France where thy strange lot was cast-- + And bid'st thee fling about this fearful hour + Thy dauntless Faith, that was thy magic Power. + And Freedom calls, with all-impelling voice, + She calls the Sons of France, and leaves no choice, + No waver and no alternating will; + Where Freedom calls, all other calls are still, + All-confident that when her work is done + Ye shall behold your Country saved and Victory won. + + + + +The Kaiser and Belgium + +By John W. Burgess. + + Dean of the Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, Pure + Science, and the fine Arts at Columbia University; Roosevelt + Professor of American History and Institutions at Friedrich + Wilhelms University, Berlin, 1906-7; Visiting American + Professor to Austrian Universities, 1914-15; Decorated, Order + of Prussian Crown by the German Emperor and Order of the + Albrechts by the King of Saxony. + + +FIRST ARTICLE. + +It is often said by historians that no truly great man is every really +understood by the generation, and in the age, for which he labors. Many +instances of the truth of this statement can be easily cited. Two of the +most flagrant have come within the range of my own personal experience. +The first was the character of Abraham Lincoln as depicted by the +British press of 1860-64 and as conceived by the British public opinion +of that era. Mr. Henry Adams, son and private secretary of Mr. Charles +Francis Adams, our Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain during that +critical era in our history, writes, in that fascinating book of his +entitled "The Education of Henry Adams," + + that "London was altogether beside itself on one point, in + especial; it created a nightmare of its own, and gave it the + shape of Abraham Lincoln. Behind this it placed another demon, + if possible more devilish, and called it Mr. Seward. In regard + to these two men English society seemed demented. Defense was + useless: explanation was vain. One could only let the passion + exhaust itself. One's best friends were as unreasonable as + enemies, for the belief in poor Mr. Lincoln's brutality and + Seward's ferocity became a dogma of popular faith." + +Adams relates further that the last time he saw Thackeray at Christmas +of 1863 they spoke of their mutual friend Mrs. Frank Hampton of South +Carolina, whom Thackeray had portrayed as Ethel Newcome, and who had +recently passed away from life. Thackeray had read in the British papers +that her parents had been prevented by the Federal soldiers from passing +through the lines to see her on her deathbed. Adams writes that + + in speaking of it Thackeray's voice trembled and his eyes + filled with tears. The coarse cruelty of Lincoln and his + hirelings was notorious. He never doubted that the Federals + made a business of harrowing the tenderest feelings of + women--particularly of women--in order to punish their + opponents. On quite insufficient evidence he burst into + reproach. Had he (Adams) carried in his pocket the proofs that + the reproach was unjust he would have gained nothing by + showing them. At that moment Thackeray, and all London society + with him, needed the nervous relief of expressing emotions; + for if Mr. Lincoln was not what they said he was, what were + they? + +Mr. Lincoln sent over our most skillful politician, Thurlow Weed, and +our most able constitutional lawyer, William M. Evarts, and later our +most brilliant orator, Henry Ward Beecher, followed, for the purpose of +bringing the British people to their senses and correcting British +opinion, but all to little purpose. Gettysburg and Vicksburg did far +more toward modifying that opinion than the persuasiveness of Weed, the +logic of Evarts, or the eloquence of Beecher, and it took Chattanooga, +the March to the Sea, and Appomattox to dispel the illusion entirely. + +Today we are laboring under a no less singular illusion than were the +English in 1862. The conception prevailing in England and in this +country concerning the physical, mental, and moral make-up of the German +Emperor is the monumental caricature of biographical literature. I have +had the privilege of his personal acquaintance now for nearly ten years. +I have been brought into contact with him in many different ways and +under many varying conditions, at Court and State functions, at +university ceremonies and celebrations, at his table, and by his +fireside surrounded by his family, when in the midst of his officials, +his men of science, and his personal friends, and, more instructive than +all, alone in the imperial home in Berlin and at Potsdam and in the +castle and forest at Wilhelmshöhe. With all this experience, with all +this opportunity for observation at close range, I am hardly able to +recognize a single characteristic usually attributed to him by the +British and American press of today. + +In the first place, the Emperor is an impressive man physically. He is +not a giant in stature, but a man of medium size, great strength and +endurance, and of agile and graceful movement. He looks every inch a +leader of men. His fine gray-blue eyes are peculiarly fascinating. I saw +him once seated beside his uncle, King Edward VII., and the contrast was +very striking, and greatly in his favor. + +In the second place, the Emperor is an exceedingly intelligent and +highly cultivated man. His mental processes are swift, but they go also +very deep. He is a searching inquirer, and questions and listens more +than he talks. His fund of knowledge is immense and sometimes +astonishing. He manifests interest in everything, even to the smallest +detail, which can have any bearing upon human improvement. I remember a +half hour's conversation with him once over a cupping glass, which he +had gotten from an excavation in the Roman ruin called the Saalburg, +near Homburg. He always appeared to me most deeply concerned with the +arts of peace. I have never heard him speak much of war, and then always +with abhorrence, nor much of military matters, but improved agriculture, +invention, and manufacture, and especially commerce and education in all +their ramifications, were the chief subjects of his thought and +conversation. I have had the privilege of association with many highly +intelligent and profoundly learned men, but I have never acquired as +much knowledge, in the same time, from any man whom I have ever met, as +from the German Emperor. And yet, with all this real superiority of mind +and education, his deference to the opinions of others is remarkable. +Arrogance is one of the qualities most often attributed to him, but he +is the only ruler I ever saw in whom there appeared to be absolutely no +arrogance. He meets you as man meets man and makes you feel that you are +required to yield to nothing but the better reason. + + +A Man of Warm Affections. + +In the third place, the Emperor impressed me as a man of heart, of warm +affections, and of great consideration for the feelings and well-being +of others. He can not, at least does not, conceal his reverence for, and +devotion to, the Empress, or his love for his children, or his +attachment to his friends. He always speaks of Queen Victoria and of the +Empress Friedrich with the greatest veneration, and once when speaking +to me of an old American friend who had turned upon him he said that it +was difficult for him to give up an old friend, right or wrong, and +impossible when he believed him to be in the right. His manifest respect +and affection for his old and tried officials, such as Lucanus and zu +Eulenburg and von Studt and Beseler and Althoff, give strong evidence of +the warmth and depth of his nature. His consideration for Americans, +especially, has always been remarkable. It was at his suggestion that +the exchange of educators between the universities of Germany and of the +United States was established, and it has been his custom to be present +at the opening lecture of each new incumbent of these positions at +the University of Berlin, and to greet him and welcome him to his work. +He is also the first to extend to these foreign educators hospitality +and social attention. To any one who has experienced his hearty welcome +to his land and his home the assertion that he is arrogant and +autocratic is so far away from truth as to be ludicrous. Again I must +say that I have never met a ruler, in monarchy or republic, in whom +genuine democratic geniality was a so predominant characteristic. + +[Illustration: FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS + +_(Photo by the Misses Selby.)_ + +_See Page 526_] + +[Illustration: RUDOLF EUCKEN + +_See Page 534_] + +But the characteristic of the Emperor which struck me most forcibly is +his profound sense of duty and his readiness for self-sacrifice for the +welfare of his country. This is a general German trait. It is the most +admirable side of German nature. And the Emperor is, in this respect +especially, their Princeps. I remember sitting beside him one day, when +one of the ladies of his household asked me if I were acquainted with a +certain wealthy ultra-fashionable New York social leader. I replied, by +name only. She pressed me to know why not more nearly, why not +personally. And to this, I replied that I was not of her class; that I +could not amuse her, and that I did not approve of the frivolous and +demoralizing example and influence of one so favorably circumstanced for +doing good. The Emperor had heard the conversation, and he promptly +said: "You know in Germany we do not rate and classify people by their +material possessions, but by the importance of the service they render +to country, culture, and civilization." One of his sons once told me +that from his earliest childhood his father had instilled into his mind +the lesson that devotion to duty and readiness for sacrifice were the +cardinal virtues of a German, especially of a Hohenzollern. His days are +periods of constant labor and severe discipline. He rises early, lives +abstemiously and works until far into the night. There is no day laborer +in his entire empire who gives so many hours per diem to his work. His +nature is manifestly deeply religious and, in every sentence he speaks, +evidence of his consciousness that the policeman's club cannot take the +place of religious and moral principle is revealed. His frequent appeal +for Divine aid in the discharge of his duties is prompted by the +conviction that the heavier the duty the more need there is of that aid. + + +His Passion for German Greatness. + +He undoubtedly has an intense desire, almost a passion, for the +prosperity and greatness of his country, but his conception of that +prosperity and greatness is more spiritual and cultural than material +and commercial. More than once have I heard him say that he desired to +see Germany a wealthy country, but only as the result of honest and +properly requited toil, and that wealth acquired by force or fraud was +more a curse than a blessing, and was destined to go as it had come. His +conception of the greatness of Germany is as a great intellectual and +moral power rather than anything else. Its physical power he values +chiefly as the creator and maintainer of the conditions necessary to the +production and influence of this higher power. I have often heard him +express this thought. + +And in spite of this terrible war, the responsibility for which is by so +many erroneously laid at his door, I firmly believe him to be a man of +peace. I am absolutely sure that he has entered upon this war only under +the firm conviction that Great Britain, France, and Russia have +conspired to destroy Germany as a world power, and that he is simply +defending, as he said in his memorable speech to the Reichstag, the +place which God had given the Germans to dwell on. For seven years I +myself have witnessed the growth of this conviction in his mind and that +of the whole German Nation as the evidences of it have multiplied from +year to year until at last the fatal hour at Serajevo struck. I firmly +believe that there is no soul in this wide world upon whom the burden +and grief of this great catastrophe so heavily rest as upon the German +Emperor. I have heard him declare with the greatest earnestness and +solemnity that he considered war a dire calamity; that Germany would +never during his reign wage an offensive war, and that he hoped God +would spare him from the necessity of ever having to conduct a defensive +war. For years he has been conscious that British diplomacy was seeking +to isolate and crush Germany by an alliance of Latin, Slav, and Mongol +under British direction, and he sought in every way to avert it. He +visited England himself frequently. He sent his Ministers of State over +to cultivate the acquaintance and friendship of the British Ministers, +but rarely would the British King go himself to Germany or send his +Ministers to return these visits. More than once have I heard him say +that he was most earnestly desirous of close friendship between Germany, +Great Britain, and the United States, and had done, was doing, and would +continue to do, all in his power to promote it; but that while the +Americans were cordially meeting Germany half way, the British were +cold, suspicious, and repellent. + +I know that the two things which are giving him the deepest pain in this +world catastrophe, excepting only the sufferings of his own kindred and +people, are the enmity of Great Britain and the misunderstanding of his +character, feelings, and purposes in America. To remedy the first we +here can do nothing, but to dispel the second is our bounden duty; and I +devoutly hope that other evidence may prove sufficient to do this to the +satisfaction of the minds of my countrymen than was necessary to +convince the British Nation that the great-hearted Abraham Lincoln was +not a brute nor the urbane William H. Seward a demon of ferocity. + + + + +Reply to Prof. Burgess + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The Burgess Kaiser is a truly admirable person. Every right-minded man +will be only too glad to believe all that Prof. Burgess affirms of him. +To be sure, there is a lurking sense that the professor "doth protest +too much." But let that go. In the present topsy-turvy state of the +world it is refreshing to hear of a man who loves his wife and children +in the good, old way. But just now the world is not interested in the +private, personal, peculiarly German characteristics of the Kaiser. We +outsiders must take him as he is known to the international world. We of +course trust that he is an able, cultivated, attractive gentleman. There +are many such in the world. But this gentleman happens to be the head of +one of the great nations. Our interest in him centres in his relations +to his neighbor nations. + +An English friend of mine was appointed to duty in a tribe of savages in +Africa. I dislike to call them savages after the testimony of my friend. +But they were just plain, naked folk, living in primitive simplicity in +their native land. The chief of this little tribe was, as my friend +asserts, a superior man, and, in spite of his undress, a good deal of a +gentleman. In physique he was superb. A sculptor's heart would have +leaped for joy at sight of him. My friend said to see him teaching his +young son to throw a spear was a sort of physical music. He himself +could throw a spear to an incredible distance with the precision of a +rifle shot. He ruled his little kingdom with surprising wisdom and +fairness. He was welcomed everywhere among his people as the friend and +counselor. His family relations were unimpeachable. The same was true +throughout the tribe. He was devoutly pious. In short, he was a Burgess +Kaiser in the small. But he was the war lord of all that region. He was +fiercely jealous of all the neighboring tribes. He kept his own people +armed and drilled to the top of efficiency, ready for attack or +defense. He was noted for his hatred and contempt for his people except +his own. His forays were marked by savage cruelty. His military +necessities stopped at nothing. + +Need it be said that the surrounding tribes were in nowise interested in +this chief's physique or domestic virtues, or in his fidelity to his own +people? It is safe to affirm that the British Government did not ask +whether he had the body of a Michael Angelo's David or of a baboon from +the jungle. It did not ask whether he was good to his wife and children. +Most animals are. It did not care how devoted he was to his fetich. The +sole question was, What sort of public citizen is he? How does he stand +related to surrounding peoples? On what terms does he propose to live +with them? That precisely is what we want to know about the Kaiser. + +Fortunately, we do not have to ask Prof. Burgess, or any group of +savants, or the German people. The Kaiser's record is known and read of +all men. + +JAMES H. ECOB, + +American Institute of Social Service. + +New York, Oct. 21, 1914. + + + + +PROF. BURGESS'S SECOND ARTICLE. + +The Guarantee of Belgian Neutrality + + +So much has been said about Belgian neutrality, so much assumed, and it +has been such a stumbling block in the way of any real and comprehensive +understanding of the causes and purposes of the great European +catastrophe, that it may be well to examine the basis of it and endeavor +to get an exact idea of the scope and obligation. + +Of course, we are considering here the question of guaranteed +neutrality, not the ordinary neutrality enjoyed by all States not at +war, when some States are at war; the difference between ordinary +neutrality and guaranteed neutrality being that no State is under any +obligation to defend the ordinary neutrality of any other State against +infringement by a belligerent, and no belligerent is under any special +obligation to observe it. Guaranteed neutrality is, therefore, purely a +question of specific agreement between States. + +On the 19th day of April, 1839, Belgium and Holland, which from 1815 to +1830 had formed the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, signed a treaty +of separation from, and independence of, each other. It is in this +treaty that the original pledge of Belgian neutrality is to be found. +The clause of the treaty reads: "Belgium in the limits above described +shall form an independent neutral State and shall be bound to observe +the same neutrality toward all other States." On the same day and at the +same place, (London,) a treaty, known in the history of diplomacy as the +Quintuple Treaty, was signed by Great Britain, France, Prussia, Austria, +and Russia, approving and adopting the treaty between Belgium and +Holland. A little later, May 11, the German Confederation, of which both +Austria and Prussia were members, also ratified this treaty. + +In the year 1866 the German Confederation was dissolved by the war +between Austria and Prussia, occasioned by the Schleswig-Holstein +question. In 1867 the North German Union was formed, of which Prussia +was the leading State, while Austria and the German States south of the +River Main were left out of it altogether. Did these changes render the +guarantees of the Treaty of 1839 obsolete and thereby abrogate them, or +at least weaken them and make them an uncertain reliance? The test of +this came in the year 1870, at the beginning of hostilities between +France and the North German Union. Great Britain, the power most +interested in the maintenance of Belgian neutrality, seems to have had +considerable apprehension about it. Mr. Gladstone, then Prime Minister, +said in the House of Commons: "I am not able to subscribe to the +doctrine of those who have held in this House what plainly amounts to an +assertion that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is +binding on every party to it, irrespective altogether of the particular +position in which it may find itself when the occasion for acting on the +guarantee arises." + + +A One-Year Treaty. + +Proceeding upon this view, the British Government then sought and +procured from the French Government and from the Government of the North +German Union separate but identical treaties guaranteeing with the +British Government the neutrality of Belgium during the period of the +war between France and the North German Union, the so-called +Franco-Prussian war, which had just broken out, and for one year from +the date of its termination. In these treaties it is also to be remarked +that Great Britain limited the possible operation of her military force +in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium to the territory of the State +of Belgium. + +These treaties expired in the year 1872, and the present German Empire +has never signed any treaty guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. +Moreover, between 1872 and 1914 Belgium became what is now termed a +world power; that is, it reached a population of nearly 9,000,000 +people, it had a well-organized, well-equipped army of over 200,000 men +and powerful fortifications for its own defense; it had acquired and was +holding colonies covering 1,000,000 square miles of territory, inhabited +by 15,000,000 men, and it had active commerce, mediated by its own +marine, with many, if not all, parts of the world. Now, these things are +not at all compatible in principle with a specially guaranteed +neutrality of the State which possesses them. The State which possesses +them has grown out of its swaddling clothes, has arrived at the age and +condition of maturity and self-protection, and has passed the age when +specially guaranteed neutrality is natural. + +From all these considerations, I think it extremely doubtful whether, on +the first day of August, 1914, Belgium should have been considered as +possessing any other kind of neutrality than the ordinary neutrality +enjoyed by all States not at war, when some States are at war. In fact, +it remains to be seen whether Belgium itself had not forfeited the +privilege of this ordinary neutrality before a single German soldier had +placed foot on Belgian soil. A few days ago I received a letter from one +of the most prominent professors in the University of Berlin, who is +also in close contact with the Prussian Ministry of Education, a man in +whose veracity I place perfect confidence, having known him well for ten +years. He writes: "Our violation of the neutrality of Belgium was +prompted in part by the fact that we had convincing proof that there +were French soldiers already in Belgium and that Belgium had agreed to +allow the French Army to pass over its soil in case of a war between +France and us." Moreover, in the British "White Paper" itself, No. 122, +is to be found a dispatch from the British Ambassador in Berlin, Sir E. +Goschen, to Sir Edward Grey, containing these words: "It appears from +what he [the German Secretary of Foreign Affairs] said that the German +Government consider that certain hostile acts have already been +committed by Belgium. As an instance of this, he alleged that a +consignment of corn for Germany had been placed under an embargo +already." The date of this dispatch is July 31, days before the Germans +entered Belgium. + +But placing these two things entirely aside, as well as the new +evidence, said to have just been found in the archives at Brussels, that +Belgium had by her agreements with Great Britain forfeited every claim +to even ordinary neutrality in case of a war between Germany and Great +Britain, I find in the British "White Paper" itself, No. 123, not only +ample justification, but absolute necessity, from a military point of +view, for a German army advancing against France, not only to pass +through Belgium, but to occupy Belgium. This number of the "White Paper" +is a communication dated Aug. 1 from Sir Edward Grey to Sir E. Goschen, +British Ambassador in Berlin. In it Sir Edward Grey informed Sir E. +Goschen that the German Ambassador in London asked him "whether, if +Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgian neutrality, we, Great +Britain, would remain neutral," and that he [Grey] replied that he +"could not say that," that he did not think Great Britain "could give a +promise of neutrality on that condition alone"; further, Sir Edward Grey +says: "The Ambassador pressed me as to whether I could not formulate +conditions on which we would remain neutral. He even suggested that the +integrity of France and her colonies might be guaranteed. I said that I +felt obliged to refuse definitely any promise to remain neutral on +similar terms, and I could only say that we must keep our hands free." + + +The Necessary Invasions. + +After this Sir Edward Grey declared in Parliament, according to +newspaper reports, that Great Britain stood, as to Belgian neutrality, +on the same ground as in 1870. With all due respect, I cannot so +understand it. In 1870 Great Britain remained neutral in a war between +the North German Union and France, and, with the North German Union, +guaranteed Belgium against invasion by France, and, with France, +guaranteed Belgium against invasion by the North German Union. On Aug. +1, 1914, the German Empire asked Great Britain to do virtually the same +thing, and Great Britain refused. It is, therefore, Germany who stood in +1914 on the same ground, with regard to Belgium neutrality, as she did +in 1870, and it is Great Britain who shifted her position and virtually +gave notice that she herself would become a belligerent. It was this +notice served by Sir Edward Grey on the German Ambassador in London on +Aug. 1, 1914, which made the occupation of Belgium an absolute military +necessity to the safety of the German armies advancing against France. +Otherwise they would, so far as the wit of man could divine, have left +their right flank exposed to the advance of a British army through +Belgium, and there certainly was no German commander so absolutely +bereft of all military knowledge or instinct as to have committed so +patent an error. + +Belgium has Great Britain to thank for every drop of blood shed by her +people, and every franc of damage inflicted within her territory during +this war. With a million of German soldiers on her eastern border +demanding unhindered passage through one end of her territory, under the +pledge of guarding her independence and integrity and reimbursing every +franc of damage, and no British force nearer than Dover, across the +Channel, it was one of the most inconsiderate, reckless, and selfish +acts ever committed by a great power when Sir Edward Grey directed, as +is stated in No. 155 of the British "White Paper," the British Envoy in +Brussels to inform the "Belgian Government that if pressure is applied +to them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, his +Majesty's Government expects that they will resist by any means in their +power." + +It is plain enough that Great Britain was not thinking so much of +protecting Belgium as of Belgium protecting her, until she could prepare +to attack Germany in concert with Russia and France. She was willing to +let Belgium, yea almost to command Belgium, to take the fearful risk of +complete destruction in order that she might gain a little time in +perfecting the co-operation of Russia and France with herself for the +crushing of Germany, and in order to hold the public opinion of neutral +powers, especially of the United States of America, in leash under the +chivalrous issue of protecting a weaker country, which she has done +little or nothing to protect, but which she could have effectively +protected by simply remaining neutral herself. + +We Americans have been greatly confused in mind in regard to the issues +of this war. We have confounded causes and occasions and purposes and +incidents until it has become almost impossible for any considerable +number of us to form a sound and correct judgment in regard to it. But +we shall emerge from that nebulous condition. We are beginning to see +more clearly now, and it would not surprise me greatly if the means used +for producing our confusion would some day come back, if not to plague +the consciences, at least to foil the purposes of their inventors. + + + + +Reply to Prof. Burgess + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Prof. Burgess's amazing communication on Belgian neutrality omits an +essential piece of evidence. Granting, for the sake of argument, that +the German Empire might repudiate all treaty obligations of the earlier +German confederations, (very odd law, this;) granting also the still +more novel plea that Belgium had outgrown the need, and the privilege of +neutralization, Germany had agreed to treat all neutral powers under the +following provisions of The Hague Conventions of 1907 concerning the +rights and duties of neutral powers: + + 1. The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. + + 2. Belligerents are forbidden to move troops or either + munitions of war or supplies across the territory of a neutral + power. + + * * * * * + + 5. A neutral power must not allow any of the acts referred to + in Articles 2 to 4 to occur on its territory. + +This pledge the German Empire had solemnly made only seven years ago. It +would seem that Prof. Burgess may accept the distinction ably made by +Prof. Münsterberg between "pledges of national honor" and mere "routine +agreements," placing Hague treaties in the latter category. + +The allegation that France and England secretly did unneutral acts in +Belgium is as yet without proof of any sort, and must be interpreted by +the commonsense consideration that a neutral Belgium was a defensive +bulwark for France and England. To have tampered with her neutrality +would have been motiveless folly. How much more decent and moral than +Prof. Burgess's meticulous weighing of national reincorporation as a +means of evading national obligations is Chancellor Hollweg's robust +plea of national necessity! Prof. Burgess's whole moral and mental +attitude in this case seems to be that of a corporation lawyer getting a +trust out of a hole under the Statute of Limitations or by some +reorganizing dodge. + +FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. + +Princeton, N.J., Nov. 4, 1914. + + + + +America's Peril in Judging Germany + +By William M. Sloane. + + Late Seth Low Professor of History at Columbia University; + ex-President National Institute of Arts and Letters and of the + American Historical Association; was secretary of George + Bancroft, the historian, in Berlin, 1873-5; author of works on + French History. + + +The American public has been carefully trained to avoid entanglement +with foreign affairs. This European war was so unexpected, so entirely +unforeseen, that we were at first bewildered, and then exasperated, by +our unreadiness to meet our own emergencies. + +In our effort to fix responsibility we then became partisan to the verge +of moral participation and had to be called to our senses by the wise +proclamation and warning of our Chief Magistrate. + +Western Europe is a nearer neighbor than either Central or Eastern, and +what stern censors permit us to know is nicely calculated to arouse our +prejudice on one side or the other. Believing that, owing to cable +cutting and neutrality restrictions of wireless, as yet the plain truth +is not available, we ask for a suspension of judgment on both sides in +order that our Government may enjoy the undivided support of all +American citizens in its desire to secure a minimum of disturbance to +the normal course of our commercial, industrial, and agricultural life +by convulsions that are not of our making. + +Fairness to ourselves means justice in the formation and expression of +opinion about not one or two but all the participants in a struggle for +European ascendency, with which we have nothing to do except as +overwhelming victory for either side might bring on a struggle for world +ascendency, with which, unhappily, we might have much to do. To +contemplate such a terrible event should sober us; the best preparation +for it is absolute neutrality in thought, speech, and conduct. + +Our own history since independence is an unbroken record of expansion +and imperialism. Our contiguous territories have been acquired by +compulsion, whether of war, of purchase, of occupation, or of exchange. +We have taken advantage of others' dire necessity in the case of Great +Britain, France, Spain, Russia, and Mexico. + +To rectify our frontier we compelled the Gladsden Purchase within the +writer's lifetime. As to our non-contiguous possessions, we hold them by +the right of conquest or revolution, salving our consciences with such +cash indemnity as we ourselves have chosen to pay, and even now we are +considering what we choose to pay, not what a disinterested court might +consider adequate, for the good-will of the United States of Colombia, a +good-will desired solely and entirely for an additional safeguard to the +Panama Canal and a prop to the policy or doctrine substituted by the +present Administration for the moribund Monroe Doctrine. + +In no single instance of virtual annexation or protectorate have we +consulted by popular vote either the desires of those inhabiting the +respective territories annexed or The Hague Tribunal. In every case we +have had one single plea and one only--self-interest. + +The entire American continent south of our frontier we have closed to +all European settlement, thereby maintaining for more than a century in +a magnificent territory an imperfect civilization which makes a sorry +use of natural resources which could vastly improve the condition of all +mankind if properly used. + +This is the light in which European nations see us; our identity in +this policy from the dawn of our national existence onward they consider +a proof of our national character. It differs in no respect from their +own policies except in one. + +But for them this exception is basic. We are a composite folk and they +are homogeneous, their blend being approximately complete. They have one +language, one tradition, one set of institutions and laws; a unity of +literature, habits, and method in life. Some European States are +composite, but each component part claims and cultivates its own style +and its own principles; each announces itself as a nationality with a +life to be maintained and a destiny to be wrought out somehow, either in +peace or in conflict. + +With perhaps a single exception, they have an overflow of population, +due to natural generation, for the comfort and happiness of which they +seek either an expansion of territory or an improvement in the +productivity of their home lands; for those who must emigrate they +passionately desire the perpetuation of their nationality, with all it +implies. + +In these respects they do not differ from us, except that perhaps we are +more determined and imperious. We cannot think politically in any other +terms than those of democratic government, either direct or +representative. + +At the present hour we are engaged in the very dubious experiment of +direct popular legislation and administration. We are trying to change +our Government radically, discarding its representative form for that of +delegation. The remotest cause of this is the desire to amalgamate all +our elements into homogeneity. So far this policy has resulted in a +demand, not for equality of political and civil rights, but for its +overthrow, substituting laws intended to create social and economic +equality by means of class legislation. + +These facts are not to the edification of other civilized States, and +subject us to harsh and contemptuous criticism. + +It is likewise very interesting that apparently the American people +believe in a monarchical democracy. One of our typical first citizens +has recently expressed his antipathy to the phrases "My monarchy," "My +loyal people," "My loyal subjects," used by one of the German monarchs +in summoning the nation to war, as implying a dynastic or personal +ownership of men. + + +Averse from Militarism. + +The American masses dislike the sound of supreme war lord, but gladly +admit their own Chief Magistrate to be Commander in Chief of the army +and navy. To our ears the three German words are offensive, and well +they may be, for in the treacherous literal translation they are willful +perversion; but the much stronger English words are a delight to our +democracy. + +The phrases of monarchy are constantly used in Great Britain by its King +and its Emperor, but give no offense to his "loyal subjects," even the +most radical, who delight in them, as apparently do our people of +British origin. Why do they give such deep offense when employed by the +German Government through its King and Emperor? The social +stratification of Germany is not as marked as that of Great Britain; its +aristocracy is far less powerful; and Edward VII. proved that an adroit +and willful English monarch could involve his "loyal people" deeper in +harmful, secret alliances than William II., whose alliances and policies +were and are unconcealed. + +One of our greatest historians has earned a brilliant reputation in the +conclusive proof that oceans are the world's highways, while its +continents are its barriers. To the term "militarism" we attach an +opprobrious meaning; militarism is the more infamous in exact proportion +to its efficiency. We have been at little pains to define it, and as to +certain of its aspects are curiously complacent. + +The basic principle of our own nationality has long been the very vague +Monroe Doctrine, by the assertion of which we have prevented the +establishment on our nearest and remotest frontiers of strong military +powers, which might in certain events compel us to maintain a powerful +and numerous standing army, or even introduce the compulsory military +service of all voters, (women, of course, excepted.) + +Yet we propose to fight if necessary in order to prevent fighting, and +to this end maintain the second strongest and, for its size, the most +efficient fleet in the world. This is our militarism; that of Great +Britain has been to maintain a fleet double our own or any other in +size, for it is her basic principle to maintain an unquestioned +supremacy on the highways of commerce. To this we have meekly assented, +while other nations absorb our carrying trade and our flag waves over a +fleet of perhaps a dozen respectable oceangoing trading and passenger +ships. It is under her rather patronizing protection that we fight our +foreign wars and by pressure from her that we manage the Panama Canal +with nice and honorable attention to her interpretation of a treaty +capable of quite a different one. Whether or not this be "militarism" of +the utmost efficiency by sea is not difficult to decide. But we have +never styled it infamous. + +While I am writing, Germans, whose basic principle is the most efficient +"militarism" by land, are publishing all abroad that the "militarism" of +France must be forever stamped out, so that they may dwell at peace in +the lands which are their home. + +Within a generation France has accumulated a colonial empire second only +to that of Great Britain, while she has incessantly demanded the +reintegration of German lands, and especially a German city which she +arbitrarily annexed and held by "militarism" for about five generations. +The "militarism" of a republic and a democracy which retains the +essential features of Napoleonic administration has been quite as +efficient as that of a monarchical democracy like Great Britain, and may +easily prove more efficient than that of a monarchy like Germany. + +Why should it be more infamous or barbarous in one case than the other? +And with what is this efficient military democracy allied in the +closest ties? + +With Russia, an Oriental despotism which by the aid of French money has +developed a "militarism" by land so portentous in numbers, dimension, +and efficiency that its movements are comparable to those of Attila's +Huns. Escaped Russians in Western lands are denouncing German +"militarism" as the incubus of the world. + +Which of the two should Americans regard as the greater danger? + + +Menaces to Our Neutrality. + +It has wrung our hearts to consider the violation of Belgian neutrality, +for which both France and eventually even Great Britain have long been +prepared, but the latter has with little or no protest arranged with the +"bear that walks like a man" to disregard contemptuously the neutrality +of Persia in arranging spheres of influence, exactly as Japan, another +ally, is contemptuously disregarding the neutrality of China, the new +"republic" we were in such haste to recognize that we had to use the +cable. And what about Korea? It is a Japanese province in contravention +of the most solemn guarantees of its integrity. + +Leaving aside for the moment certain considerations like these, and they +might easily be indefinitely amplified, which should compel Americans to +unbiased consideration for others and preclude a dangerous partiality, +let us ask ourselves how in the event of mediation we could be an +impartial pacificator, behaving as we have hitherto done. The attitude +of our Government has been strictly neutral, neutral to the verge of +utter self-abnegation; and, as some regard it, timidity. + +But rock-fast as any democratic magistrate may be, public opinion must +and does influence him. Rightly or wrongly his agents would be even more +completely dominated, and rightly or wrongly they would be suspect in +view of our terrific partisanship on both sides since the commencement +of hostilities. + +The efficiency of Government organs in "producing the goods," the +terrific power of organization on one side and mass on the other, have +been considered a menace to world equilibrium. + +Whichever way the decision falls, the scrutiny of Europe will be turned +to us. Unless observation and instinct be utterly at fault, we have for +more than a decade been, after Germany, the worst-hated nation of all +that are foremost. + +It is pre-eminently our affair to mind our own business, as others have +minded theirs. Without cessation of noise and fury in America this is +impossible. + +Indeed, our emotional storms have already furnished proof of how we are +incapacitated from either enforcing our rights as neutrals or seizing by +the forelock the opportunity afforded to us as neutrals and from +enjoying the unquestioned privileges of neutrality. + +It is not altogether edifying to think that the close of the European +struggle, be it long or short, will probably find our ocean commerce +substantially where it was at the beginning, and that conflicts which +were not of our making will have been fought out before we are able to +secure our share of the world markets. Apparently the leaders in +commerce, industry, and trade, like the lawmakers and administrators, +are paralyzed by the imperative necessity of aiding panicstricken +tourists and panicstricken stay-at-homes. Apparently, too, our people +are suffering more in purse and general comfort than the actual +combatant nations. + +Clamorous for American sympathy and cash, we have on our shores +embassies from the belligerents, pleading their respective virtues and +sorrows. + +Why, after all, should our chiefest concern be with them? Surely we may +be good Samaritans without a total disregard of our own interests and a +blindness to opportunity verging on impotency. There is no immorality in +the proper play of self-interest. It is the conflict of interests which +creates morality. But the spectators, even the maddest baseball "fans," +do not play the game nor train for it. It is high time we ceased wasting +our energies in emotions and vain babble. + +At this writing the first line of defense against the Oriental deluge is +endangered. The Slav individually and in his primitive culture is +altogether charming. He is a son of the soil, picturesque in life and +creative; he is minstrel and poet, seer. But so far he is the carrier of +a low civilization, the prophet, priest, and king of autocracy and +absolutism. Never has there been a time in history when the higher +civilization was not in a savage struggle for existence. It is almost +the first time in three centuries that the highest civilizations were in +alliance with the lowest; not since the pugnacious Western powers of +Europe sued for favor at the Sublime Porte. + + +In Peril of the Whirlwind. + +This ought to be a very sobering spectacle, but it seems to arouse the +delighted enthusiasm of an American majority. For such an aberration +there is but a single and efficient remedy: absorption in our own +affairs, the discriminating study of efficient methods to prevent our +being caught up by a whirlwind, even the outer edges of which may snatch +us into the vortex. + +To change the metaphor, we revel in the pleasant propulsion of the +maelstrom's rim, unaware that every instant brings us closer to dangers, +escape from which would demand herculean effort. Irresponsible emotions +are, like those of the novel and the stage, when intensified to excess +utterly incompatible with action. And just such a paralysis seems for +six long weeks to have lamed the highest powers of America. + +The proportionate increase in population among the European powers is +overwhelmingly in favor of the Slavs. Their rate of increase by natural +generation is nearly three times that of even the Germans, with the +result that by the introduction of enforced military service into +Eastern Europe, (excepting Hungary and perhaps Rumania,) the military +balance of power has been completely changed. + +The wars among the Balkan States, including Turkey, have put on foot +armies of a dimension hitherto undreamed of among the South Slavs, and +the army of Russia is probably two and a half times larger than it +could have been thirty-five years ago. + +The method by which Eastern Europe has succeeded in financing itself is +rather mysterious. We know, of course, that the original Franco-Russian +Alliance was based on reciprocal interests, and that large sums of +French money flowed into Russia, which partly developed the natural +resources of Russia and were partly in the shape of loans that in all +likelihood were used for war material. + + +Slavs in Germany. + +The conflict between the Slavs and the Teutons all along the line on +which they border has therefore been in two ways intensified. In the +first place, just in proportion as Germany has become an industrial +State, the field work has been intrusted to immigrant Slavs, some of +whom come only for the season and return, but a very large number of +them--estimated at the present moment at close to a million--have +substantially settled within the borders of the German Empire. That is +to say, there is a constant injection of 1-1/2 per cent. of Slavic blood +into the territories of the German Empire. + +Suppose now that Russia should succeed in establishing the protectorate +over all Slavs which she desires, and at the same time should press back +the Germans on that border line, something very closely approximating a +new migration of peoples in Europe will take place. + +As far as I know the German feeling, expressed both privately and +publicly, officially and unofficially, they have hoped to maintain their +complete consanguinity, if not homogeneity, within the lands they regard +as their home; and their preparations for war, their increase of their +military strength, have been made, professedly at least, solely in the +interest of defense. Americans can simply not realize--it is impossible +for them to realize--the difference in the degree of civilization and +culture on either side of a purely artificial boundary line. + +Very fortunately it has entered the minds of several people lately to +write to the newspapers about the unhappy confusion that comes from the +use of words in a meaning which at home they do not connote at all. +Take, for example, the whole question of militarism. As we see it, it is +a matter altogether of degree. For defense against what the German +considers the most terrible danger that he personally has to confront, +it has been necessary from time to time to change both the size and the +composition of his forces, whether offensive or defensive, and they +therefore have introduced compulsory military service, an idea which has +always been very offensive to Anglo-Saxons, but which in cases of dire +necessity they have been compelled to utilize themselves, as, for +example, during our own civil war, the abandonment of voluntary +enlistment and the introduction of the draft. + +Now, the compulsory military service of the German means that every man +is for a period of his life drafted and trained as a soldier. Forty +years ago there were a great many men who escaped by reason of one or +another provision of the law. That number was steadily diminished until +within eighteen months, when finally it was proclaimed that every German +who could endure the severity of that training must undergo it, and that +was due to the fact that the military balance of power of which I spoke +had been so completely changed by the re-armament of Russia and by the +formation of the South Slav armies in the Balkan Peninsula. + +As a parallel we might imagine, not one troublesome neighbor, but four. +We might imagine a tremendous military power developed in Canada, and we +might imagine a hostile military power on the Atlantic side and another +one on the Pacific side, in which case we would beyond a question have +to expand our inchoate militarism, just in proportion as we came to feel +the necessity for a strong physical defensive or offensive in the way of +a great standing army, and we probably would do it without any +hesitation. + +Now, Germany has not any really bitter foe on the north, although there +is no love lost between the Germans and the Scandinavians; but it has an +embittered foe on the east, and another one on the west, and what has +proved to be an embittered foe upon the water and a very lukewarm +neutral State on the south, a State which had joined in alliance with +her. + +Italy had joined what Italy considered a defensive alliance, but not an +offensive alliance, and chose to regard the outbreak of this war as an +offensive movement on the part of Germany, and for that reason has +refused to participate in the struggle. + +I say for that reason because, having been accustomed to reading, all my +life, long diplomatic documents, really having been trained, you might +say, almost in the school of Ranke, who was the inaugurator of an +entirely new school of historical writing based on the criticism of +historical papers, I have come to realize that the dispatches of trained +diplomats are for the most part purely formal, and that while these +respective publications of Great Britain and of Germany have a certain +value, yet nevertheless the most important plans are laid in the +embrasures of windows, where important men stand and talk so that no one +can hear, or they are arranged and often times amplified in private +correspondence which does not see the light until years afterward, and +that the most important historical documents are found in the archives +of families, members of which have been the guiding spirits of European +policy and politics. + +So that what the secret diplomacy of the last years may have been is as +yet utterly unknown, and certainly will not be known for the generation +yet to come and perhaps for several generations. The student in almost +any European capital is given complete access to everything on file in +the archives, including secret documents, only down to a certain date. +That date differs in various of these storehouses, but I think in no +case is it later than 1830. + +If you ask why, there are the sensibilities of families to be +considered, there is the question of hidden policies which they do not +care to reveal, and then there is the whole matter of who the examining +student is. For instance, certain very important papers were absolutely +denied to me, as an American, in Great Britain--or at least excuses were +made if they were not absolutely denied--which were opened to an +Englishman who was working upon the same subject at about the same time. + +The reason for such observations at the present hour is plain enough. +Public opinion is formed upon what the public is permitted to know, and +is not formed upon the actual facts which the public is not permitted to +know. And for that reason Americans, remote as we are from the sources +of information, and especially remote from that most delicate of all +indications, the pulse of public opinion in foreign countries, ought to +be extremely slow to commit themselves to anything. + + +Attack on Sir Edward Grey. + +Now, we have just had a very interesting incident. THE NEW YORK TIMES +printed recently what the British call their "White Paper," as well as +the German "White Paper." The editors of our most important journals +announced that they had read and studied those papers with care, and +that on the face of those papers, beyond any peradventure, Germany was +the aggressor. German militarism had flaunted itself as an insult in the +face of Europe. Germany had violated neutrality, Germany had committed +almost every sin known to international law, and therefore the whole +German procedure was to be reprobated. + +Within a very short time a Labor member of Parliament, J. Ramsay +Macdonald, rises in his place, able and fearless, and, on the basis of +the "White Paper," as published and put in the hands of the British +public, attacks Sir Edward Grey for having so committed Great Britain in +advance to both Russia and France that, in spite of the representations +of the German Ambassador, he dared not discuss the question of +neutrality. This member of Parliament manifestly belongs to the powerful +anti-war party of Great Britain, a party two of whose members, John +Burns and Lord Morley, resigned from the Cabinet rather than condone +iniquity; a party which before the outbreak of the war made itself +heard and felt, and protested against the participation of Great +Britain, desiring localization of the struggle. + +Mr. Macdonald says that in his opinion this talk about the violation of +Belgian neutrality, from the point of view of British statesmen, is +absurd, because as long ago as 1870 the plans for the use of Belgium, +both by France and by Germany--in other words, the violation of its +neutrality--were in the British War Office, and that Mr. Gladstone rose +in his place and said he was not one of those whose opinion was that a +formal guarantee should stand so far in thwarting the natural course of +events as to commit Great Britain to war; and that has been the +announced and avowed policy of Great Britain all the way down since +1870, and that therefore talk about the violation of Belgian neutrality +is a mere pretext. + +That is another instance of this secret agreement that goes on, which so +commits a man like Sir Edward Grey that in the pinch, when the German +Ambassador substantially proposed to yield everything to him and asked +him for his proposition, he cannot make any. + +These facts are in the "White Paper." As far as I know, no editor in the +United States who claims to have studied thoroughly that "White Paper" +has ever brought this out, and they had not been published in that paper +at the time when Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith made their respective +speeches and committed the British Nation to the war. + +Another unhappy use of language which has been noted in the public press +is due to the literal translation of words. Americans simply do not know +what the word Emperor means. To most of them it connotes the later Roman +Emperors, or the autocratic Czar of Russia, or the short-lived but +autocratic quality of Napoleon III., so that when we use the word +Emperor we are thinking of an absolutely non-existing personage, unless +it be the Czar of Russia. + +We like very much to make sport of phrases from languages unfamiliar to +us, and we enjoy the jokes of ludicrous translations, and so we take +the term "Oberster Kriegsherr" and we translate it "Supreme War Lord." +What conception the average American forms of that is manifest. Whereas, +as a matter of fact--and this has already been pointed out both in +conversation and in public prints--the term means nothing in the world +but Commander in Chief of the German Empire, has not any different +relation whatsoever in the substance of its meaning than that which +Presidents of the United States have been in time of supreme danger to +the country. Mr. Lincoln was just as much an "Oberster Kriegsherr" at +one period of his term as the German Emperor could ever be; in fact, +rather more. + + +Sherman's March to the Sea. + +In truth, the sense of outrage which Americans feel over the horrors of +war, while most creditable to them, is very often based upon an +ignorance of the rules and regulations of so-called civilized warfare, +and upon a sentimentality, which, though also very creditable, is +unfortunately not one of the factors in the world's work. It would not +hurt Americans occasionally to recall Sherman's march to the sea, during +which every known kind of devastation occurred, or to recall Gen. +Hunter's boast that he had made the Valley of Virginia such a desert +that a crow could not find sustenance enough in it to fly from one side +to the other, and yet at that time, in what we considered the supreme +danger to our country, the conduct of those men was approved, and they +themselves were almost deified for their actions. + +While parallels are dangerous and the existence of one wrong does not +make another action right, yet at the same time a very considerable +amount of open-mindedness must be exercised in a neutral country when +regarding the passionate devotions of combatant nations to their +culture, to their safety, to their interest; and it should be recalled +that in the heats and horrors of war it is extremely difficult, however +trained or disciplined troops may be, to prevent outrages, and that so +far as we have gone in accurate information the least that can be said +is that it is slowly dawning upon us that horror for horror and outrage +for outrage there has been no overwhelming balance on either side. + +The Allies (this interview was received Tuesday morning) firmly believe +that the struggle on the west is so indecisive up to this time that what +will count for them is the duration of the war. Lloyd George has just +said, not in the exact language, but virtually, what Disraeli said in +1878: "We don't want to fight; but, by jingo, if we do we have got the +ships, we have got the men, we have got the money, too." Those are the +words that brought into use the expression "jingoists." + +Now, Lloyd George said the other day that it was the money which in the +long run would count and that Great Britain had that; and the meetings +that are held to induce Englishmen to enlist are addressed by speakers +who meet with lots of applause when they say: "We may not be able to put +the same number of men into the field immediately that Germany was able +to put or Russia was able to put, but in the long run, considering the +attitude of all the different parts of our empire, we will be able to +put just as many men, and therefore time is on our side both as regards +force in the field and money to sustain it." (The London Times confesses +that enlistment in Ireland is a failure.) + +Lloyd George says that for a comparatively short time England's enemies +can finance themselves and be very efficient, but that as time passes +they unquestionably will exhaust not only their pecuniary means but +their resources of men as well. That is his position at this time. +Therefore, it does appear as if the long duration of the war was a thing +desired, at least in Great Britain, as being their hope of victory. Both +Great Britain and France are wealthy countries. Just how wealthy Germany +is I do not think they realize, nor do we know, nor what its ultimate +resources can be. + +Now, looking at the allied line as a whole, we will suppose that the +German forces were overwhelmingly triumphant in France, and suppose, +likewise, which is by no means as strong a hypothesis, that Russia is +overwhelmingly victorious against Austria and the Eastern German Army; +then, of course, you have the situation in which that one of the Allies +which is triumphant will assert its leadership in the terms of peace +that will be reached, and would have the hegemony, as we call it, of all +Europe. + + +Russia's Position. + +So that the defeat of the Allies in the west and their overwhelming +success in the east would compel the acceptance, in any peace that might +be made, of such terms as Russia chose to dictate. She would have to be +satisfied, otherwise there would only be one outcome of it; that is, of +course, if Great Britain and France could not accept those terms, there +would be a rupture, and stranger things have been seen than Germany, +France, and Great Britain fighting against Russia. + +Stranger things than that have been seen; such changes in the alliances +between States have occurred at intervals from the seventeenth century +onward in Europe, a phase of the subject that is too lengthy to discuss +here, but which every student of history knows all about. And it is +thinkable that they might occur again. + +Suppose, on the other hand, that the Germans should imitate Frederick +the Great, which is not so preposterous as appears on the face of it, +because of comparatively easy means of transportation, and should be +able to make successive victorious dashes, first in the east and then in +the west, backward and forward; leadership would be hers, and France +would be a minor power for years to come. + +Probably peace might come more quickly if neither side should be +absolutely victorious than otherwise. But for the moment I think that +the agreement among the Allies is a very portentous thing, as far as the +duration of the war is concerned. + +"Do you think that any secret agreement may exist; that France even now +may have made an agreement with Germany?" Mr. Sloane was asked. + +I cannot think so. I think it very evident there is no such secret +agreement. If one existed it would be much more likely to be between +Russia and Germany. You remember the development of Prussia, which is, +of course, the commanding State in the German Empire, occurred by its +careful conservation of the policy which was laid down in the political +will of Frederick the Great, that of keeping friends with Russia. + +The fact of the matter is, Prussia was saved in the Napoleonic wars by +the act of Gen. Yorck at Tauroggen, when he suddenly abandoned the +French and went over to the Prussians, and while Russia has within half +a generation become intensely bitter against Germany, yet it is true +that the Baltic Provinces, in which the gentry and the burghers are +Germans, have furnished most important administrators to the Russian +Empire, a fact that causes much of the jealousy in Russia on the part of +the native-born Russians against the Germans of the Baltic Provinces. +Nevertheless, self-interest is a very important thing, and if Russia +thought for a moment that France was going to abandon her I think she +would turn to Germany right away. + +As time has developed the nations of today, it has come to be understood +by hard-headed statesmen that those who conduct their respective affairs +can have no other guiding principle than the interest of their own +State, no other. + +There is a persistent feeling throughout the world that there is an +analogy between the individual man and organized society. There are +books written to show that States must and do pass through the various +stages through which an individual passes, namely, infancy, childhood, +youth, middle age, old age, decay. By a perfectly natural parallel the +majority of men apply the same morality to the State which they apply to +the individual, and they insist upon it that a State must be moral in +every respect; that it must have a conscience; that it must have virtue; +that it must practice self-denial; that it must not lay its hands on +what does not belong to it. In short, that it must as a State or as a +nation be "good," in exactly the same sense in which a person is "good." +In other words, they personify the State. + +I have never heard of any speaker or writer who would not approve of +that as an ideal, and who would not desire that the millennium should +come upon earth now, and that exactly the same virtues that are held up +for personal ideals should be held up for national ideals. + +I think we all believe that, but, as a matter of fact, in a world +constituted as ours is, the one test of a good Government, applied by +every individual, is the material prosperity of the people who live +under it, and for that reason if the people do not at first put in power +men who can give them material prosperity they will put such failures +out and try another set of rulers, and they will go on and on that way +until necessarily the policies of statesmen must be based upon the +interest of that State whose destinies are in their hands. So that the +only hope of relations between nations similar to those that exist +between good men and good women is that the individuals of that nation, +its population, its inhabitants, should consent to exercise the +self-denying virtues; and until that point is reached there can be no +good State in the sense in which there can be a good man. We ought all +to work for it, but it is not here now, and there are no signs on the +horizon of its approach. + +In a war, therefore, every statesman studies the resources of his +nation, and when the time comes that it is manifestly his duty to put an +end to warfare, it is only by the public approval that he dares do it, +by showing that it is to their advantage to give up the things for which +they went to war, in greater or less degree. + + +Armed Peace Not Disarmament. + +And the man of shrewd insight, who knows when that point is reached, is +the leader who saves the face, so to speak, of these nations and steps +in and says: + +"Now, the whole moral force of the civilized world must be brought to +bear upon you to make a peace, the terms of which, if possible, shall +not discredit any of you, but at the same time shall be as elastic and +as proportionate to your respective gains and losses as will insure at +least a considerable period of peace, not an armistice, not an armed +armistice, though it may be an armed peace." + +We see no signs anywhere in Europe that disarmament has any substantial +body of advocates in any nation. The basic principle hitherto of the +German people has been to have, not the largest, but the strongest army; +the basic principle of Great Britain, which sneers at militarism, has +been not only to have the most powerful fleet, but twice the most +powerful fleet. + +And what is the basic principle of the United States? The Monroe +Doctrine, to have no armed neighbor which shall compel us to violate by +its presence our dislike for compulsory military service or to expend +great sums for armament. + +These are basic principles in each of us. Now, we have been able to +maintain the Monroe Doctrine by simply showing our teeth, but whether we +could maintain it in the future without an armed force sufficient to +give it sanction I think is doubtful, and for that reason the Monroe +Doctrine has undergone quite a number of modifications which I do not +need to explain here. + +But this basic principle of ours that from Patagonia to the Mexican +frontier we will suffer no armed nation of Europe to make permanent +settlement and endanger our peace is exactly the same sort of principle +that the German holds when he says, "We must have the strongest army," +and the same which the Englishman holds when he says, "We must have the +strongest fleet." + +I want it distinctly understood that I am not a partisan. I am not pro +this or pro that or pro anything except pro-American, and the principal +impulse I have in trying to clarify my mind is my hope that there may be +an end to these hysterical exhibitions of partisanship, in which +(throughout this neutral nation) men indulge who still hold too +strongly, as I think, to the glory, honor, dignity, and traditions of +the lands of their origin. + + + + +An Answer by Prof. Ladd + + Emeritus Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy at Yale + University; Lecturer on Philosophy in India and Japan; has + received numerous decorations in Japan, where he was guest and + unofficial adviser of Prince Ito; ex-President of American + Psychological Association. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It seems strange to me that a student of history with the training and +acumen of Prof. Sloane should overlook or minimize the important +distinction that must hold the chief place in enabling us to understand +the issues and appreciate the merits of the war now raging in Europe. +This distinction is that between the German people and Germanic +civilization, on the one hand, and, on the other, the present +Constitution and cherished ambitions of the German Empire under the +dominance of Prussia. The German people, by genuine processes of +self-development, have worked out for themselves a veritable spiritual +unity which manifests itself in language, laws, customs, and a large +measure of substantial uniformity in moral and religious ideals. +Germanic civilization, with its love of order, its high estimate of +education, its notable additions to science, philosophy, and art, +constitutes one of the most noble and beneficent contributions to the +welfare of mankind. + +But the case is not at all the same with the German Empire as at present +constituted. It is not a historical development, a truly national +affair, as are the Empire of Great Britain, the Republics of France and +the United States, or the Empires of Russia and Japan. It is a modern +combination of politically divergent unities, forced by the ruthless but +infinitely shrewd policy of Bismarck and his coadjutors, misdirected and +perhaps driven to ruin by the man and his entourage, who, even if he is +King of Prussia "by the grace of God," is only Emperor of Germany "by +the will of the Princes." + +We are diligently given to understand that all these "Princes" and all +the German people have entered heart and soul into this war, and without +the slightest doubt as to its righteousness and as to the destiny of the +empire, this modern military autocracy, ultimately to be completely +victorious. This is hard to believe, although it must be admitted that +the cowardice of the Socialists and the obsession of the professors are +remarkable phenomena. As to the latter, however, we must remember their +dependence on the Government, not only for their information and their +"call" to speak, but also for their positions in the Government system +of education. + +As to the significance of the two names most prominently quoted in this +connection, I am not at all impressed, as so many of my colleagues +appear to be. An intimate friend of mine some twenty years ago was +several weeks en pension in the same house where Haeckel had his +apartment, and even then he was notorious for his hatred of foreigners +and of women. Those of us who have followed closely his career know how +often he has written with more than German professorial virulence +against those who differed from his theory of evolution, and that he is +at present scarcely more abusive of England than he has several times +been of his own Government and of the State Church because his system +was not made a matter of compulsory teaching. As to Eucken, the reasons +for his obsession are quite different. In his case the feeling and the +utterance are due to intellectual weakness rather than to virulence of +passion. + +After all, however, the temper of military and imperial Germany under +the dominance of Prussia has been essentially the same from the +beginning. In illustration of this, let me quote for your readers from a +poem of Heine, written as long ago as 1842. I do this the more readily +because I have recently seen, to my astonishment, Heine placed beside +Goethe as representing the better temper of the Germanic civilization as +opposed to the blinded judgment and immoral hatred of the modern German +Empire: + + Germany's still a little child, + But he's nursed by the sun, though tender; + He is not suckled on soothing milk, + But on flames of burning splendor. + + One grows apace on such a diet; + It fires the blood from languor; + Ye neighbor's children, have a care, + This urchin how ye anger! + + He is an awkward infant giant, + The oak by the roots uptearing; + He'll beat you till your backs are sore, + And crack your crowns for daring. + + He is like Siegfried, the noble child, + That song-and-saga wonder, + Who, when his fabled sword was forged, + His anvil cleft in sunder! + + To you, who will our Dragon slay, + Shall Siegfried's strength be given; + Hurrah! how joyfully your nurse + Will laugh on you from heaven! + + The Dragon's hoard of royal gems + You'll win, with none to share it; + Hurrah! how bright the golden crown + Will sparkle when you wear it! + +But it would not be stranger than many other things which have happened +in human history if the defeat of German military imperialism should +result in restoring to Europe and spreading more widely over the world +the beneficent influence of Germanic civilization. Certainly they are +not the same thing, and they do not stand or fall together. + +GEORGE TRUMBULL LADD. + +Yale University, Oct. 20, 1914. + + + + +Possible Profits From War + +INTERVIEW WITH FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS. + + Dr. Giddings is Professor of Sociology and the History of + Civilization at Columbia University; author of many works on + sociology and political economy; President of Institut + Internationale de Sociologie, 1913. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +No man in the United States is better entitled to estimate the probable +social and economic outcome of the present European debacle than Prof. +Franklin H. Giddings of Columbia, one of the most distinguished +sociologists and political economists in the United States. + +"Today all Europe fights," he said to me, "but, also, today all Europe +thinks." + +That is an impressive sentence, with which he concluded our long talk, +and with which I begin my record of it. + +He believes that this thinking of the men who crouch low in the drenched +trenches and of the women who tragically wait for news of them will +fashion a new Europe. + +He agrees with the remarkable opinions of President Butler, that that +new Europe will be marked by the rise of democracy. + +He sees the probability of broadened individual opportunity in it, +accompanied by the breaking down of international suspicions; and he +thinks that all these processes, which surely make for peace, will +surely bring a lasting peace. + +In the following interview, which Prof. Giddings has carefully reread, +will be found one of the most interesting speculative utterances born of +the war. + +"The immediate economic cause of the war," said Prof. Giddings, "lay in +the affairs of Servia and Austria. Servia had been shut in. She had been +able to get practically nothing from, and sell practically nothing to, +the outside world, save by Austria's permission, while Austria, with +Germany professing fear of Slavic development, for years had been taking +every care to prevent the Balkan peoples from having free access to the +Adriatic. + +"Some financial profit arose from this interning of the little States, +but it is probable that the desire for this was all along entirely +secondary to the fear of Balkan, especially Servian, political and +economic development. + +"In the larger economic question Germany felt especial interest. + +"In a comparatively few years she had made the greatest progress ever +made by any nation in an equal time, with the possible exception of that +made by the United States in a similar period after our civil war, and +it is probable that not even our own advance has equaled hers in +rapidity or extent, if all could be tabbed up. + +"She had worked out a great manufacturing scheme, she had developed an +immense internal commerce by means of her railroads and her Rhine and +other waterways, she had built up an enormous trade with Eastern Europe, +Western Asia, South America, and the United States. + +"She had highly specialized in and become somewhat dependent on the +production of articles like dyestuffs and the commodities of the +pharmacopoeia. + +"Her shipping had advanced until it closely crowded England's; her +finances, on the whole, were well handled and her credit was excellent, +while her wonderful system of co-operation between the Government and +manufacturing producers and commercial distributers of all kinds had +become the admiration of all nations. The extent to which her Government +facilitated foreign trade through obtaining and distributing costly +information might well be taken as the world's model. + +"Whatever claims be made or contested about her contributions to culture +and theoretical science, there can be no argument about her material +achievements." + + +German Achievements. + +"Along every line her social organization of co-operation between the +Government and the people successfully handled problems feared by all +the outside world. While, as a result of the development of humane +feeling, England and the United States have been saying that ignorance, +vagabondage, and misery ought to be abolished, Germany has said, 'They +shall be!' And, saying it, she had actually commenced to abolish them. + +"She had cut down enormous wastes of human energy and, for the first +time in the history of the world, had established an economic minimum +below which men and families were not permitted to sink. + +"The cost of this was large; for insurance, colonies for tramps and +vagabonds, employment agencies, and the like; but Germany made it pay in +the creation of a nation built of loyal and efficient people. Both their +loyalty and their efficiency have been proved and reproved in the course +of the present struggle. They had accomplished marvels, they were ready +for amazing sacrifices. + +"Now, one of the principal reasons why Germany was able to do these +things, although, she probably ignored it and possibly would deny it, is +to be found in the free-trade policy of England. + +"At any time during the past twenty years England could have checked +German progress effectively by the establishment of a protective tariff +system designed to encourage her own colonies and other nations with +whom she had long been on friendly and influential terms, to the utmost +development of exclusive trade privileges designed to shut out Germany. +Except for the long-established English policy of commercial freedom +Germany could not have accomplished for herself what she has. + +"Germany has been growing rapidly. Her birth rate has been high, but of +late it has been falling, and when the war began there were indications +that she soon would approach the low ratio of population increase +already characteristic of France, of New England and the Middle West in +the United States, and lately of England. But Germany's population was +still a growing one and, in a sense, a restive one. + +"The Malthusian theory has not worked out in the civilized world as +Malthus supposed it would, for the application of science to +manufacturing, agriculture, &c., has prevented increasing populations +from pressing upon the means of subsistence; but in all parts of the +Western World the standards of living have been raised, the ambitions of +the average man and woman have expanded. They have lived better than +their parents lived, and they have wished their children to live better +still. + +"However, we can place no limit upon the probable expansion of human +desires, and it is true that a population unchecked by the intelligent +action of the human will tends to increase at a rate more rapid than +that at which it is possible to raise the actual plane of human living. + +"The speed of the working of the two rules is different, perhaps, but +both are dynamic, and the population of Germany tended to grow more +rapidly than betterment of conditions could be provided, even under the +nation's splendid governmental and commercial efficiency. + +"The natural yearning of the nation, therefore, was toward colonial +expansion, and, although note that I make no charges against either the +German Government or German people, the nation probably has wished +sovereignty over Western Europe, through Belgium and Holland to the sea. +Its narrow outlet through Hamburg and Bremen was insufficient for its +needs. + +"Of course, its trade and economic advance has sometimes conflicted +with that of other nations. It is natural for Germany to suppose that +England tried to block it. However, I think that all the evidence which +Germany has brought forward in proof of this is weak and improbable, +because England's great source of revenue has been her foreign trade, +and, above all, her carrying trade, and I am not partisan but stating +the obvious when I say that England prospers when the rest of the world +prospers, and that she has profited mightily through Germany's +commercial advance. + +"These facts point to the conclusion that Germany really had everything +to gain by avoiding war and continuing her prosperous expansion along +commercial lines, increasing the strength of her grip in foreign +countries, as, for example, in South America." + + +Germany's Prosperous Commerce. + +"In South America we Americans were not really competing with her. She +had studied the market and adopted the methods necessary to its +satisfaction; we had not. England was relatively losing her hold there. +In another twenty years Germany surely would have been one of the +greatest commercial and manufacturing nations which the world has ever +known. So it was not economic necessity, nor pressure approaching +economic necessity, which precipitated this war. + +"I think the German people, as they professed to do, did become greatly +alarmed over a possibility, magnified into a probability, that Russia, +taking up the cause of the Balkan peoples, would obtain Constantinople, +that Servia would make her way to the Adriatic, and that all possibility +of the expansion of Germany to the southeast would be blocked, and +Germany probably became alarmed over England's intentions--there were +many indications of something close to panic in Germany after it was +generally understood that King Edward figured in the pact with France. + +"I, for one, do not believe that the German fears of England were well +grounded; I do not believe that in the excitement the German mind worked +discriminatingly or that it is working with discrimination today. I +think that Germany has presented an extraordinary example of nation-wide +mobmindedness in a situation which offered nothing but ruin through war +and boundless advantages if she sat tight and waited for some one else +to strike the first blow, which, then, probably never would have been +struck. + +"So, although I have outlined what I think may fairly be regarded as +some of the economic conditions contributing to the war, I do not think +that it is entirely to be explained by economic causes. + +"They fail to account for the actual precipitation of the conflict. I +think that there is no explanation of that, short of recognition of an +abnormal reaction of the German mind to a situation the nature of which +was mistaken, or, at least, exaggerated. + +"And, of course, there were other factors concerning which we shall not +know the truth for years, such as the personal influence of individual +minds in the German and other Governments. It will be long before the +complete history of the acts and negligence of diplomats and other +responsible Ministers will be written." + +I asked Prof. Giddings if, in his opinion, the struggle is likely to +result in any wide and profound change in the economic life of the +world. + +"Yes," he replied, "I think it is sure to. In the first place, for at +least half a generation, and perhaps longer, the producing capital of +the world will be much smaller than it was before the war. + +"But in this speculation we must be cautious, because, so far, the +costly war material which has been consumed, such as fortresses +destroyed, guns worn out, ammunition consumed, soldiers' clothing, and +in general food, were principally accumulated and paid for long ago. +They have come out of the world's past production, and their cost +already has been written off. + +"The real loss, the new waste, over and above the devastation of Belgium +and other lands, has been of labor, productive activity which would have +been carried on during the period of the war had the struggle been +avoided, the destruction of the lives of men in their economic prime, +the maiming of others to the depletion of their future usefulness and +the loss to European fatherhood. + +"But if the war lasts a long time, necessitating the general renewal of +ships, fortresses, weapons, and stores, the waste will be enormous, for +the actual money expenditure will then come out of funds newly +accumulated or charged against the future, and not out of those set +aside in the past for war purposes." + + +One Great Change Occurring. + +"Thus one great economic change already is occurring--the devastation +wrought, the destruction of hoarded funds and supplies and of useful +human life. + +"There are others which are probable, but also problematical, although I +think we fairly may take them into account. + +"Will the European nations, in settlement of their differences through +final terms of peace, simply endeavor to restore the old order, drawing +their lines of demarkation very strictly, enacting, for example, higher +tariffs, thinking that along that line will lie the easiest way of +re-establishing national finances? + +"If so, the old contentions will be perpetuated. It will be the old +order of things over again. + +"We shall again have the spirit of exclusiveness fostered and the old +suspicions bred. The old intense competition of nation with nation for +trade to the exclusion of other nations from the markets of the world +will return with its attendant inefficiency. + +"But, on the other hand, the world will be an immense gainer through the +war if it is followed by a broad and rational review of the whole +situation and an adjustment of the map of Europe with due regard to the +ambitions and legitimate economic opportunities and capabilities of the +various peoples. + +"This war may be the greatest good the world has ever known if it leaves +Europe in a mental state disposed to Broaden opportunity, to break down +suspicions, to eliminate barriers, and make commerce much freer than it +has been. + +"Then Europe's economic recovery will be rapid, animosities will die +quickly away, and every nation which is now involved will progress with +a new speed, seeing that opportunity is created only through superiority +in fair competition. + +"The next possibility, one far more nearly a probability, I think, than +the somewhat Utopian speculation in which I have just indulged, is that +after the war the world will have been deeply impressed by the +tremendous activity of Germany, whether she be victor or vanquished. + +"What is the secret of her efficiency as manifested in the mobilization +of her vast army, in her use of science in new military devices, in her +holding of the elements of her national life together during the +struggle, in her keeping her industries going in the face of +unprecedented difficulties--all to a degree never before dreamed of? +will be a general query. + +"Other nations will study the German plan, asking whether it is true, as +has been taught in America, that that Government is best which governs +least. + +"It may be that this war will result, entirely apart from the urgency of +the labor problem which it will magnify, and wholly on the grounds of +general efficiency, in a general inquiry as to whether or not the time +has come for quasi-socialistic national developments. + +"I think it unlikely that the war will give impetus to that proletarian +socialism which is founded on class consciousness and class struggle; +but it may urge forward a socialistic movement based upon the large and +fruitful idea that the best hope for the future is offered by the most +complete and highly organized co-operation of all elements, all +interests, all agencies which in their combination make up national +structures. + +"As a matter of fact, I am an optimist, and I believe that this is about +what will come after this war ends. + +"To put my theory in slightly different terms, I believe that the +conflict will greatly further the development of what perhaps may be +called 'public socialism,' and I mean by that the highest attainable +organization of whole peoples for the production of commodities, the +furtherance of enterprise, and the promotion of the general well-being. + +"I think that when the world sobers up it will ask: 'How did Germany do +it?' + +"Whether she wins or loses that must be the universal query, for whether +she wins or loses her achievement has been in many ways unprecedented. + +"There can be but one answer to this query: She did it by an +organization which brought together in efficient co-operation the +individual, the quasi-private corporation, the public corporation, and +the Government upon a scale never before seen. + +"The world is bound to take notice of this." + + +Will Fear Loss of Liberty. + +I asked Prof. Giddings to go beyond economics and to consider the war's +probable results in their broader sociological aspects. + +"If what I have predicted happens," he replied, "the democratic elements +of society in all nations will become apprehensive of the loss of +liberty. + +"They will fear that in the interests of efficiency the perfected social +order will impose minute and unwelcome regulations upon individual life +and effort, and that a degree of coercive control will be established +which will end by making individuals mere cogs in the machine, +diminishing their importance, curtailing their usefulness and initiative +far more than is done by the great industrial corporations against which +the working classes already are protesting so loudly. + +"And not only the working people but a large proportion of all other +classes will develop these fears, especially in those nations which, +during the last century, have built up popular sovereignty and +democratic freedom, as the terms are understood in England and America. + +"We shall hear the argument that the loss of individual initiative and +personal self-reliance is too great a price to pay even for supreme +efficiency and the maximum production of material comforts. + +"The problem which such a conflict of interests and opinions will +present may be speculatively defined as that of trying to find a way to +reconcile a maximum of efficiency organization with a maximum of +individual freedom. + +"So stating it, we have to recognize that this has been the biggest +problem, in fact the comprehensive problem, that man, has faced +throughout human history, and the one which, really, he has been trying +to solve by the trial and error method in all his social experiments. + +"It is the sociological as distinguished from the merely economic +problem. + +"Human society exists because early in his career man discovered that +mutual aid, or team work, is, on the whole, in the struggle for +existence and the pursuit of happiness, a more effective factor than +physical strength or individual cleverness. + +"Natural selection has acted not only upon individuals, but, in the +large sense, upon groups and aggregates of groups. The restrictions upon +individual life have developed in the interests of groups, or collective +efficiency. + +"On the other hand, collective efficiency has no meaning, it serves no +purpose apart from the amelioration of individual life and the +development of individual personality. + +"So long as groups fear one another and fight with one another the +restrictions upon individual liberty must be extreme in the interests of +the collective fighting efficiency of each group as a whole. + +"All the possibilities of personal development, of individual freedom, +are involved in the larger possibilities of friendly relations between +nation and nation. + +"Already the co-operative instinct has so grown that if war and the fear +of war could be eliminated, mankind would have relatively little +difficulty in working out ways and means of combining Governmental +action with individual initiative for purposes of economic production, +education, the promotion of the public health, and the administration +of justice. + +"All those principles and rules which we call Morality are, in fact, +mere rules of the game of life. We play the game or do not play it; we +are fair or unfair. + +"On the whole, most of us try to be fair because it has been found that +playing the game with a sense of fairness is the only way in which we +can succeed in working together for common ends without the necessity of +imposing upon ourselves coercive rules to hold our organization together +for possible mass attack upon the end in view. + +"Social life, in this sense of playing the game fairly, has made man the +superior of the brutes he sprang from. There is nothing mysterious or +recondite about it. + +"In order to work together men must understand one another. Therefore, +natural selection has picked out the intelligent for survival in the +social world; and in order to work together intelligent men must depend +on one another, abiding by their covenants. + +"Therefore, again, natural selection has picked out what we call +Morality for survival in the social world. The whole further progress of +mankind would seem to hang upon the possibility that we can find a way +to limit and, if possible, to terminate wars between nations, for only +in that contingency can we hope to develop a social system in which a +supreme efficiency with a maximum of individual liberty can be combined +upon a working basis." + + +Application of the Facts. + +"These are incontrovertible facts, and they find their application to +the existing European situation in various ways, the most important of +which will appear in the discovery that, valuable as conventions and +covenants of nation with nation may be, and intolerable as any violation +of them surely is, we cannot hope for general and unfailing observance +of them until the feeling of mankind and the whole attitude of the world +in respect to international as well as private conduct shall be that the +covenants and conventions shall become, in a degree, unnecessary. + +"Already it is apparent that the entire world, including the peoples of +the nations at war as well as the peoples of the nations remaining +happily at peace, have, begun to think these thoughts and reflect upon +their momentous importance. + +"Shocked and stunned as never before by a calamity for which we find no +measure in past human experience, mankind is bound to take at this +moment a more sober view, a broader and more rational view, of the +problems of responsibility and collective conduct than it hitherto has +been able even to attempt. + +"The world is sure to ask what things make for sobriety of judgment and +integrity of purpose. It is sure in future more carefully to weigh +relative values, and will be disposed to count as unimportant many +things for which hitherto the armed men of nations have rushed into war. + +"In a word, this war has made the whole world think as no one thing ever +has made it think before, and, after all, it is upon the habit of +thought that we must depend for all rational progress. + +"Other wars and other great events have fostered sentiment, much of +which has been hopeful and useful; they have accomplished far-reaching +economic changes, many of them necessary. + +"But the reactions of this war will surely go beyond all previous +experience. They already are and must be, in a far greater measure, +profoundly intellectual, and one of the consequences of this fact +inevitably will be the broadening and deepening of the democratic +current. + +"When peace returns it will be seen that democracy has received a +hitherto unimagined impetus. Then it will be understood that democracy, +in one of its most important aspects, is popular thinking, that it is +the widest possible extension of the sense of responsibility. + +"A democratic world will be, all in all, a peace-loving world. + +"We may confidently expect far-reaching changes in the internal +political organization of the nations now involved. In every nation of +Europe the people are asking: What, after all, is this conflict all +about? + +"They will ask this many times, and however they may answer it they +will, by consequence, follow the question with another: Shall we go on +fighting wars about the necessity, expedience, and righteousness of +which we have not been consulted? + +"And to this query they will find only one answer--an emphatic negative. + +"Sooner or later there will be a comprehensive political reorganization +of Europe, and when its day comes the rearrangement will be along the +lines of a republic rather than along the lines of any monarchy, however +liberal. + +"Then international agreements will be unnecessary and there will be no +treaties to be broken--no 'scraps of paper' to be disregarded. + +"Apparently Germany has been as successful in training her people to +think accurately along economic lines as she has been in training them +to work efficiently along such lines; and that accurate thought +undoubtedly is bearing startling fruit among the men today crouched in +the trenches on the firing lines." + + +Era of Individual Thought. + +"England, on the other hand, and France have encouraged the free and +spontaneous life of democratic peoples. France and England, like the +United States, have been training their peoples to think efficiently of +and to appreciate and use liberty and initiative. And the men of these +two nations are, in turn, exercising that ability as they crouch in +their trenches. + +"In other words, this war has precipitated an era of sober individual +thought about the individual's rights and responsibilities. It will +everywhere bring about a wider political organization of mankind, a +greater freedom of trade and opportunity, a more serious and thorough +education, a more earnest attention and devotion to the higher interests +of life, giving such thought preference above that overemphasis of +material comforts which has been so marked a feature of recent human +history. + +"All these things will make for peace; and another and potent influence +will be the exhaustion of the weakened nations which will follow the +conflict. Because of that very weakness Europe will turn its unanimous +attention to the things of peace rather than to the things of war. + +"The new Europe is being fashioned by those questioning men who now are +lying in the trenches. + +"They are searching in the universe for answers to such inquiries as +they never dreamed about before, and the women, worrying at home--they, +too, are busy with a search for answers to hitherto undreamed-of +questions. + +"They all are pondering great things for the first time. Their pondering +will be fruitful. + +"Today all Europe fights, but, also, today all Europe thinks. And, +thinking, perhaps it may devise a better order, so that it may not ever +fight again." + +[Illustration] + + + + +"To Americans Leaving Germany" + +A FAREWELL WORD. + + +AMERICANS! + +Citizens of the United States! + +In this earnest moment in which you are leaving the soil of Germany and +Berlin, take with you from German citizens, from representatives of +trade and industry, who are proud to entertain friendly commercial +relations with the United States, a hearty farewell coupled with the +desire of a speedy return. + +Together with this farewell we beg you to do us a favor. As our guests, +whom we have always honored and protected, we ask you to take this paper +with you as a memorial and to circulate the same among your authorities, +press, friends, and acquaintances. + +For, we are well aware that the enemies of Germany are at work to make +you the instruments to lower Germany's people and army in the face of +the whole world in order to deceive foreign nations as to Germany's +policy and economical power. We ask you, as free citizens face to face +with free citizens, to circulate the real truth about Germany among your +people as compared to the lies of our enemies. + +We beg you to take the following main points to heart: + + 1. The German Emperor and the German Nation wanted peace. The + cunning and breach of faith of our opponents have forced the + sword into the hands of Germany. + + 2. After war has been forced on us the German Nation, Emperor, + and Reichstag have granted everything in the most brilliant + unanimity for the war. No difference prevails in Germany any + longer, no difference between party, confession, rank or + position, but we are a united nation and army. + + 3. Our military organization and our mobilization has + proceeded with splendid precision. The mobilization was + accomplished during the course of a few days. In addition to + those who are compelled to serve, more than 1,200,000 + volunteers have offered their services. All civil + organizations, from the head of industry and finance to the + smallest man downward, vie with each other in works of + voluntary aid and welfare. + + 4. In the field German arms have had splendid successes in the + first days of mobilization. + +In the east the Russian enemy has been driven from the German frontier, +in numerous small fights by our troops in conjunction with those of the +Austro-Hungarian monarchy. By successful coup de mains our navy has been +successful in damaging and alarming our Russian opponent in her Baltic +naval ports. The Russian port of Libau has been burned down and in +Russian Poland revolution has already begun. Russian mobilization is a +long way from being accomplished, the troops are badly, poorly +nourished, and many deserters sell their weapons and horses. + +In the west the German Army has gained imposing victories over Belgium +and France. + +In Belgium, where the population unfortunately committed the most +barbarous atrocities against peaceful Germans before the war broke out, +comparatively weak German forces conquered the strong fortress of Ličge +a few days after the mobilization, inflicting severe damage on the enemy +and opening up the way via Belgium to France. + +Valuable victories have been obtained over France on the Alsatian +frontier toward the strong French fortress of Belfort as well as in the +direction of the fortress Lunéville. At Mülhausen one and a half French +Army divisions were overthrown and driven back over the frontier with +heavy losses. + +The strong and effective German fleet is on the watch against the +English fleet. + +England's risk is great in staking her reputation as the strongest +naval power on one throw against the German fleet. Further, England runs +the danger that her large colonies, such as India and Egypt, will seize +a moment that has been long desired to revolt. + +It is for the United States to utilize the present moment to frustrate +by powerful initiative England's endeavors to keep down all nations, +including America, in the trade and traffic of the world. + +Citizens of the United States! Take the conviction with you to your +homes that Germany will stake her last man and her last penny for +victory. Germany must conquer and will conquer. + +Remember! That after a successful victory Germany will make new +political and economical progress, and that America, as a shrewd +businesslike State and as a friend of Germany, will participate in such +progress. + +Today we beg you earnestly to convey to your fellow-citizens that the +German Nation, as the safe refuge of civilization and culture, has +always protected the loyal citizens of its enemies in every manner in +contrast to Russia, France, and Belgium. By circulating this short +memorial among your fellow-citizens you are likewise insuring that also +in the future the United States will learn the truth about Germany's +battles and victories. Your friends here will always do the best in +their power to supply you with genuine news. We wish you a happy voyage +toward your home, so appreciated by all Germans, and hope to see you +again in a victorious and prosperous Germany. + +REPRESENTATIVES OF GERMAN INDUSTRY. + +Berlin, Aug. 13, 1914. + + + + +German Declarations + +By Rudolf Eucken and Ernst Haeckel. + + Dr. Eucken is Privy Councilor and Professor of Philosophy in + the University of Jena; won the Nobel Prize for Literature in + 1908; has received many foreign honorary degrees and his + philosophy has been expounded in English. + + Ernst Haeckel is Privy Councilor and late Professor of Zoology + at the University of Jena; has written many works on evolution + which have been translated into English. + + +The whole German world of letters is today filled with deep indignation +and strong moral resentment at the present behavior of England. Both of +us, for many years bound to England by numerous scientific and personal +ties, believe ourselves prepared to give open expression to this inward +revulsion. In close co-operation with like-minded English investigators +we have zealously exerted ourselves to bring the two great peoples +closer together in spirit and to promote a mutual understanding. A +fruitful reciprocal interchange of English and German culture seemed to +us worth while, indeed necessary, for the spiritual advance of mankind, +which today confronts such great problems. Gratefully we recall in this +connection the friendly reception which our efforts received in England. +So great and noble were the traits of English character which revealed +themselves to us that we were permitted to hope that in their sure +growth they would come to be superior to the pitfalls and seamy sides of +this character. And now they have proved inferior, inferior to the old +evil of a brutal national egotism which recognizes no rights on the +part of others, which, unconcerned about morality or unmorality, pursues +only its own advantage. + +History furnishes in abundance examples of such an unscrupulous egotism; +we need recall here only the destruction of the Danish fleet (1807) and +the theft of the Dutch colonies in the Napoleonic wars. But what is +taking place today is the worst of all; it will be forever pointed at in +the annals of world history as England's indelible shame. England fights +in behalf of a Slavic, half-Asiatic power against Germanism; she fights +on the side not only of barbarism but also of moral injustice, for it is +indeed not forgotten that Russia began the war because she would permit +no radical reparation for a shameful murder. + +It is England whose fault has extended the present war into a world war, +and has thereby endangered our joint culture. And all this for what +reason? Because she was jealous of Germany's greatness, because she +wanted to hinder at any price a further growth of this greatness. For +there cannot be the least doubt on this point that England was +determined in advance to cast as many obstacles as possible in the way +of Germany's great struggle for national existence, and to hinder her as +much as possible in the full development of her powers. She (England) +was watching only for a favorable opportunity when she could break out +suddenly against Germany, and she therefore promptly seized on the +necessary German invasion of Belgium in order that she might cover with +a small cloak of decency her brutal national egotism. Or is there in the +whole wide world any one so simple as to believe that England would have +declared war on France also if the latter had invaded Belgium? In that +event she would have wept hypocritical tears over the unavoidable +violation of international law; but as for the rest she would have +laughed in her sleeve with great satisfaction. This hypocritical +Pharisaism is the most repugnant feature of the whole matter; it +deserves nothing but contempt. + +The history of the world shows that such sentiments lead the nations not +upward but downward. For the present, however, we trust firmly in our +just cause, in the superior strength and the unyielding victorious +spirit of the German people. Yet we must at the same time lament deeply +that the boundless egotism we have referred to has disturbed for an +immeasurable period of time the spiritual co-operation of the two +peoples which promised so much good for the development of mankind. But +they wished it so on their side--on England alone falls the monstrous +guilt and the historical responsibility. + +RUDOLF EUCKEN. + +ERNST HAECKEL. + +Jena, Aug. 18, 1914. + + + + +A Second Appeal + + +_To the Universities of America:_ + +In a time when half of the world falls upon Germany full of hatred and +envy, we Germans derive great benefit from the idea of our being sure of +the friendly feeling of the American universities. If from any quarter +in the world, it must be from them that we expect the right +comprehension of the present situation and present attitude of Germany. +Numerous American scholars who received their scientific training at our +universities have convinced themselves of the quality and the peaceful +tendency of German work, the exchange of scientists has proved of +deepening influence on the mutual understanding, the lasting intercourse +of scholarly research gives us the feeling of being members of one great +community. This is why we entertain the hope that the scientific +circles of America will not give credit to the libels our enemies +propagate against us. + +These libels, above all, accuse Germany of having brought about the +present war, she being responsible for the monstrous struggle which is +extending more and more over the whole world. The truth points to the +contrary. Our foes have disturbed us in our peaceful work, forcing the +war upon us very much against our desire. We are at a righteous war for +the preservation of our existence and at the same time of sacred goods +of humanity. The murder of Serajevo was not our work; it was the outcome +of a widely extending conspiracy pointing back to Servia, where for many +years already a passionate agitation against Austria had been carried +on, supported by Russia. It was Russia, therefore, that took the +assassins under her wings, and some weeks already before the war broke +out she promised her assistance to that blood-stained State. Nobody but +Russia has given the dangerous turn to the conflict; nobody but Russia +is to blame for the outbreak of the war. The German Emperor, who has +proved his love of peace by a peaceful reign of more than twenty-five +years, in face of the imminent danger, tried to intermediate between +Austria and Russia with the greatest zeal, but while he was negotiating +with the Czar Russia was busy with the mobilization of a large army +toward the German frontier. This necessitated an open and decisive +inquiry that led to the war. This only happened because Russia wanted it +so, because she wanted to raise the Muscovites against the Germans and +the Western Slavs and to lead Asia into the field against Europe. + +France, too, might have kept the peace, the decision resting solely with +her. The security of Germany demanded that she should inquire what +France would do in the impending war; the answer of France unmistakably +betrayed her intention to join in the war. As a matter of fact, it was +not Germany but France who commenced the war. + +England already before the war stood in close relations to France. From +the very beginning she has clearly shown that she by no means wanted to +keep absolutely neutral. From the very beginning she made endeavors to +protect France against Germany. Undoubtedly the German invasion in +Belgium served England as a welcome pretext to openly declare her +hostility. In reality, before the German invasion, already the +neutrality of Belgium had been given up in favor of the French. It has +been officially stated, e.g., that not only before but also after the +outbreak of the war French officers have been at Ličge in order to +instruct the Belgian soldiers as to the fortification service. England's +complaints of the violation of international law, however, are the most +atrocious hypocrisy and the vilest Pharisaism. At all times English +politics have unscrupulously disregarded all forms of law as soon as +their own interest was touched. During the last few weeks the same +method has been quite sufficiently manifested in the unlawful capture of +the Turkish warships, and still more so in the instigation of the +Japanese to undertake the detestable raid upon the German territory in +China, which needs must end in strengthening the power of that Mongolian +nation at the costs of Europeans and Americans. + +How it is possible for a nation that in such a way has betrayed precious +interests of Western culture as soon as it seems to benefit them, how is +it possible for these accomplices of the Japanese robbery to put on the +air of being the guardians of morality? + +We Germans did not want this war, but as it has been forced upon us we +shall carry it on bravely and vigorously. In the face of all envy and +hatred, all brutality and hypocrisy, Germany feels unshakably conscious +of serving a righteous cause and of standing up for the preservation of +her national self as well as for sacred goods of humanity; indeed, for +the very progress of true culture. It is from this conviction that she +draws her unrelenting force and the absolute certainty that she will +beat back the assault of all her enemies. This conviction does not stand +in need of any encouragement from abroad; our country absolutely relies +upon itself and confides in the strength of its right. + +Nevertheless, the idea of our American friends' thoughts and sympathies +being with us gives us a strong feeling of comfort in this gigantic +struggle. We both of us feel especially justified in pronouncing this as +being the conviction of all German scientists, as so many scientific and +personal relations connect us both with the universities of America. +These universities know what German culture means to the world, so we +trust they will stand by Germany. + +RUDOLF EUCKEN. + +ERNST HAECKEL. + +Jena, Aug. 31, 1914. + + + + +The Eucken and Haeckel Charges + +By John Warbeke. + + Professor of Philosophy and Psychology at Mount Holyoke + College. + +_A Letter to the Springfield Republican._ + + +_To the Editor of The Springfield Republican:_ + +The approval of President Wilson for neutrality of language can hardly +be construed into complacency in the face of monstrous evil. If a +judicial attitude of mind be not jeopardized a discussion of the issues +raised by Profs. Eucken and Haeckel ought to help us in the attainment +of impartial judgment. A long acquaintance with both these men makes it +hard for the present writer to give expression to such negative +criticism as he is constrained to do. But his plea can be only this: Not +truth but only passion can separate, and truth is greater even than +friendship. + +The charge of "brutal national egoism" is laid at England's door. She is +declared to be the instigator of the present world war. "Upon her alone +falls the monstrous guilt and the judgment of history." Such language +from two benevolent philosophers, one of them a winner of the Nobel +Peace Prize for Idealistic Literature, seems to suggest a lack of +information among the German people, including its most enlightened +exponents, of not only their own published "White Paper" dispatches, but +also of the events of the last two months. It seems hardly possible that +in the case of these two gentlemen a deliberate campaign of vituperation +could have been inaugurated with determination to blind themselves to +facts clearly stated in the reports of both contending parties-- + +First--That Servia, in reply to ten urgent demands on the part of +Austria, acquiesced in nine and proposed to submit the tenth, as +concerning her national integrity, to The Hague Tribunal. Austria, +nevertheless, declared war, with Germany's self-confessed assurances of +support. + +Secondly--Germany was the second to declare war, the mobilization of +Russia being assigned as the reason for this step. The objection of +Germany's initial campaign, as shown by events, was not defense against +the confessedly slowly mobilizing Russians, however, but the humiliation +and subjugation of France. And the means employed to that end included +the treaty-breaking invasion, and more than invasion, of Belgium, who is +suffering because of this step "so necessary for Germany." + +Thirdly--England, as is repeatedly demonstrated by the official +documents, of both sides, strained every means to bring about a common +understanding. The appeals of Sir Edward Grey for more time in the +Servian ultimatum and for a council of Ambassadors were met by the +Austrian and German Governments respectively with evasion. And England +was the last of the great powers to enter the conflict, her plea being +the moral obligation of supporting treaties in which she guaranteed the +integrity of a weak neighbor and undertook to defend her ally, France, +when attacked. + + +The Case of England. + +We may justifiably ask, then, What basis is there for the charge that +England's "brutal, national egoism" provoked the world war? The answer +is a two-fold one. Historically, England has exhibited aggression in the +extension of her interests; morally, England supports the Russian +aggressor, who declined "to allow Austria the thoroughgoing punishment +of an ignominious murder," cloaking her real intentions behind the +mantle of a "contemptible sanctimoniousness" and "hypocrisy" concerning +treaty obligations. + +The first charge against England is unfortunately true. History records +instances of British aggression in the extension of her interests and +the cases cited (destruction of the Danish fleet and the taking of Dutch +colonies) are good examples. The implication, however, involved in the +statement is that such aggression is not to be found in the history of +Prussia. This is clearly an error. + +From the time of the Markgrafen even unto the Agadir incident it has +been characteristic of Prussia to extend her boundaries and interests +under the plea of military necessity. Aggression is the only word to +characterize Frederick's seizure of Silesia and part of Poland. South +and East Prussia were added by the same forcible means (1793-1795). In +the Napoleonic wars Swedish Pomerania fell as the booty of military +necessity. Schleswig-Holstein was filched from Denmark (1866) by the +same "extension of her greatness." Once more it was the plea in +Alsace-Lorraine--"so necessary for Germany." + +Nor are we here urging immunity of criticism for ourselves. It is sadly +true that the history of many nominally Christian States, including that +of the United States, and not excluding the Papacy, includes chapters of +aggression. But the point involved, namely, the charge of England's +aggression in the present instance, is clearly an a priori one, based on +a presupposition of monopoly which lacks material support. No evidence +is presented to justify the statement, nor do the facts seem to allow of +any such construction. + +The second argument, England's support of Russia's unwillingness to +permit the expiation of an ignominious murder, is a strange and +unfortunate commentary on how even in philosophic minds a preconceived +idea will distort the most unmistakable evidence. For Servia in her +reply to the Austrian demands agreed to have just punishment inflicted +upon the murderers, even going so far as to cause the arrest of those +perhaps unjustly suspected by the Austrian committee and to suggest an +international court. How, then, did Russia stand in the way of the +punishment? Austria declared war, with the self-confessed assurances of +German support, all too obviously for reasons other than the ones +mentioned in the ultimatum to which Servia acquiesced. The charge of +Russian mobilization in view of such a situation suggests the temper of +the man who, when caught in his own bear trap, tries to find his +neighbor at fault. Suppose Germany had remained on the defensive, would +war have been likely? Suppose Germany had not backed up the entirely +unjustifiable military movement of Austria, would the general war have +been probable? + + +Where Nietzsche Comes In. + +It seems more likely when one passes in review the extant data that at +least one and a crucial cause for the present situation is the +"overwhelming power and unbending will to victory in the German people" +when confronted with an opportunity for the "further expansion of their +greatness." That such phrases should be in the mouths of our apologists +for the war is significant. And that the invasion of Belgium "so +necessary for the Germans" is treated by the spokesmen of morality +solely and confessedly from the standpoint of military expediency seems +to indicate the permeation of the Nietzsche superman into the very +stronghold of idealistic philosophy. + +It would, of course, be as absurd to suppose Nietzsche a direct cause of +this war as it would be to regard the Serajevo murderers as the sole +cause. Nietzsche was and is an exponent of his time, as well as one +reciprocally fostering such movements as Bernhardi militarism and the +Crown Prince's war book. Perhaps it will not be inappropriate here to +cite from "War and the People of War," in "Also Sprach Zarathustra," +(Pages 67-68,) the magnum opus of Nietzsche: + + You should love peace as a means to new war and brief peace + more than a long one. Do you say, "It is a good cause by which + a war is hallowed"? I say unto you, It is a good war which + hallows every cause. War and courage have done greater things + than the love of one's neighbor. "What, then, is good?" you + ask. To be brave is good. Let young maidens say, "Good is to + be pretty and touching." But you are hateful? Well, so be it, + my brethren! Cast about you a mantle of the sublimely hateful. + And when your soul has become great it will become wanton; in + your greatness there will be malice, I know, and in malice the + proud heart will meet the weakling. + +This, we are told, is not to be taken literally--all is symbolism and +has a meaning other than the more direct one. But the fact remains, as +can be testified by the present writer from three years' residence as a +university student in Germany, that the rank and file as well as the +aristocracy--from laborers and small shopkeepers, petty officials, and +students to Judges of the Supreme Court and university professors who +have become "secret councilors" (Geheimrat)--not only in Berlin and Bonn +but in Munich and Heidelberg, all have become ominously full of the +doctrine of the survival of the fittest and the consequent expediency of +power, not only in intellectual rivalry but in Krupps and high +explosives. + +The Nietzsche fire may, perhaps, serve a purpose on the hearthstone of +our inmost life if it be to rescue us from complacency and secure +inanity, but in the form of electrically connected lyddite stores and +gasoline bombs it drives those who believe in a supernation to a +literal interpretation of the above widely popular philosophy. And, as +demonstrated at Louvain and Rheims, it goes far to obliterate the +memorials of a past which Nietzsche thought so contemptible a check upon +the prowess of the "blonde Bestie" as he progressed toward--toward the +superman. + +It was wide of the mark, therefore, to attribute that which bears the +stamp "made in Germany" to England. Bernhardi and the Crown Prince with +their thousands of officers and the multitudes in the ranks to whom +Nietzsche has become an inspiring motive are not to be construed as +English surely. Nor does the English "culture," so far as the present +writer is informed, contain a superman, unless it be Bernard Shaw! +English people have to import "beyond good and evil" philosophy, and as +historians of thought Profs. Eucken and Haeckel must know that it has +never had a foothold there. Had it been "brutal national egoism, knowing +no rights of others," which motivated Britain, she would not now have +gone to war--in order that she might profit finally by the inevitable +exhaustion of the Continent. And having taken the clear stand she has, +what but good-will and the consciousness of a just cause brought support +and sacrifice from the hands and lives of her grateful peoples all over +the earth? Would brutality have done it? The same question might be +asked concerning France's empire from which she derives chiefly the +consciousness of an extending civilization. + + +The Claims of German Culture. + +A word more should be added concerning the condescending tone generally +of the exponents of German culture and more specifically that of the +distinguished writers of the circular letter. They had up to the present +continued to hope for growth in English literary and scientific +development. Before this dismal egoism got the upper hand the English +people really and truly possessed some noble traits and so forth. As for +Russian culture, supposedly including its science and literature, music, +architecture and the rest, it is all effaced by a single "barbarism"! +The implication of such an attitude and such words is that the Kremlin +or Rheims, Shakespeare and Rembrandt, Michaelangelo, Darwin, Spinoza and +the treasures of Louvain might be easily paralleled or surpassed by +German cathedrals, German sculpture, German paintings, German literature +and so forth. It is not our present purpose to dispute the claim, but +only to remind the Teutons that in France and Belgium they have declared +war, not indeed upon supermen, but upon many gentlemen and some worthy +fruits of their spirits, and that they have destroyed much which +formerly enriched the life of the world. + +It is the claim of some objective German writers that a modicum of +modesty would prove the most substantial contribution to Teutonic +civilization. Defeat of German arms might, therefore, prove a blessing +to the self-lauded culture as well as call a halt to the brutal science +of Krupps. As instances of authors mentioned above, a passage from the +lamented Friedrich Paulsen's "System der Ethic" (Page 582) may, justly, +be cited: "Insolence still continues to impress the average German. The +spirit of English scientific intercourse forms a highly pleasing +contrast to the German habit. Take such writers as Mill and Darwin; they +speak to the reader as though he did them a favor by listening to them, +and whenever they enter upon a controversy, they do it in a manner +which expresses respect and a desire for mutual understanding. The +German scholar believes that it will detract from the respect due him if +he does not assume a tone of condescension or overbearing censure. +Examine the first scientific journal you may happen to pick up; even the +smallest anonymous announcement breathes the air of infinite +superiority." + +A second passage is quoted from the great work of Wilhelm Scherer, +"Geschichte der Deutschen Litteratur" (Pages 20-21): "Recklessness seems +to be the curse of our spiritual development ... obstinacy in good and +in evil. Beauty we have not often served, nor long at a time." These +are, of course, not the judgments of the present writer. + +Conviction does not flow from the argument concerning England's brutal +egoism and reckless immorality under the cloak of sanctimoniousness; nor +is there strength in the appeal for Teuton culture. All has the tone of +special pleading and makes doubly significant a sentence from Nietzsche +when he pleads for an overcoming of our ideals of veracity: "'I have +done this thing,' says my memory, 'I could not have done this thing,' +says my pride and remains inexorable. Finally memory yields." ("Beyond +Good and Evil," Page 94.) + +JOHN WARBEKE. + +Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Sept. 23, 1914. + +[Illustration: BRANDER MATTHEWS + +_(Photo by Brown Bros.)_ + +_See Page 541_] + +[Illustration: NEWELL DWIGHT HILL + +_See Page 573_] + + + + +Concerning German Culture + +By Brander Matthews. + + Professor of Dramatic Literature at Columbia University; + author of many works on literature and the development of the + drama. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +In the earnest and sincere appeals of various distinguished Germans, +Prof. Eucken, Prof. Haeckel, and the several authors of "The Truth About +Germany," we find frequent references to "German culture" as though it +was of a superior quality to the culture of every other nationality; and +we seem to perceive also a sustaining belief that Germany is not only +the defender of civilization, but its foremost exponent. We have no +right to question the good faith of scholars of the high character of +Eucken and Haeckel; and we cannot doubt their being honestly possessed +of the conviction that Germany is the supreme example of a highly +civilized State and the undisputed leader in the arts and sciences which +represent culture. It is plain that these German writers take this for +granted and that they would be indignantly surprised if it should be +questioned. + +To an American who feels himself a sharer of the noble heritage of +English literature, and who has sat for more than forty years at the +feet of the masters of French literature, this claim cannot but come as +a startling surprise. + +The most obvious characteristic of a highly civilized man is his +willingness to keep his word, at whatever cost to himself. For reasons +satisfactory to itself, Germany broke its pledge to respect the +neutrality of Luxemburg and of Belgium. It is another characteristic of +civilization to cherish the works of art which have been bequeathed to +us by the past. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany destroyed +Louvain, more or less completely. It is a final characteristic of +civilized man to be humane and to refrain from ill-treating the +blameless. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany dropped bombs in +the unbesieged City of Antwerp and caused the death of innocent women +and children. Here are three instances where German culture has been +tested and found wanting. + + +The Standard Bearer of Culture. + +But it may be urged that war has its own exigencies and that these three +instances of uncivilized conduct partook of the nature of military +necessities. Turning from the outrages of war to the triumphs of peace, +let us make a disinterested attempt to find out just what foundation +there may be for the implicit assertion that Germany is the standard +bearer of civilization. + +Perhaps it is too petty to point out that manners are the outward and +visible sign of civilization, and that in this respect the Germans have +not yet attained to the standard set by the French and the English. But +it is not insignificant to record that the Germans alone retain a +barbaric mediaeval alphabet, while the rest of Western Europe has +adopted the more legible and more graceful Roman letter; and it is not +unimportant to note that German press style is cumbrous and uncouth. +Taken collectively, these things seem to show German culture is a little +lacking in the social instinct, the desire to make things easy and +pleasant for others. It is this social instinct which is the dominating +influence in French civilization and which has given to French +civilization its incomparable urbanity and amenity. It is to the absence +of this social instinct, to the inability to understand the attitude of +other parties to a discussion, to the unwillingness to appreciate their +point of view, that we may ascribe the failure of German diplomacy, a +failure which has left her almost without a friend in her hour of need. +And success in diplomacy is one of the supreme tests of civilization. + +The claim asserted explicity or implicitly in behalf of German culture +seems to be based on the belief that the Germans are leaders in the arts +and in the sciences. So far as the art of war is concerned there is no +need today to dispute the German claim. It is to the preparation for war +that Prussia has devoted its utmost energy for half a century--in fact, +ever since Bismarck began to make ready for the seizing of unwilling +Schleswig-Holstein. And so far as the art of music is concerned there is +also no need to cavil. + +But what about the other and more purely intellectual arts? How many are +the contemporary painters and sculptors and architects of Germany who +have succeeded in winning the cosmopolitan reputation which has been the +reward of a score of the artists of France and of half a dozen of the +artists of America? + + +Since Goethe, Who? + +When we consider the art of letters we find a similar condition. Germany +has had philosophers and historians of high rank; but in pure +literature, in what used to be called "belles-lettres," from the death +of Goethe in 1832 to the advent of the younger generation of dramatists, +Sudermann and Hauptmann and the rest, in the final decade of the +nineteenth century--that is to say, for a period of nearly sixty +years--only one German author succeeded in winning a worldwide +celebrity--and Heine was a Hebrew, who died in Paris, out of favor with +his countrymen, perhaps because he had been unceasing in calling +attention to the deficiencies of German culture. There were in Germany +many writers who appealed strongly to their fellow-countrymen, but +except only the solitary Heine no German writer attained to the +international fame achieved by Cooper and by Poe, by Walt Whitman and by +Mark Twain. And it was during these threescore years of literary aridity +in Germany that there was a superb literary fecundity in Great Britain +and in France, and that each of these countries produced at least a +score of authors whose names are known throughout the world. Even +sparsely settled Scandinavia brought forth a triumvirate, Björnsen, +Ibsen, and Brandes, without compeers in Germany. And from Russia the +fame of Turgenef and of Tolstoy spread abroad a knowledge of the heart +and mind of a great people who are denounced by Germans as barbarous. + +It is probably in the field of science, pure and applied, that the +defenders of the supremacy of German culture would take their last +stand. That the German contribution to science has been important is +indisputable; yet it is equally indisputable that the two dominating +scientific leaders of the second half of the nineteenth century are +Darwin and Pasteur. It is in chemistry that the Germans have been +pioneers; yet the greatest of modern chemists is Mendeleef. It was Hertz +who made the discovery which is the foundation of Marconi's invention; +but although not a few valuable discoveries are to be credited to the +Germans, perhaps almost as many as to either the French or the British, +the German contribution in the field of invention, in the practical +application of scientific discovery, has been less than that of France, +less than that of Great Britain, and less than that of the United +States. The Germans contributed little or nothing to the development of +the railroad, the steamboat, the automobile, the aeroplane, the +telegraph, the telephone, the phonograph, the photograph, the moving +picture, the electric light, the sewing machine, and the reaper and +binder. Even those dread instruments of war, the revolver and the +machine gun, the turreted ship, the torpedo, and the submarine, are not +due to the military ardor of the Germans. It would seem as though the +Germans had been lacking in the inventiveness which is so marked a +feature of our modern civilization. + +In this inquiry there has been no desire to deny the value of the German +contributions to the arts and to the sciences. These contributions are +known to all; they speak for themselves; they redound to the honor of +German culture; and for them, whatever may be their number, the other +nations of the world are eternally indebted to Germany. But these German +contributions are neither important enough nor numerous enough to +justify the assumption that German culture is superior or that Germany +is entitled to think herself the supreme leader of the arts and of the +sciences. No one nation can claim this lofty position, although few +would be so bold as to deny the superior achievement of the French in +the fine arts and of the English in pure science. + +Nations are never accepted by other nations at their own valuation; and +the Germans need not be surprised that we are now astonished to find +them asserting their natural self-appreciation, with the apparent +expectation that it will pass unchallenged. The world owes a debt to +modern Germany beyond all question, but this is far less than the debt +owed to England and to France. It would be interesting if some German, +speaking with authority, should now be moved to explain to us Americans +the reasons which underlie the insistent assertion of the superiority of +German civilization. Within the past few weeks we have been forced to +gaze at certain of the less pleasant aspects of the German character; +and we have been made to see that the militarism of the Germans is in +absolute contradiction to the preaching and to the practice of the great +Goethe, to whom they proudly point as the ultimate representative of +German culture. + +BRANDER MATTHEWS. + +Columbia University in the City of New York, Sept. 18, 1914. + + + + +Culture vs. Kultur + +By Frank Jewett Mather, Jr. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Current discussion of the worth of German culture has been almost +hopelessly clouded by the fact that when a German speaks of Kultur he +means an entirely different thing from what a Latin or Briton means by +culture. Kultur means the organized efficiency of a nation in the +broadest sense--its successful achievement in civil and military +administration, industry, commerce, finance, and in a quite secondary +way in scholarship, letters, and art. Kultur applies to a nation as a +whole, implying an enlightened Government to which the individual is +strictly subordinated. Thus Kultur is an attribute not of +individuals--whose particular interests, on the contrary, must often be +sacrificed to it--but of nations. + +Culture, for which nearest German equivalent is Bildung, is the opposite +of all this. It is an attribute not of nations as a whole but of +accomplished individuals. It acquires national import only through the +approval and admiration of these individuals by the rest, who share but +slightly in the culture they applaud. The aim of culture is the +enlightened and humane individual, conversant with the best values of +the past and sensitive to the best values of the present. The +open-mindedness and imagination implied in culture are potentially +destructive to a highly organized national Kultur. A cultured leader is +generally too much alive to the point of view of his rival to be a +wholly convinced partisan. Hence he lacks the intensity, drive, and +narrowness that make for competitive success. He keeps his place in the +sun not by masterfully overriding others, but by a series of delicate +compromises which reconcile the apparently conflicting claims. Moreover, +he has too great a respect for the differences between men's gifts to +formulate any rigid plan which, requires for its execution a strictly +regimented humanity. He will sacrifice a little efficiency that life may +be more various, rich, and delightful. + +Hence nations with cultured leaders have generally been beaten by those +whose leaders had merely Kultur. The Spartans and Macedonians had +abundant Kultur; they generally beat the Athenians, who had merely very +high culture. The Romans had Kultur, and the Hellenistic world wore +their yoke. Germany unquestionably has admirable Kultur, and none of the +mere cultured nations who are leagued against her could hope to beat her +singly. + + +She Does Not Desire Culture. + +On the other hand, Germany has singularly little culture, has less than +she had a hundred years ago, does not apparently desire it. She has +willingly sacrificed the culture of a few leading individuals to the +Kultur of the empire as a whole. Thus it is not surprising that Germany, +as measured by the production of cultured individuals, takes a very low +place today. Not only France and England, Italy and Spain, but also +Russia and America, may fairly claim a higher degree of culture. Here +the fetich of German scholarship should not deceive us. Culture--a +balanced and humanized state of mind--is only remotely connected with +scholarship or even with education. A Spanish peasant or an Italian +waiter may have finer culture than a German university professor. And in +the field of scholarship, Germany is in the main chiefly laborious, +accurate, and small-minded. Her scholarship is related not to culture, +but is a minor expression of Kultur. Such scholarly men of letters as +Darwin, Huxley, Renan, Taine, Boissier, Gaston Paris, Menendez y Pelayo, +Francis J. Child, Germany used to produce in the days of the Grimms and +Schlegels. She rarely does so now. Her culture has been swallowed up in +her Kultur. + +The claim of Germany to realize her Kultur at the expense of her +neighbors is at first sight plausible. Her Kultur is unquestionably +higher than theirs. She has a sharply realized idea of the State, and +she has justified it largely in practice. In a certain patience, +thoroughness, and perfection of political organization her pre-eminence +is unquestionable. The tone of her apologists shows amazement and +indignation over the fact that the world, so far from welcoming the +extension of German Kultur, is actively hostile to that ambition. Yet, +even if it be conceded that Germany's Kultur is wholly good for +herself--surely a debatable proposition--it does not follow that it is +or would be a universal benefit. Nations may deliberately and +legitimately prefer their culture, with its admitted disadvantages, to +the Kultur which pleases Germany. England is often mocked for the way in +which she "muddles through" successive perils, yet she may feel that the +stereotyping of her people in a rigid administrative frame might be too +high a price to pay for constant preparedness. As for us Americans, we +have made a virtue, perhaps overdone it, of avoiding a mechanical +Kultur. We prefer the greatest freedom for the individual to the +perfectly regimented state. We will move toward culture and cheerfully +assume the necessary risks of the process. + + +Unlovely and Impressive. + +In a broader view, the war may be regarded as a contest between the +metallic, half-mechanical Kultur of Prussianized Germany and the more +flexible civilizations of States that have inherited culture or aspire +to it. Germany herself has rejected the humane and somewhat hazardous +ideal of culture, so she cannot wonder or complain when she sees that +the culture of the world is almost unanimously hostile to her. There is +no quarrel with German Kultur itself; merely a feeling that it has its +drawbacks, that it is, on the whole, as unlovely as it is impressive, +that there is quite enough of it in the world already, and that its +broad extension would be disastrous. + +Meanwhile the nations of culture have much to learn from Germany's +Kultur. Flexibility may mean weakness. The United States, for example, +could well have a standing army and an army reserve commensurate with +its history and prospects without incurring any danger of militarism. +There is, finally, some disadvantage in being merely a culture nation, +for such a nation can add a large measure of Kultur without belying +itself. On the contrary, so highly developed a Kultur nation as the +German Empire puts itself in a position where it is almost impossible to +acquire any considerable degree of culture. Culture is the enemy of such +a state--it must remain in the Spartan or Macedonian stage. Rome began +to decline as soon as Hellenistic culture got the ascendency over the +old Latin Kultur. Kultur, in short, galvanizes; culture liberates. A +survey of modern Germany hardly warrants a desire for her world +dominion. + +If any reader is still unclear about the distinction between culture and +Kultur, let him examine his most-gifted friends as to their sympathies +in the present war, choosing, of course, persons who have no racial +reasons for taking sides. Almost without exception he will find they +fall into two sharply defined classes. The mental characteristics of his +pro-German friends will pretty certainly illustrate Kultur quite +concretely, while he may read the meaning of culture in his more-gifted +friends who favor the Allies. + +FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. + +Princeton, Nov. 6, 1914. + + + + +The Trespass in Belgium + +By John Grier Hibben. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Some time ago I received with many others an appeal "To the Civilized +World!" from certain distinguished representatives of German science and +art. I at once wrote to Prof. Eucken, whom I know, and who is one of the +signers of this document. I wished to draw his attention particularly to +the second statement of this appeal, which is as follows: + + It is not true that we trespassed in neutral Belgium. It has + been proved that France and England had resolved on such a + trespass, and it has likewise been proved that Belgium had + agreed to their doing so, + +and I stated to him that "It is naturally to be expected of a group of +scholars that where reference is made to proof, some citation should be +given both of the sources of the proof and of its nature. I am sure you +will agree with me that it is of the very essence of scholarly method in +the treatment of any subject whatsoever that one should cite his +authority as regards every important and significant statement that is +made. No one of the distinguished group of scholars signing their names +to this letter would think of writing an article in his own specialty +and not add in the text or in a footnote the complete list of +authorities for his several assertions. + +"In your appeal, however, the most important statement by far which you +make, and the one bearing most intimately upon the honor and integrity +of your nation, is left without even the attempt to support it, save the +bare assertion by you and your colleagues. In the interests of a fair +understanding of Germany's position, I feel that it is incumbent upon +you to give us who are under such a deep debt of gratitude to German +scholarship in our own lives the opportunity of a full knowledge of all +the facts which definitely bear upon this present situation." + +At the time of writing Prof. Eucken, I also wrote to a friend of mine, +Dr. A.E. Shipley, the Master of Christ's College, Cambridge, England, +asking him if he could get for me some authoritative statement from the +British Foreign Office concerning the assertion that "it has been proved +that France and England had resolved on such a trespass, and it has +likewise been proved that Belgium had agreed to their doing so." I have +just received a letter from Mr. Shipley, stating that Lord Haldane had +prepared a statement in answer to this question. Thinking that your +readers would be interested in seeing this, I am sending it to you. +Faithfully yours, + +JOHN GRIER HIBBEN. + +Princeton, N.J., Nov. 24, 1914. + + * * * * * + + _(Inclosure from Lord Haldane to the Master of Christ's + College, Cambridge.)_ + + 10 Downing St., Whitehall, S.W., Nov. 14. + + Dear Master of Christ's: The inclosed memoranda have been + specially prepared for me by the Foreign Office in answer to + your question. Yours truly, + + HALDANE. + + * * * * * + + (MEMORANDUM.) + + It is quite untrue that the British Government had ever + arranged with Belgium to trespass on her country in case of + war, or that Belgium had agreed to this. The strategic + dispositions of Germany, especially as regards railways, have + for some years given rise to the apprehension that Germany + would attack France through Belgium. Whatever military + discussions have taken place before this war have been limited + entirely to the suggestion of what could be done to defend + France if Germany attacked her through Belgium. + + The Germans have stated that we contemplated sending troops to + Belgium. We had never committed ourselves at all to the + sending of troops to the Continent, and we had never + contemplated the possibility of sending troops to Belgium to + attack Germany. + + The Germans have stated that British military stores had been + placed at Maubeuge, a French fortress near the Belgian + frontier, before the outbreak of the war, and that this is + evidence of an intention to attack Germany through Belgium. No + British soldiers and no British stores were landed on the + Continent till after Germany had invaded Belgium and Belgium + had appealed to France and England for assistance. It was only + after this appeal that British troops were sent to France; + and, if the Germans found British munitions of war in + Maubeuge, these munitions were sent with our expedition to + France after the outbreak of the war. The idea of violating + the neutrality of Belgium was never discussed or contemplated + by the British Government. + + The extract inclosed, which is taken from an official + publication of the Belgian Government, and the extract from an + official statement by the Belgian Minister of War, prove that + the Belgian Government had never connived, or been willing to + connive, at the breach of the treaty that made the maintenance + of Belgian neutrality an international obligation. The moment + that there appeared to be danger that this treaty might be + violated the British Government made an appeal for an + assurance from both France and Germany, as had been done in + 1870 by Mr. Gladstone, that neither of those countries would + violate the neutrality of Belgium if the other country + respected it. The French agreed, the Germans declined to + agree. The appeal made by the British Government is to be + found in our first "White Paper" after the outbreak of the + war. + + The reason why Germany would not agree was stated very frankly + by Herr von Jagow, the German Minister for Foreign Affairs, to + Sir Edward Goschen, our Ambassador in Berlin; and it is + recorded in the second "White Paper" that we published. The + attitude of the British Government throughout has been to + endeavor to preserve the neutrality of Belgium, and we never + thought of sending troops to Belgium until Germany had invaded + it and Belgium had appealed for assistance to maintain the + international treaty. + + We have known for some years past that in Holland, in Denmark, + and in Norway the Germans have inspired the apprehension that, + if England was at war with Germany, England would violate the + neutrality of those countries and seize some of their harbors. + This allegation is as baseless as the allegation about our + intention to violate the neutrality of Belgium, and events + have shown it to be so. But it seems to be a rule with Germany + to attribute to others the designs that she herself + entertains; as it is clear now that, for some long time past, + it has been a settled part of her strategic plans to attack + France through Belgium. A statement is inclosed, which was + issued by us on Oct. 14 last, dealing with this point. + + This memorandum and its inclosures should provide ample + material for a reply to the German statements. + + Foreign Office, Nov. 9, 1914. + + * * * * * + +Belgian Official Denials. + +Here is inclosed a copy of the note of Aug. 3 sent by M. Davignon, +Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Herr von Below Saleske, the +German Minister at Brussels, included in the Belgian "Gray Paper," and +printed in full in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Oct. 18 and reprinted in THE +TIMES'S pamphlet of the war's diplomatic papers. This is the note +expressing the "profound and painful surprise" caused to King Albert's +Government by the German invitation to it to abandon Belgian neutrality +and denying that France had, as alleged by Germany, manifested any such +intention. + +A second inclosure gives this clipping from The London Times of Sept. +30: + + OFFICIAL STATEMENT. + + The German press has been attempting to persuade the public + that if Germany herself had not violated Belgian neutrality, + France or Great Britain would have done so. It has declared + that French and British troops had marched into Belgium before + the outbreak of war. We have received from the Belgian + Minister of War an official statement which denies absolutely + these allegations. It declares, on the one hand, that "before + Aug. 3 not a single French soldier had set foot on Belgian + territory," and, again, "it is untrue that on Aug. 4 there was + a single English soldier in Belgium." It adds: + + "For long past Great Britain knew that the Belgian Army would + oppose by force a 'preventive' disembarkation of British + troops in Belgium. The Belgian Government did not hesitate at + the time of the Agadir crisis to warn foreign Ambassadors, in + terms which could not be misunderstood, of its formal + intention to compel respect for the neutrality of Belgium by + every means at its disposal, and against attempts upon it from + any and every quarter." + + +The "Agreement" of 1903. + +The third inclosure is this British official communiqué: + + 14 October, 1914. + + The story of an alleged Anglo-Belgian agreement of 1906 + published in the German press, and based on documents said to + have been found at Brussels, is only a fresh edition of a + story which has been reproduced in various forms and denied + on several occasions. No such agreement has ever existed. + + As the Germans well know, Gen. Grierson is dead and Col. (now + Gen.) Barnardiston is commanding the British forces before + Tsing-tau. In 1906 Gen. Grierson was on the General Staff at + the War Office, and Col. Barnardiston was Military Attaché at + Brussels. In view of the solemn guarantee given by Great + Britain to protect the neutrality of Belgium against violation + from any side, some academic discussions may, through the + instrumentality of Col. Barnardiston, have taken place between + Gen. Grierson and the Belgian military authorities as to what + assistance the British Army might be able to afford to Belgium + should one of her neighbors violate that neutrality. Some + notes with reference to the subject may exist in the archives + at Brussels. + + It should be noted that the date mentioned, namely, 1906, was + the year following that in which Germany had, as in 1911, + adopted a threatening attitude toward France with regard to + Morocco, and, in view of the apprehensions existing of an + attack on France through Belgium, it was natural that possible + eventualities should be discussed. + + The impossibility of Belgium having been a party to any + agreement of the nature indicated or to any design for the + violation of Belgian neutrality is clearly shown by the + reiterated declarations that she has made for many years past + that she would resist to the utmost any violation of her + neutrality from whatever quarter and in whatever form such + violation might come. + + It is worthy of attention that these charges of aggressive + designs on the part of other powers are made by Germany, who, + since 1906, has established an elaborate network of + strategical railways leading from the Rhine to the Belgian + frontier through a barren, thinly populated tract, + deliberately constructed to permit of the sudden attack upon + Belgium, which was carried out two months ago. + + + + +Apportioning the Blame + +By Arthur v. Briesen. + + Of the law firm of Briesen & Knauth; Doctor of Laws, New York + University; philanthropist; has served the American public as + head of important civic bodies and Governmental commissions. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Having been requested by you to express my views with reference to the +war which is now lacerating Europe, I take pleasure to comply with your +desire. + +As an American citizen I am, of course, under obligations to be neutral +and to send no ammunition to either belligerent. At the same time the +German blood in my veins naturally causes me to sympathize with Germany +in this conflict. But even if we leave out of consideration any matter +of sympathy, if we look upon the situation in an entirely unbiased +spirit, the conclusion which I propose to lay before you appears to be +irresistible. + +The questions that seem to have agitated the American public mostly in +connection with this awful conflict have been: + + _First_--Who is to blame for bringing about this war, and, + + _Second_--Assuming that Germany was not to blame for beginning + the war, is she to blame for violating the neutrality of + Belgium? + +If we should find the fault regarding the first question to lie +primarily with England and secondarily with Russia, we should at once +clear the German people and their Government from the charge that has +heretofore been brought against them for having incited the war. And if +we should find that the neutrality of Belgium was not binding upon any +country whose existence or whose interests were threatened by other +countries, that fact would then absolve either country from a charge +which thus far seems to have been brought against one of them. + +_How was the war brought about?_ As far back as 1906 it is known, and +can be proved by the files of New York papers, to say nothing of +official correspondence now found in Brussels and elsewhere, that +measures were started by England to circumscribe or isolate the German +Empire, and treaties were entered between England, France, and Russia +(the Triple Entente) to insure joint action against Germany when +necessary. + +Germany herself has been peaceful, progressive, and anxious to retain +her position as a nation undisturbed by others, as a nation that should +advance in art, in science, in population, and in all things that make +happiness through peace. What was the situation in other countries? + +Since 1870 _France_ had cried for revenge (_revanche_). Its school +books, newspapers, public speakers, and political leaders were all +charged with the one great idea of seeking revenge against Germany for +having retaken Alsace and Lorraine in 1870, which France had wrongfully +occupied since the time of Louis XIV. Alsace and Lorraine had been +German for centuries before; they were wrested from Germany without even +a semblance of an excuse at the close of the seventeenth century, and +were largely German in language and in spirit in 1870. Goethe's studies +in Strassburg and his visits to Frederica von Sesenheim in the +eighteenth century show that he was living in a German country whenever +he was in Alsace. A _united_ Germany did not exist prior to 1870. +However, the cry for revenge was there, and France distinctly declared +it to be her policy to take her revenge as soon as opportunity offered. +France was, therefore, a pronounced enemy of Germany ever since 1870, +and when asked by the German Government on July 31, 1914, whether she +would remain neutral in a Russian-German war (Annex 25, German "White +Paper") she answered: "France would do that which might be required of +her _by her interests_." This answer was given on Aug. 1, 1914, (Annex +27, German "White Paper.") Today we may well ask France whether, since +Aug. 1, 1914, she has done that which was required by her interests. + +_Russia_ may next be looked at. How did Russia become involved in this +contest? The little kingdom of Servia, which had familiarized itself +with the fine art of disposing of crowned heads by throwing its King and +Queen, Alexandra and Draga, out of the window of their castle, caused +through its officials and its followers to have the heir to the Austrian +throne and his wife cruelly assassinated on June 28, 1914. This +assassination was an act of enmity toward Austria and a step toward the +enlargement of Servia. Deeming her existence threatened and her national +dignity offended, Austria sent a rather sharp demand under date of July +23, 1914, to Servia, requiring prompt and thorough satisfaction for the +gross attack made upon her and her reigning family through Servia's +official directions. + +Strange to say, however, the British "White Book" shows that three days +before, on July 20, 1914, Sir Edward Grey, (Paper 1, British "White +Book,") wrote to Sir E. Goschen, British Ambassador at Berlin, a letter +in which he states: + + In fact, the more Austria could keep her demand within + reasonable limits, and the stronger the justification she + could produce for making any demand, the more chance there + would be of smoothing things over. _I hated the idea of a war + between any of the great powers_, and that any of them should + be dragged into a war by Servia would be detestable. + +On July 24, 1914, the Austrian message to Servia became known to all +countries, and on the same day Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador +at St. Petersburg, wrote that he had been asked by Mr. Sazonof, Russian +Minister of Foreign Affairs, to meet him at the French Embassy to +discuss matters, as Austria's step clearly meant that war was imminent. +He wrote that Mr. Sazonof expressed himself as follows (British Paper +6): + + He hoped that his Majesty's Government would not fail to + _proclaim their solidarity with Russia and France_. The French + Ambassador gave me to understand that France would fulfill all + the obligations entailed by her alliance with Russia, if + necessity arose, besides supporting Russia strongly in any + diplomatic negotiations. + +Later, on July 29, 1914, Sir George Buchanan wrote to Sir Edward Grey +(Paper 72, English "White Book") as follows: + + I made it clear to his Excellency that, _Russia being + thoroughly in earnest, a general war could not be averted_ if + Servia were attacked by Austria. + +Sir George Buchanan would not have said that if he had not been +authorized to do so. He would not have said a "general war could not be +averted if Servia were attacked by Austria"; and by "general war" he +meant, and we all understand he meant, a war between England, France, +and Russia on one side and Germany and Austria on the other. + +Servia's reply to the demand of Austria, which was dated July 25, 1914, +not being deemed satisfactory, Austria proceeded to a punitive +expedition against Servia, and she repeatedly asserted and assured all +the other powers that the expedition was merely punitive and that +neither the independence nor the territorial integrity of Servia were at +all involved or in any danger. + +But all this had no effect upon Russia. In fact, when Russia was first +informed of the Austrian demand (Annex 4, German "White Book") Minister +of Foreign Affairs Sazonof made wild complaints on _July_ 24, 1914, +against Austria-Hungary. What he said most definitely was this: + + _That Russia could not possibly permit the Servian-Austrian + dispute to be confined to the parties concerned._ + +This was the keynote of the Russian situation and of the Russian +intention. Russia wanted, of course, to expand its realm as far +westward as possible, and it wanted to take advantage of the opportunity +offered by the necessary consequences of the dreadful insult and cruelty +practiced by Servia on Austria, not only to prevent the punishment of +Servia, but also to proceed against Germany, for, as Paper 4 says: +"Russia could not possibly permit the Servian-Austrian dispute to be +_confined_ to the parties concerned." + +Who, then, was to blame for not allowing the war to be confined, for not +permitting Austria to punish the murderers of her King, but utilizing +this opportunity for the purpose of bringing about the great war which +Russia and France had carefully prepared long ago? The great war which +should involve all the civilized nations in a conflict, and threaten to +extinguish Austria and to carry barbarism into the heart of Europe! She +_did_ not permit the Servian-Austrian dispute to be confined to the +parties concerned. + +Again, in Paper 56, (English "White Book,") we find the English +Ambassador to Austria writing to Sir Edward Grey on July 27, 1914, the +following: + + If actual war broke out with Servia it would be _impossible_ + to localize it, for _Russia_ was not prepared to give way + again. + +Again, in Paper 72, (English "White Book,") dated July 28, 1914, from +the English Ambassador in Russia to Sir Edward Grey: + + I made it clear to his Excellency (German Ambassador) that, + _Russia being thoroughly in earnest_, a general war could not + be averted if Servia were attacked by Austria. + +Paper 121, (English "White Book,") British Ambassador in Berlin to Sir +Edward Grey under date of July 31, 1914: + + He (the German Secretary of State) again assured me that both + the Emperor William, at the request of the Emperor of Russia, + and the German Foreign Office had even up till last night been + urging Austria to show willingness to continue + discussions--and telegraphic and telephonic communications + from Vienna had been of a promising nature--_but Russia's + mobilization had spoiled everything_. + +I could repeat, _ad infinitum_, quotations from these books to show +that Russia not only wanted this war if Austria wanted to punish Servia +for her misdeeds, but started it against the protest of Germany, and +started it, I sincerely believe, largely because encouraged by Great +Britain. + +_England_: The letter written by the Belgian Chargé at St. Petersburg to +his Government on July 30, 1914, which letter was published in THE NEW +YORK TIMES on Oct. 7, 1914, and which letter, nearly a month before, had +been published abroad and never disavowed by the Belgian Government, +states distinctly on the part of Belgium: + + _What is incontestable is that Germany has striven here, as + well as at Vienna, to find some means of avoiding a general + conflict...._ M. Sazonof, Russian Foreign Minister, has + declared that it would be impossible for Russia not to hold + herself ready and to mobilize, but that these preparations + were not directed against Germany. This morning an official + communiqué to the newspapers announces that "the reserves have + been called under arms in a certain number of Governments." + Knowing the discreet nature of the official communiqué one can + without fear assert that _mobilization is going on + everywhere_. + + ... One can truly ask one's self whether the whole world does + not desire war and is trying merely to retard its declaration + a little in order to gain time. England began by allowing it + to be understood that she did not want to be drawn into a + conflict. Sir George Buchanan (British Ambassador) said that + openly. Today one is firmly convinced at St. Petersburg--one + has even the assurance of it--that England will support + France. This support is of enormous weight, and _has + contributed not a little to give the upper hand to the war + party_. + +The German Emperor during these times believed England to be really and +honestly striving to avoid the war; he went so far as to announce in one +of his letters published in the "White Book" that "he had shoulder to +shoulder with England tried to bring about a peaceful solution." It +certainly now appears that all this while England had made her +arrangements with France and with Russia, and had strengthened the war +party in Russia to such an extent that Russia's desire to set Europe +afire was rendered possible. + +_Belgian neutrality._ It is charged that Germany violated an alleged +treaty with Belgium, which treaty is supposed to have guaranteed the +integrity of Belgium. When Germany found her efforts to maintain peace +frustrated, Russian troops having crossed the German frontier on the +afternoon of Aug. 1, while France opened hostilities on Aug. 2, she +announced to Belgium on Aug. 2, 1914, that she found herself under +obligation, to prevent a French attack through Belgium, to pass through +Belgian territory; she expressed her readiness to guarantee the +integrity of the kingdom and its possessions and to pay any damage +caused if Belgium would, in a friendly way, permit such a passage of +troops through it. + +The English "White Book" contains, Paper 151, dated Aug. 3, 1914, which +paper we repeat in full: + +(British Minister to Belgium to Sir Edward Grey.) + + French Government have offered through their Military Attaché + the support of five French Army corps to the Belgian + Government. Following reply has been received today: We are + sincerely grateful to the French Government for offering + eventual support. In the actual circumstances, however, _we do + not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers_. Belgian + Government will decide later on the action which they may + think it necessary to take. + +In short, Belgium says in the foregoing notice to France, that she does +not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers. + +Was Germany justified in disregarding any previous treaty which related +to Belgium if her interests required her so to do? + +_United States Supreme Court:_ In its unanimous opinion in the Chinese +exclusion cases, reported on Pages 581 to 611 of Vol. 130 of United +States Reports, the Supreme Court of the United States had this very +question before it. A treaty had been entered into by the United States +and China, allowing Chinese subjects the right to visit and reside in +the United States and to there enjoy the same privileges that are +enjoyed by citizens of the United States. After that treaty an act of +Congress was passed in violation of the treaty, providing it to be +unlawful thereafter for Chinese laborers to enter the United States. The +question was, whether we had the right to violate a treaty solemnly +entered into with another country? On this subject the court said (Page +600): + + The effect of legislation upon conflicting treaty stipulations + was elaborately considered in THE HEAD MONEY CASES, and it was + there adjudged: "that so far as a treaty made by the United + States with any foreign nation can become the subject of + judicial cognizance in the courts of this country, it is + subject to such acts as Congress may pass for its enforcement, + modification, or repeal," 112 U.S. 580, 599. This doctrine was + affirmed and followed in WHITNEY v. ROBERTSON, 124 U.S. 190, + 195. It will not be presumed that the legislative department + of the Government will lightly pass laws which are in conflict + with the treaties of the country; _but that circumstances may + arise which would not only justify the Government in + disregarding their stipulations, but demand in the interests + of the country that it should do so, there can be no question. + Unexpected events may call for a change in the policy of the + country._ + +In the same opinion the Supreme Court calls attention to an act passed +in 1798, declaring that the United States were freed and exonerated from +the stipulations of previous treaties with France. This subject was +fully considered by Justice Curtis, who held, as the Supreme Court says +(Page 602): "That whilst it would always be a matter of the utmost +gravity and delicacy to refuse to execute a treaty, the power to do so +was a prerogative of which no nation could be deprived without deeply +affecting its independence." + +We observe, therefore, that under our own ideas of international law the +United States claims the right to disregard its stipulations if the +interests of the country should require it. And the same right we should +concede to other nations. Particularly to Germany in the present +instance, when we find her battling for her very existence against +enemies that seek to destroy her, against enemies that surround her on +all sides, against enemies that do not hesitate to bring troops into the +conflict from the wilds of Africa and Asia, and who do not hesitate to +drag Japan into this war, causing her to disregard Chinese neutrality in +her effort to capture a small settlement, lawfully occupied in China by +a handful of German soldiers. + +In this connection I quote the British sentiment, as expressed by +Gladstone regarding Belgium neutrality in the year 1870: + + But I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who + have held in this House, what plainly amounts to the assertion + that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is + binding to every party to it, irrespective altogether of the + particular position in which it may find itself at the time + when the occasion for _acting on the question arises_. + +This shows that England herself reserved the right, whenever her +interests required her to do so, to act in violation of the treaty with +Belgium. That, at least, is my understanding of Gladstone's language. +England did not respect Danish neutrality a hundred years ago, when she +destroyed the Danish fleet at Copenhagen because her interests required, +and England does not now, through its Asiatic ally, and directly, +respect Chinese neutrality, claiming the right primarily to consult her +own interests. Should this right, asserted by our own Supreme Court, and +actually assumed by England and Japan, be denied to Germany? Finally, I +understand that The Hague Conference of 1907 drafted a convention which +reads: + + The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. Belligerents + are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either munitions of + war or supplies across the territory of a neutral power. Great + Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy refused to sign + it and did not sign it. Russia was not represented. + +MILITARISM. There is one more subject which many people in this country +have failed to understand, and that is the matter of militarism. German +militarism is supposed to be something dreadful, and many good people +believe that it would be a great advance toward eternal peace if that +militarism could be wiped out. Well, now, let us see. + +If Germany did not require every one of her sons to spend a year, or at +most two years, in the army, and if she had not provided for all these +men sufficient arms and accoutrements for immediate use in case of war, +what would have happened when Russia entered her territory, or when +France came on a like errand? + +Any one who lives among enemies is expected to be sufficiently prepared +to defend himself should they attack him, be he ever so peaceful. + +At the time the United States of America was born there was no such +thing as Germany. Every country around it had a slice of it. Napoleon +took the larger western part of Germany as his property, England held +Hanover, the former Kingdom of Poland held Saxony, Austria held Silesia, +and so there was no Germany. The Teutonic races had no home in which +they could develop and live without interference by others. To prevent +such interference Germany of all nations needed an army; to prevent +similar interference at sea England of all nations needed a navy. That +great British Navy bears precisely the same relation to the protection +of Great Britain at sea which the German Army bears to the protection of +Germany on land. + +To sum up, what are the countries fighting for? Russia for her +enlargement; she has no grudge whatever against Germany except that it +exists. France for revenge; she has no grudge whatever against Germany +except that she wants revenge for 1870. What grudge has England against +Germany, except that Germany has grown commercially, financially, and +industrially to a position which threatens to crowd England into a +second rank? Jealousy appears to control the English attitude. + +The position apparently assumed by England is best expressed by the King +of England in his telegram to Prince Henry of Prussia, dated July 30, +1914: + + My Government is doing its utmost, suggesting to Russia and + France to _suspend further military preparations_ if Austria + will consent to be satisfied with occupation of Belgrade and + neighboring Servian territory as a hostage for satisfactory + settlement of her demands, other countries meanwhile + suspending their war preparations. Trust William will use his + great influence to induce Austria to accept this proposal, + thus proving that Germany and England are working together to + prevent what would be an international catastrophe. + +On July 31, the very next day, Sir Edward Grey wrote the telegram, No. +111, (English "White Book,") to the British Ambassador at Berlin, in +which we find the following: + + I would undertake to sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be + possible for the four disinterested powers to offer to Austria + that they would undertake to see that she obtained full + satisfaction of her demands on Servia, provided that they did + not impair Servian sovereignty and the integrity of Servian + territory. _As your Excellency is aware, Austria has already + declared her willingness to respect them._ (Established by + Paper 3, July 24, and Paper 5, July 26, German "White Book.") + +Hence, we find that all King George said he wanted had been granted, and +yet England entered into the war. Why? Probably because she thought, as +France had expressed it, that she acted in pursuance of her interests. + +And what is Germany fighting for? Does she want anything from anybody? +She wants to be left alone; she always wanted to be left alone; she +prospered while she was left alone; she grew while she was left alone. +Not being left alone she has to defend herself. Hence, I bespeak for +Germany and for her side fair play, just judgment on behalf of the +American people. + +ARTHUR v. BRIESEN. + +New York, Oct. 17, 1914. + + + + +PARTING. + +By LOUISE VON WETTER. + + + Sodger lad, O sodger lad, + The dawn will see ye marchin'-- + The nicht drag's on--its dark is out + Wi' searchlichts, shiftin', archin'. + + Sodger lad, O sodger lad, + D'ye mind our Summer meetin'? + And noo, ye'll gang. The heather's dead ... + I canna keep frae greetin'. + + Sodger lad, my sodger lad-- + D'ye mind, my time is nearin'? + Alone--alone--wi'out yer hand! + How shall I keep frae fearin'? + + Sodger lad, O sodger lad, + Far, far awa' ye're goin'-- + I'll not dare count the leagues an' days-- + _Gude God! The cocks are crowin'!_ + + Sodger lad, my luve, my dear, + Awake! The morn is grayin'! + E'en tho' my heart drags, sick wi' dread, + I wouldna have ye stayin'. + + + + +French Hate and English Jealousy + +By Kuno Francke. + + +It is easy to see why American public opinion should have condemned by +an overwhelming majority the diplomatic acts of Austria and Hungary +which have been the immediate occasion of the terrific explosion which +now shakes the foundations of the whole civilized world. Austria's break +with Servia and Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality--the one +leading to war between Russia and Germany, the other bringing England +into the fray--must appear to the uninitiated as reckless and +indefensible provocations and as wanton attacks upon the laws of +nations. + +The thoughtful observer, however, should look beyond the immediate +occasion of this world conflict and try to understand its underlying +causes. By doing so he will, I believe, come to the conclusion that +fundamental justice is to be found on the German side, and that Germany +has been forced to fight for her life. + +It is an unquestionable fact that the unification of Germany and the +establishment of a strong German Empire, half a century ago, were +brought about against the bitter opposition of France, and that the +defeat incurred by France in 1870, in her attempt to prevent German +unification, is at the bottom of the constant irritation that has +agitated Europe during the last forty-three years. Germany's policy +toward France during these forty-three years has been one of utmost +restraint and forbearance, and has been dictated by the one desire of +making her forget the loss of the two provinces, German until the +seventeenth century and inhabited by German stock, which were won back +from France in 1870. Whether the acquisition of these provinces was a +fortunate thing for Germany may be doubted. The possession of +Alsace-Lorraine has certainly robbed Germany of the undivided sympathy +of the world, which she otherwise would have had. But it is probably +true that from the military point of view Alsace-Lorraine was needed by +Germany as a bulwark against the repetition of the many wanton French +invasions from which Germany has had to suffer since the time of the +Thirty Years' War and the age of Louis XIV. + + +Sought to Heal the Breach. + +However this may be, Germany has done her best during the last four +decades to heal the wounds struck by her to French national pride. She +abetted French colonial expansion in Cochin-China, Madagascar, Tunis. +She yielded to France her own well-founded claims to political influence +in Morocco. In Alsace-Lorraine itself she introduced an amount of local +self-government and home rule such as England has not accorded even now +to Ireland. While Ireland still is waiting for a Parliament at Dublin, +Strassburg has been for years the seat of the Alsace-Lorraine Diet, a +provincial Parliament based on universal suffrage. And even in spite of +the incessant and inflammatory French propaganda which last year led to +such unhappy counter-strokes as the deplorable Zabern affair, there can +be no reasonable doubt that the people of Alsace-Lorraine have been +gradually settling down to willing co-operation with the German +administration--an administration which insures them order, justice, and +prosperity. Nothing is a clearer indication of the peaceable trend which +affairs have lately taken in Alsace-Lorraine than the fact that the +Nationalists, i.e., French party, in the Strassburg Diet has never been +able to rise above insignificance, and that, on the other hand, a +considerable number of responsible officers in the civil administration, +including the highest Governmental positions, have been occupied by +native Alsatians. + +While Germany has thus repeatedly shown her willingness and desire to +end the ancient feud, France has remained irreconcilable; and +particularly the intellectual class of France cannot escape the charge +that they have persistently and willfully kept alive the flame of +discord. + +It surely cannot be said that the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine is a +vital necessity to France. Without Alsace-Lorraine France has recovered +her prosperity and her prestige in a manner that has been the admiration +of the world. It is a mere illusion to think that the reconquest of +Alsace-Lorraine would add to her glory. It would have been a demand of +patriotism for the intellectual class to combat this illusion. Instead +of this, every French writer, every French scholar, every French orator, +except the Socialists, year in and year out, has been dinning into the +popular ear the one word revenge. + + +France to Blame. + +There can be little doubt that Prof. Gustave Lanson, the distinguished +literary historian, voiced the sentiments of the vast majority of his +countrymen when in a lecture, delivered some years ago at Harvard, he +stated that France could not and would not reorganize the peace of +Frankfurt as a final settlement, and that the one aim of the French +policy of the last forty years had been to force Germany to reopen the +Alsace-Lorraine question. + +If there were people in Germany inclined to overlook or to minimize this +constantly growing menace from France, their eyes must have been opened +when in 1912 the French Government, having previously abolished the +one-year volunteers, raised the duration of active military service for +every Frenchman from two years to three, and, in addition to this, +called out in the Autumn of 1913 the recruits not only of the year whose +turn had come, namely, the recruits born in 1892, but also those born +in 1893. This was a measure nearly identical with mobilization; it was a +measure which clearly showed that France would not delay much longer +striking the deadly blow. For no nation could possibly stand for any +length of time this terrific strain of holding under the colors its +entire male population from the twentieth to the twenty-fourth year. No +wonder that the Paris papers were speaking as long ago as the Summer of +1912 of the regiments stationed in the Eastern Departments as the +"vanguard of our glorious army," and were advocating double pay for +them, as being practically in contact with the enemy. + +The second foe now threatening the destruction of Germany is England. +Can it truly be said that England's hostility has been brought about by +German aggression? True, Germany has built a powerful navy; but so have +Japan, the United States, France, and even Italy. Has England felt any +menace from these? Why, then, is the German Navy singled out as a +specially sinister threat to England? Has German diplomacy during the +last generation been particularly menacing to England? Germany has +acquired some colonies in Africa and in the Far East. But what are +Kamerun and Dar-es-Salaam and Kiao-Chau compared with the colonial +possessions of the other great powers? Where has Germany pursued a +colonial aggressiveness that could in any way be compared with the +British subjugation of the South African republics or the Italian +conquest of Tripoli or the French expansion in Algiers, Tunis, and +Morocco, or the American acquisition of the Philippines? + + +Her Open-Door Policy. + +Wherever Germany has made her influence felt on the globe she has stood +for the principle of the open door. Wherever she has engaged in colonial +enterprises, she has been willing to make compromises with other nations +and to accept their co-operation, notably so in the Bagdad railway +undertaking. And yet, the colonial expansion of every other nation is +hailed by England as "beneficial to mankind," as "work for +civilization"; the slightest attempt of Germany to take part in this +expansion is denounced as "intolerable aggression," as evidence of the +"bullying tendencies of the War Lord." + +What is the reason for this singular unfairness of England toward +Germany, of this incessant attempt to check her and hem her in? Not so +much the existence of a large German Navy as the encroachment upon +English commerce by the rapidly growing commerce of Germany has made +Germany hateful to England. The navy has simply added to this hate of +Germany the dread of Germany. But if there had been no German Navy, and +consequently no dread of Germany, this hate of Germany might have come +to an explosion before now. For the history of the last 300 years proves +that England has habitually considered as her mortal enemy any nation +which dared to contest her commercial and industrial supremacy--first +Spain, then Holland, then France, and now Germany. As long as German +firms, by the manufacture of artificial indigo, keep on ruining the +English importation of indigo from India, and as long as the German +steamship lines keep on outstripping the prestige of the English boats, +there can be no real friendship between England and Germany. Although +England has repeatedly proposed to Germany naval agreements, these +agreements were avowedly meant to perpetuate the overwhelming +preponderance of England's fighting power, so that she would at any +moment be in a position to crush German commercial rivalry for all time. +She apparently thinks that this moment has now come. + +That Germany's third implacable enemy, Russia, is clearly the aggressor, +and not the defender of her own national existence, need hardly be +demonstrated. She poses as the guardian of the Balkan States. But is +there any case on record where Russia has really protected the +independence of smaller neighboring countries? Has she not crushed out +provincial and racial individuality wherever she has extended her power? +Is it not the sole aim of her national policy to Russianize forcibly +every nationality under her sway? + +In Finland she has gone back on her solemnly pledged word to maintain +the Finnish Constitution, and is ruthlessly reducing one of her most +highly developed provinces to the dead level of autocratic rule. In her +Baltic provinces she is trying to destroy, root and branch, whatever +there is left of German culture. Wherever the Russian Church holds +dominion intellectual blight is sure to follow. + +To think, therefore, that Russia would promote the free development of a +number of independent Balkan States under her protectorate is to shut +one's eyes to the whole history of Russian expansion. No, Russian +expansion in the Balkans means nothing less than the extinction of all +local independence and the establishment of Russian despotism from the +Black Sea to the Adriatic. + + +Why Germany Supports Austria. + +Not Russia, but Austria, is the natural protector of the equilibrium +between the existing States on the Balkan Peninsula and their natural +guardian against Russian domination. Austria is their nearest neighbor; +indeed, the possession of Bosnia and Herzegovina makes her a Balkan +State herself. + +Being herself more than half of Slavic stock, she has every reason for +living on good terms with the various Slav kingdoms south of her. Being +herself forced, through the conglomerateness of her population, to +constant compromises in her internal affairs between conflicting +nationalities within her borders, she could not possibly absorb a large +additional amount of foreign territory. She is bound to respect the +existing lines of political demarkation in the Balkans, and her sole +object can be through commercial treaties and tariff legislation to open +up what used to be European Turkey to her trade and her civilizing +influence. + +In this she must clearly be supported by Germany. For only if Austria is +left free to exercise her natural protectorate over the Balkan States +can the passage between Germany and the Near Orient, one of the most +important routes of German commerce, be kept open. + +Russia's unwillingness, then, to allow Austria a free hand in her +dealings with Servia was an open menace to Germany, a challenge which +had to be accepted unless Germany was prepared to abdicate all her +influence in the Near Orient and to allow Russia to override the +legitimate claims and aspirations of her only firm and faithful ally. + +This formidable coalition of the three greatest European powers, +threatening the very existence of Germany, has now been joined by Japan, +openly and boldly for the purpose of snatching from Germany her one +Asiatic possession. + +If any additional proof had been needed to make it clear that, if +Germany wanted to retain the slightest chance of extricating herself +from this worldwide conspiracy against her, she had to strike the first +blow, even at the risk of offending against international good manners, +this stab in the back by Japan would furnish such proof. + + + + +Dr. Sanderson Replies + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Although I hate to enter into a controversy with Prof. Kuno Francke, who +was once my excellent friend, I cannot refrain from answering his +article which appeared in last Sunday's NEW YORK TIMES. + +How can any one say, in all fairness, that Germany's policy toward +France during the last forty-three years has been one of the utmost +restraint and forbearance, and has been dictated by the one desire to +make her forget the loss of the two provinces? What are the facts? We +know that not once, but again and again, since 1878, Germany has tried +to provoke France into war. We know that on one occasion Queen Victoria +herself threatened the Kaiser with Great Britain's intervention if he +did not desist from his intended attack on France. And to cite only the +two most recent instances, the Agadir affair and the enforced +resignation of the French Premier, Delcassé! Would Germany have +swallowed such insults? + +This may be the German conception of "utmost restraint and forbearance," +but it appeared to the French, as it did to the rest of the world, that +it required their utmost restraint and forbearance to remain calm under +the affronts. + +The fact that Alsace-Lorraine was German up to the seventeenth century, +and inhabited by German stock, cannot be brought forward today, after +more than 200 years, to justify the retaking of those provinces by the +Germans. The whole world would be in a state of continual warfare if +nations claimed provinces or States that belonged to them once upon a +time. Richelieu's idea was that the Rhine was the natural and +geographical frontier between France and Germany, and the war was +undertaken to carry out that plan. Since then the inhabitants have +become French, and the attempts to re-Germanize them have proved futile. +Prof. Francke may well doubt if the acquisition of these provinces was a +fortunate thing for Germany. It was undoubtedly the most unfortunate +thing not only for Germany but for France and the rest of Europe, for it +kept open a wound which might have been healed either by a return of the +lost provinces, with or without compensation, or by granting them +autonomy, or, better still, by leaving it to the inhabitants to choose +for themselves, as France did with Nice and Savoy. + +The ruthless methods of a Bismarck are no longer of this age. They are +too odious, and the human conscience revolts at them. What a +preposterous idea, in this twentieth century, to compel by force +millions of people to renounce their traditions and even their +language! If Great Britain had followed the same method in dealing with +the French Canadians, instead of loyal subjects she would have made +rebels of them all. + +It is neither right nor just nor truthful to say that Germany has done +her best during the last four decades to heal the wounds struck by her +to French national pride. On the contrary, Germany's attitude has been +all along one of studied provocation; and if the instances already +mentioned are not sufficient, many others could be added. + +Germany abetted French colonial expansion. Well, by what right should +she have opposed it? And if she yielded to France in Morocco, it was +only after France had given Germany part of her African possessions +rather than go to war with her. + +It will be news to the world to be informed that there can be no +reasonable doubt that the people of Alsace-Lorraine have been gradually +settling down to willing co-operation with the German administration. +Certainly such a statement is in violent contradiction with all we hear +and read and know of the state of mind, the feelings, and aspirations of +the inhabitants of those two provinces. + +To argue that the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine is not a vital +necessity to France; that without these provinces she has recovered her +prosperity and her prestige, and that it is mere illusion to think that +the reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine would add to her glory is pure +sophistry. It is just as if you said to a man whom you had robbed of +some valuable property: "What does it matter? You are just as well off +without it." Yes, Prof. Larson did voice the sentiment of the vast +majority of his countrymen when he stated that France could not and +would not recognize the treaty of Frankfurt. If I have an enemy who +takes me by surprise and with revolver leveled at my head compels me to +sign a paper by which I despoil myself to his advantage, what is the +validity of such a document? + +That is the way that all Frenchmen of all classes look upon the treaty +of Frankfurt, wrung from them under duress. + +The term "revanche" is a slogan. It simply typifies in one word the +reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine; but it does not carry with it the idea of +willfully laying waste the enemy's country, burning and pillaging, +shooting inoffensive non-combatants, and cleaning banks of all the gold +they contain. + +Another statement which is misleading in Prof. Francke's article is the +one which refers to the "growing menace from France," in which he speaks +of the increasing armament that has been going on in that country since +1912. But what is called in Germany "the menace from France" is called +in the latter country "the menace from Germany." Who started these +enormous armaments? Each time Germany increased her army France was +forced to do the same; and when France recently increased from two to +three years the duration of military service, it was her only way of +meeting Germany's increase of 500,000 men. + +The attempt to change the rôles and present France to the world as the +aggressor, or even as premeditating an attack upon Germany, is futile. +It is a strange and yet not uncommon psychological fact that the hate of +the conqueror is often greater than that of the conquered; and it is +German, not French, hate which has forced Germany into this savage war. +France had recovered too rapidly from her disasters; she was too rich; +her colonies were too vast and too prosperous; she must be crushed. What +right had she to have large colonies when Germany, the superior nation, +had none worth mentioning? There you have the key to the Kaiser's +repeated provocations and to his final attack. + +In regard to England and Russia, the writer will simply confine himself +to the statement that if the German Imperial Government can produce as +clean a bill of health as the "White Paper" of the British Foreign +Office, just published, it will do more to convince American public +opinion of the justice of its cause than anything that has yet been +written in the press by Germans and their sympathizers. + +R.L. SANDERSON. + +Yale University, New Haven, Conn., Sept. 5, 1914. + + + + +In Defense of Austria + +By Baron L. Hengelmuller. + + Late Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to the United States. + + +_The following letter was written by Baron Hengelmuller to Col. Theodore +Roosevelt._ + +ABBAZIA, Sept. 25, 1914. + +My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: + +Our correspondence has suffered a long interruption. Your last letter +was from July of last year. I do not know whether you ever received my +answer, by which I thanked you for your preface to my book. You were in +Arizona when I wrote it, and soon after your return you started for +Brazil. At the occasion of your son's wedding I sent him a telegram to +Madrid, but I had no chance to write to you because I had no information +with regard to the length of your stay and your whereabouts in Europe. + +Now I write to you at the time of a most momentous crisis in the world's +history, and I do so impelled by the desire to talk with you about my +country's cause and to win your just and fair appreciation for the same. +I wish I could address my appeal to the American people, but having no +standing and no opportunity to do so, I address it to you as to one of +America's most illustrious citizens with whom it has been my privilege +to entertain during many years the most friendly relations. + +Since the outbreak of the war our communications with America are slow +and irregular. In the beginning they were nil. From the end of July to +the middle of August we received neither letters, telegrams, nor papers. +I suppose it was the same with you concerning direct news from us. Our +adversaries had the field all for themselves and they seem to have made +the most of it. To judge from what I have learned since and from what I +could glean in our papers, the New York press seem to have written about +us and Germany very much in the same tone and spirit as they did about +you during your last Presidential campaign. I have seen it stated that +The Outlook published an article in which Austro-Hungary was accused of +having brought about the war through her greed of conquest and the +overbearing arrogance of her behavior toward Servia. I do not know +whether I cite correctly, as I have not seen the article, and I am aware +that you have severed your connection with The Outlook after your return +from Brazil. I only mention the statement as an illustration of what I +have said above, for if a review of the standing of The Outlook opens +its columns to such a glaringly false accusation the daily papers have +certainly not lagged behind. + +It is natural that our adversaries should be anxious to win the +sympathies of the American people. So are we. But it is not for this +purpose that I now write to you. Sympathy is a sentiment and, as a rule, +not to be won by argument. What I want to discuss with you are the +causes of this war and the issues at stake. + + +The Cause of the War. + +Undoubtedly the war broke out over our conflict with Servia, but this +conflict was not of our seeking. We had no wish of aggrandizement or +extension of power at the expense of Servia, but Servia covets territory +which belongs to us, and for years has pursued her ends by the most +nefarious and criminal means. The assassination of our heir to the crown +and his consort was not an isolated fact, but only the most glaring +link in a long chain of plotting and agitating against us. This +attitude of Servia toward us dates back to the day when the gang of +officers who murdered their own King came to power, and when it became +their policy to keep a hold over their own people by exciting their +ambitions against us. This policy reached its first climax when we +declared the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which we had occupied +and developed for thirty years. You were in office then, and the events +of the time are familiar to you. The crisis ended then by Servia's +formal acknowledgment that our annexation violated none of her rights, +and by her promise to cultivate henceforth correct and friendly +relations with us. This promise was not kept. The plotting continued, +lies were disseminated about a pretended oppression of our South Slav +population, and associations were formed for the purpose of stirring +them to discontent and if possible to treason. + +Things came to a second climax with the murder of Archduke Francis +Ferdinand. The plot for this crime was hatched in Servia, the bombs and +revolvers for its execution were furnished there, and Servian officers +instructed the murder candidates in their use. At last we could stand it +no longer. What we wanted from Servia was the punishment of the plotters +and accomplices and a guarantee for normal relations in the future. This +was the object of our ultimatum. Servia made a show of complying with +some of our demands, but in reality her answer was evasive. + +These facts are exposed and authenticated in the note which we sent to +the powers after having presented our ultimatum in Belgrade and in the +memorandum which accompanied it. I do not know whether the American +papers published these documents at the time. Today they are outstripped +by greater events, but for the just appreciation of our proceedings in +regard to Servia they are indispensable. + +In reality, however, our conflict with Servia was not the cause of the +great war now raging, but only the spark which brought the overloaded +powder barrel to explosion. Who talks of Servia today, and who believes +that France, England, and Japan are making war on Germany and on us +because of Servia? The war broke out because Russia decided to shield +Servia against the consequences of her provocations and because, owing +to preconcerted arrangements, the situation in Europe was such that the +action of one great power was bound to bring all or nearly all the +others into the field. And again those preconcerted arrangements were +the outcome of a mass of pent-up passions, of hatred, envy, and +jealousy, the like of which--all Hague conferences and pacific unions +notwithstanding--the world has never seen before. + +We are fully aware of the danger which threatened us from Russia when we +formulated our demands in Belgrade. Russia's population is three times +as large as ours and it was not with a light heart that our Emperor-King +took his final resolution. But our national honor and our very existence +as a self-respecting power were at stake. We could not hesitate. Now we +are in a struggle for life or death and we mean to carry it through with +full confidence in the rightfulness of our cause and in the force of our +arms. In one respect events have already belied the calculations of our +enemies, who counted on internal dissensions within our own borders. I +am happy to say that Croatians, Slovenes, and a large majority of our +own Servians are fighting in our ranks with the same valor and +enthusiasm as Czechs, Rumanians, Poles, Magyars, and Germans. + +But why did Russia decide to assail us? During the whole nineteenth +century she has shown herself a very shifty and unreliable protectress +of Servia. She made use of the smaller country when it suited her own +aggressive purposes against others, and she dropped it whenever it +served her ends. It was so at the time of the Turkish war of 1877 and of +the Berlin Congress, and it remained so until with the advent of the +present dynasty Servia offered a sure prospect of becoming and remaining +a permanent tool in Russia's hands and a thorn in our flesh. + +Russia is an aggressive power. For 200 years she has extended her +dominions at the cost of Sweden first, of Poland and Turkey afterward. +Now she thinks our turn has come. Finding us to be in the way of her +ultimate aims in the Balkan Peninsula, she began to regard us as her +enemy. For years the propaganda for undermining the bases of our empire +has been carried on in the name of Pan-Slavism. It seems that she judged +that now the time had come to draw the consequences and to bring things +to a final issue. With what result remains to be seen. + + +Germany Bound to Aid Austria. + +By the terms of our treaty of alliance Germany was bound to come to our +assistance if we were attacked by Russia. There was no secrecy about +that treaty. Its text had been made public long ago and its purely +defensive character brought to the knowledge of the world. No more than +we did Germany entertain hostile intentions or nourish hostile feelings +against Russia. There were no clashing interests to excite the first, no +historical reminiscences to justify the second. If it is otherwise in +Russia, it is because her present leaders find German power in the way +of their conquering aspirations against us. Germany, true to her +obligations, hastened to our side when she saw us menaced, and when she +declared war she did it because she had positive information that in +spite of formal and solemn assurances to the contrary Russia +mobilization was proceeding. + +The terms of the Franco-Russian alliance have never been made public. +Whether it was concluded merely for defensive or also for offensive +purposes, and whether France was obliged by her treaty to draw the sword +in the present case, remains therefore a matter of surmise. But there is +no mystery about the feelings of France with regard to Germany, and no +doubt about the greed for revenge which during the last forty-four years +has swayed the overwhelming majority of her people and been the +dominant factor of her foreign policy. It was for this object that she +entered into her alliances and agreements, and it is for this cause that +she is fighting now. + +It is simple hypocrisy to talk about German aggressiveness against +France. France stood in no danger of being attacked by Germany if she +had chosen to remain neutral in the latter's war with Russia. Asked +whether she would do so, she replied that her actions would be guided by +her interests. The meaning of this reply was clear, and left Germany no +choice. The formal declaration of war became then a mere matter of +political and military convenience, and has no bearing on the moral +issue of the case. + +But why has England plunged into this war? Officially and to the world +at large she has explained her resolution by Germany's violation of +Belgian neutrality, and in the royal message to Parliament it was +solemnly declared that England could not stand by and passively tolerate +such a breach of international law and obligations. + +No Austrian can read this declaration otherwise than with a mournful +smile. Its futility has been exposed by the question which Englishmen of +standing and renown have put to their Government, viz., whether they +would equally have declared war on France if that violation of +neutrality had first come from her side. In face of this question having +remained unanswered, and in face of what has come to light since about +French preparations in Belgium, there is no need to expiate on this +subject. All that there is to be said about it has been said by the +German Chancellor in open session of the Reichstag, and all that may be +added is the remark that, considering England's history and what she did +before Copenhagen in 1807, she of all nations should be the last to put +on airs of moral indignation over the application of the principle that +in time of war "salus reipublicae suprema lex est." + +The existence of a convention binding England to France in case of war +has--as far as I know--never been admitted officially by England. As I +see now from manifestations of Englishmen disapproving of their +country's participation in the war, the belief exists nevertheless that +such a convention had been concluded. But whether England's declaration +of war was the consequence of previously entered obligations or the +outcome of present free initiative, the main fact remains that in the +last resort it sprang from jealousy of Germany's growing sea power and +commercial prosperity. This feeling was the dominant factor in English +foreign policy, just as greed for revenge was in France. It was the +propelling power for the agreements which England has made and for +others which she endeavored but did not succeed in bringing about. + +England claims the dominion over the seas as her native right, and, what +is more, she holds it. Her title is no better and no worse than that of +the Romans when they conquered the world, or of the Turkish Sultans in +the days of their power. Like them, she has succeeded in making good her +claim. For three centuries the nations of Continental Europe have been +hating, fighting, and devastating each other for the sake of strips of +frontier land and a shadowy balance of power. These centuries were +England's opportunity, and she has made the most of it. That she should +mean to keep what she has and hold to her maritime supremacy as to the +apple of her eye is natural. Whether it is for the benefit of mankind +that it should be so, and whether the world in general would not be +better off if there existed a balance of power on sea as well as on +land, does not enter into the present discussion. What is more to the +purpose is that in reality England's sea power stood in no danger at +all. To any thinking and fair-minded observer it must be clear that +Germany, hemmed in by hostile neighbors in the east and west, and +obliged, therefore, to keep up her armaments on land, would not have +been able to threaten England's maritime superiority for generations to +come. If the issue has been thrown into the balance, it has been done so +by England's own doing. + +But it is not only the nascent German Navy that excited the distrust +and envy of England. German colonies and every trading German vessel +seem equally to have become thorns in English eyes. The wish to sweep +those vessels from off the seas, to destroy all German ports, in one +word, to down Germany, has long been nourished and lately openly avowed +in England. Norman Angell's theories about the great illusion of the +profitability of modern warfare seem to have made mighty small +impression on his countrymen. + +Russian lust of conquest, French greed of revenge, and English envy were +the forces at work in the European powder magazine. The Servian spark +ignited it, but the explosion was bound to come sooner or later. What +alone could have stopped it would have been England's stepping out of +the conspiracy. That she did not do so, in fact became its really +directing power, will forever remain a blot on her history. + +About Japan's motives and methods I do not think it necessary to write. +American public opinion will hardly need any enlightenment on this +subject. America forced Japan out of the isolation in which she had +lived during centuries. I hope the day may not come when she will wish +that she had not done so. + +The issues of the war stand in relation to its causes and the same +attempts have been made to distort and falsify them in the eyes of the +American public. I have seen it stated in a New York paper that this war +is a fight between civilization and barbarism, and I have seen a member +of the present English Cabinet quoted as having said that the issue was +one between militarism and freedom, civilization and freedom standing, +of course, in both cases on the side of our enemies. + + +Not a War for Civilization. + +More idiotic rot--excuse the expression--I have never read in my life. +What has civilization to do with Servia's murderous plotting against +us? What with Russia's desire to shield her from the consequences +of her aggressions and to demonstrate to the world that we are of +no account in the Balkans and to establish her own--more or less +veiled--protectorate there? And if the case of civilization is advanced +by Japan's ousting Germany from Kiao-Chau, why should it not be equally +furthered if Japan did the same to England in Hongkong, Singapore, or, +if the opportunity offered, in India itself? And a person must be indeed +at his wits' end for arguments to proclaim Russia as a standard bearer +of freedom in her war against us. Compare her treatment of Poles, Finns, +Ukrainanians (small Russians) and Hebrews with the freedom which the +different nationalities enjoy in our empire! And England herself. Is it +for freedom's sake that she holds Gibraltar and that she subjugated the +Boers? + +No! Civilization and freedom have nothing to do with the issues at stake +now, least of all in the sense that our enemies have drawn the sword for +their cause. It is a war for conquest and supremacy stirred up by all +the hateful passions in human nature, fully as much as any war that has +ever been waged before. But we did not stir it up. We are fighting for +our existence, right and justice are on our side, and so we trust will +victory be. + +The causes of the war are clear. To make its issues still clearer, +imagine for a moment and merely for argument's sake the consequences of +our adversaries being successful. Russia, England, and Japan would +remain masters of the field. Is this a consummation any thinking +American can wish for? + +These are the considerations I wished to lay before you, and I ask your +assistance to bring them before the American people. I ask for no reply, +no manifestation of feelings or opinion from you. What I ask you is to +publish this letter as an open letter addressed by me to you, signed +with my full name. How to do this I leave entirely to you. It goes +without saying that your private reply, if you favor me with one, will +be treated as such. + +Hoping to meet you in better times, and sending our kindest regards to +Mrs. Roosevelt, believe me, yours most sincerely, + +BARON L. HENGELMULLER. + +Abbazia, Sept. 25, 1914. + + + + +Russian Atrocities + +By George Haven Putnam. + + Publisher, Director of the Knickerbocker Press, Secretary + American Copyright League; decorated with the Cross of the + Legion of Honor, France. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It is possible that the letter presented herewith from a German neighbor +(who is a stranger to me) may be of interest to your readers as an +example of a curious confusion of thought into which have fallen Germans +on both sides of the Atlantic in regard to the issues of the present +struggle and the conduct and the actions of the German Army. I am +inclosing a copy of my reply to Mr. Thienes. + +GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM. + +New York, Nov. 4, 1914. + + +THE LETTER. + +NEW YORK, Oct. 28, 1914. + +Mr. George Haven Putnam. + +DEAR SIR: Now that you have shown your "true" spirit of neutrality +toward Germany, would you not be kind enough to give us a similar piece +of your wisdom and describe in detail the way the Russians acted in East +Prussia during their short stay there, and how they murdered, tortured, +and assaulted women and girls, and cut children and infants to pieces +without even the provocation of "sniping"? + +This, your new article in THE TIMES, I anticipate with the greatest +interest. + +RUDOLF F. THIENES. + + +THE REPLY. + +Rudolf F. Thienes, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 28th inst., intended as a rejoinder to a +letter recently printed by me in THE TIMES, is written under a +misapprehension in regard to one important matter. + +The Americans, who are in a position to judge impartially in regard to +the issues of the war, have criticised the official acts which have +attended the devastation of Belgium, not because these acts were +committed by Germans, but because they were in themselves abominable and +contrary to precedents and to civilized standards. + +If the Russians had, under official order, burned Lemburg, including the +university and the library, and executed the Burgomaster, they would +have come under the same condemnation from Americans that has been given +to Germans for the burning of Louvain and Aerschot and the shooting of +the Aerschot Burgomaster. I am myself familiar with Germany. I am an +old-time German student, and I have German friends on both sides of the +Atlantic, and I am in a position to sympathize with legitimate +aspirations and ideals of these German friends. + +I am convinced, however, that no nation can secure in this twentieth +century its rightful development unless its national conduct is +regulated with a "decent respect to the opinions of mankind." The +references made in my TIMES letters were restricted to official actions; +things done under the direction of the military commanders acting in +accord with the instructions or the general policy of the Imperial +Government. + +The misdeeds of individual soldiers are difficult to verify. While these +are always exaggerated, it remains the sad truth that every big army +contains a certain percentage of ruffians, and that when these ruffians +are let loose in a community, with weapons and with military power +behind them, bad things are done. It is my own belief that the material +in the German Army (which is the best fighting machine that the world +has ever seen) will compare favorably with that of any army in the +world, and that the percentage of wrongful acts on the part of the +German soldiers has been small. Such misdeeds, sometimes to be +characterized as atrocities, are the inevitable result of war, and they +bring a grave responsibility upon a Government which (to accept as well +founded the frank utterances of the leaders of opinion in Germany) has +initiated this war for the purpose of "crushing France and of breaking +up the British Empire." + +You appear to think that it is in order for Germany to visit upon +unoffending Belgians reprisal for the misdeeds (as far as such misdeeds +may be in evidence) committed by Russians in East Prussia. I cannot see +that this contention is in accord with justice or with common sense. + +GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM. + +New York, Oct. 28, 1914. + + + + +"The United States of Europe" + +INTERVIEW WITH NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER. + + Dr. Butler is President of Columbia University; received + Republican electoral vote for Vice President of the United + States, 1913; President of American Branch of Conciliation + Internationale; President American Historical Association; + Trustee Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Commander + Order of the Red Eagle (with Star) of Prussia; Commandeur de + Legion d'Honneur of France. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +The United States of Europe. + +Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, firmly +believes that the organization of such a federation will be the outcome, +soon or late, of a situation built up through years of European failure +to adjust government to the growth of civilization. + +He thinks it possible that the ending of the present war may see the +rising of the new sun of democracy to light a day of freedom for our +transatlantic neighbors. + +He tells me that thinking men in all the contending nations are +beginning vividly to consider such a contingency, to argue for it or +against it; in other words, to regard it as an undoubted possibility. + +Dr. Butler's acquaintance among those thinking men of all shades of +political belief is probably wider than that of any other American, and +it is significant of the startling importance of what he says that by +far the greater number of his European friends, the men upon whose views +he has largely, directly or indirectly, based his conclusions, are not +of the socialistic or of any other revolutionary or semi-revolutionary +groups, but are among the most conservative and most important figures +in European political, literary, and educational fields. + +This being unquestionably true, it is by no means improbable that in the +interview which follows, fruit of two evenings in Dr. Butler's library, +may be found the most important speculative utterance yet to appear in +relation to the general European war. + +Dr. Butler's estimate of the place which the United States now holds +upon the stage of the theatre of world progress and his forecast of the +tremendously momentous rôle which she is destined to play there must +make every American's heart first swell with pride and then thrill with +a realization of responsibility. + +The United States of Europe, modeled after and instructed by the United +States of America! The thought is stimulating. + +Said Dr. Butler: + +"The European cataclysm puts the people of the United States in a unique +and tremendously important position. As neutrals we are able to observe +events and to learn the lesson that they teach. If we learn rightly we +shall gain for ourselves and be able to confer upon others benefits far +more important than any of the material advantages which may come to us +through a shrewd handling of the new possibilities in international +trade. + +"I hesitate to discuss any phase of the great conflict now raging in +Europe. By today's mail, for example, I received long, personal letters +from Lord Haldane, from Lord Morley, from Lord Weardale, and from Lord +Bryce. Another has just come from Prof. Schiemann of Berlin, perhaps the +Emperor's most intimate adviser; another from Prof. Lamasch of Austria, +who was the Presiding Judge of the British-American arbitration in +relation to the Newfoundland fisheries a few years ago, and is a member +of the Austrian House of Peers. Still others are from M. Ribot, Minister +of Finance in France, and M. d'Estournelles de Constant. These +confidential letters give a wealth of information as to the intellectual +and political forces that are behind the conflict. + +"You will understand, then, that without disloyalty to my many friends +in Europe, I could not discuss with freedom the causes or the progress +of the war, or speculate in detail about the future of the European +problem. My friends in Germany, France, and England all write to me with +the utmost freedom and not for the public eye; so you see that my great +difficulty, when you ask me to talk about the meaning of the struggle, +arises from the obligation that I am under to preserve a proper personal +reserve regarding the great figures behind the vast intellectual and +political changes which really are in the background of the war. + +"If such reserve is necessary in my case, it seems to me that it also is +necessary for the country as a whole. The attitude of the President has +been impeccable. That of the whole American press and people should be +the same. + +"Especially is it true that all Americans who hope to have influence, as +individuals, in shaping the events which will follow the war, must avoid +any expression which even might be tortured into an avowal of +partisanship or final judgment. + +"Even the free expression of views criticising particular details of the +war, which might, in fact, deserve criticism, might destroy one's chance +of future possible usefulness. A statement which might be unquestionably +true might also be remembered to the damage of some important cause +later on. + +"There are reasons why my position is, perhaps, more difficult than that +of some others. Talking is often a hazardous practice, and never more so +than now. + +"The World is at crossroads, and everything may depend upon the United +States, which has been thrust by events into a unique position of moral +leadership. Whether the march of the future is to be to the right or to +the left, uphill or down, after the war is over, may well depend upon +the course this nation shall then take, and upon the influence which it +shall exercise. + +"If we keep our heads clear there are two things that we can bring +insistently to the attention of Europe--each of vast import at such a +time as that which will follow the ending of this war. + +"The first of these is the fact that race antagonisms die away and +disappear under the influence of liberal and enlightened political +institutions. This has been proved in the United States. + +"We have huge Celtic, Latin, Teutonic and Slavic populations all living +here at peace and in harmony; and, as years pass, they tend to merge, +creating new and homogeneous types. The Old World antagonisms have +become memories. This proves that such antagonisms are not mysterious +attributes of geography or climate, but that they are the outgrowth +principally of social and political conditions. Here a man can do about +what he likes, so long as he does not violate the law; he may pray as he +pleases or not at all, and he may speak any language that he chooses. + +"The United States is itself proof that most of the contentions of +Europeans as to race antagonisms are ill-founded. We have demonstrated +that racial antagonisms need not necessarily become the basis of +permanent hatreds and an excuse for war." + + +Hyphens Are Going. + +"If human beings are given the chance they will make the most of +themselves, and, by living happily--which means by living at peace--they +will avoid conflict. The hyphen tends to disappear from American +terminology. The German-American, the Italio-American, the +Irish-American all become Americans. + +"So, by and large, our institutions have proved their capacity to +amalgamate and to set free every type of human being which thus far has +come under our flag. There is in this a lesson which may well be taken +seriously to heart by the leaders of opinion in Europe when this war +ends. + +"The second thing which we may press, with propriety, upon the attention +of the people of Europe after peace comes to them is the fact that we +are not only the great exponents but the great example of the success of +the principle of federation in its application to unity of political +life regardless of local, economic, and racial differences. + +"If our fathers had attempted to organize this country upon the basis of +a single, closely unified State, it would have gone to smash almost at +the outset, wrecked by clashing economic and personal interests. Indeed, +this nearly happened in the civil war, which was more economic than +political in its origin. + +"But, though we had our difficulties, we did find a way to make a +unified nation of a hundred million people and forty-eight +Commonwealths, all bound together in unity and in loyalty to a common +political ideal and a common political purpose. + +"Just as certainly as we sit here this must and will be the future of +Europe. There will be a federation into the United States of Europe. + +"When one nation sets out to assert itself by force against the will, or +even the wish, of its neighbors, disaster must inevitably come. Disaster +would have come here if, in 1789, New York had endeavored to assert +itself against New England or Pennsylvania. + +"As a matter of fact, certain inhabitants of Rhode Island and +Pennsylvania did try something of the sort after the Federal Government +had been formed, but, fortunately, their effort was a failure. + +"The leaders of our national life had established such a flexible and +admirable plan of government that it was soon apparent that each State +could retain its identity, forming its own ideals and shaping its own +progress, and still remain a loyal part of the whole; that each State +could make a place for itself in the new federated nation and not be +destroyed thereby. + +"There is no reason why each nation in Europe should not make a place +for itself in the sun of unity which I am sure is rising there behind +the war clouds. Europe's stupendous economic loss, which already has +been appalling and will soon be incalculable, will give us an +opportunity to press this argument home. + +"True internationalism is not the enemy of the nationalistic principle. + +"On the contrary, it helps true nationalism to thrive. The Vermonter is +more a Vermonter because he is an American, and there is no reason why +Hungary, for example, should not be more than ever before Hungarian +after she becomes a member of the United States of Europe. + +"Europe, of course, is not without examples of the successful +application of the principle of federation within itself. It so happens +that the federated State next greatest to our own is the German Empire. +It is only forty-three years old, but their federation has been notably +successful. So the idea of federation is familiar to German publicists. + +"It is familiar, also, to the English, and has lately been pressed there +as the probable final solution of the Irish question. + +"It has insistently suggested itself as the solution of the Balkan +problem. + +"In a lesser way it already is represented in the structure of +Austria-Hungary." + + +America's Great Work. + +"This principle of nation building, of international building through +federation, certainly has in it the seeds of the world's next great +development--and we Americans are in a position both to expand the +theory and to illustrate the practice. It seems to me that this is the +greatest work which America will have to do at the end of this war. + +"These are the things which I am writing to my European correspondents +in the several belligerent countries by every mail. + +"The cataclysm is so awful that it is quite within the bounds of truth +to say that on July 31 the curtain went down upon a world which never +will be seen again. + +"This conflict is the birth-throe of a new European order of things. The +man who attempts to judge the future by the old standards or to force +the future back to them will be found to be hopelessly out of date. The +world will have no use for him. The world has left behind forever the +international policies of Palmerston and of Beaconsfield and even those +of Bismarck, which were far more powerful. + +"When the war ends conditions will be such that a new kind of +imagination and a new kind of statesmanship will be required. This war +will prove to be the most effective education of 500,000,000 people +which possibly could have been thought of, although it is the most +costly and most terrible means which could have been chosen. The results +of this education will be shown, I think, in the process of general +reconstruction which will follow. + +"All the talk of which we hear so much about, the peril from the Slav or +from the Teuton or from the Celt, is unworthy of serious attention. It +would be quite as reasonable to discuss seriously the red-headed peril +or the six-footer peril. + +"There is no peril to the world in the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt, or +any other race, provided the people of that race have an opportunity to +develop as social and economic units, and are not bottled up so that an +explosion must come. + +"It is my firm belief that nowhere in the world, from this time on, will +any form of government be tolerated which does not set men free to +develop in this fashion." + +I asked Dr. Butler to make some prognostication of what the United +States of Europe, which he so confidently expects, will be. He answered: + + +Has Advanced Much. + +"I can say only this: The international organization of the world +already has progressed much further than is ordinarily understood. Ever +since the Franco-Prussian war and the Geneva Arbitration, both +landmarks in modern history, this has advanced inconspicuously, but by +leaps and bounds. + +"The postal service of the world has been internationalized in its +control for years. The several Postal Conventions have been evidences of +an international organization of the highest order. + +"Europe abounds in illustrations of the international administration of +large things. The very laws of war, which are at present the subject of +so much and such bitter discussion, are the result of international +organization. + +"They were not adopted by a Congress, a Parliament, or a Reichstag. They +were agreed to by many and divergent peoples, who sent representatives +to meet for their discussion and determination." + + +One of the Examples. + +"In the admiralty law we have a most striking example of uniformity of +practice in all parts of the world. If a ship is captured or harmed in +the Far East and taken into Yokohama or Nagasaki, damages will be +assessed and collected precisely as they would be in New York or +Liverpool. + +"The world is gradually developing a code for international legal +procedure. Special arbitral tribunals have tended to merge and grow into +the international court at The Hague, and that, in turn, will develop +until it becomes a real supreme judicial tribunal. + +"Of course the analogy with the federated State fails at some points, +but I believe the time will come when each nation will deposit in a +world federation some portion of its sovereignty. + +"When this occurs we shall be able to establish an international +executive and an international police, both devised for the especial +purpose of enforcing the decisions of the international court. + +"Here, again, we offer a perfect object lesson. Our Central Government +is one of limited and defined powers. Our history can show Europe how +such limitations and definitions can be established and interpreted, and +how they can be modified and amended when necessary to meet new +conditions. + +"My colleague, Prof. John Bassett Moore, is now preparing and publishing +a series of annotated reports of the international arbitration +tribunals, in order that the Governments and jurists of the world may +have at hand, as they have in the United States Supreme Court, reports, +a record of decided cases which, when the time comes, may be referred to +as precedents. + +"It will be through graded processes such as this that the great end +will be accomplished. Beginning with such annotated reports as a basis +for precedents, each new case tried before this tribunal will add a +further precedent, and presently a complete international code will be +in existence. It was in this way that the English common law was built, +and such has been the admirable history of the work done by our own +judicial system. + +"The study of such problems is at this time infinitely more important +than the consideration of how large a fine shall be inflicted by the +victors upon the vanquished." + + +The Chief Result. + +"There is the probability of some dislocation of territory and some +shiftings of sovereignty after the war ends, but these will be of +comparatively minor importance. The important result of this great war +will be the stimulation of international organization along some such +lines as I have suggested. + +"Dislocation of territory and the shifting of sovereigns as the result +of international disagreements are mediaeval practices. After this war +the world will want to solve its problems in terms of the future, not in +those of the outgrown past. + +"Conventional diplomacy and conventional statesmanship have very +evidently broken down in Europe. They have made a disastrous failure of +the work with which they were intrusted. They did not and could not +prevent the war because they knew and used only the old formulas. They +had no tools for a job like this. + +"A new type of international statesman is certain to arise, who will +have a grasp of new tendencies, a new outlook upon life. Bismarck used +to say that it would pay any nation to wear the clean linen of a +civilized State. The truth of this must be taught to those nations of +the world which are weakest in morale, and it can only be done, I +suppose, as similar work is accomplished with individuals. Courts, not +killings, have accomplished it with individuals. + +"One more point ought to be remembered. We sometimes hear it said that +nationalism, the desire for national expression by each individual +nation, makes the permanent peace and good order of the world +impossible. + +"To me it seems absurd to believe that this is any truer of nations than +it is of individuals. It is not each nation's desire for national +oppression which makes peace impossible; it is the fact that thus far in +the world's history such desire has been bound up with militarism. + +"The nation whose frontier bristles with bayonets and with forts is like +the individual with a magazine pistol in his pocket. Both make for +murder. Both in their hearts really mean murder. + +"The world will be better when the nations invite the judgment of their +neighbors and are influenced by it. + +"When John Hay said that the Golden Rule and the open door should guide +our new diplomacy he said something which should be applicable to the +new diplomacy of the whole world. The Golden Rule and a free chance are +all that any man ought to want or ought to have, and they are all that +any nation ought to want or ought to have. + +"One of the controlling principles of a democratic State is that its +military and naval establishments must be completely subservient to the +civil power. They should form the police, and not be the dominant factor +of any national life. + +"As soon as they go beyond this simple function in any nation, then that +nation is afflicted with militarism. + +"It is difficult to make predictions of the war's effect on us. As I see +it, our position will depend a good deal upon the outcome of the +conflict, and what that will be no one at present knows. + +"If a new map of Europe follows the war, its permanence will depend upon +whether or not the changes are such as will permit nationalities to +organize as nations. + +"The world should have learned through the lessons of the past that it +is impossible permanently and peacefully to submerge large bodies of +aliens if they are treated as aliens. That is the opposite of the mixing +process which is so successfully building a nation out of varied +nationalities in the United States. + +"The old Romans understood this. They permitted their outlying vassal +nations to speak any language they chose and to worship whatever god +they chose, so long as they recognized the sovereignty of Rome. When a +conquering nation goes beyond that, and begins to suppress religions, +languages, and customs, it begins at that very moment to sow the seeds +of insurrection and revolution. + +"My old teacher and colleague, Prof. Burgess, once defined a nation as +an ethnographic unit inhabiting a geographic unit. That is an +illuminating definition. If a nation is not an ethnographic unit, it +tries to become one by oppressing or amalgamating the weaker portions of +its people. If it is not a geographic unit, it tries to become one by +reaching out to a mountain chain or to the sea--to something which will +serve as a real dividing line between it and its next neighbors. + +"The accuracy of this definition can hardly be denied, and we all know +what the violations of this principle have been in Europe. It is +unnecessary for me to point them out. + +"Races rarely have been successfully mixed by conquest. The military +winner of a war is not always the real conqueror in the long run. The +Normans conquered Saxon England, but Saxon law and Saxon institutions +worked up through the new power and have dominated England's later +history. The Teutonic tribes conquered Rome, but Roman civilization, by +a sort of capillary attraction, went up into the mass above and +presently dominated the Teutons. + +"The persistency of a civilization may well be superior in tenacity to +mere military conquest and control. + +"The smallness of the number of instances in which conquering nations +have been able successfully to deal with alien peoples is extraordinary. +The Romans were unusually successful, and England has been successful +with all but the Irish, but perhaps no other peoples have been +successful in high degree in an effort to hold alien populations as +vassals and to make them really happy and comfortable as such. + +"One of the war's chief effects on us will be to change our point of +view. Europe will be more vivid to us from now on. There are many public +men who have never thought much about Europe, and who have been far from +a realization of its actual importance to us. It has been a place to +which to go for a Summer holiday. + +"But, suddenly, they find they cannot sell their cotton there or their +copper, that they cannot market their stocks and bonds there, that they +cannot send money to their families who are traveling there, because +there is a war. To such men the war must have made it apparent that +interdependence among nations is more than a mere phrase. + +"All our trade and all our economic and social policies must recognize +this. The world has discovered that cash without credit means little. +One cannot use cash if one cannot use one's credit to draw it whenever +and wherever needed. Credit is intangible and volatile, and may be +destroyed over night. + +"I saw this in Venice. + +"On July 31 I could have drawn every cent that my letter of credit +called for up to the time the banks closed. At 10 in the morning on the +1st of August I could not draw the value of a postage stamp. + +"Yet the banker in New York who issued my letter of credit had not +failed. His standing was as good as ever it had been. But the world's +system of international exchange of credit had suffered a stroke of +paralysis over night. + +"This realization of international interdependence, I hope, will +elevate and refine our patriotism by teaching men a wider sympathy and a +deeper understanding of other peoples, nations, and languages. I +sincerely hope it will educate us up to what I have called 'The +International Mind.' + +"When Joseph Chamberlain began his campaign after returning from South +Africa his keynote was, 'Learn to think imperially.' I think ours should +be, 'Learn to think internationally,' to see ourselves not in +competition with the other peoples of the world, but working with them +toward a common end, the advance of civilization." + + +A Note of Optimism. + +"There are hopeful signs, even in the midst of the gloom that hangs over +us. Think what it has meant for the great nations of Europe to have come +to us, as they have done, asking our favorable public opinion. We have +no army and navy worthy of their fears. They can have been induced by +nothing save their conviction that we are the possessors of sound +political ideals and a great moral force. + +"In other words, they do not want us to fight for them, but they do want +us to approve of them. They want us to pass judgment upon the humanity +and the legality of their acts, because they feel that our judgment +will be the judgment of history. There is a lesson in this. + +"If we had not repealed the Panama Canal Tolls Exemption act last June +they would not have come to us as they are doing now. Who would have +cared for our opinion in the matter of a treaty violation if, for mere +financial interest or from sheer vanity, we ourselves had violated a +solemn treaty? + +"When Congress repealed the Panama Canal Tolls Exemption act it marked +an epoch in the history of the United States. This did more than the +Spanish war, than the building of the Panama Canal, or than anything +else I think of, to make us a true world power. + +"As a nation we have kept our word when sorely tempted to break it. We +made Cuba independent, we have not exploited the Philippines, we have +stood by our word as to Panama Canal tolls. + +"In consequence we are the first moral power in the world today. Others +may be first with armies, still others first with navies. But we have +made good our right to be appealed to on questions of national and +international morality. That Europe is seeking our favor is the tribute +of the European nations to this fact." + + + + +A New World Map + +By Wilhelm Ostwald. + + Late Visiting Professor to Harvard and Columbia Universities + from the University of Leipsic. + + +_The following article is extracted from a letter written by Prof. +Ostwald to Edwin D. Mead, Director of the World Peace Foundation._ + +The war is the result of a deliberate onslaught upon Germany and Austria +by the powers of the Triple Entente--Russia, France, and England. Its +object is on the part of Russia an extension of Russian supremacy over +the Balkans, on the side of France revenge, and on the side of England +annihilation of the German Navy and German commerce. In England +especially it has been for several centuries a constant policy to +destroy upon favoring occasion every navy of every other country which +threatened to become equal to the English Navy. + +Germany has proved its love of peace for forty-four years under the most +trying circumstances. While all other States have expanded themselves +by conquest, Russia in Manchuria, England in the Transvaal, France in +Morocco, Italy in Tripoli, Austria in Bosnia, Japan in Korea, Germany +alone has contented itself with the borders fixed in 1871. It is purely +a war of defense which is now forced upon us. + +In the face of these attacks Germany has until now (the end of August) +proved its military superiority, which rests upon the fact that the +entire German military force is scientifically organized and honestly +administered. + +The violation of Belgian neutrality was an act of military necessity, +since it is now proved that Belgian neutrality was to be violated by +France and England. A proof of this is the accumulation of English +munitions in Maubeuge, aside from many other facts. + +According to the course of the war up to the present time, European +peace seems to me nearer than ever before. We pacificists must only +understand that unhappily the time was not yet sufficiently developed to +establish peace by the peaceful way. If Germany, as everything now seems +to make probable, is victorious in the struggle not only with Russia and +France but attains the further end of destroying the source from which +for two or three centuries all European strifes have been nourished and +intensified, namely, the English policy of world dominion, then will +Germany, fortified on one side by its military superiority, on the other +side by the eminently peaceful sentiment of the greatest part of its +people, and especially of the German Emperor, dictate peace to the rest +of Europe, I hope especially that the future treaty of peace will in +the first place provide effectually that a European war such as the +present can never again break out. + +I hope, moreover, that the Russian people, after the conquest of their +armies, will free themselves from Czarism through an internal movement +by which the present political Russia will be resolved into its natural +units, namely, Great Russia, the Caucasus, Little Russia, Poland, +Siberia, and Finland, to which probably the Baltic provinces would join +themselves. These, I trust, would unite themselves with Finland and +Sweden, and perhaps with Norway and Denmark, into a Baltic federation, +which in close connection with Germany would insure European peace, and +especially form a bulwark against any disposition to war which might +remain in Great Britain. + +For the other side of the earth I predict a similar development under +the leadership of the United States. I assume that the English dominion +will suffer a downfall similar to that which I have predicted for +Russia, and that under these circumstances Canada would join the United +States, the expanded republic assuming a certain leadership with +reference to the South American republics. + +The principle of the absolute sovereignty of the individual nations, +which in the present European tumult has proved itself so inadequate and +baneful, must be given up and replaced by a system conforming to the +world's actual conditions and especially to those political and economic +relations which determine industrial and cultural progress and the +common welfare. + +[Illustration: NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER + +_See Page 565_] + +[Illustration: ARTHUR VON BRIESEN + +_See Page 548_] + + + + +The Verdict of the American People + +By Newell Dwight Hillis. + + _Dr. Hillis, who occupies the pulpit of Plymouth Church, + Brooklyn, made famous by the pastorate of the late Henry Ward + Beecher, delivered the following remarkable sermon on the + European War on Sunday, Dec. 20, 1914, choosing as his text + the words: "From whence come wars? Come they not from your own + lusts?"_ + + +Nearly five months have now passed by since the German Army invaded +Belgium and France. These 140 days have been packed with thrilling and +momentous events. While from their safe vantage ground the American +people have surveyed the scene, an old régime has literally crumbled +under our very eyes. Europe is a loom on whose earthen framework +demiurgic forces like Frederick the Great, Bismarck, and Napoleon once +wove the texture of European civilization. Now the demon of war has, +with hot knife, shorn away the texture, and a modern Czar and Kaiser, +King and President, with Generals and Admirals, are weaving the warp and +woof of a new world. One hundred years ago the forces that bred wars +were political forces; today the collision between nations is born of +economic interests. The twentieth century influences are chiefly the +force of wealth and the force of public opinion. These are the giant +steeds, though the reins of the horses may be in the hands of Kings and +Kaisers. In Napoleon's day antagonism grew out of the natural hatred of +autocracy for democracy, of German imperialism for French radicalism. +Today Germany is not even interested in France's republican form of +Government, nor is France concerned with Germany's imperial autocrat. +But all Europe is intensely concerned with the question of economic +supremacy or financial subordination. + +Ever since Oliver Cromwell's day England has been the mistress of the +seas, and Germany is envious and believes that she has a right to +supplant England in this naval leadership. France has long been the +banker of Europe, and Germany covets financial leadership. From whence +come wars? Come they not from men's lusts? Now that long time has +passed, it is quite certain that neither Napoleon nor Bismarck nor +William II. understood the future. It is a proverb that yesterday is a +seed, today the stalk, and tomorrow is the full corn in the ear. +Napoleon was a practical man, but he could not see the shock in the +seed. When Napoleon said, "One hundred years from now Europe will be all +republican or all Cossack"--Napoleon was quite wrong. Forty years ago +Bismarck said that he had reduced France to the level of a fourth-class +nation, and that henceforth France did not count; while as for the +Balkan States, "the whole Eastern question is not worth the bones of a +Pomeranian grenadier"--Bismarck was quite wrong. The present Kaiser has +no imagination. A man of any prevision of the future might have foreseen +that any attack upon England would settle the Irish question; that any +treaty with Turkey would force Italy, as Turkey's enemy in the late +Italian-Turkish war, to break with Germany; any man with the least +instinct for diplomacy might have known that the twentieth century man +is so incensed by an enemy's trespass upon his property, that Belgium +would have resisted encroachment, and so cost Germany the best three +weeks of the entire war. If the history of great wars tells us anything, +it tells us that the first qualification of the statesman and diplomat +is an intuitive knowledge of a future that is the certain outcome of the +present. There has been no foresight on the part of the makers and +advisers of this war. Years ago, when the Austrian Emperor visited +Innsbruck, the Burgomaster ordered foresters to go up on the mountain +sides and cut certain swaths of brush. At the moment the man with his +axe did not know what he was doing, but when the night fell, and the +torch was lifted on the boughs, the people in the city below read these +words written in letters of fire, "Welcome to our Emperor." Today the +demon of war has been writing with blazing letters certain lessons upon +the hills and valleys of Europe, and fortunate is that youth who can +read the writing and interpret aright the lessons of the times. + +The people of the republic now realize for the first time what are the +inevitable fruits of imperialism and militarism. One of the perils of +America's distance from the scenes of autocracy is that our people have +come to think that the forms of government are of little importance. We +hear it said that climate determines government and that one nation +likes autocracy and another limited monarchy, that we like democracy +self-government, and that the people are about as happy under one form +of control as another. This misconception is based upon a failure to +understand foreign imperialism. Superficially, the fruits of autocracy +are efficiency, industrial wealth, and military power. But now, after +nearly five months of constant discussion, our people understand +thoroughly the other side of imperialism. The 6,000,000 of +German-Americans living in this country, with their high type of +character, millions who have left their native land to escape service in +the army, the burdens of taxation involved in militarism, and the law of +lčse majesté, should have opened our eyes long ago. During the last five +years I have lectured in more than one hundred cities on the New Germany +and the lessons derived from her industrial efficiency, with the +application of science to the production of wealth, but I did not +appreciate fully the far-off harvest of militarism. And, lest an +American overstate the meaning of militarism, let me condense +Treitschke's view. He holds that the nation should be looked upon as a +vast military engine; that its ruler should be the commander of the +army; that his Cabinet should be under Generals; that the whole nation +should march with the force of an armed regiment; that the real "sin +against the Holy Ghost was the sin of military impotence; that such an +army should take all it wants and the territory it needs and explain +afterward." Manufacturers are essentially inventors of cannons and guns +and dreadnoughts, incidentally self-supporting men. Bankers are here to +finance the army and incidentally to make money. Physicians are here to +heal the wounded soldiers. Gymnasiums are founded to train soldiers. +Women are here to breed soldiers, and militarism is the path that will +bring Germany to her place in the sun. The youth is first of all to be a +soldier and incidentally to be a man. No one has indicted Germany's +militarism in stronger language than the distinguished German-American, +Carl Schurz. In words that burn the great statesman expressed his hatred +of the imperialism and militarism against which he helped to organize a +revolution that led to his flight to this country. Of late Americans +have been asking themselves certain questions. + + +The American Ideal vs. the German. + +What will be the result if Germany is allowed to seize any smaller State +whose territory and property she covets? Is all Europe to become an +armed camp? What is the meaning of this German professor's article in +The North American Review, written two or three years ago, in which he +says that once she is victorious the Monroe Doctrine will go and the +United States will receive the "thrashing she so richly deserves"? Must +we then go over to the military ideal? If Germany supports 8,000,000 +soldiers out of 66,000,000, must we withdraw from productive industry +12,000,000 men for at least two or three of the best years of their +young life? Must we start in on a programme of ten dreadnoughts a year +instead of building ten colleges and universities for the same sum of +money? Of late Americans who love their country have been searching +their own hearts. Merchants hitherto busied with commerce are asking +themselves whither this country is drifting. Is Germany to compel us to +become a vast military machine? This military question is a subject of +discussion on the street cars and in the stores, at the dining room +table. No articles in paper and magazine are so eagerly read and +analyzed. The American ideal is not a military machine, but a high +quality of manhood. To make men free, with the gift of self-expression; +to make men wise through the public school and the free press; to make +men self-sufficing and happy in their homes, through freedom of +industrial contracts; to make men sound in their manhood through +religious liberty for Jew and Gentile and Catholic and Protestant--these +are our national ideals. America stands at the other pole of the +universe from imperialism and militarism. So far from being willing to +desert the political faith of the fathers, this war has confirmed our +confidence in self-government. Liberty to grow, freedom to climb as high +as industry and ability will permit, liberty to analyze and discuss the +views of President, Congress, Governor--these are our rights. In a +military autocracy there can be no liberty of the printing press. If a +man criticises the Kaiser, he goes to jail; in this republic, if Horace +Greeley criticises Abraham Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln does not send the +great editor to jail, but writes the latter, "My paramount object is to +save the Union," and vindicates himself at the bar of the nation. An +American editor or citizen would choke to death in Germany. He could not +breathe because of the mephitic gases of imperialism and militarism. For +a long time some of us did not realize what was involved, but now we do +realize the difference between the fruits of democratic self-government +and the fruits of military imperialism. + +The last five months have brought a new realization to American citizens +as to the rights and liberties of small States. In the republic the sin +of trespass is one of the blackest of sins. Here we hold to the +sanctity of property. A man's home is his castle, a citadel that cannot +be invaded even by the power of the State. So deep is the American +hatred of trespass against property rights that imperialism finds it +impossible to understand this. Here the individual is a king of kings in +his native right, and takes out an injunction against the city that +wishes to trespass upon his property. This antagonism manifests itself +in the laws that safeguard the small shopkeeper against the big firm, +and the small manufacturer against any company with its billion dollars +of capital. This antagonism to the sin of trespass has lent a peculiar +sanctity to treaties between Canada and the United States. We have one +hundred millions of people, and Canada nine millions. We need many +things that Canada has, but it is intellectually unthinkable that "we +should take what we want and explain afterward," or that we should +violate our treaty guaranteeing neutrality to Canada. Our frontier line +is three thousand miles long. There is not a fort from Maine to +Victoria. If we adopted Germany's position we would have to build one +thousand forts, withdraw two million young men from the farm, factory, +store and bank, and load the working people with taxes to support them. +In a free land, and in God's world, there should be a place for the poor +man and for the small nation. In the olden time there was a king who had +herds and flocks, and a poor man who had one pet lamb. It came to pass +that a stranger claimed the right of hospitality at the rich man's +palace, and the king sent out and took the poor man's one lamb and gave +it for food to the stranger. And, soon or late, the time will come when +history will tell the story of Germany's taking little Belgium, and +conscience, like a prophet, will indict the militarism that seized the +one lamb that belonged to the poor man. This episode is not closed. The +German representative who says that Belgium is a part of Germany may be +right in terms of future government and war, but the incident has just +begun in the memory of the soldiers who never can forget that they first +broke their sacred treaty, and then, when the Belgian defended his home +as his castle, butchered the man, who died with a sacred treaty in his +hand. Why, all over this land, teachers, fathers, editors, authors, have +found it necessary to say to the young men and women of the republic, +"Do not sign your name to an obligation unless you intend to keep it." +Keep your faith. Remember that your word given should be as good as your +bond. "Swear to your own hurt, and change not." All this is inevitable, +as the result of Germany's trespass upon the property and the homes of +Belgium. In some European lands the State is everything and the +individual nothing. In this republic the individual is first, and the +State is here to safeguard his rights and see to it that no one +trespasses upon his property. The time will come when the nation that +breaks its treaties and sows to the wind shall of that wind reap the +whirlwind. It is an awful thing for a nation to make it inevitable that +hereafter when other people sign a treaty with that country, that our +representatives shall say: "Before we sign this treaty with you, we wish +to ask one question. Later, if it is to your interest to break this +treaty, is this document to be sneered at as a scrap of paper? Or does +this treaty mean the faith of a nation that will die rather than break +its word, given before the tribunal of civilized States?" + + +The Death of the Tribal God Idea. + +This great war and one or two of the leaders thereof have killed the old +tribal idea of God. In the twentieth century it seems almost ludicrous +to find that the conception of the ancient Hebrews is still held by some +rulers. Be the reasons what they may, of late there has been a strange +recrudescence of the tribal God idea. This is the twentieth century, not +the tenth! Think of a man sending his soldiers into Belgium, saying, +"Make yourselves as terrible as the Huns of Attila, and the Lord our God +will give you victory." Just as if God were not the God of the whole +earth, a disinterested God, a God who makes His sun to shine and His +rain to fall upon all His children, without regard to race or clime or +color. Why, it is as artless as the way the old Hebrew peasant called on +God to blast his enemy's field, and drown his children with floods, and +smite his herds with the plague. The tribal idea of God belongs with the +ox cart, the medicine man, the cave dweller. This is an era of science. +Whatever is true is universal, not racial. If the heart beats and the +blood circulates in a German soldier's veins, the blood flows in the +veins of the people of England and France. If the earth goes around the +sun in Berlin, the earth goes around the sun in Petrograd and Edinburgh. +If there are seven rays in the sunbeam, why, the discussion is closed, +and it is a universal fact. And if Jesus was right when He said, "God is +our Father, and all the races are our brothers, and the world has been +fitted up by God as an Eden garden for His children," then no man or +ruler should ever adopt the view of the peasant and the cave man, and +try to make the Eternal God a tribal God. The unconscious humor in the +statements of one or two men as to their tribal God idea has added to +the gayety of nations. But when any view is laughed at, it is doomed. +From the very moment that the doctrine of election, that made God love a +few aristocrats and pass the non-elect by, became a matter of joke in +the comic papers, that theory was dead. Not otherwise is it with this +idea of a tribal God. When Barry Paine begins to say, + + Led by William, as you tell, + God has done extremely well, + +the tribal idea has been relegated to the theological scrap-heap. The +peasant's view must go. In this age men must be citizens of all +countries and of the universe. God is a sun Who shines for the poor +man's hut as truly as for the rich man's palace. The Judge of all the +earth is also the Father of all the races, and He will do men good and +not evil. + +In view of the events of the last few months, all Americans now realize +as never before the futility of war as a means of settling disputes. +Indeed, it may be doubted whether any war has ever settled any question. +Defeat did not convince the South that they were wrong in their idea of +State rights or slavery. If the South has given up both ideas today it +is because time, events, and social progress have changed their view, +not because the sword convinced them. Bismarck's victory at Versailles +and von Moltke's at Sedan did not settle the dispute with France. To +keep one billion dollars of indemnity Germany must have spent five +billions on forts and armies in the government of Alsace and Lorraine. +Germany's apparent victory simply put Germany's trouble with France out +at compound interest, and left the next generation of Germans to pay +several billions of dollars of accrued debt through hatred. Plainly it +is folly not to reconstitute the map of Europe. The frontier lines of +the geographer should exactly coincide with the racial lines. The German +race, with their peculiar ideals, ought not to try to govern the French +race. It is an expensive experiment. It is an impossible experiment. The +plan is doomed to failure in advance. And when the day of payment comes +it is quite certain that the questions at issue will not have been +settled by regiments of soldiers. They must finally be settled by an +appeal to some court of arbitration that will do justice and love mercy; +that will insist upon the rights of the smaller States, and make it +impossible for the great ones of the earth to trespass upon the property +and the liberties of brave little peoples. + + +Imperialism Confuses Men's Judgments. + +Out of the smoke of battle another lesson is written for all who have +eyes to read. In view of the mistakes made by men who have absolute +power it is now certain that exemption from criticism is a bad thing for +any man, and that endless adoration destroys the ruler's power to think +in straight lines. There never lived a man who was not injured by +perpetual compliments. Strong men are willing to pay cash for criticism. +Flattery will conceal the weakness, and they know that pitiless +criticism will expose the danger and perhaps save them. No man is so +unfortunate as the man who is put on a throne lifted up beyond the +reach of plain truth telling. It is doubtful if so many blunders were +ever made by statesmen and diplomats as were made at the beginning of +this war. Just think of one Government being wrong in all these +particulars at the same time! Lincoln said, "You can't fool all of the +people all of the time." Yes, that may be true in a republic, but you +certainly can fool all the diplomats and Generals and do it all the +time--during July and August, in any event. Call the roll of the +diplomatic blunders, and the list is long. First, England will be +neutral and Ireland will keep her from going to war; second, Italy will +be our ally; third, Belgium will be neutral and allow us to trespass +upon her property and her homes; fourth, France is unprepared and Paris +will fall within three weeks; fifth, an alliance with Turkey, despite +her polygamy and butcheries in Armenia and the civilized world's hatred +for her cruelties, will help us; sixth, Japan will hold Russia in check; +seventh, the Czar will be attacked by Bulgaria, Italy, and China. It +seems incredible that any ruler and group of diplomats could be so +entirely wrong, all the time, on every question, for a whole Summer! Was +there no man as diplomat who had the wisdom to see that an attack upon +England would end the disputes in Ireland? And bind together Canada, +Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, India into a new United States of +Great Britain? Was there no statesman with enough prevision of the +future, and with courage to tell the people in Wilhelmstrasse that the +certain result would be the United States of Balkany, to stand +henceforth as a barrier between Germany and the Bosphorus? Was there no +one to remind Berlin that Italy had just completed a war with Turkey and +that any treaty with Turkey meant inevitably the breaking of friendship +with Italy? Alas! for the man who is elevated to a throne, in whose +presence men burn incense, pour forth flattery that he may breathe its +perfume, sing songs of praise that he may slumber! + +In concluding our survey of the nations and the stake of each country +in the war, there is one reflection that must be obvious to all thinking +men. This little fire of last August has become a world conflagration. +The nation that first sent out her armies was Germany. There is a +high-water mark of battle in every war, and after that, the invading +waves begin their retreat. The high-water mark of Napoleon's was +Austerlitz and the waves ebbed away at Waterloo. The high-water mark of +the civil war was Gettysburg, and the tide ebbed out at Appomattox. +Belgium's defense cost Germany the three most important weeks of the +war, and her high-water mark was when she was within twenty miles of +Paris. Occasional eddies and returns of the tide there may be, but +nothing is more certain than that there are ten nations and six hundred +millions of men that had rather die than have militarism imposed upon +themselves and their children. Americans who admire German efficiency, +the German people, and want to see German science preserved, and feel an +immeasurable debt to Martin Luther, do not want Germany destroyed. But +Germany will not listen to England, nor France, nor America. There is +only one voice that can reach Germany--it is the voice of the +German-Americans in this country. They are six million strong. They are +among the most honored and esteemed folk in American life. Their +achievements are beyond all praise. The Germans have built Milwaukee and +have done much for St. Louis. The Germans have been great forces in +Cincinnati and Chicago and New York. What wealth among their bankers! +What prosperity among German manufacturers! What solidity of manhood in +these German Lutherans! Was there ever a finer body of farming folk than +the German landowners of the Middle West? The republic owes the +German-American a great debt as to liberty through men like Carl Schurz. +Take Martin Luther and German liberty of thought out of the republic and +this land would suffer an immeasurable loss. Many of these +German-Americans own great estates and have investments in the +Fatherland. Today these six million German-Americans have the centre of +the world's stage. This war is a conflagration that will probably burn +itself out. But if the six million German-Americans organize themselves +and hold great meetings of protest in New York and Brooklyn and Chicago +and Milwaukee, in St. Louis and Cincinnati; if German-American editors +and bankers and business men united their voice, they would be heard. + + +German-American Man of the Hour. + +And do they not owe something to this republic? Having come to the +kingdom for such a crisis as this, should they not use their influence +with the Fatherland? Having escaped conscription and years of military +service, with heavy taxation and enjoyed the liberty of the press; +having become convinced that militarism does not promote the prosperity +and manhood of the people, why should they not as one man ask the +Fatherland now to present their cause to arbitrators? To no body of +American citizens has there ever come a more strategic opportunity, or a +responsibility so heavy. Some of the most thoughtful men in this land +believe that the destiny of Germany rests now largely with the leaders +of the 6,000,000 German-Americans in our country. But no matter what the +outcome, let no man think that God and justice are not fully equal to +this emergency. The great vine of Liberty was planted by Divine hands in +the Eden garden. Just now men are feeding the blossoms of the tree of +life to their war horses and splitting the boughs of that tree into +shafts for their spears. The storm roars through the branches, but the +storm will die out. Better days are coming. It may be that the +convulsion of war will do for Europe what the earthquake did for the +rude folk of Greece--cracked the solid rock and exposed the silver veins +that gave the wealth with which rude men built Athens, with its art, its +literature, its law and its liberty. Take no counsel of crouching fear, +God is abroad in the world. With Him a thousand years are as one day. +When a long time has passed let us believe that self-government will be +found to be the most stable form of government, and that these golden +words, Liberty, Opportunity, Intelligence, and Integrity, will be the +watch-words not only of the republic, but of all the nations of the +earth. + + + + +Interview With Dr. Hillis + +_From the Brooklyn Eagle._ + + +A frank declaration that he was opposed to Germany in the present great +war was the answer returned today [Dec. 21, 1914] by the Rev. Dr. Newell +Dwight Hillis to the protests against his sermon at Plymouth Church last +night, in which he scored militarism and the Kaiser. + +Not only did Dr. Hillis come out with the statement that he had said and +meant all to which exception was taken in his sermon, but, in an +interview today in his study, in the Arbuckle Institute, he asserted as +well that he had told but little of what he had come to believe about +Germany. This position, he said, was that America and all the world must +hope for German defeat, and must see that Germany was in the wrong. + +"I was for Germany five months ago," said Dr. Hillis. "I have been +lecturing for five years about the lessons we might learn from Germany. +Five months ago, it may be remembered, I gave an interview, in which I +praised Germany and in which I took the part of the German people in the +dreadful war that had come. + +"But I have changed my mind. I have seen that I was mistaken. Several +months ago I gave instructions to my lecture bureau to withdraw my +lecture, 'The New Germany,' from my list. That was about the middle of +September, and it was only then that I realized what a German success +would mean to the world--how there could be nothing else but a world of +armed camps, how we in this country, too, would have to adopt militarism +in order to live. + +"Just prior to that time, in the first of my Sunday evening sermons in +this course, I had praised the Kaiser. I believed in the German ideals, +I believed in German progress, German inventions, German principles. But +I was wrong. I have now become convinced of what I never imagined +before--that in the German viewpoint the only sin against the Holy Ghost +is military impotency, and, to use Treitschke's words again, the only +virtue is militarism." + +The pastor of Plymouth uttered this attack upon Germany with a +scornfulness which the printed word can hardly indicate. He was as +strongly against Germany--more strongly against Germany now than he had +before been in favor of Germany, he said. It was a position, he said, to +which everybody in the United States was turning, and it was inevitable +that Germany should find the world against her. + +In his frank avowal of his position regarding Germany and the Kaiser, +Dr. Hillis admitted, too, that his sermon last night had contained more +than appeared on the surface. When he stated in the sermon that no man +or ruler should ever adopt the view of the peasant and the cave man, and +try to make the Eternal God a tribal God, he had the Kaiser in mind, +said Dr. Hillis. The sermon is published in full in today's sermon pages +of The Eagle. + +In addition, Dr. Hillis said that while he believed that his sermon +could not be considered in any way a violation of President Wilson's +appeal for neutrality, yet, indirectly, the passages to which exception +had been taken could be rightly construed as an attack upon Germany and +the Kaiser. + +"You believe that it is right for a minister to use the pulpit to +express his own views upon a subject like this?" was asked. + +"I do not believe that it is right for a minister to air his peculiar +political views upon any subject--personal, social, or economic," +answered Dr. Hillis, emphatically. "The church is a conservatory where a +warm, genial atmosphere should be created. My conception of the work of +a minister is that he is to create an atmosphere in the church on Sunday +so that the Republican with the tariff, the Democrat who believes in +free trade, and the Single Taxer can all grow and express their judgment +during the week. + +"The sun and the Summer shine for all kinds of seeds and roots, and the +minister and the church should create an atmosphere in which all +temperaments and races and faiths can grow. It is quite true that there +were some of my German friends and members who rather protested against +my view last night. But they had the same right and liberty to protest +that I have. A German physician told me plainly that he thought that +within six months I would change my view, and with the new light go over +to the position of his native land, and even thought that I might +retract all my studies, that are apparently prejudiced in favor of the +republic and self-government and the liberty of the press. Well, if I do +change my views and am converted to his viewpoint, I certainly will +retract my statements. But I think this improbable. The task of +converting me should be let out as a Government contract--in piecemeal." + +Dr. Hillis was reminded here that a number of people were said to have +left the church last night in the course of his sermon as a sign of +protest against the expression of his views. Asked if it were true, Dr. +Hillis answered: + +"I did not see many leave," and then declared that it was impossible to +imagine that war should not be discussed in the churches as it was being +discussed everywhere else. He continued with the assertion that he +believed it was his duty as the minister of Plymouth Church to say what +he had, and then made this assertion with a vehemence that was almost +startling: + +"Whenever the time comes that I have to add God and the devil together +and divide by two in the name of neutrality, I'll withdraw. I'm not +going to sacrifice my manhood for what some people call neutrality." + +It was on this score that Dr. Hillis came out with his unequivocal +declaration that he was against Germany and against the Kaiser. He +asserted that the viewpoint of the German people would have to be +changed if they were to take the place in the world he had thought their +due, five months ago, and he stated there could be no doubt but that the +war was occasioned by Germany's lust for power--political, industrial, +economic. + +"I believe that the real issue of this war is largely industrial," +continued Dr. Hillis. "It is an industrial war and not a political war. +Some days ago I said that the real fight between Germany and the nations +opposed to her was a fight for the possession of the iron fields +recently discovered in Northern France. That statement regarding +Germany's iron deposits and the whole economic situation has been +challenged. + +"Instead of modifying my position, I wish to reaffirm it. This is an age +of steel. Without hematite iron deposits Germany cannot build her +steamships, her cannon, her railways, her factories. German engineers +have been saying for five years that another five years will exhaust her +present iron supply. On Page 221 of the volume 'Problems of Power,' the +author says that within a generation 20,000,000 of Germany's people will +have to leave their native land. The pressure of iron and the call of +steel led to Germany's development of the Morocco situation, where there +are valuable iron mines. A short time ago French engineers discovered +the largest and richest body of iron ore in Europe. Fullerton, in his +book on the subject, expresses the judgment that one province has enough +hematite iron ore to last Europe for the next 150 years. + +"This diplomat and author said plainly two years ago, in one of his +review articles, that Germany would go to war to obtain the iron +deposits in Northern France, and that if she loses the war, she will +fall behind in the manufacturing race, and that the French bankers and +French engineers will make France the great manufacturing force and the +richest people in Europe. The Napoleonic wars were wars between +political ideas. The collision was between autocracy and bureaucracy and +French democracy and radicalism. The new antagonism grows out of +economic conditions. Germany wants to supersede England upon the seas, +and Germany wants the iron mines of France, and this is the whole +situation in a nutshell. + +"No, I am not sinning against the law of neutrality. I am trying to +freshen the old American ideals of self-government for the young men and +women in Plymouth Church. If the whole-hearted support of America's free +institutions involves indirectly a dissent from imperialism and +militarism, I am not responsible. I admit there is a necessary +condemnation of autocracy involved in the mere publication of the +Declaration of Independence. Ours is a Government of laws and not of +men, and I have been discussing the principles of self-government and +not rulers who represent imperialism. + +"Neutrality does not mean the wiping out of conviction. There are some +men who think that neutrality means adding God and the devil together +and dividing by two. And there are some statesmen who seem to think that +neutrality means adding together autocracy and democracy, and halving +the result. I do not share that view. I believe it is the first duty of +the German-American and the native-born American to uphold the +fundamental principles of self-government, and of an industrial +civilization as opposed to a military machine, and if this means protest +and criticism, then that protest must be accepted." + + + + +TIPPERARY. + +By JOHN B. KENNEDY. + + + (At the other end of the long, long road.) + + Who is it stands at the full o' the door? + Mary O'Fay, Mother O'Fay. + An' what is she watching an' waiting for? + Och, none but her soul can say. + + There's a list in the Post Office long an' black, + With tidings bad, and woeful sad; + The names of the boys who'll ne'er come back, + An' one is her darling lad. + + We showed her the list; but she cannot read, + So we told her true, yes, we told her true. + Her old eyes stared till they'd almost bleed, + An' she swore that none of us knew. + + She's waiting now for Father O'Toole, + Till he goes her way at the noon of day. + She's simperin' white--the poor old fool, + For she knows what the priest'll say. + + * * * * * + + Who is it sprawls upon the sod + At the break o' day? It's Mickey O'Fay; + His eyes glare up to the walls of God, + And half of his head is blown away. + + What is he doing in that strange place, + Torn and shred, and murdered dead? + He's singin' the psalm of the fighting race + As his soul soars wide o'erhead. + + He killed three foemen before he fell + (Och, the toll he'd take and the skulls he'd break!) + And he shrieked like a soul escaped from Hell + As he died for the Sassenach's sake. + + Who shall we blame for the awful thing-- + For the blood that flows and the heart-wrung throes? + Kaiser or Czar; statesman or King? + Och, leave it to Him Who Knows! + + + + +As America Sees the War + +By Harold Begbie. + + +I. + + _In order to determine how American public opinion concerning + the war is running, The London Daily Chronicle sent Mr. Begbie + to this country. The two articles printed below appeared in + The Chronicle_. + +Every day of my sojourn in this country deepens the desire in my mind to +see an increasing unity of understanding between America and England. I +feel that the audacity of America, its passion for the Right Thing, and +its impatience with the spirit of muddling through are the finest +incentives for modern England, England at this dawn of her political +renascence. I feel, too, as Americans themselves most willingly +acknowledge, that Great Britain has something to give to America out of +the ancient treasury of her domestic experience. Finally, I like +Americans so heartily that I want to be the best of friends with them. + +But it was only last night in this old and mighty city of Philadelphia +that the greatest of reasons for an alliance was brought sharply home to +my mind. I had thought, loosely enough, that since we speak the same +language, share many of the same traditions, and equally desire peace +for the prosperity of our trade, surely some alliance between us was +natural, and with a little effort might be made inevitable. The deeper, +more political, and far grander reason for this comradeship between the +two nations had never definitely shaped itself to my consciousness. + +Enlightenment came to me in the course of conversation with two +thoughtful Philadelphians whose minds are centred on something which +transcends patriotism and who work with fine courage and remarkable +ability for the triumph of their idea. + +One of these men said to me: "You speak of an alliance between England +and America; do you mind telling us what you mean by that term +alliance?" + +I explained that I had no thought in my mind of treaties and tariffs; +that the word "alliance" meant nothing more to me than conscious +friendship, and that such a disposition between two nations thinking in +the same language, speaking and writing the same language, must result, +I thought, in an ever-multiplying volume of trade, to the great +advantage of both parties. + + +Thinks Little of Blood Ties. + +Out of this explanation came the following statement, made by the second +Philadelphian: "I am as desirous as you are for such an understanding. I +desire it so greatly that I venture to offer you a warning on the +subject. It would be a mistake on your part, I am convinced, to advocate +any such friendship, any such understanding, any such alliance, if you +prefer that word, on the score of blood ties or a common speech. Believe +me, the American, to speak generally, thinks very little of such +matters. When America was far more English in its population than it is +now scarcely any country was more unpopular with us than your country. + +"I can remember when hatred for England was a kind of gospel with +Americans. The Irish fanned that hatred. Your country had behaved badly +toward us, war had left its scar on our memories, we rejoiced that we +had thrown off a yoke which we felt to be definitely tyrannous. What, +then, has produced the change in America--America, whose population is +now made up from nearly all the nations of the earth? Have your people +thought why we are on their side in this present war? Have they asked +themselves that question? If so, and they have answered it with such a +phrase as 'blood is thicker than water,' I can assure you they give not +only a false answer but an answer which betrays amazing ignorance, if +you will forgive the word, of this country's population. Blood thicker +than water! Why, look at our names; our blood is world's blood. + +"We're a nation of all the nations. The English element is only one +element. Our ancestors were French, Dutch, German, Spanish, Norwegian, +Russian, Danish, Irish, Greek, and Italian. The modern American citizen +is no more English than the Boers of South Africa are English. And yet +in overwhelming figures the American population is on the side of the +Allies, and particularly on the side of England. Why?" + + +England Stands for Democracy. + +"It is," he continued, "because England of all the nations on the earth +stands for the democratic ideals which are the very breath of life to +America. Modern England is for us the greatest of democracies. You lead +the way to the rest of the world, if not in science and art, at any rate +here in the great business of humanity's social existence. We see that +the old England of privilege and obstinate prerogatives and bull-headed +conservatism is dead. All your best qualities, straight dealing, +honesty, fearless justice, and faith in the goodness of human nature are +devoted now to the only ideals which can save progress from rot and +decay. Your democracy is master. It has no overlords. And, from what we +can gather since this war broke out, it would seem that your aristocracy +is coming more and more into line with the democracy, making great +sacrifices, showing a deeper appreciation of the democracy and shedding +the worst of its prejudices in the common love of liberty and right. + +"We hope that your aristocracy may render as great a service to the +extravagant plutocracy of this country as your democracy has rendered to +our democracy. To make life better, that's the work of all intelligent +people. That's what our democracy is after, and, because your democracy +is after the same thing, that's why we are on your side in this war. +Under all the sentiment on the subject this is the bedrock fact. We're +for England because we're for the ideals of democracy. That we speak the +same language is only an accident. It's your spirit we desire to share, +the spirit which desires to make life kinder, sweeter, better, more +beautiful, and more righteous. America believes in civilization. It +doesn't want culture in bearskin and top boots. It wants civilization, +and civilization means a culture that takes in the whole of a man's +being--his body, his mind, his spirit. Well, we think you're after the +same ideal; we believe that you're as conscious of humanity as we are, +and we begin to realize pretty acutely that in a world rather barbarous +on the whole, come to think of it, we can't afford to lose England." + +The other man added: "Germany stands for nearly everything we Americans +are opposed to, tooth and nail. We just loathe militarism. +Conscription's a thing we abominate. And feudalism is more dead over +here than in any country in the world." + +"But bear in mind," said the first, "we have few people in America +better than the Germans. The Germans are almost the most efficient of +our immigrants. They've taught us a lot. We owe them a mighty big debt. +Before their coming we were prodigals. We used up our natural resources +with a ruthless disregard for the future. We leveled our forests for +timber, and just scratched the top soil of the land for corn. Now we're +learning to farm scientifically and to conserve our wealth. And this is +due in no small degree to the Germans. The German, emancipated from +feudalism and kaiserism, is a pretty good citizen. In fact, among the +men who have most helped modern America we reckon Germans and Irishmen." + +I told them this story: A man in New York was speaking the other day to +Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador. Count von Bernstorff was +endeavoring to prove to this important personage that England had forced +the war upon Germany out of jealousy of her trade competition. "Sir," +said the American, "you really must not tell me that, and I advise you +not to tell such a tale to other Americans. For we know very well that +we are greater trade rivals of England than you are, and that, in spite +of that fact, here on this continent of America we have got 3,000 miles +of British frontier without a fort or a gun." He then said to the +Ambassador: "No, Sir; your mistake all through has been in making an +enemy of England when your best interest was to make friends with her. +If you had made friends with England, you would have got all you +wanted." To this accusation, I understand, the Ambassador made answer +that Germany had endeavored to make friends with England, but had been +repulsed. We have a different record in England. The American quietly +reminded the Ambassador of the fact that England admits German goods +free of tariff charges. + + +Germany Represents Autocracy. + +The two Philadelphians perfectly agreed with the justice of this +accusation, and declared again that it was because Germany represented +all the perils and slavishness of autocracy, and because England +represented the freedom, the justice, and the passion for social welfare +which inspire all living democracies, that America was so absolutely on +the English side. + +They spoke of Ireland, and expressed the hope that the Conservative +Party would do nothing to hinder that great settlement which has done so +much to increase American respect for England. + +"We recognize over here," said one, "that the Liberal Party, in going to +the rescue of Belgium, sacrificed some of its greatest ideals on the +altar of national righteousness. War must have been a bitter draught for +Lloyd George. Your social programme will be checked for many years. But +if the Conservatives attempt to spoil the Irish settlement, that will be +worse than anything else. It will mean confusion for you at home and +loss of reputation abroad." + +I spoke of what I had heard on this subject from Irish-Americans, and +they confirmed everything recorded in my former article. The three great +things, outside of increasing opportunities for intercourse, which have +drawn modern America toward England, they told me, are the social +legislation of the Liberal Party, the triumph of home rule, and +England's keeping her word to Belgium. By these three things, I was +assured, the old animosities against England have been destroyed, and a +spirit of enthusiasm for English ideals has been born among Americans. + +I should like to say that, while many American women love England for +the beauty and repose of her social life, and most eloquently base their +affection on the assertion that blood is thicker than water, the men of +America are sometimes inclined, and not unnaturally, to disapprove of +this pleasing sentimentalism. I now begin to perceive that the men of +America are not jealous of England's social life, but anxious to put +their friendship on a more substantial foundation. + +Liberalism not only uplifts democracy; it establishes England in the +affection of all vital democracies. If the Conservatives, so liberal and +charming in their private lives, combine with the Liberals after this +hideous war to reconstruct our national life and to consolidate the +empire, how great will be the harvest reaped by our children! + +It is in the high and lofty name of civilization that the American +people are anxious to make friends with the people of Great Britain. We +have both got something to live for greater than patriotism and +imperialism, greater because it includes them both. + + +II. + +Irish-American Feeling + +Until I came to America I had not the least idea of the depth of hatred +which has existed among Irish-Americans toward England. Nothing that I +ever encountered in Ireland itself is comparable with this transatlantic +fury of unforgiving hate. + +An Irishman who had held very high office in America, a well-educated, a +kindly, and a judicious man, told me that when war with Germany was in +the air he could not prevent himself from hailing this opportunity for +declaring his hatred, his undying hatred, of England. His father had +suffered frightfully in the great famine; every story he ever heard at +his mother's knee was a story of English tyranny, English brutality, +English rapacity; England, for him, stood at the rack centre, the +lustful and bestial slave driver, the cruel and merciless extortioner. + +This man's good judgment, however, would not suffer him to approve of +German militarism, and as events moved forward he gave his support more +and more to the cause of the Allies. + +"But I want you to know," he told me, striking the table with his hand +and watching me carefully, "that I was dead against John Redmond for +saying that Ireland must go to the aid of England. Ireland's call was to +go to the aid of civilization. If Germany had stood for civilization, I +should have been on Germany's side and dead against England. + +"I tell you, at the beginning of this business I longed to see England +defeated, humiliated, broken to the dust. But civilization is of such +enormous consequence that I put my natural hatred of England on one +side. The violation of Belgium made me an anti-German. And with the vast +majority of Irishmen in America it was the same thing. The menace of +German militarism forced us into your camp. + +"I am perfectly certain that but for the violation of Belgium there +would have been in this country among Irish-Americans an open movement +publicly proclaimed in favor of Germany. That is my fixed opinion. And I +happen to know what I am talking about." + + +No Hatred of England. + +I gathered in the course of his conversation that Irish friendliness +toward England is a final manifestation of a change in the feeling of +all America toward England. It was not very long ago that President +Cleveland wanted war with England. Hatred of England was at one time as +fiercely handed down from generation to generation by Americans as by +Irish-Americans. We have to thank our English stars that America has +outgrown this historic hate and that Irish-Americans now show the new +and happier feeling of their compatriots. + +I asked this Irishman, no one better able throughout America to express +a just opinion on the subject, what difference had been made in the +feeling toward England by the passing of the Home Rule bill. + +"It was the passing of that bill," he replied, "which finished the work +begun by German militarism. Home rule has softened our feelings toward +England, particularly among the thousands of Irish-Americans who are +born over here and whose fathers have become too Americanized to +remember the sufferings of their ancestors. + +"There is still some hatred of England, but not very much. It is a +sentimental, a poetic hatred, not a political hatred. One finds it among +a few individuals. What agitation is now going on is secret and +underground, a sure proof that it is unrepresentative. We ignore it. It +means nothing. No; the passing of the Home Rule bill has given balance +to the Irish mind. + +"It has helped Irish-Americans to realize that the dreadful sins of +England are sins of a dead and gone England, and it has helped them to +see that the present England, so far as its democracy is concerned, +sincerely desires to make reparation for the past. In fact, the war and +the Home Rule bill together have produced such a transformation in the +Irish-American nature as I, for one, never expected and never hoped to +see." + +He then warned me that this great change might suffer a dangerous +reaction if England allows the religious bigotry of Ulster to split +Ireland into two camps. To the Irish-American Ireland is a country, a +home, and a shrine, one and indivisible. + +"Such a surrender," said my friend, "would not only be fatal to Ireland +but fatal to something even greater than Ireland, and that is the cause +of religion in an age of increasing paganism. For the world can only be +saved from the ruin of paganism, as we are beginning to see very clearly +in America, by a union of religious forces. + +"I am a Catholic, but I say that any man who says 'Only through my door +can you enter into heaven' is a bad Christian. There are many doors into +heaven. What we have all got to do, Catholics and non-Catholics, is to +insist together that there is a heaven, that there is a life after +death, that there is a God. The more doors the better. No one has a +monopoly of heaven. + +"And to Ireland is offered the opportunity, greater than politicians +appear to perceive, of presenting to the world an example of tolerance +and compromise in the supreme interests of religion which may have +incalculable results for the whole world. But what will happen if +England bows before the worst and the stupidest bigotry the modern world +can show? Not only will you strike a blow at Ireland and a blow at +Irish-American sympathy, but a blow at the vitals of religion. + +"For it is only by sinking religious differences and making a common +advance against this universal paganism that religion can save the soul +of civilization. If you do not see the truth of that fact in England I +think you must be blind. The fullness of civilization hangs upon +religious union; religious dissension is the enemy." + + +Change in Ulster. + +Another Irish-American who was present on this occasion, an accomplished +man of letters and a traveler, asked me what England felt about Ulster's +share in the responsibility for the present war. + +"I myself have seen two letters from Ulster," he said, "in which the +phrase occurs, 'Rather the Kaiser than the Pope.' These letters were +written before the war. Ulster, no doubt, has now changed her tune. But +it was that spirit, surely, and the reports sent to Berlin by German +officers who visited Ulster and inquired into the military character of +Carsonism which persuaded Germany that England would not fight." + +Irish-Americans are persuaded that Sir Edward Carson is in very great +measure responsible for all the ruin and death and bitter suffering of +the enormous catastrophe. He boasted that he would make civil war, and +such were his preparations that in any other country in the world civil +war would have been inevitable. + +Germany counted on that civil war. The British Army was said to be +completely under the influence of Carsonism. The real catastrophe for +the diplomacy of Berlin was not India's loyalty and the vigorous +uprising of the young dominions, but the dying down of Ulster mutiny. + +These Irish-Americans have hated the ruling classes in England, not only +for sins of the past but for the unworthy and most cruel opposition +offered by those ruling classes, in the name of religious intolerance, +to the ideals of the Irish Nation. + +When Unionist politicians sneer at the subscriptions sent by Irish +servant girls in America to help the cause of Ireland they should +reflect that not only do they fail to make a good joke, not only do they +exhibit a horribly bad taste, but they spread hatred of England through +the thousands and thousands of people. For it is the loyalty of the +poorest of these Irish-Americans, the sacrifices perpetually made by +the humblest of them, which should move us to see, as it has certainly +moved the American people to see, that the cause of Irish liberty is +noble and undying. + + +Religious Education. + +With all my heart I would beg Unionists in England to reflect +conscientiously upon this very significant state of affairs in America: + +A non-Catholic Bible used to be read in the public schools of America +down to the year 1888. A Catholic agitation against this Bible reading +was begun in 1885, and in 1888 the custom was finally abolished. From +that date to this there has been no religious instruction of any kind in +the public schools of America. + +Bigotry and intolerance won that victory. The Catholic Church, in its +folly, destroyed religious teaching in the schools of the country. +Catholics themselves are now looking back on that agitation with +religious repentance and political regret. + +The result of this abolition is that Catholics and non-Catholics who +believe in the importance of religious instruction, and who see the +pagan effect of purely secular instruction, do not send their children +to the public schools. + +"These schools, for which Christians are heavily taxed, are in the +possession of the Hebrews. If nothing is done to alter the existing +state of things Americans themselves assure me that in five-and-twenty +years America will be a pagan country. But a fight is to be made to +avert this disaster at the Constitutional Convention to be held next +month. + +"What we have to do," my Irish friend told me, "Catholics and +non-Catholics alike, is to appeal for schools representing Catholic and +non-Catholic teaching. Instead of the various churches fighting against +each other they must fight together, helping one another to get the +schools they demand. Only in this way can we save civilization." + +This is how the Irishman, breathing the free air of America, and in +America rising to positions of extraordinary power and responsibility, +views the foundational question of religion; while England allows +herself to be dragged at the heels of the frothing fanatic who has +actually dared to raise the unholy battle cry of "Rather the Kaiser than +the Pope." + +Let the Unionist Party hesitate before it seeks to revive this hideous, +utterly irrational and most unchristianlike spirit at the very heart of +the British Empire. The sower of hate is the reaper of death. + + + + +TO MELOS, POMEGRANATE ISLE. + +By GRACE HARRIET MACURDY. + + (Destroyed by Athens, 416 B.C., because of her refusal to + break neutrality.--Thucydides V., 84-116; Euripides, "Trojan + Women.") + + + O thou Pomegranate of the Sea, + Sweet Melian isle, across the years + Thy Belgian sister calls to thee + In anguished sweat of blood and tears. + + Her fate like thine--a ruthless band + Hath ravaged all her loveliness. + How Athens spoiled thy prosperous land + Athenian lips with shame confess. + + Thou, too, a land of lovely arts, + Of potter's and of sculptor's skill-- + Thy folk of high undaunted hearts + As those that throb in Belgium still. + + Within thy harbor's circling rim + The warships long, with banners bright, + Sailed bearing Athens' message grim-- + "God hates the weak. Respect our Might." + + The flame within thy fanes grew cold, + Stilled by the foeman's swarming hordes. + Thy sons were slain, thy daughters sold + To serve the lusts of stranger lords. + + For Attic might thou didst defy + Thy folk the foeman slew as sheep, + Across the years hear Belgium's cry-- + "O Sister, of the Wine-Dark Deep, + + "Whose cliffs gleam seaward roseate. + Not one of all my martyr roll + But keeps his faith inviolate, + Man kills our body, not our soul." + + + + +What America Can Do + +By Lord Channing of Wellingborough. + + Lord Channing, who makes the following suggestion to American + statesmen, was born in the United States of the well-known + Channings of Boston. His father was the Rev. W.H. Channing, + Chaplain of the House of Representatives during the civil war + and a close friend of President Lincoln. Lord Channing has + been for twenty-five years a member of the British Parliament, + and for the last three years a member of the House of Lords, + having been created first Baron of Wellingborough in 1912. He + is President of the British National Peace Congress. + + +To the Editor of The New York Times: + +As a member of the British Legislature for a generation, and a lifelong +Liberal, and having also the closest ties of blood with America, and a +proud reverence for her ideals, I would wish, with the utmost respect, +to offer some comments on one specific aspect of present affairs, as +they affect America, which does not seem to have been marked off with +the distinctness its importance calls for. + +This is the greatest crisis in the history of the world, and attention +concentrates itself on the attitude of the greatest neutral State. + +It is unthinkable that America can divest herself of responsibility for +the final outcome. This seems as clearly recognized in America as in +Europe. + +To us in England this war is a life or death struggle between two +principles--Pan-Germanism on the one side, with its avowed purpose to +impose its hegemony and its rigid system of ideas and organization on +the rest of the world, not by consent, but by irresistible military +force; on the other side the claim of the other nations, large and +small, to maintain inviolate their freedom and individuality, and to +think and work out for themselves their own political and economic +future in their own way. + +The one principle would seem the flat contradiction of all that America +stands for, the other principle would seem to be precisely the essential +idea of free self-government and democratic evolution, in which are +rooted the very life and being of America. + +For this reason there is instinctive and profound sympathy on the part +of the great majority of native Americans with the cause of England and +her allies. + +This sympathy is not merely the tie of blood or the unity of ideals. +Reason has convinced Americans that the supreme principles and highest +interests of America will be best safeguarded if the Allies win. + +They dread instinctively what might happen if Pan-Germanism absorbed the +smaller nationalities, crushed the great free countries like France and +England, and dominated the whole world with the "mailed fist," not only +Europe and the Far East, but South America and the Pacific. Perhaps the +hint of Count Bernstorff that Canada may be treated like Belgium, and +the Monroe Doctrine like other "scraps of paper," may also have thrown +some light for Americans on a "Germanized" future! And a cast-iron +system of commercial and industrial monopoly dictated by German needs +cannot attract. + + +America Can't Stand Apart. + +That is one side that American statesmen have to consider. There is, of +course, another. + +The United States visibly form the greatest force the world has yet seen +to bring together, to unite, to assimilate, in the development of their +vast territories, measureless resources, and complicated industries, all +that is best from all the other great nations, welding slowly but +surely, through free institutions, these new elements into instruments +for the fuller realization of the generous and noble ideals for which +America stands. Perhaps an eighteenth or even fifteenth part of the +population is of German origin, a percentage not far from equal to that +contributed by the United Kingdom and Canada. + +There is thus not only the broad question of avoiding war with Germany, +whose people have so large a share in the life of America, a war doubly +unwelcome at all times because of the innumerable links of science, +invention, professional training, of commerce, and of personal +friendship; but there is also the local question of peace and good-will +in the daily work of America as between huge sections of her population. +These visible facts not unnaturally give great weight to the argument +for neutrality. No wise man on this side of the Atlantic will try to +ignore them, or take exception to the dignity and correctness with which +the American Executive has dealt with the grave problem before it. + +Neutrality has, of course, its limits and conditions, logical and moral. +Those limits and conditions, the possibility of their infringement in +such a way as to make some change of policy imperative, are matters +solely for the United States. + +The point the present writer wishes to press is on a different plane, +and is precisely this: + +America does not and can not stand wholly apart from supreme European +decisions. + +America is as responsible as Europe for the great extensions, +definitions, the strengthening and modification of international law. +America stands forth as the apostle of arbitration, to widen the area +within which disputed points may be determined amicably. America stands +also as the chief signatory of the great world conventions which have +settled new rules for the conduct of war, to mitigate its horrors, +especially for non-combatants. + +America has taken a noble part in framing machinery for securing peace +and justice, and in moving forward the landmarks of civilization as +against savagery, and of human mercy as against cruel terrorism. + +Can America safely or wisely divest herself of the duty thus placed upon +her, logically and morally, by her participation in this, the noblest +work of our age? + +And is it wise or is it safe to indefinitely postpone the discharge of +this duty? + +By the events of the last three months the whole of this new charter of +humanity has been challenged and is at stake. + +Is it not sound policy as well as an imperative duty to take some step +here and now to "stop the rot" and to make good here and now as much as +we can of what we have won and wish to keep? + + +Belgium's Wrongs. + +Admittedly a "guiltless and unoffending nation,"[1] whose neutrality and +independence had been solemnly guaranteed by treaty, to which the powers +concerned in the war were parties, has had her treaty rights violated by +one of these powers on the cynical plea that there is no right or wrong +as against national interest, that necessity obeys no law, and treaties +are "scraps of paper." This is not matter for inquiry or judicial +decision at some later date. It has been frankly avowed by the German +Government from the outset of this war. + +[Footnote 1: Theodore Roosevelt.] + +Again, this admitted wrong is not the sudden and unavoidable outcome of +events unforeseen and uncontrollable. It has been deliberately planned +years ahead, with elaborate preparation of railway and other facilities, +and with every invention and contrivance, to rush in irresistible +forces; to subvert and destroy the independent State that Germany was +herself pledged to defend. + +Thirdly, this policy of absolute annihilation of Belgium, of its right +to live its own life, its right even to preserve those monuments of its +noble and beautiful history which had become treasured heirlooms of the +whole world, has been carried out with a ruthless barbarity to the +people, and especially the non-combatants, for which it is hard to find +a parallel in the worst incidents of the Thirty Years' War or of the +devastation of the Palatinate. To bring the actual guilt home to those +who actually did or ordered these deeds to be done in individual cases +is one thing. The broad fact that these barbarous deeds were done stands +manifest and insistent, and demands such instant action as can be taken +by a great and responsible people. + +And, lastly, there is the undisguised adoption of the policy of +terrorizing non-combatants to submission by such acts as forcing women +and children to walk before the advancing enemy, the wholesale burning +of houses, shooting of hostages and other non-combatants, and the +dropping of bombs from aeroplanes not on forts or troops, but on places +where women and children can be killed or injured. + +And all this tragic sweeping away of such good things as had been won +with worldwide consent, at the instance of the Czar in initiating The +Hague policy, has gone on, so far as it could go on, with equal horror, +throughout Northern France. Rheims and Senlis have suffered the fate of +Louvain and Termonde and Malines, and Paris has had her quota of women +and children wantonly slain by bombs, exactly like Antwerp. + + +The Threat to England. + +And America knows, as we here in England know, from the open menace of +the German press, writing of England as the _one supreme enemy_, that it +is the full intention of Germans, if they can, to carry through England, +too, even more ruthlessly, the same policy. + +We are fighting here, and are confident that we shall fight with +success, not only to protect our English homes and to guard the historic +buildings of this land but to make an end of this Prussian terrorism of +the world; to secure no national aggrandizement, but to secure a +permanent and solid peace, based on guaranteed liberties, and a rational +settlement of the question of armaments. + +These questions touch us all the more because many of us have been the +most persistent friends of international peace and have specially +labored to promote happy and friendly relations with the German people. +The present writer, who was honored by election as President of this +year's National Peace Congress, has been associated with the work of men +like Lord Brassey, Sir John Lubbock, (later Lord Avebury,) as a member +of the Anglo-German Friendship League, and has repeatedly in Parliament +argued against any hostile or provocative attitude toward Germany. This +war is our answer and our reward! + + +America in the Settlement. + +So far as can be judged from authoritative words of President Wilson and +ex-President Roosevelt, America does and will claim a right to share in +the final settlement of the terms of a permanent and stable peace. + +If that claim is sound, if the efforts of America to create better +machinery for securing peace and for generously and humanely vindicating +the liberties and happiness of nations and of the individuals who make +them up do entitle America to a voice, and a potent voice, in the work +of mending and remaking the world after this terrific catastrophe, then +I would submit with all respect that it is really idle to wait till all +the recognized principles of what has been held to be right or wrong as +between nations, and what has been held to be right or wrong in the +methods of conducting war have gone overboard, without one word of +protest; we must save the world first, if we are to have a real chance +of remaking it on lines which are worth having. + +Nothing but good could come from immediate action by the American +Executive to assert as they, best of all nations, could assert, now and +at once in terms uncompromising, unanswerable, that the ground taken up +by international consent in the past generation must be held now and +hereafter, and accepted as an essential basis of the final settlement. + +Such a pronouncement now by America would make a landmark in +history--would render a measureless service to the whole world in +emancipation from the persistent degradation of the twin doctrines that +might makes right, and that necessity knows no law, and would bring to +America herself imperishable honor and glory in the fearless assertion +and eternal consecration of her own noblest ideals. + +I would submit further that such a national declaration by America +involves no violation of neutrality, and is in no sense inconsistent +with the spirit of official utterances already made. + +To take the latter first--we have had notable utterances from the +President and from the ex-President. + +President Wilson seems to have given a sympathetic hearing to the +mission which laid the case of Belgium before him, both as to the +violation of Belgium's neutrality and as to the cruel treatment of the +non-combatant population and the wanton destruction of towns and +villages and of precious historical monuments. He is understood to have +promised an investigation, and it is gathered from the Indépendance +Belge this week that this investigation has been, and is being, carried +out by American Military Attachés in Belgium, and also at the London +Embassy of the United States. + +Again, President Wilson's recent letter to the Kaiser, while confirming +neutrality in precise terms, went on to intimate that there must be a +"day of settlement" and that "where injustices have found a place +results are sure to follow, and all those who have been found at fault +will have to answer for them." If the "general settlement" does not +sufficiently determine this, there is the ultimate sanction of "the +opinion of mankind" which will "in such cases interfere." He would +apparently reserve judgment until the end of the war, but in no way +disclaims or surrenders American responsibility. + +Mr. Roosevelt is not tied by official responsibility, and can speak with +less restraint and more freedom. In The Outlook he has substantially +accepted and indorsed all that is material in the Belgian case. + +America should help in securing a peace which will not mean the +"crushing the liberty and life of just and inoffending peoples or +consecrate the rule of militarism," but which "will, by international +agreement, minimize the chances of the recurrence of such worldwide +disaster," and "will, in the interests of civilization, create +conditions which will make such action" as the violation of Belgian +treaty rights "impossible in the future." + +Like President Wilson, he seems to think that the time for judicial +pronouncement on acts presumably guilty and wrongful will come at the +conclusion of the war. At the same time he surrenders no part of +America's responsibility, but reaffirms it with all the force of his +trenchant style. + +But elsewhere, and later, he has insisted on the "helplessness"--the +"humiliating impotence created by the fact that our neutrality can only +be preserved by failure to help to right what is wrong." + + +Mr. Roosevelt's Remedy. + +And he has gone on to adumbrate his practical remedy--"a world league" +with "an amplified Hague Court," made strong by joint agreement of the +powers, to secure "peace and righteousness," and to vindicate the just +decisions of such a court by "a union of forces to enforce the decree." +He adds that this might help to obtain a "limitation of armaments that +would be real and effective." + +That so happy a plan may be capable of realization would be the hope of +all wise men. + +But where I take exception with Col. Roosevelt is as to America's +present "impotence"--that nothing effectual can be done by America +without breaking her own neutrality. + +That view I wholly traverse. It might conceivably be felt by America, +under certain grave eventualities, that neutrality must be broken. + +But it is clear that the articles of The Hague Convention of 1907 amply +provide for the type of action here and now by the United States which +I have ventured to lay before American statesmen in this paper. And, in +my opinion, it is conceivable that more good might be achieved by +America taking that action, while maintaining her neutrality. + +It goes without saying, it really needs no demonstration, that nearly +every international agreement embodied in The Hague Convention has been +broken, wholly or in part, in the letter and in the spirit, in the +proceedings of this unhappy year. + +The violation of the territory of a neutral State by the transit of +belligerent troops and other acts of war is forbidden, (Articles 1, 2, +3, 4, &c.) It is the duty of the neutral State not to tolerate, (Article +5,) but to resist such acts, and her forcible resistance is not to be +regarded as an act of war, (Article 10.) + + +Interference with Neutrals. + +That, of course, covers the case of Belgium completely and establishes +absolutely that there is, and need be, no breach of neutrality in +resistance thus legally sanctioned to illegal interference with neutral +rights. + +It is hardly necessary to recapitulate the articles that have been torn +up. To refer to the most striking, there is the repeated bombardment of +undefended towns, pillage incessant throughout Belgium and Northern +France, (Articles 28 and 47;) the levying of illegal contributions, +(Articles 49 and 52;) the seizure of cash and securities belonging to +private persons, banks, and local authorities, (Articles 52 and 56;) +collective penalties for individual acts for which the community as a +whole are not responsible, (Article 50.) Articles 50 and 43 should have +made impossible the punitive destruction of Visé, Aerschot, Dinant, and +Louvain, and numberless villages; Article 56 should have preserved from +destruction institutions and buildings dedicated to religion, education, +charity, hospitals, &c. All these wrongful acts, committed everywhere, +have been prohibited by these articles. + +The gradual introduction of the policy of terrorism has been ably traced +by perhaps the highest French authority on international law, Prof. +Edouard Clunet, formerly President of the Institute of International +Law, in a recent address. + +"Bombardment par intimidation" was adopted by the Germans in 1870 and +used at Strassburg, Paris, Péronne, &c., shells being directed and +conflagrations spread in the inhabited parts of towns apart from the +fortifications. Germany herself assented to serious mitigations of this +practice at the Conference of Brussels in 1874 and at The Hague in 1907. + +The worst evolution of the policy of terrorism has been in the throwing +from aeroplanes of bombs, explosive or incendiary. M. Clunet lays down +that, by the most recent decision of the institute, bomb throwing from +aeroplanes must follow the rules of bombardment by artillery. This would +prohibit such bombs without formal notice. But in Antwerp bombs were +dropped without notice over the Royal Palace, to the peril of the Queen +and her young children, and the number of peaceable inhabitants killed +or injured was thirty-eight, three children being mutilated in their +beds. In Paris, besides the bombs dropped on Notre Dame, bombs were +deliberately dropped in the public streets and a number of peaceable +victims killed or wounded. The dropping of bombs as an act of war on +fortresses, ammunition depots, Zeppelin sheds, &c., is, of course, +legal. But the bomb dropping adopted in Belgium and France, and +threatened in England, if the opportunity arises, is undisguised +terrorism, and not war. + +It is important to note also that at Brussels in 1874 Antwerp addressed +a petition to the conference praying that any bombardment should be +limited to fortifications only. The commission of the conference, which +included three well-known German Generals and two professors, recognized +the justice of this plea and recommended Generals to conform to it. + +But the one point that should appeal most strongly to the patriotism as +well as the idealism of America is the fact that the instructions of +1863 for armies in campaign, drawn up by the United States Government +in the height of the civil war, first codified the laws for the conduct +of war, and have been the source and starting point of all these later +international agreements. + +And it should be remembered that both Germany and America signed the +Fourth Convention of The Hague with its annexed regulations as to sieges +and bombardments (Articles 22 to 28) and the further provision which may +even yet be applied punitively to the proceedings of the present war. +"The belligerent who shall have violated the provisions of the said +regulation shall be held liable for an indemnity." + +And if it be thought that America can render no help in such a position +as the present without violating her neutrality, the answer is that by +Article 3 of Convention 1 of The Hague, 1907, neutral powers have the +right to offer their suggestions (bons offices) or their mediation, even +during the course of hostilities. And further: "The exercise of this +right must never be considered by one or the other of the parties to +the conflict as an unfriendly act." + +With all submission, I earnestly urge on the leaders of American thought +to support this attempted interpretation of the supreme duty and the +noble opportunity the present position places before their country. + +One more word. I referred to the possible benefit of neutrality being +maintained while this protest against wrong and appeal for right is at +the same time advanced. + +Is it not more than probable that there is an immense section of +moderate though patriotic opinion in the great German people which at +heart deprecates the extreme doctrines of conquest and world supremacy +in pursuit of which the great, the wonderful achievements of the German +race in science, in industry, in the extension of commerce, are being +rashly risked? + +CHANNING OF WELLINGBOROUGH. + +40 Eaton Place, London S.W., Oct. 29, 1914. + + + + +TO A COUSIN GERMAN. + +By Adeline Adams. + + + My Hans, you say, with self-applausive jest, + "When Albert gave his Belgians Caesar's name-- + 'Bravest of all the Gauls'--surely 'twere shame + The King, unthorough man, forgot the rest: + + "'Bravest because most far from all the best + Provincial culture.'"[2] Friend, if now your aim + Be that fine thoroughness your people claim, + Read on: "Such culture's wares, it stands confest, + + "Oft weaken minds." And Caesar's word was just. + If men, bedeviled under culture's star, + Have left Louvain a void where flames still hiss, + Speared babes, and stamped the world's own Rose to dust, + God grant that Belgium's soul may dwell afar + Forever, from a culture such as this! + +[Footnote 2: "Propterea quod a cultu atque humanitute provinciae +longissime absunt."] + + + + +What the Economic Effects May Be + +By Irving Fisher. + + Professor of Political Economy at Yale University; member of + many scientific societies. + + +When the future historian chronicles the facts of the present great +world struggle and attempts to analyze its causes and effects the +economic losses, gains, shiftings, and dislocations will form an +important part of the story. It is, of course, quite impossible at this +time to know, in any detail, what all the economic results will be. Much +will depend on how long the war lasts, how many people and how much +property are destroyed, what financial devices are resorted to in order +to finance it, and which side is finally victorious. + +The most palpable and the most fundamental effects will be a partial +stoppage of earnings in the nations directly concerned, i.e., a +reduction in the "real income," which consists of enjoyable goods. All +the other important results follow from this. + +The cost, however reckoned, is sure to be stupendous. Prof. Richet is +quoted as reckoning it at $50,000,000 a day. This is probably more than +half the total income of all the inhabitants of the warring countries. +The highest estimates of the total income of the United Kingdom, France, +and Germany, estimates of Bowley, Laverge, and Buchel, respectively, +total up less than $70,000,000 a day. Russia and Austria are poor +countries per capita, and would scarcely bring the grand total to +$100,000,000 a day. Moreover, the loss of real income to Europe is, I +imagine, in reality much greater than Richet's estimate, chiefly because +he takes little account of the indirect costs, which may well be the +greatest of all. The cost to the fiscal departments of Government is +probably only a small part of the total cost which the people will have +to bear. The killing and disabling of the men engaged will cut off the +financial support of European families to the tune of hundreds of +millions of dollars per year. The physical destruction of capital +through the devastation of crops, the burning and demolishing of +merchant ships and buildings, the crippling of industry through the +sudden withdrawal of labor and raw materials, the introduction of new +trade risks, and the cutting off of transportation, both internal and +foreign, make up a sum of items which cannot be measured, but which may +exceed those which can. Last, but not least, is the impairment of that +subtle but vital basis of business, commercial credit. + +In short, the central effect is a vast impairment of Europe's current +income and of the capital from which her future income will flow. It +means a veritable impoverishment of vast populations. The great burden +will bear heaviest, of course, on the poor. It will impinge very +unequally and will cause a great redistribution of wealth. As always +happens, some people, mostly lucky speculators, will come out of the +męlée wealthier than before. This fact will not serve to lessen the +discontent of the masses, which their impoverishment is sure to create. +Food prices will be high, the earnings of labor will be low, and after +the war unemployment will be great, due to the impossibility of quick +absorption into the industrial system of returned soldiers, as well as +other maladjustments which the war is sure to bring. + +The victor may secure indemnity for part of the loss, but not for all; +he will, in spite of himself, be a net loser. Taxes will be a crushing +burden, merely to secure funds with which to pay high interest on vast +new war debts, to say nothing of funds with which to purchase new +armaments--if again the nations are forced, by lack of international +control, to resume the stupendous folly of racing each other in military +equipments. + + +Bankruptcy and Revolution. + +It may well be that among the economic consequences of the war there +will be some national bankruptcies, and that among the political +consequences will be revolutions. High prices, high taxes, low wages, +and unemployment make an ominous combination. We may be sure that +discontent will be profound and widespread. This discontent is pretty +sure to lead, especially in the defeated nations where there is no +compensating "glory," to strong revolutionary movements just as was the +case in Russia after her defeat by Japan. Whether or to what extent +these movements, in which "Socialism" in the various meanings of that +word is sure to play a part, will succeed, depends on the relative +strength of opposing tendencies which cannot yet be measured. One +possible if not probable result may be, as I suggested in THE TIMES two +weeks ago, some international device to secure disarmament and to +safeguard peace. + +Though part of the losses to Europe will be permanent, her chief loss +will be coterminous with the war. She will, therefore, seek ways and +means to fill in this immediate hole in her income in order to "get by." +To do this she must borrow; that is, she must secure her present bread +and butter from us and other nations and arrange to repay later out of +the fruits of peace. She can stint herself, but not enough to meet the +situation. She must borrow. And in one way and another she will satisfy +this necessity by borrowing in the United States. + +Most of the strange and unprecedented phenomena which we have witnessed +in the last month, in rapid succession, are due to this pressing +necessity of the belligerent peoples to cash in now and trust to good +fortune to pay later. As soon as the war became even probable Europe +tried to cash in on our securities. The pressure for our gold pushed it +toward Europe faster than it could move. Exchange jumped to the +gold-shipping point of $4.89 per pound sterling, and did not stop. In +some cases it reached $7. This was partly due to the desire to get our +gold and bolster up a credit structure, tottering before the deadly blow +of war; but it was also partly due to the need of ready money for +supplies of all kinds. This need applies not only to the Governments, +but to the individual people. To obtain this ready money they threw back +on us the securities they had purchased of us in former years. They +wanted us to take back these titles to future income and give them +instead titles to present income. Had they secured our gold their next +step would have been to spend part of it for supplies, and this would +have caused any foreign dealers to whom they applied to place orders +with us. The gold then might have turned the exchanges and have been +brought back to us in return for our wheat and other products. + +This double transaction is in essence one--a barter of present income in +the form of our wheat to Europe for future income in the form of +investment securities. It was interfered with by the refusal of the +insurance companies to insure the gold and by the closing of Stock +Exchanges against the inundating flood of securities. The first +difficulty, as to transporting gold, has been largely removed by +arranging for drafts against stocks of it kept on both sides of the +Atlantic. This will save the need of sending it on risky voyages back +and forth, and any final net balances can be liquidated after the war. +The second obstacle, the closure of the Stock Exchanges, is more +formidable, but cannot completely or permanently prevent the +transactions which so many people on both sides are anxious to +consummate. Curb markets and limited cash sales on the Exchanges +themselves are doing some of this business, and, sooner or later, much +more will be done, whether the Exchanges are open or not. Europe needs +our wheat and cannot pay for it except with securities, partly because +her own industry is paralyzed, partly because ocean transportation is +difficult. + + +What Dumping Securities Means. + +Few people seem to realize that the dumping of securities on our shores +and the efforts of foreign Governments, such as France and Switzerland, +to borrow money in our markets are at the bottom very much the same +thing. They are simply two forms of securing present supplies from +America in return for future supplies, the dividends and interest on +securities from Europe. + +It does not much matter whether we buy Government bonds or other +securities. If we buy of French capitalists their holdings in American +railway securities we simply provide them with the wherewithal to take +the French Government loans themselves. They virtually become, without +our knowledge, the go-between through which we lend, as it were, to the +French Government, in spite of ourselves. It is doubtless well, as a +matter of policy, to refuse to loan directly to France, but we must not +for a moment conclude that France or any other nation will have to +finance the war without our aid. We shall not be consciously helping any +particular nation, but we shall be actually helping any nation which can +trade with us. Evidently England will get more of our help than any +other nation because her shores are more accessible. Germany is more +isolated. Unless she possesses a larger food stock than commercial +statistics indicate she will be pressing for our food supplies, which +may reach her indirectly, we selling to Holland and Holland to Germany; +also reversely, via Holland or via Austria and Italy, Germany may sell a +stream of securities the other end of which we receive. Whether directly +or by devious routes there will inevitably be, so far as I can see, a +vast exchange of commodities passing to Europe for securities coming +from Europe. In this interchange will be found the dominant economic +effect of the war on the United States. + +Foreign nations will get their much-needed loans on better terms, even +if less promptly, by the circuitous process mentioned than if they +could borrow directly in our markets; for their own citizens will pay +higher prices than we would, even if, to get the money, they have to +sell their other investment securities to us at a considerable +sacrifice. England has sold Treasury bills for seventy-five millions of +dollars on as low a "basis" as 3-3/4 per cent. + +In this virtual trade of this year's crops for titles to future years' +crops we shall get a high price for the former and pay a low price (in +present valuation) for the latter. Investment securities are, and will +be, a drug on the market. In other words, the rate of return to the +investor will be high; the rate of interest on long-time loans will be +high and stay high, that on short-time loans may fluctuate greatly. The +rise in the rate of interest on long-time investments is one of the most +vital and far-reaching effects of the war. At bottom, interest always +arises from the exchange of present and future goods. The rate of +interest, as I have tried to show in my book of that title, is simply +the crystallization, in a market rate, of the impatience of the human +race for its bread and butter. War has now produced such impatience in +populations of hundreds of millions. It is this impatience which dumps +the securities upon us, sends down their price, and sends up the rate of +interest. As Byron W. Holt has said, there is no moratorium for hunger. +The fall of securities in Europe produces the like fall in this and +other countries. + +One of the consequences to America of being forced to play the rôle of +money lender and one of the consequences of the rise in the rate of +interest here, or what amounts to the same thing, the fall in the prices +of bonds, will be an increased difficulty of financing our own +enterprises. Only the most promising enterprises will be able to sell +their securities. This means that we shall be neglecting, to some +extent, our own enterprises, to finance the European war instead. + +This general depreciation of investment securities will doubtless lead +to many bankruptcies, if not to a genuine crisis. It will also give +tempting opportunities to investors. The likelihood of a genuine panic +is lessened by the fact that every one recognizes the real cause of the +disturbance and that insolvency is not suspected. According to the best +commercial observers, the previous liquidation had been fairly well +completed. Unless they are mistaken, disaster will not be likely to +follow. + +We repeat that since the necessities of Europe have forced her to buy +our food in return for her investments, it is evident that during the +war food prices will be high and security prices, especially bonds, will +be low. These are the two facts of greatest economic significance to us. +To the country as a whole they defer some of our pleasures till after +the war. Uncle Sam will cut down for the present on his eating and +drinking, his clothes, shelter, and amusements in order to share his +rations with Europe. Instead of the pleasures foregone he will +invest--not in new enterprises at home, but in old ones--American and +possibly European also--purchased of Europe. We can never have our cake +and eat it too. In this case we shall let Europe eat some of it on +condition that she in turn shares hers with us after the war. Moreover, +we shall trade off a relatively small piece of our present cake for a +relatively large piece of Europe's future cake. In other words, Europe +will fill up the great breach in her income now impending by inducing us +to make a small breach in ours. The result will be that the course of +our real income, that is, economic satisfaction or enjoyable +consumption, will imitate in some degree that of Europe. This is, +reduced to its lowest terms, the chief economic result of the war. + +But to many the question is, do we gain or lose, as compared with what +might have been the case if there had been no war? I do not think any +one can answer that question with certainty. Europe is willing to +mortgage its future to us on terms very advantageous to us; but when the +future comes, the purchasing power of money will probably be so much +lessened as to have absorbed all our advantage. Probably we shall lose +slightly on the whole. But it is not economically impossible that there +will be a net gain. In either case the net effect will, I believe, be +small. + +Of more importance will be the various effects on various classes. +Certain people will be greatly benefited by the rise in food prices and +the fall in security prices. The farming classes will profit by the +former; the investing classes by the latter. Those who have the good +fortune to belong to both classes will grow rich. The farmer who is in a +position to save money will both make more money to save and be able to +invest it more advantageously after he has saved it. If he lends to his +neighbors he will find the market rate of interest high. Even if he buys +more land the purchase price will be restrained from the great rise we +might expect from the prosperity of farming by the fact that the "number +of years purchase," as the phrase is in England, will be small, or, in +other words, that the interest basis, which enters into every land +price, will be high. + + +Labor Will Not Suffer Much. + +On the other hand the general consumer of farm products will suffer from +another advance in that part of his cost of living, while the debtor +classes will suffer from the fall in bonds or rise in interest. Many +speculators on the Stock Exchange, those who have speculated for a rise, +are in effect undoubtedly ruined already, and many borrowers at banks on +collateral security will feel the pinch from the depreciation of their +property and the hard terms of renewing their loans. + +And the laboring man, who forms the majority, what of him? It seems +improbable that he will be greatly affected, that is, on the average. He +will have to pay more for his food, and food constitutes more than a +third of his budget. But some articles he buys will probably fall and he +may secure higher wages because of the withdrawal of competing laborers. +Some labor may rise, especially in the industries benefited by the war, +such as, for instance, farming and other food industries, canning, flour +mills, sugar, &c., the automobile industry and perhaps ammunition and +steel. In other industries thrown out of gear for lack of foreign +markets or for lack of foreign raw material, the wage earner may lose in +wages and employment. In other words, labor will be dislocated in spots, +like the other parts of our industrial machinery. + +Important dislocations will be felt in the fields of shipping and +banking. One consequence is that American enterprise has now the golden +opportunity to capture a good share of each. The outbreak of the war and +the simultaneous opening of the Panama Canal will tend to divert the +course of trade from Europe to South America. Probably our merchant +marine can be developed more successfully for this South American trade +than it could for the European trade. New York can largely take the +place of London as the world's exchange centre for Pan-American trade. +This opportunity is increased by the possibilities in the new Banking +act for the establishment of branch banks abroad. + +With these opportunities and the rise of interest in Europe, the United +States will change to a great degree from a debtor to a creditor nation. + +One of the dislocations of the war in the United States will be the +cutting off of imports of a large part of our dutiable commodities, and +therefore the loss of national revenue. There is an urgent need to +compensate for this loss by some other form of tax. + +But it is well not to lose perspective, to remember that dislocations +are not necessarily losses, that, however loudly they are proclaimed in +news columns, they are small in extent, when considered in relation to +our whole trade, that this country of ours is a vast one, and that the +rank and file of Americans will be but slightly affected by the +war--especially by contrast with our friends, now fighting each other, +across the sea. + +We are too nearly self-supporting to be prostrated. Our foreign trade is +and always has been a trifling matter compared with our internal +commerce. The internal commerce paid for by money and checks annually +in the United States amounts to nearly five hundred billions of dollars, +which is more than a hundred times as much as our combined exports and +imports. + +Almost all of what has been said so far had grown out of the prospect +that the prices of foods and other materials needed in Europe will be +high, while the prices of securities which Europe does not need and +cannot afford will be low. Other prices will rise or fall according to +special circumstances. Like a bomb-shell, the effect of the war will be +to disperse or scatter prices at all angles of rises and falls. The +prices of luxuries will be lowered. The prices of chemicals will be +raised. The same article will fall in price in one country and rise in +another if the transportation from the former to the latter is +interfered with. This is true today of cotton. + +There has already been a speculative movement to anticipate these +changes and arbitrarily to mark some prices up and some prices down. But +as this is guesswork, and will be subject to frequent revision, one of +the striking phenomena will doubtless be an increase in the variability +of prices. The general level of prices will tend to rise. The rise will +probably be greatest in little countries like Belgium, which are in the +war zone and largely dependent on foreign trade. The rise will be less +in England and in the United States than on the Continent. In fact, it +is conceivable that in England the hoarding of money and the shock to +credit, which is as predominant there as it is here, may actually lower +the general level of prices during the war, especially if we could +include in the index number the prices of securities, luxuries, and +articles of English internal trade. If any nation tries the old +experiment of paying its bills in irredeemable paper money, that +desperate expedient will have the same result that it did with us during +the civil war. Inflation of the currency will expel gold from that +country and raise its price level higher than elsewhere. + +After the war is over prices will probably not retreat, but will move +upward even faster than before. There may then come the familiar "boom" +period, which may culminate in a commercial crisis in a few years after +the close of the war, as was true after the Crimean war, the American +civil war, and the Franco-Prussian war. The rebound will probably be +fastest in England. Statistical price curves of many nations usually +show an upward turn when war begins and another when it ends. The war +will thus aggravate a rise of prices already in prospect. + +It would take considerable space to give, completely, the reasons for +these prognostications, but I have tried to justify them in a brief +addendum to a book to be issued this week on "Why Is the Dollar +Shrinking?" + +The sudden lightning bolt of war produced as one of its first economic +effects a general dislocation of credit machinery in Europe and to some +extent in this country. We heard at once that letters of credit of +travelers in Europe were uncashable. Gold was hoarded everywhere. It is +estimated that about $30,000,000 in gold was hoarded in New York in the +first week in August. Runs on banks were frequent. Bank reserves were +depleted. + +The moratorium was resorted to to avoid a general cataclysm of +bankruptcies which might have occurred--not from actual insolvency but +from mere insufficiency of cash. + +To me one of the most striking phenomena was the promptness and +effectiveness of the co-operative actions by which, so far, any business +cataclysm has been avoided. The closure of Stock Exchanges perhaps saved +us from general financial panic. Most striking of all is the manner in +which the Governments of the world have come to the rescue of business. +Those of us who were brought up in the old laissez-faire school have to +rub our eyes. Had the world been guided by laissez-faire ideas, in this +emergency we should in all probability have witnessed by this time the +greatest collapse of credit the world has ever seen. Almost all the +large and effective measures to meet the many emergencies arising were +taken by Governments. The moratorium must be counted among the +Governmental acts which, so far at least, have saved the day for +business credits. In England the Government permitted suspension of the +Bank act, (not of the Bank, as many Americans seem to imagine.) + + +Improvised Accounting Methods. + +The Bank of England has been enabled to rediscount a great mass of +acceptances by the guarantee of the British Government against loss in +so doing. These in the end will amount to several hundred millions of +dollars. Emergency notes were issued by Governmental authority on both +sides of the Atlantic, and in the arrangements made for special gold +funds in Canada and in France the Governments of England and France +played the important parts. Thus have been improvised methods of +international accounting by which the transportation of gold balances +may be deferred and largely dispensed with. Our own Government has +co-operated in the currency exchange and credit situation in many ways. +It made provision for sending gold to Europe for our stranded +countrymen. It promptly revised the banking and shipping laws. + +Whether further instability will be found to need such bolstering we +cannot be sure. The present outlook is that business conditions are +fairly sound and stable. In which direction across the Atlantic the +title to gold will tend to change cannot as yet be foreseen. It will +depend largely on how much Europe wants our products and how large a +sacrifice she is willing to make in selling us her securities. It will +also depend on possible issues of paper money. Fortunately, we are the +happy possessors of over $1,500,000,000 in gold, and it is inconceivable +that any large part of this should flow out--unless we should be so +insensate as to inflate the currency. + +If we keep our heads, we shall at the end of the war be in the proud +position of being the only great nation whose economic resources have +not even been strained. + + + + +Effects of War on America + +By Roland G. Usher. + + Head of Department of History at Washington University; author + of "Pan-Germanism," "The Rise of the American People," &c. + + _From The Boston Transcript, Sept. 2, 1914._ + + +The events of the last few days of July, 1914, showed the Americans the +far-reaching effects of a state of war. There are now few who would say, +as used to be so common, that a European war would make no difference to +us. The closing of the New York Stock Exchange, the great shipments of +gold and its consequent scarcity in the United States, the closing of +the New England cotton mills, the cessation of export to Europe and of +transatlantic communication with the Continent were instantaneous +effects of a war 3,000 miles away obvious even to the apathetic and the +heedless. With these we have not here to do; such are already past +history. There is, however, a legitimate field for speculation as to the +probable effects on the United States of the continuation of the state +of war in Europe for months or years. The permanent results of a war +naturally cannot be predicted in advance, but in the light of the +history of the past, certain changes and developments in the United +States appear so probable if the war continues as to reach almost the +realm of certainty. + +Needless to say, the European war will not involve the United States in +actual hostilities. It is highly improbable that either our army or our +navy will see service. We are too distant from the seat of war; too +entirely devoid of interests the combatants might seriously injure which +a resort to war could remedy; too completely incapable of aiding or +abetting one or the other in arms to cause them to assail us. Even were +we not as a nation of a peaceable disposition, even had we not a +President blessed with a singularly clear head and able to keep his +temper, we should still stand little chance of going to war. One +eventuality alone might affect us--Japan might attempt some measures of +aggression in the Far East which would interest us as possessors of the +Philippines, but that is practically foreclosed by her official +announcement that she will side with England. The effects of the war +upon the United States will be indirect effects; they will be economic +in character, though far-reaching and significant for every man, woman, +and child in the country. + +The economic structure of the United States rests today upon the +assumption of the interdependence of international trade, upon an +international division of labor, where England makes some things, +Germany others, and we still more, all of which are exchanged. In a +sense each country manufactures and produces for the whole world, and in +turn expects the rest of the world to buy its products and to +manufacture and produce things for its consumption. While something of +this sort has always been true in international trade, the process +reached during the nineteenth century an unprecedented development which +actually made countries interdependent, or, if you will, actually +dependent for the necessities of life upon each other's prosperity and +continued activity. Hand in hand went the expansion of the international +credit structure, based upon public confidence in the mutual honesty of +merchants, until finally personal checks have begun to be exchanged +(between the United States and England at least) at par and without +investigation or previous indorsement by the banks on which they were +drawn. + +With the outbreak of war a striking and artificial change, a totally +uneconomic and unnatural factor, came to transform the situation and +leave the United States for all practical purposes in contact with only +two of her really large customers. We have no merchant marine and cannot +therefore avail ourselves of our neutral status to trade with the +belligerents. We shall be compelled (for a time at least) to ship in +English bottoms to such ports as English ships can make--which will +practically be limited to England, France, Portugal, Spain, and the +Mediterranean ports. The ordinary commercial roads to Russia through the +Baltic are automatically closed by the location of the German fleet, and +probably England and France, deprived of other outlets for their own +trade, will nearly monopolize the trade with Russia through the +Mediterranean and the Black Sea. + +On the other hand, the mobilization of armies and fleets in Europe will +draw millions of men from the field and factories where they have been +accustomed to make what we have usually bought. The war will vastly +diminish and in many cases stop altogether the stream of imports to the +United States. These millions of men in the field and on the sea will +not possess most of the economic wants they had in time of peace and +will become conscious of many which they usually did not feel. The war +will diminish and in many cases entirely stop the stream of ordinary +American exports to Europe. Because of the stoppage of the European +supply of things we have usually bought of them, and the cessation of a +European demand for things we have usually sold to them, the conditions +of the home market, both in regard to what we must buy in it, and to +what we must sell in it, will be vitally changed. When our present +supplies of European importations are exhausted, we shall be obliged to +make for each other and buy from each other the things which we happen +to be no longer able to import or export. A great readjustment of the +economic fabric in the United States will take place if the war lasts +longer than a comparatively short time. + +How long a time that must be will depend entirely upon the sharpness of +the break in the economic life of Europe, and the amount of supplies +they have on hand, which, as they will not now need them at home, they +will be anxious to sell in the United States. Indeed, it would not be +surprising if there was for a short time a glut of English and French +manufactured goods in the United States market. + + +Europe May Depend On Us. + +Of late years the commercial relationship between the United States and +Europe has changed very greatly. For centuries we were a debtor +community, buying largely from Europe, possessed only of crude staple +products for export, and scarcely able by a series of expedients and +exchanges to pay for what we bought. Tobacco for many decades, then +cotton, were the only commodities of which much was exported direct to +Europe. Then came, during the European famines of 1846, 1861, and 1862, +an enormous demand for American grain. Yet only during the last few +decades have we been able to export largely manufactured products or +been able to deal with Europe on an equality of terms. We are no longer +a debtor nation; we are no longer dependent upon Europe; the United +States is an integral and essential part of the interdependent +international economic fabric. Indeed, if the war continues ten years, +Europe may be dependent upon us. + +In a sense we are not ready to meet the crisis. During the last ten or +fifteen years the exports of foodstuffs have fallen off greatly, and the +supply in this country has actually declined in proportion to +population. There has been also a most marked increase in the exports of +manufactured goods and a decided increase in the importation of raw +materials, including foodstuffs. Now will come an enormous demand from +Europe for the very things of which we have not produced so much and +exported little or nothing--bacon, eggs, butter, beef. The demand will +also be greatly increased for woolen cloth, raw leather, shoes, steel +in all its forms, railroad equipment of all sorts, automobiles and +machinery, and, in particular, coal and gasoline. To supply this demand +old industries will be expanded and new ones created, and a shift of +capital and labor will inevitably take place to the industries for which +a demand becomes clear in Europe, as soon as it seems reasonably certain +that the war will last, beyond the present year. + + +An American Merchant Marine. + +Above all, an American merchant marine is likely to be seen again upon +the seas. There will be German ships in plenty for sale, in all +probability, unless Germany wins an immediate victory on the sea, and +the advantage of an unquestioned neutral status, easily obtained by a +bona-fide purchase, will be so great that American capital will probably +invest largely in freight steamers and ocean liners. It seems entirely +unlikely that England, while she remains mistress of the seas, should +recognize as valid the registration in the United States of vessels +actually owned by belligerents or regard as anything more than +masquerading their appearance under the American flag. England has never +recognized any one's "right" to do anything at sea in time of war which +did not accrue directly to her own benefit. It is scarcely necessary to +say that she will not allow trade with Germany or Austria while she can +prevent it. The only refuge will be the sale of the ship by the foreign +owner to Americans who will trade with England, her allies, and strictly +neutral nations. As always in time of war, privateering and smuggling +will be profitable, and trade with Germany, unless she is immediately +victorious at sea, will offer to the adventurous plenty of risk and the +certainty of huge profits. During the Napoleonic wars the flats and bars +of the German coast along the North Sea offered light vessels a great +opportunity and the pursuing warships great obstacles. A modern +motor-driven light craft will now have an enormous advantage over +destroyers or cruisers. Here, as a century ago, many an American will +find an opportunity to make a fortune. + +The preoccupation of Europe with the war and the opening of the Panama +Canal will afford the United States an unrivaled opportunity to develop +trade with Canada, South America, Australia, New Zealand, India, China, +and the Far East in general. We have never bulked large in the eyes of +these countries and there has been much speculation as to the reasons +why the German succeeded so well in South America and why the Englishman +did so much business in China. Whether from sentiment or from a national +habit that prefers English goods, the English colonies have bought more +largely of the mother country than they have of us. But now that the war +has closed the German factories, called German commercial agents home, +and sent German ships racing to neutral harbors; now that the Panama +Canal brings us some thousands of miles nearer to Australia and New +Zealand than they are to London via Suez; now that England will be busy +manufacturing for Europe and will have less to sell her colonies, these +particular parts of the world will probably be compelled to look for +their manufactured goods to the United States. Indeed, if one were not +afraid of being accused of gross exaggeration, he might take heart and +proclaim his conviction that a long and really inclusive European war +would give the United States a practical monopoly of the South American +and Pacific trade, provided always that the United States acquire by +purchase a merchant marine and that the Panama Canal becomes feasible in +January for large ships. + + +Foreigners Leaving America + +One other effect of the war has already begun to reveal itself in the +emigration from America of thousands of Servians, Austrians, Russians, +Germans, Frenchmen, going home to take their places in the ranks. While +many of these men are brave and honorable citizens, the fact that they +respond to such a call proves them not yet Americans. The war will tend +to remove a goodly part of the distinctly foreign element in the +country, the part not yet amalgamated, and therefore the part most alien +to our institutions and the most difficult to place in our social +structure. If the war continues, Europe will draw every able-bodied man +who can be influenced to go. Far more important, immigration will +probably become negligible not only during the war, but for some time +after it. Usually the reason for leaving home lies in the crowded +population of European States and the lack of opportunity for +advancement, plus the glib tongue of some agent of a contractor or of a +steamship company. In recent years those who have come have not been +desirable additions to our population because they came from nations +alien in blood, language, religion and institutions, and were not +therefore easily knit into our national structure and absorbed. There +will be little, if any, further immigration. The men are wanted for the +army and will not be allowed to leave during the war. After peace is +restored, they will be imperatively needed in the fields and factories +and every effort will be made to retain them. In fact, it does not take +any wild stretch of the imagination for one acquainted with the results +of the Thirty Years' War and of the Napoleonic wars to conceive that, +from the view of economic opportunity and rewards, Europe might become a +more favorable scene for the truly capable and ambitious than America is +today. The tendency of a war is to absorb the best of a nation and to +leave the dregs. For the power of organization and the fire of +initiative Europe will at no distant date be ready to pay well. + + +The Effect of Economic Readjustment. + +Unquestionably the economic readjustment which the war will force upon +the United States will have an immediate and serious effect on +individuals. Some will profit largely and promptly. All who at present +possess large stocks of food, leather, oil, woolen cloth will be able to +dispose of them at enormous profits. From the greater volume of freight +the railroads will benefit directly. But while the farmers and +cattle-men, the steel and oil kings are rejoicing in the opportunity, +all industries which depend chiefly upon exportation or which +manufacture an amount beyond the normal American demand, will be closing +the factories or curtailing the output. For a time certain individuals, +perhaps a relatively large number of individuals, will suffer +inconvenience, loss, anxiety, and even privation. But the vast demand +for labor in other industries, and the almost certain extensive demand +for relatively unskilled labor ought not to make the period of +transition long or the amount of suffering considerable. After all, the +vast majority of the people of the United States are connected with +farming, with the manufacture or production of the very things for which +there will most likely be a great demand, or with the transportation and +distribution of both imports and exports to the rest of the community. +In certain industries, like the manufacture of cotton cloth, which is +localized in New England to such an extent that whole districts are +dependent upon it for a livelihood, the distress will be great, for the +factories closed upon the declaration of war and the workers are a long +distance from the Western fields, where laborers are only too scarce. +The cheapening of transportation, the rapidity of communication, the +superior mobility of the population today over ten years ago, make it +probable that these people will soon find new places. + +Concomitant with the war came a rise of prices. Foodstuffs especially +advanced sharply and will certainly continue to rise until some material +increase of the supply is assured beyond a peradventure. The tendency in +England and above all on the Continent for the cities to buy great +supplies to guard against possible want will increase this tendency. +But, without question, should the war last, a rise in the whole level of +prices of everything, including labor, will take place in the United +States. It will affect some individuals adversely, but for most will be +in the long run almost negligible. For those who actually produce or +handle goods which advance in price the result will be a profit, because +the price of the commodity they have to sell will almost certainly +advance sooner and faster than the prices of the commodities they +themselves are compelled to buy. In time the two will equalize and they +will be precisely where they were before the war; they will pay out with +one hand what they take in with the other. In nearly all cases where the +individual produces or shares in the production of an actual commodity a +general rise in prices, even to the extent which this war threatens to +produce, will be to him only a temporary advantage or disadvantage. +True, wages and salaries in industrial pursuits will not quite keep pace +with the rise in foodstuffs, and factory workers and clerks will not +benefit to the same extent nor as soon as the farmers will. People whose +incomes are derived from stocks in the businesses which prosper will +probably receive much more than they pay by reason of the increased +prices of other commodities, and certainly cannot be worse off than +before. + + +America's Real Sufferers. + +The real sufferers in America will be those who hold stock in the +enterprises which fail or cease to operate, and that far larger class +who are dependent on a fixed salary. Professors and teachers of all +sorts and grades; people living on annuities or small incomes derived +from bonds or real estate; those dependent on the rent derived from +leases for a term of years of dwelling houses, office buildings and the +like, these will lose a material amount, exactly in proportion to the +rise in prices. To that extent, the purchasing power of the stated +number of dollars they receive will depreciate and that much they will +lose beyond a peradventure. In time, some relief will be afforded by a +tardy rise in salaries, by the expiration of leases and the payment of +bonds, but the actual losses of the intervening years have never been in +any way refunded in like cases in the past. + +For some individuals, then, the European war will spell strict economy; +for a comparatively few, let us hope, ruin. For the country as a whole, +considered as a social and economic unit, a long war will introduce an +era of astounding prosperity. Never before has the country had, and +certainly it will never again have, almost a monopoly of the world's +trade thrust into its hands. The United States will have only one real +competitor, England, and, should the English Navy prove itself less +capable than is expected, or should England and her colonies be forced +to order a general mobilization of their armies, the United States might +conceivably remain the only great mercantile community to which the +world could look for supplies. No such eventuality need be predicated to +prove that the continuation of this war or a series of wars will create +a demand for manufactured goods such as our merchants have never dreamed +of. And they will command war prices. It means employment with rich +reward for capital and labor alike--a vastly increased foreign market, a +much greater domestic market, high prices, and a steadily voracious +demand for the entire output. The result will be the rapid +diversification of industry in the United States, the creation of +industries never before possible because of European competition, the +invention of machines to meet new needs. The normal economic development +will be accelerated decades. + +After the close of the European war, when manufacturing and production +are resumed, America will find herself overproducing and face to face +with another economic readjustment necessary to meet the new situation. +Then will ensue a commercial crisis with all its attendant suffering and +trouble such as the United States has probably never seen and which will +be violent and serious in proportion to the length of the war. + + + + +Germany of the Future + +AN INTERVIEW WITH M. DE LAPREDELLE. + +Exchange Professor from the University of Paris at Columbia University. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +In the American press French views of the great war's significance have +been less common than British views and far less frequent than German +views. Therefore, this talk with M. de Lapredelle, Exchange Professor +from the University of Paris at Columbia, will have especial interest. + +This very distinguished Frenchman, although but 43 years old, has won +high eminence in his native land, especially in the domain of +international law, which is his branch at the University of Paris. Also +he is Directeur de Recuel des Arbitrages Internacioneaux, he is the +editor of The International Law Review in Paris, he is a member of the +Committee on International Law for the French Department of Justice, he +is a member of the French Committee on Aerial Navigation, he is General +Secretary of the French Society of International Law, and he occupies +other important posts and bears other important scholastic honors. + +He is a cautious conversationist, as might be expected of one who has so +deeply delved into the most cautious of all professions, but in the mind +of the thoughtful reader this should add to the value of his utterances, +which, as expressed in the following columns, were carefully revised by +him before going into type. + +I asked M. de Lapredelle to estimate the great war's probable effect +upon education. + +"Of course it is too early to guess intelligently," he replied, "for the +effect of the war will be dependent entirely upon the results of the +war, and, while we of the Allies have no doubt of our ultimate victory, +it is the fact that victory has not been won as yet by either side. + +"In talking with you my impulse is to assume what I feel in my +heart--the certainty of German defeat, but I must not do that, although +all the letters which I get from the front and from Paris express a +growing confidence in the victory of the Allies. + +"But it is too early to attempt intelligent detailed prophecy as to the +effect of the great struggle upon the world's philosophy, or upon any +other phase of its intellectual development. + +"Almost certainly, however, a reaction against certain Germanic +influences will be apparent after the war ends, for the world will not +want ever to risk repetition of the horrors of this struggle, and it +will be plain that they were the inevitable fruit of Germany's attempt +at intellectual domination. + +"This German assumption was due, largely, to their victory in 1870, but +it went far beyond the bounds of reason, far beyond the fields in which +German achievement really had established legitimate supremacy. + +"The momentum of victory often has led humanity into excess. It led +Germany into excessive claims of social superiority and into an +excessive assumption of intellectual supremacy. Even in the eyes of +others it gave Germany an unwarranted intellectual prestige. + +"Really, the German is not a big thinker; he is an immensely careful +thinker. + +"Above everything, the German is an observer--a very diligent +observer--and his mental eyes are likely to be so close to the wall +that he sees only a single brick in it, wholly failing to get a +comprehensive view of the whole structure. + +"Germans are very careful students. They attach a vast importance to +detail. I think it is not unfair to say that, with the German, the +smaller, the more minute the detail, the more it interests him. The +German loves to write a big book on a small subject, and, loving it, he +does it well. + +"But there are more exalted tasks, as, for example, the writing of big +books upon big subjects, giving the world fresh visions of new and +far-flung vistas. The German loves to catalogue and catalogues almost +with genius; he loves to deliver long lectures upon microcosms. + +"Cataloguing and the near-sightedness which may arise from intense study +of the atom, to the exclusion of the collective organism, whether that +collective organism be the human individual or the social mass, may +render immense service to the world, but it never will be the only +service necessary, and, if pursued to the exclusion of all other +investigations, such study is likely to produce an aggravated narrowness +of vision. Narrow vision is certain to eventuate in selfishness. + +"The Germans became selfish after this fashion. The present struggle is +the war of selfishness against world advance. + +"Innumerable, or at least many, individuals have furnished smaller +parallels to the course which Germany has taken as a nation. The +individual with the truly and exclusively scientific mind is likely to +go too far into abstractions, built from a possible misinterpretation of +minutiae. + +"The ideal national intellectual development will combine both fact and +theory, will join rationalism to idealism, and will be far more like +that of certain nations which I shall not name than it will be like that +of Germany. These nations which I shall not name have both. + +"In other words, it seems to be the fixed idea of the German that the +German civilization is the only civilization; but it is not the thought +of France or England that their civilizations are the only ones. + +"This very lack of what may be defined as national egotism in France and +England enables these nations to work, as Germany does not, for world +science and world development--the growth of civilization as a whole. + +"Germany's scientific work is for German science, she thinks +of civilization only as German civilization. The world's other +great nations--and may I say the world's great Latin nations +especially?--internationalize their science and their civilization." + + +Why the Philosopher Is Important. + +"One must be struck by the fact that Germany's critical philosophy +formed the basis of her educational system and, therefore, the basis of +her social system, and that it had in it the basis of the war. + +"It cannot be denied, I think, that her education, as well as her +politics and militarism, directly pointed to this great conflict. +Indeed, the industrialism, the politics, the philosophy of Germany all +find their logical expression in present events. + +"Hegel was the first, in the beginning of the last century, to insist +upon the ideas which, already being paramount in him, quickly became +paramount in his followers, serving as the basis for the development of +Prussia. To him this represented all and everything; to him divinity on +earth was incarcerated in the State, and, therefore, the development of +the State, not justice, was, in his mind, the object of all law. + +"Since this beginning that has been the consistent German viewpoint, and +increasingly so. The glorification of the State has included, of +necessity, the sacrifice of the individual, and this has been conducted +ruthlessly in Germany itself. + +"Of course the State which considers it right to sacrifice the +individuals of its own citizenship will be sure to consider it right to +sacrifice the individuals of other nations' citizenships. + +"That explains why international law never has been considered binding +by the German; it explains why international law was not considered +binding when Belgium stood in the path of Germany's march toward Paris. + +"International law never has bound the German; it never will bind him +until he changes his national psychology. + +"Ihering, one of Germany's greatest theoretical jurists and a scholar in +the matter of Roman law, declared, 'Right is the child of might.' He did +not say exactly that right is might, but he defined it as 'the child of +might.' + +"That may be taken as the German keynote, for this man is of such great +influence in Germany that his utterances must have an enormous effect. + +"Treitschke, the historian, in his teaching in Berlin, naturally drew +some of his inspiration from these two men. For him the State need +consider no law save that which will promote its own expansion. + +"Moral law, he holds, need not and must not stand in the way of the +prosperity and growth of States, as it frequently must obstruct the +prosperity and growth of individuals. + +"Under this theory the State has two functions--these are, inside the +country, to make law; outside the country, to make war. Germany denies +the right of an extraneous law to decide upon the details of right and +wrong within a country, and that is why Germany defies and even denies +international law. + +"If it happens that a treaty which the State has entered into later +proves to be obstructive to some expansion which is thought to be a +necessity of the State's destiny, that treaty may be disregarded with +the full approval of Germany's national morality, although similar +conduct on the part of an individual in Germany would be considered +highly reprehensible. + +"The State may bind itself to secure advantage, but, also, it may unbind +itself to secure advantage, and this without consultation with, or the +approval of, the other party or parties to the contract. + +"This theory becomes confusing to the student reared in other nations +under different educational influences. It indicates beyond +contradiction that Germany feels no sense of duty toward other nations, +but only an obligation to further her own interests. + +"Germany has immense patriotism but no humanitarianism. Her only duty is +to herself. Her national egotism can be characterized by no other word +than selfishness. + +"It is a curious phenomenon that at a time when humanitarianism in its +broadest sense has become the keynote of all other of the great nations +it has not become at all the keynote of German civilization." + + +Teutonic Superexcitation. + +"It is impossible that such pride, such a sense of arrogant national +superiority as that which marks Germany, should maintain among a +democratic people; it is possible only to a very aristocratic country. +What has happened is its logical outgrowth in the country which it has +infected. + +"In Germany this sense of national pride, of intolerance of others, even +of contempt for others, has been developed until it amounts to +superexcitation. It not only affects Germany's relations to other +peoples, but it affects the relations of Germans to one another. + +"Different classes of the German population continually exhibit it in +their dealings with one another. + +"It is continually illustrated in those events which have been the +wonder of visiting foreigners--episodes of the contemptuous +ill-treatment of subordinate German soldiers by their superiors. It goes +beyond that, manifesting itself in the treatment of all civilians by the +lowest soldier, and, further still, in the attitude even of the lowest +civilian to all foreigners, even the highest. + +"The German individual may not consider himself superior to all +individuals of other nationalities, but he will be sure to consider his +nation so far superior to every other that there can be no comparison +between it and them. His is a peculiar arrogance. It is not at all +personal; it is purely national; but none the less it is arrogance, and +all arrogance is dangerous. + +"A hierarchy always exists in aristocratic countries; the hierarchical +idea has been developed further in Germany than elsewhere. + +"This has given Germany an unfortunate impulse. If to this impulse we +add that other born of all her various victories since 1866, especially +those which were won while Germany was realizing Bismarck's dream of +triumph 'through fire and blood'--her industrial victories, her +scientific advance, her social progress--and consider the Germanic +tendency toward egotism, we do not find ourselves surprised when we +find, examine, and appraise exactly what we have today in Germany. + +"The perversion of national sentiment into national arrogance has been +the definite, although, perhaps, unrealized and unintended, aim of every +educational influence which has been at work in Germany since 1870. It +has amounted to an unparalleled perversion of a nation's sentiment +toward all the outside world. + +"This war marks the crisis of this German pride. + +"Germany's course throughout has borne all the earmarks of a national +ego-mania. The whole German people, as a nation, not always, perhaps, as +individuals, have fallen victim to the most colossal attack of ego-mania +which the world ever has known. + +"Combine this ego-mania with another delusion--the entirely unjustified +conclusion that Germany was the object of a worldwide persecution--and +it is unnecessary to search further for the causes of the war, just as +it is unnecessary to search further for reasons for the combination of +practically all other Europe against Germany. + +"What would German victory mean to the world, if German victory came, +save the worldwide dominance of German egotism, imposed at the expense +of every other people? France would not escape, England would not +escape, and, I assure you, you, America, would not escape. German +victory would be far more than a European disaster--it would be a world +disaster. + +"Of all the nations in the world perhaps the United States and France +have stood most notably for the ideas of international justice. This +really makes your interest in the outcome of the present war indirectly +as great as ours. + +"I cannot see how the people of the United States can feel otherwise +than that not only their hearts but their reason demands victory for the +Allies, not because of any wish for the destruction of Germany, but +because of the wish for the preservation of the world. + +"Indeed, it is inconceivable that victory for the Allies can mean +destruction for Germany. It can mean only the destruction of German +militarism, which has brought about the perversion of the German mind. + +"No abler mind exists. Its release from the thralldom which has fettered +it would be a vast world service, would, indeed, be a vast benefit to +Germany herself. It is curious, but true, that I believe Germany's own +salvation depends upon her absolute defeat in this great war. + +"A few weeks before the war began Prof. Schucking expressed regret that +Germany--that is, the German Government--should be so antagonistic to +international spirit. The fact that he made this expression shows that, +in spite of and beyond military Germany, the intellectual élite, the +cream of the élite in Germany, has remained faithful to the traditions +of the great philosopher, Kant. + +"The intellectual élite--the cream of the élite--therefore may be +absolved from all responsibility. Loyalty to the teachings of Kant will +make it possible for the friends of humanity in all nations to join with +Germany for human advancement on the basis of universal justice. + +"After the victory of the Allies a new Germany will appear; it will be a +liberal Germany, willing to renounce the narrow Prussian ideals, finding +again the old German ideal in its disinterested form, a Germany which +will be able to join hands with other nations, to help them in taking up +again the works of international civilization, which Prussian Germany +herself brutally brought to an end, with insolent scorn of right--an act +for which she is now paying and must pay the penalty." + + + + +Germany the Aggressor + +By Albert Sauveur. + +Professor of Metallurgy at Harvard University. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +German professors and editors and other German sympathizers in the +present struggle of nations have attempted the difficult task of +convincing the American public, first, that Germany was not the +aggressor, and, second, that she is conducting a war of civilization +directed primarily against Russia, that Europe may not fall under +Muscovite domination. The German Chancellor has made similar claims, +while in the German "White Paper," published in full in THE NEW YORK +TIMES of Aug. 24, it is likewise attempted to fasten the responsibility +for this war on Germany's opponents. + +A close and impartial study of both the English and German "White +Papers" must suffice to convince the reader that Germany clearly was the +aggressor and that England made every possible effort first to prevent a +war between Austria and Servia and later to localize the conflict. +Germany, on the contrary, by insisting from the start that there should +be no intervention in the settlement of the dispute between Servia and +her ally, Austria, made a European war inevitable. The sophistry, +inaccuracies, and unwarranted conclusions of the German professors and +editors have not helped their cause. The irrefutable facts remain, +first, that Austria with the knowledge and approval of Germany presented +to Servia an ultimatum so worded that she knew that the conditions +imposed could not be complied with by any nation retaining a spark of +self-respect; second, that after Servia had accepted Austria's ultimatum +with the single exception of the most offensive clause, which she +proposed to submit to arbitration, Austria, with Germany's consent, +proclaimed herself unsatisfied and immediately declared war on Servia; +third, that Germany and Austria knew that a war with Servia meant a war +with Russia, and that a war with Russia meant a general European +conflagration; fourth, that Germany declared war on Russia, started the +invasion of France before declaring war, and, by refusing to respect the +neutrality of Belgium, to which she was solemnly pledged, forced both +Belgium and England into the war. In the face of so flagrant a violation +of all sentiments making for peace no sophistry will avail in attempting +to protect Germany from the odium of being responsible for the greatest +calamity the civilized world has ever seen. + +We are told that Germany is conducting this war in the interest of +civilization, that her chief purpose is to protect Europe from the +domination of the Slav. And to ward off this Muscovite danger Germany is +at present making desperate efforts to crush England and France, the +standard bearers of democracy in Europe! In her war for civilization she +is employing the methods of barbarian tribes, methods condemned by +civilized nations and which have already horrified the world. It is +hardly conceivable that Russia, which the German Chancellor describes as +a semi-Asiatic, slightly cultured barbaric nation, could have committed +in Belgium the atrocities imputed to the Germans had she conquered that +country in similar circumstances. + +It is manifest that Germany's supreme desire is to fasten Teutonic rule +on Europe, to crush Russia, to be sure, but also to crush France and +French civilization and to reduce England to the rank of a second-class +nation. It is obvious that this is a struggle between militarism and its +evils as represented by the Hohenzollern dynasty and democracy as +represented by England and France. + +ALBERT SAUVEUR. + +Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., Sept. 5, 1914. + + + + +Militarism and Christianity + +By Lyman Abbott. + +_A Letter to The New York Sun._ + + Editor in Chief of The Outlook; author of numerous works on + theology, religion, and democracy. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Sun:_ + +In answer to your request for a statement of the causes and meaning of +the European war I write with necessary brevity, both because of the +limits on my time and the limits on your crowded columns. + +What is the cause of the explosion of a powder magazine? The gases +stored in the powder. The lighted match is the occasion, not the cause +of the explosion. The cause of the European war is the spirit of envy, +jealousy, selfishness and suspicion in the so-called Christian nations. +The assassination by a Servian of the Crown Prince of Austria was only +the lighted match which set the European combustibles in flame. + +In the United States we recognize the truth that the interests of each +State are identical with the interests of the Union, and that no State +can permanently prosper by reason of the misfortune of its neighbor. In +the German Empire since its unification each principality similarly +recognizes that the interests of the German Empire and the interests of +the several principalities are essentially identical. But there is no +such recognition of the common interest binding the warring nations of +Europe together. + +Each nation looks with envy on the prosperity of its neighbor and acts +upon the assumption that its neighbor is a rival, and that its own +commerce and wealth can be built up only at the expense of its rival. +New York is quite willing that the harbor of Boston should be improved. +Bremen is quite willing that the harbor of Hamburg should be improved. +The west coast of England does not object to harbor facilities on the +east coast of England. But Germany envies England's harbor facilities, +and England and Germany are both resolved to prevent if possible Russia +from getting harbor facilities on the Mediterranean Sea. Not every +individual German, Austrian, Frenchman, and Englishman holds this +opinion, but the policies of these nations are governed by this spirit +of international rivalry. + +A striking illustration of this spirit, perhaps the most striking +illustration in modern international life, is furnished by the military +party in Prussia. Gen. Bernhardi, in a volume entitled "Germany and the +Next War," has given what may be regarded as a semi-official +interpretation of German militarism. He holds that life is a struggle +for existence, with a survival of the fittest, and the strongest is the +fittest; that a military organization constitutes the true strength of a +nation; that there is no higher power in human life, certainly none in +international life, than the power of physical force; that only the +strong nation has a right to exist, and he objects to international +arbitration because it recognizes the right to life of a small nation. +In this volume he calls on Germany to establish a "world sovereignty" by +force of arms, and he indicates what should be the twofold purpose of +Germany in the next war, namely, to crush France and to establish such +world sovereignty of Germany. + + +Militarism to Blame. + +It was this spirit which led Germany into the present war; this spirit +which denied that Belgium had any rights which Germany was bound to +respect; this spirit which inspired the military party in Germany to +regard its treaty with France and England guaranteeing the neutrality of +Belgium as only a "scrap of paper," and this spirit which could not and +apparently still does not comprehend why Belgium should be bound in +honor to defend her neutrality, or why England, with no very direct and +immediate interests to protect, should feel herself bound to come to the +defense of her weaker neighbor. + +The delay of the German Army, which is likely to prove disastrous to her +designs, has demonstrated in her own chosen field that there is a force +in national honor and national conscience which can put up a very +efficient resistance to Krupp guns. + +It is a great mistake to suppose that all Germany is actuated by this +spirit of militarism. Frederick William Wile, for over seven years the +chief German correspondent of The London Daily Mail, in an article in +The Outlook recently said: "There are 66,000,000 Germans; 65,000,000 of +them did not want war; the other million are the war party." But he adds +that now Germany is absolutely united and that the Germans will not +stack arms "till the last among them capable of shouldering a rifle is +incapacitated, till the last copper pfennig capable of purchasing +ammunition of war has vanished from their impoverished grasp." + +There is in this nothing extraordinary. Whoever is responsible for +bringing on the war, the interests, the welfare, and in some sense the +honor of Germany are apparently involved in it. And yet it may be true, +and I believe it is true, that the defeat of Germany will be its +salvation, for it will be the overthrow of the spirit of militarism +inherited from Frederick the Great, and this has been the bane of the +German Empire. + +In our civil war there was at first only a minority in most of the +Southern States in favor of secession, but when the national troops +invaded Virginia the South was as united for State independence as the +North was for national union, and yet today it will be difficult to find +anywhere in the South an intelligent man who does not recognize the +truth that the defeat of secession and the emancipation of the slave +have been of inestimable benefit to the Southern States. + +I make no attempt here to apportion the responsibility for this war +between the several powers engaged in it. However this responsibility +must be shared among them I can see but one meaning in the awful +campaign. The victory of Germany would mean the victory of Prussian +militarism. The defeat of Germany will mean the defeat of Prussian +militarism, the rehabilitation of Germany as a great industrial and +educational power in the world, and probably the practical overthrow of +military autocracy in all Western Europe. + + +Divine Right of Kings Obsolete. + +The campaigns of Napoleon ended for Western Europe the Divine right of +Kings. The campaigns of the Allies will end for Western Europe the +Divine right of the armed man. The Russo-Japanese war gave to Russia its +first representative assembly, the Duma. It is not unreasonable to hope +that the present European war will result in greatly enlarging the +powers of the Duma and establishing true constitutional government in +Germany, a government in which the Ministry will be responsible not to +the Emperor but to the Reichstag; and the power both of the purse and +the sword will not be in the hands of an aristocratic oligarchy but in +the hands of the common people. + +It is not strange that men should point to this, perhaps the greatest +war of history, as an evidence that Christianity is a failure. If +Christianity professed to be able by a miracle to transform human nature +at once, such a war would be fatal to its claim. But no such claim can +be made for Christianity. It is a great human movement, a phase of the +gradual evolution of man, governed by conscience and reason, out of the +brute, governed by appetite and passion. + +Man as he is seen in the world to day is an unfinished product. He is in +the making. The best that can be said of a Christian is that he is +further along toward the goal of humanity than the barbarian. +Theological doctrines such as the Trinity, the Atonement, and the like +are not the essential doctrines of Christianity. The essential doctrine +is that life is a struggle for others as well as for self; that in this +struggle every one owes a duty to his neighbor, and the stronger he is +and the greater the need of his neighbor the more imperative is his +duty; that as the father and the mother care for, educate and govern +their child until he grows able to care for, educate and govern himself, +so always the strong men and women owe the duty of protection, +education, and, in some measure, government to the weaker of the human +race until they have outgrown the need for it. + +In so far as autocracy is the rule of the few for the benefit of the few +it is paganism. In so far as democracy is the rule of the many for the +benefit of the many it is Christianity. He who believes this will +perhaps believe with me that in a true sense this is a religious war, +the war of conscience, honor, the moral sense against the rule of the +bayonet and the bullet. + +The cynic who thinks this war demonstrates the failure of Christianity +should not forget such facts as the heroic struggle of Belgium to +maintain her neutrality, the resolve of England at every cost to +maintain her pledges to Belgium, the Red Cross following the armies in +the field and ministering to the sick, the wounded and the suffering, +regardless of their nationality, the general kind treatment to +prisoners, accentuated by some very horrible exceptions, and all this +contrasted with the enslaving, torturing, the crucifying, the flaying +alive of prisoners captured in war by barbaric nations before the dawn +of Christianity. + +LYMAN ABBOTT. + +Cornwall-on-Hudson, Sept. 17, 1914. + + + + +VIGIL + +By HORTENSE FLEXNER. + + +I have waited with my mothers down the dim, uncertain ages, +I have waited in the cave and hut and tower, + From the first dawn's nameless fear + To the death-list posted here +I have slain my soul in waiting, hour by hour. + +Under pelt of beast, trap-taken, or the leaves by chance winds blow, +Under tunic, peasant hemp, or cloth of gold, + By the fire, in low flame burning, + I have crouched in silence, yearning, +And as now, my helpless heart has waited cold. + +Ancient is the part I play--like a cloak of heavy mourning, +I take it, bending, from a million women's hands. + They have worn it, they have torn it, + Agonizing, they have borne it, +And its folds are dark with heart-break of all lands. + +Oh, the woman figure standing, with the face toward the horizon, +Oh, the hand above the eyes to ease the strain! + Gaunt and barren, stricken, lonely, + With the empty memories only, +We have stood, the dry-eyed sentries of our pain. + +Nothing we can do to stop them, nothing we can say to hold them; +Taking sunlight, laughter, youth, they swing away, + And the things they leave grow strange, + House and street and voices change, +But the women and the burdened hours stay. + +I have waited with my mothers down the dim, uncertain ages, +While my children die, I pray the centuries through, + And I wonder in my fear + At the death-list posted here +If God has left the women waiting, too! + + + + +Nietzsche and German Culture + +By Abraham Solomon. + +_A Letter to The New York Evening Post._ + + +Sir: Those who trace the German militaristic doctrines to Nietzsche's +influence commit Pastor Mander's sin when he told Mrs. Alving to bar +from her library a book which he had never read. Nietzsche was an +inveterate enemy of efficiency, astigmatic with regard to practical +life, and he never worked out a philosophy in the accepted sense of the +term. He was a lyric poet who wrote psychology when he failed to sustain +the poetic mood. In the Engadine and at Sils-Maria, brooding in a rocky +void wherein he touched the sharp edge of infinity, he sang a Dionysian +hymn to life against the melancholy products of German learning and +against those Nihilistic snares which he thought lurked in Christian +doctrine. There he worked out the mystic idea of "Eternal Recurrence" +and his song of Zarathustra with the bell strokes of noon. + +What he knew of history he used for an analysis of values, and not for +State polity. He shrank from the irritations of reality, and he had +little patience with the national mania cultivated after Sedan, warning +his country that their victory was not one of a superior culture, that +Germany had no style but a barbaric mixture of many styles; and he +pointed out the essential difference between culture and erudition. + +His unfinished work, "The Will to Power," was an attempt to house his +lyric passions in an architectural frame. The façade of the structure, +as posthumously revealed to us, is an indication that he was really +engaged in building a Tower of Babel. Power, Affirmation, Yea-Saying he +considered the attributes of life, and he found in them recompense for +his weakness and his lack of capacity for happiness. He was a master of +the exquisite nuances of vision, but since he touched real life at the +circumference, and not at the centre, his philosophical valuations are +bizarre, and have only a literary value. + +It is superficial to make Treitschke and Bernhardi his disciples, as +some American writers have made Roosevelt his disciple. Treitschke is a +heavy-footed historian who raised the axiom of self-preservation into a +philosophy of force. Von Bernhardi's book, though extreme in its +expression, is based on the fundamental truth that if Germany desired a +just proportion of oversea territories (a proportion denied her by +England) she would have to gain it by force of arms. In the development +of this idea he makes many generalizations calculated to dazzle the +multitude and to imbue it with the courage to expansion. Treitschke +would have rested in obscurity but for the war; Bernhardi does not +pretend to talents as a philosopher. + +The real origin of Germany's policy in the last forty years may be +derived from the eminently practical and direct mind of Bismarck. From +reading of history he learned that chicane and force had been utilized +as the roads to power, of which fact he found ample demonstration in the +histories of England and Russia. He proved himself a true adept by using +chicane and force to achieve German unity, after the theorists had +failed. + +Those who glibly condemn a lyric philosopher in order to make out a case +against Germany reveal the weakness of their position. It is strange +that these lantern-eyed critics haven't cited Heine as an enemy of +democracy because he adored Napoleon. Was it because Heine lived for +years in Paris on the adulation of advanced feminines? + +ABRAHAM SOLOMON. + +New York, Oct. 13, 1914. + + + + +Belgium's Bitter Need + +By Sir Gilbert Parker. + + +_Sir Gilbert Parker, M.P., went to Holland at the request of the +American Committee for the Relief of Belgium a week ago to inquire into +the work of the committee and the needs of the Belgians._ + +_Sir Gilbert visited frontier towns and the camps of the refugees for +the purpose of making a personal investigation into the conditions. That +he is deeply impressed by the desperate need of the Belgians may be +gathered from the following graphic statement and appeal, dated Dec. 5, +1914, to the American people:_ + +Since the beginning of the war the hearts of all humane people have been +tortured by the sufferings of Belgium. For myself the martyrdom of +Belgium had been a nightmare since the fall of Ličge. Whoever or +whatever country is to blame for this war, Belgium is innocent. Her +hands are free from stain. She has kept the faith. She saw it with the +eyes of duty and honor. Her Government is carried on in another land. +Her King is in the trenches. Her army is decimated, but the last +decimals fight on. + +Her people wander in foreign lands, the highest and lowest looking for +work and bread; they cannot look for homes. Those left behind huddle +near the ruins of their shattered villages or take refuge in towns which +cannot feed their own citizens. + + +Abyss of Want and Woe. + +Many cities and towns have been completely destroyed; others, reduced or +shattered, struggle in vain to feed their poor and broken populations. +Stones and ashes mark the places where small communities lived their +peaceful lives before the invasion. The Belgian people live now in the +abyss of want and woe. + +All this I knew in England, but knew it from the reports of others. I +did not, could not, know what the destitution, the desolation of Belgium +was, what were the imperative needs of this people, until I got to +Holland and to the borders of Belgian territory. Inside that territory I +could not pass because I was a Britisher, but there I could see German +soldiers, the Landwehr, keeping guard over what they call their new +German province. Belgium a German province! + +There at Maastricht I saw fugitives crossing the frontier into Holland +with all their worldly goods on their shoulders or in their hands, or +with nothing at all, seeking hospitality of a little land which itself +feels, though it is neutral, the painful stress and cost of the war. +There, on the frontier, I was standing between Dutch soldiers and German +soldiers, so near the Germans that I could almost have touched them, so +near three German officers that their conversation as they saluted me +reached my ears. + +I begin to understand what the sufferings and needs of Belgium are. They +are such that the horror of it almost paralyzes expression. I met at +Maastricht Belgians, representatives of municipalities, who said that +they had food for only a fortnight longer. And what was the food they +had? No meat, no vegetables, but only one-third of a soldier's rations +of bread for each person per day. At Ličge, as I write, there is food +for only three days. + +What is it the people of Belgium ask for? They ask for bread and salt, +no more, and it is not forthcoming. They do not ask for meat; they +cannot get it. They have no fires for cooking, and they do not beg for +petrol. Money is of little use to them, because there is no food to be +bought with money. + +Belgium under ordinary circumstances imports five-sixths of the food she +eats. The ordinary channels of sale and purchase are closed. They +cannot buy and sell if they would. Representatives of Belgian +communities told me at Maastricht yesterday that the crops were taken +from their fields--the wheat and potatoes--and were sent into Germany. + + +No Work, but Taxes Continue. + +There is no work. The factories are closed because they have not raw +material, coal, or petrol, because they have no markets. + +And yet war taxes are falling with hideous pressure upon a people whose +hands are empty, whose workshops are closed, whose fields are idle, +whose cattle have been taken, or compulsorily purchased without value +received. + +In Belgium itself the misery of the populace is greater than the misery +of the Belgian fugitives in other countries, such as Holland, where +there have come since the fall of Ličge one and a half million of +fugitives. To gauge what that misery in Belgium is, think of what even +the fugitives suffer. I have seen in a room without fire, the walls +damp, the floor without covering, not even straw, a family of nine women +and eight children, one on an improvised bunk seriously ill. Their home +in Belgium was leveled with the ground, the father killed in battle. + +Their food is coffee and bread for breakfast, potatoes for dinner, with +salt--and in having the salt they were lucky--bread and coffee for +supper. Insufficiently clothed, there by the North Sea, they watched the +bleak hours pass, with nothing to do except cling together in a vain +attempt to keep warm. + +Multiply this case by hundreds of thousands and you will have some hint +of the people's sufferings. + +In a lighter on the River Maas at Rotterdam, without windows, without +doors, with only an open hatchway from which a ladder descends, several +hundred fugitives spend their nights and the best parts of their days in +the iron hold, forever covered with moisture, leaky when rain comes, +with the floor never dry, and pervasive with a perpetual smell like the +smell of a cave which never gets the light of day. Here men, women, and +children were huddled together in a promiscuous communion of misery, +made infinitely more pathetic and heartrending because none complained. + +At Rosendaal, at Scheveningen, Eysden, and Flushing, at a dozen other +places, these ghastly things are repeated in one form or another. +Holland has sheltered hundreds of thousands, but she could not in a +moment organize even adequate shelter, much less comforts. + +In Bergen-op-Zoom, where I write these words, there have come since the +fall of Antwerp 300,000 hungry marchers, with no resources except what +they carry with them. This little town of 15,000 people did its best to +meet the terrible pressure, and its citizens went without bread +themselves to feed the refugees. How can a small municipality suddenly +deal with so vast a catastrophe? Yet slowly some sort of order was +organized out of chaos, and when the Government was able to establish +refugee camps through the military the worst conditions were moderated, +and now, in tents and in vans on a fortunately situated piece of land, +over 3,000 people live, so far as comforts are concerned, like Kaffirs +in Karoo or aborigines in a camp in the back blocks of Australia. The +tents are crammed with people, and life is reduced to its barest +elements. Straw, boards, and a few blankets and dishes for rations--that +constitutes the ménage. + +Children are born in the hugger mugger of such conditions, but the good +Holland citizens see that the children are cared for and that the babies +have milk. Devoted priests teach the children, and the value of military +organization illuminates the whole panoply of misery. Yet the best of +the refugee camps would seem to American citizens like the dark and +dreadful life of an underworld, in which is neither work, purpose, nor +opportunity. It is a sight repugnant to civilization. + +The saddest, most heartrending thing I have ever seen has been the +patience of every Belgian, whatever his state, I have met. Among the +thousands of refugees I have seen in Holland, in the long stream that +crossed the frontier at Maastricht and besieged the doors of the +Belgian Consul while I was there, no man, no woman railed or declaimed +against the horror of their situation. The pathos of lonely, staring, +apathetic endurance is tragic beyond words. So grateful, so simply +grateful, are they, every one, for whatever is done for them. + + +None of the Refugees Begs. + +None begs, none asks for money, and yet on the faces of these frontier +refugees I saw stark hunger, the weakness come of long weeks of famine. +One man, one fortunate man from Verviers, told me he could purchase as +much as 2s. 8d. worth of food for himself, his wife, and child for a +week. + +Think of it, American citizens! Sixty-six cents' worth of food for a +man, his wife, and child for a whole week, if he were permitted to +purchase that much! Sixty-six cents! That is what an average American +citizen pays for his dinner in his own home. He cannot get breakfast, he +can only get half a breakfast, for that at the Waldorf or the Plaza in +New York. + +This man was only allowed to purchase that much food if he could, +because if he purchased more he would be taking from some one else, and +they were living on rations for the week which would represent the food +of an ordinary man for a day. A rich man can have no more than a poor +man. It is a democracy of famine. + +There is enough food wasted in the average American household in one day +to keep a Belgian for a fortnight in health and strength. They want in +Belgium 300,000 tons of food a month. That is their normal requirement. +The American Relief Committee is asking for 8,000 tons a month, +one-quarter of the normal requirements, one-half of a soldier's rations +for each Belgian. The American Committee needs $5,000,000 a month until +next harvest. It is a huge sum, but it must be forthcoming. + +Of all the great powers of the world the United States is the only one +not at war or in peril of war. Of all the foremost nations of the world +the United States is the only one that can save Belgium from starvation +if she will. She was the only nation that Germany would allow a foothold +for humanity's and for Christ's sake in Belgium. Such an opportunity, +such responsibility, no nation ever had before in the history of the +world. Spain and Italy join with her, but the initiative and resources +and organization are hers. + +Around Belgium is a ring of steel. Within that ring of steel are a +disappearing and for ever disappearing population. Towns like +Dendermonde, that were of 10,000 people, have now 4,000, and in +Dendermonde 1,200 houses have fallen under the iron and fire of war. +Into that vast graveyard and camp of the desolate only the United States +enters with an adequate and responsible organization upon the mission of +humanity. + +No such opportunity was ever given to a people, no such test ever came +to a Christian people in all the records of time. Will the American +Nation rise to the chance given to it to prove that its civilization is +a real thing and that its acts measure up with its inherent and +professed Christianity? + +I am a profound believer in the great-heartedness of the United States, +and there is not an American of German origin who ought not gladly and +freely give to the relief of people who, unless the world feeds them, +must be the remnant of a nation; and the world in this case is the +United States. She can give most. + +The price of one good meal a week for a family in an American home will +keep a Belgian alive for a fortnight. + +Probably the United States has 18,000,000 homes. How many of them will +deny themselves a meal for martyred Belgium? The mass of the American +people do not need to deny themselves anything to give to Belgium. The +whole standard of living on the American Continent, in the United States +and Canada, is so much higher than the European standard that if they +lowered the scale by one-tenth just for one six months the Belgium +problem would be solved. + +I say to the American people that they cannot conceive what this strain +upon the populations of Europe is at this moment, and, in the cruel +grip of Winter, hundreds of thousands will agonize till death or relief +comes. In Australia in drought times vast flocks of sheep go traveling +with shepherds looking for food and water, and no flock ever comes back +as it went forth. Not in flocks guided by shepherds, but lonely, +hopeless units, the Belgian people take flight, looking for food and +shelter, or remain paralyzed by the tragedy fallen upon them in their +own land. + +Their sufferings are majestic in simple heroism and uncomplaining +endurance. So majestic in proportion ought the relief to be. The Belgian +people are wards of the world. In the circumstances the Belgian people +are special wards of the one great country that is secure in its peace +and that by its natural instincts of human sympathy and love of freedom +is best suited to do the work that should be done for Belgium. If every +millionaire would give a thousand, if every man with $100 a month would +give $10, the American Committee for the Relief of Belgium, with its +splendid organization, its unrivaled efficiency, through which flows a +tide of human sympathy, would be able to report at the end of the war +that a small nation in misfortune had been saved from famine and despair +by a great people far away, who had responded to the call, "Come over +and help us!" + +GILBERT PARKER. + + + + +A CORRECTION. + + +Under the head of "Russia's 'Little Brother,'" on Page 364 of this +magazine history, in its issue of Dec. 26, 1914, appeared a statement +taken from The New York Sun of Oct. 12, 1914, and attributed to George +Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador at Washington. Our attention has been +called to the following editorial paragraph printed by The Sun on Oct. +14, embodying the Russian Ambassador's denial of its authenticity: + + The Sun on Monday printed in good faith what it believed to be + an authorized statement of the views and sentiments of Mr. + George Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador to the United States. + Ambassador Bakhmeteff telegraphs to us from Washington as + follows: + + "I most emphatically deny having spoken one single word to the + reporter who published an interview with me in your paper. I + have not even seen one, and must insist on your publishing + this very categorical and direct statement." + + Of course, we publish the Ambassador's denial not less in + justice to our readers and to ourselves than to him, at the + same time expressing our extreme regret that The Sun should + have been led to believe that it was presenting the Russian + case as viewed by Mr. Bakhmeteff with his full acquiescence. + +We add our cordial regret to that of The Sun that this repudiated +statement should have gained further circulation.--Editor. + + + + +[English Cartoon] + +Certainly Not! + + +[Illustration: _--From The Sketch, London._ + +TURKEY, THE OFFICE BOY (to his master): Please, Sir, can I have a day +off?] + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY +OF THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL. 1, JANUARY 9, 1915*** + + +******* This file should be named 16702-8.txt or 16702-8.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/0/16702 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915</p> +<p> What Americans Say to Europe</p> +<p>Author: Various</p> +<p>Release Date: September 16, 2005 [eBook #16702]</p> +<p>Language: en</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY OF THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL. 1, JANUARY 9, 1915***</p> +<br><br><h3>E-text prepared by Juliet Sutherland, Linda Cantoni,<br> + and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team</h3><br><br> +<hr class="full" noshade> +<br> +<br> +<h1> + <img border="0" src="images/logo.png" alt="New York Times logo" width="409" height="72"></h1> +<h2> + The New York Times +</h2> +<h2> + Current History of the European War +</h2> +<center> + <h3>JANUARY 9, 1915. </h3> +</center> +<h2> + <i>What Americans Say to Europe</i> +</h2> +<br> +<a name="image-0001"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/eliot.jpg" width="143" height="225" +alt="Charles W. Eliot"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">CHARLES W. ELIOT</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo (c) by Paul Thompson.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0013"> + <i>See Page 473</i> </a> +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0002"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/beck.jpg" width="141" height="225" +alt="James M. Beck"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">JAMES M. BECK</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0001"> + <i>See Page 413</i> </a> +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<h1><b>Contents</b></h1> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0001"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">In the Supreme Court of Civilization </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0002"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Critics Dispute Mr. Beck </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0003"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Russia to Blame </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0004"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">In Defense of Austria </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0005"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Defense of the Dual Alliance—A Reply </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0006"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">What Gladstone Said About Belgium </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0007"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Fight to the Bitter End </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0008"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Woman and War </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0009"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">The Way to Peace </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0010"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Prof. Mather on Mr. Schiff </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0011"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">The Eliot-Schiff Letters </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0012"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">LA CATHEDRALE. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0013"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Probable Causes and Outcome of the War </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0014"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Appreciation from Lord Bryce </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0015"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">A Reply by Dr. Francke </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0016"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">DR. ELIOT'S SECOND LETTER </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0017"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">DR. ELIOT'S THIRD LETTER. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0018"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Dr. Dernburg's Reply to the Third Letter </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0019"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Dr. Jordan's Reply to Dr. Dernburg </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0020"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Dr. Irene Sargent's Reply to Dr. Dernburg </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0021"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">DR. ELIOT'S FOURTH LETTER. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0022"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">DR. ELIOT'S FIFTH LETTER. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0023"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">THE LORD OF HOSTS. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0024"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">A War of Dishonor </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0025"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Might or Right </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0026"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">JEANNE D'ARC—1914. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0027"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">The Kaiser and Belgium </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0028"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Reply to Prof. Burgess </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0029"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">PROF. BURGESS'S SECOND ARTICLE. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0030"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Reply to Prof. Burgess </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0031"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">America's Peril in Judging Germany </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0032"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">An Answer by Prof. Ladd </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0033"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Possible Profits From War </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0034"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">"To Americans Leaving Germany" </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0035"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">German Declarations </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0036"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">A Second Appeal </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0037"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">The Eucken and Haeckel Charges </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0038"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Concerning German Culture </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0039"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Culture vs. Kultur </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0040"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">The Trespass in Belgium </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0041"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Apportioning the Blame </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0042"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">PARTING. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0043"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">French Hate and English Jealousy </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0044"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Dr. Sanderson Replies </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0045"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">In Defense of Austria </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0046"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Russian Atrocities </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0047"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">"The United States of Europe" </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0048"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">A New World Map </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0049"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">The Verdict of the American People </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0050"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Interview With Dr. Hillis </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0051"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">TIPPERARY. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0052"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">As America Sees the War </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0053"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">TO MELOS, POMEGRANATE ISLE. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0054"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">What America Can Do </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0055"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">TO A COUSIN GERMAN. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0056"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">What the Economic Effects May Be </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0057"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Effects of War on America </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0058"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Germany of the Future </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0059"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Germany the Aggressor </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0060"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Militarism and Christianity </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0061"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">VIGIL </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0062"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Nietzsche and German Culture </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0063"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">Belgium's Bitter Need </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0064"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">A CORRECTION. </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_4_0065"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">[English Cartoon] </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#2H_FOOT"> +<span style="font-size: 100%">FOOTNOTES </span> +</a></p> +<p class="toc"> </p> +<hr> +<p> </p> +<h1><b>List of Illustrations</b></h1> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0001"> +Charles W. Eliot +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0002"> +James M. Beck +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0004"> +Andrew Carnegie +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0005"> +Jacob H. Schiff +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0006"> +Viscount James Bryce +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0007"> +Dr. Bernhard Dernburg +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0008"> +David Starr Jordan +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0009"> +John Grier Hibben +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0010"> +John W. Burgess +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0011"> +William M. Sloane +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0012"> +Franklin H. Giddings +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0013"> +Rudolf Eucken +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0015"> +Brander Matthews +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0016"> +Newell Dwight Hillis +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0017"> +Nicholas Murray Butler +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0018"> +Arthur von Briesen +</a></p> +<p class="toc"><a href="#image-0019"> +English Cartoon +</a></p> +<br><hr> + + +<a name="2H_4_0001"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + In the Supreme Court of Civilization +</h2> +<h3> + Argued by James M. Beck. +</h3> +<br> +<blockquote> +<p> + THE NEW YORK TIMES <i>submitted the evidence contained in the official + "White Paper" of Great Britain, the "Orange Paper" of Russia, and the + "Gray Paper" of Belgium to James M. Beck, late Assistant Attorney + General of the United States and a leader of the New York bar, who has + argued many of the most important cases before the Supreme Court. On + this evidence Mr. Beck has argued in the following article the case of + Dual Alliance vs. Triple Entente. It has been widely circulated in + France and Great Britain.</i> +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + Let us suppose that in this year of dis-Grace, Nineteen Hundred and + Fourteen, there had existed, as let us pray will one day exist, a + Supreme Court of Civilization, before which the sovereign nations could + litigate their differences without resort to the iniquitous and less + effective appeal to the arbitrament of arms. +</p> +<p> + Let us further suppose that each of the contending nations had a + sufficient leaven of Christianity to have its grievances adjudged not by + the ethics of the cannon or the rifle, but by the eternal criterion of + justice. +</p> +<p> + What would be the judgment of that august tribunal? +</p> +<p> + Any discussion of the ethical merits of this great controversy must + start with the assumption that there is an international morality. +</p> +<p> + This fundamental axiom, upon which the entire basis of civilization + necessarily rests, is challenged by a small class of intellectual + perverts. +</p> +<p> + Some hold that moral considerations must be subordinated either to + military necessity or so-called manifest destiny. This is the Bernhardi + doctrine. +</p> +<p> + Others teach that war is a beneficent fatality and that all nations + engaged in it are therefore equally justified. On this theory all of the + now contending nations are but victims of an irresistible current of + events, and the highest duty of the State is to prepare itself for the + systematic extermination, when necessary or expedient, of its neighbors. +</p> +<p> + Notwithstanding the clever platitudes under which both these doctrines + are veiled, all morally sane minds are agreed that this war is a great + crime against civilization, and the only open question is, which of the + two contending groups of powers is morally responsible for that crime? +</p> +<p> + Was Austria justified in declaring war against Servia? +</p> +<p> + Was Germany justified in declaring war against Russia and France? +</p> +<p> + Was England justified in declaring war against Germany? +</p> +<p> + As the last of these questions is the most easily disposed of, it may be + considered first. +</p> +<h3> + England's Justification. +</h3> +<p> + England's justification rests upon the solemn Treaty of 1839, whereby + Prussia, France, England, Austria, and Russia "became the guarantors" of + the "perpetual neutrality" of Belgium, as reaffirmed by Count Bismarck, + then Chancellor of the North German Confederation, on July 22, 1870, and + as even more recently reaffirmed in the striking fact disclosed in the + Belgian "Gray Book." +</p> +<p> + In the Spring of 1913 a debate was in progress in the Budget Committee + of the Reichstag with reference to the Military Budget. In the course of + the debate the German Secretary of State said: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "The neutrality of Belgium is determined by international + conventions, <i>and Germany is resolved to respect these + conventions</i>." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + To confirm this solemn assurance, the Minister of War added in the same + debate: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "Belgium does not play any part in the justification of the + German scheme of military reorganization. The scheme is + justified by the position of matters in the East. <i>Germany + will not lose sight of the fact that Belgian neutrality is + guaranteed by international treaties.</i>" +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + A year later, on July 31, 1914, Herr von Below, the German Minister at + Brussels, assured the Belgian Department of State that he knew of a + declaration which the German Chancellor had made in 1911, to the effect + "that Germany had no intention of violating our neutrality," and "that + he was certain that the sentiments to which expression was given at that + time <i>had not changed</i>." (See Belgian "Gray Book," Nos. 11 and 12.) +</p> +<p> + Apart from these treaty stipulations, which are only declaration of + Belgium's rights as sovereign nations, The Hague Conference, in which + forty-four nations (including Germany) participated, reaffirmed as an + axiom of international law the inherent right of a nation to the + sanctity of its territory. +</p> +<p> + It seems unnecessary to discuss the wanton disregard of these solemn + obligations and protestations, when the present Chancellor of the German + Empire, in his speech to the Reichstag and to the world on Aug. 4, 1914, + frankly admitted that the action of the German military machine in + invading Belgium was a wrong. He said: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no + law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are + already on Belgian soil. <i>Gentlemen, that is contrary to the + dictates of international law.</i> It is true that the French + Government has declared at Brussels that France is willing to + respect the neutrality of Belgium, so long as her opponent + respects it. We knew, however, that France stood ready for + invasion. France could wait, but we could not wait. A French + movement upon our flank upon the lower Rhine might have been + disastrous. So we were compelled to override the just protest + of the Luxemburg and Belgian Governments. <i>The wrong—I speak + openly—that we are committing</i> we will endeavor to make good + as soon as our military goal has been reached. Anybody who is + threatened as we are threatened, and is fighting for his + highest possessions, can only have one thought—how he is to + hack his way through." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + This defense is not even a plea of confession and avoidance. It is a + plea of "Guilty" at the bar of the world. It has one merit, that it + does not add to the crime the aggravation of hypocrisy. It virtually + rests the case of Germany upon the gospel of Treitschke and Bernhardi, + that each nation is justified in exerting its physical power to the + utmost in defense of its selfish interests and without any regard to + considerations of conventional morality. Might as between nations is the + sole criterion of right. There is no novelty in this gospel. Its only + surprising feature is its revival in the twentieth century. It was + taught far more effectively by Machiavelli in his treatise, "The + Prince," wherein he glorified the policy of Cesare Borgia in trampling + the weaker States of Italy under foot by ruthless terrorism, unbridled + ferocity, and the basest deception. Indeed, the wanton destruction of + Belgium is simply Borgiaism amplified ten-thousandfold by the mechanical + resources of modern war. +</p> +<h3> + This Answer Cannot Satisfy. +</h3> +<p> + Unless our boasted civilization is the thinnest veneering of barbarism; + unless the law of the world is in fact only the ethics of the rifle and + the conscience of the cannon; unless mankind after uncounted centuries + has made no real advance in political morality beyond that of the cave + dweller, then this answer of Germany cannot satisfy the "decent respect + to the opinions of mankind." Germany's contention that a treaty of peace + is "a scrap of paper," to be disregarded at will when required by the + selfish interests of one contracting party, is the negation of all that + civilization stands for. +</p> +<p> + Belgium has been crucified in the face of the world. Its innocence of + any offense, until it was attacked, is too clear for argument. Its + voluntary immolation to preserve its solemn guarantee of neutrality will + "plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against the deep damnation of its + taking off." On that issue the Supreme Court could have no ground for + doubt or hesitation. Its judgment would be speedy and inexorable. +</p> +<p> + The remaining two issues, above referred to, are not so simple. + Primarily and perhaps exclusively, the ethical question turns upon the + issues raised by the communications which passed between the various + Chancelleries of Europe in the last week of July, for it is the amazing + feature of this greatest of all wars that it was precipitated by + diplomats and rulers, and, assuming that all these statesmen sincerely + desired a peaceful solution of the questions raised by the Austrian + ultimatum, (which is by no means clear,) it was the result of + ineffective diplomacy and clumsy diplomacy at that. +</p> +<p> + I quite appreciate the distinction between the immediate causes of a war + and the anterior and more fundamental causes; nevertheless, with the + world in a state of Summer peace on July 23, 1914, an issue, gravely + affecting the integrity of nations and the balance of power in Europe, + is suddenly precipitated by the Austrian ultimatum, and thereafter and + for the space of about a week a series of diplomatic communications + passed between the Chancelleries of Europe, designed on their face to + prevent a war and yet so ineffective that the war is precipitated and + the fearful Rubicon crossed before the world knew, except imperfectly, + the nature of the differences between the Governments involved. The + ethical aspects of this great conflict must largely depend upon the + record that has been made up by the official communications which can, + therefore, be treated as documentary evidence in a litigated case. +</p> +<p> + A substantial part of that record is already before the court of public + opinion in the British and German "White Papers," the Russian "Orange + Paper," and the Belgian "Gray Paper," and the purpose of this article is + to discuss what judgment an impartial and dispassionate court would + render upon the issues thus raised and the evidence thus submitted. +</p> +<p> + Primarily such a court would be deeply impressed not only by what the + record as thus made up discloses, <i>but also by the significant omissions + of documents known to be in existence</i>. +</p> +<p> + The official defense of England and Russia does not apparently show any + failure on the part of either to submit all of the documents in their + possession, <i>but the German "White Paper" on its face discloses the + suppression of documents of vital importance, while Austria has as yet + failed to submit any of the documentary evidence in its possession</i>. +</p> +<p> + We know from the German "White Paper"—even if we did not conclude as a + matter of irresistible inference—that many important communications + passed in this crisis between Germany and Austria, and it is probable + that some communications must also have passed between those two + countries and Italy. Italy, despite its embarrassing position, owes to + the world the duty of a full disclosure. What such disclosure would + probably show is indicated by her deliberate conclusion that her allies + had commenced an <i>aggressive</i> war, which released her from any + obligation under the Triple Alliance. +</p> +<p> + The fact that communications passed between Berlin and Vienna, the text of + which has never been disclosed, is not a matter of conjecture. Germany + admits and asserts as part of her defense that she faithfully exercised her + mediatory influence with Austria, but not only is such mediatory influence + not disclosed by any practical results of such mediation, <b>but the text of these vital communications is still kept in + the secret archives of Berlin and Vienna</b>. +</p> +<p> + Thus in the official apology for Germany it is stated that, in spite of + the refusal of Austria to accept the proposition of Sir Edward Grey to + treat the Servian reply "as a basis for further conversations," +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "we [Germany] continued our mediatory efforts to the <i>utmost</i> +and advised Vienna to make any possible compromise consistent with the dignity +of the Monarchy."</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> [German "White Paper."]</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + This would be more convincing if the German Foreign Office in giving + other diplomatic documents had only added the <i>text</i> of the advice which + it thus gave Vienna. +</p> +<p> + The same significant omission will be found when the same official + defense states that on July 29 the German Government advised Austria "to + begin the conversations with Mr. Sazonof." But here again <i>the text</i> is + not found among the documents which the German Foreign Office has given + to the world. The communications, which passed between that office and + its Ambassadors in St. Petersburg, Paris, and London, are given <i>in + extenso</i>, but among the twenty-seven communications appended to the + German official defense <b>it is most significant that not a single + communication is given of the many which passed from Berlin to Vienna + and only two that passed from Vienna to Berlin</b>. +</p> +<p> + This cannot be an accident. Germany has seen fit to throw the veil of + secrecy over the text of its communications to Vienna, although + professing to give the purport of a few of them. +</p> +<p> + Until Germany is willing to put the most important documents in its + possession in evidence, it must not be surprised that the world, + remembering Bismarck's garbling of the Ems dispatch, which precipitated + the Franco-Prussian war, will be incredulous as to the sincerity of + Germany's mediatory efforts. +</p> +<h3> + Austria's Case Against Servia. +</h3> +<p> + To discuss the justice of Austria's grievances against Servia would take + us outside the documentary record and into the realm of disputed facts + and would expand this discussion far beyond reasonable length. +</p> +<p> + Let us therefore suppose <i>arguendo</i> that our imaginary court would + commence its consideration with the assumption that Austria had a just + grievance against Servia, and that the murder of the Archduke on June + 28, 1914, while in fact committed by Austrian citizens of Servian + sympathies on Austrian soil, had its inspiration and encouragement in + the political activities either of the Servian Government or of + political organizations of that country. +</p> +<p> + The question for decision would then be not whether Austria had a just + grievance against Servia, but whether having regard to the obligations + which Austria, as well as every other country, owes to civilization, she + proceeded in the right manner to redress her grievance. +</p> +<p> + On June 28, 1914, the Austrian Crown Prince was murdered at Serajevo. + For nearly a month there was no action by Austria, and no public + statement whatever of its intentions. The world profoundly sympathized + with Austria in its new trouble, and especially with its aged monarch, + who, like King Lear, was "as full of grief as years and wretched in + both." +</p> +<p> + The Servian Government had formerly disclaimed any complicity with the + assassination and had pledged itself to punish any Servian citizen + implicated therein. +</p> +<p> + From time to time, from June 28 to July 23, there came semi-inspired + intimations from Vienna that that country intended to act with great + self-restraint and in the most pacific manner. In his speech to the + French Chamber of Deputies, Viviani says that Europe had in the interval + preceding July 23 express assurances from Austria that its course would + be moderate and conciliatory. Never was it even hinted that Germany and + Austria were about to apply in a time of profound peace a match to the + powder magazine of Europe. +</p> +<p> + This is strikingly shown by the first letter in the English "White + Paper" from Sir Edward Grey to Sir H. Rumbold, dated July 20, 1914. It + is one of the most significant documents in the entire correspondence. + At the time this letter was written it is altogether probable that + Austria's arrogant and most unreasonable ultimatum had already been + framed and approved in Vienna, and possibly in Berlin, and yet Sir + Edward Grey, the Foreign Minister of a great and friendly country, had + so little knowledge of Austria's policy that he +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "asked the German Ambassador today (July 20) if he had any + news of what was going on in Vienna with regard to Servia." + The German Ambassador replied "that he had not, but Austria + was certainly going to take some step." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + Sir Edward Grey adds that he told the German Ambassador that he had + learned that Count Berchtold, the Austrian Foreign Minister, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "in speaking to the Italian Ambassador in Vienna, had + deprecated the suggestion that the situation was grave, but + had said that it should be cleared up." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + The German Minister then replied that it would be desirable "if Russia + could act as a mediator with regard to Servia," so that the first + suggestion of Russia playing the part of the peacemaker came from the + German Ambassador in London. Sir Edward Grey then adds that he told the + German Ambassador that he +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "assumed that the Austrian Government would not do anything + until they had first disclosed to the public their case + against Servia, founded presumably upon what they had + discovered at the trial," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and the German Ambassador assented to this assumption. +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 1.] +</p> +<p> + Either the German Ambassador was then deceiving Sir Edward Grey, on the + theory that the true function of an Ambassador is "to lie for his + country," or the thunderbolt was being launched with such secrecy that + even the German Ambassador in England did not know what was then in + progress. +</p> +<p> + The British Ambassador at Vienna reports to Sir Edward Grey: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "The delivery at Belgrade on the 23d July of the note to + Servia was preceded by a period of <i>absolute silence</i> at the + Ballplatz." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + He proceeds to say that with the exception of the German Ambassador at + Vienna—note the significance of the exception—not a single member of + the Diplomatic Corps knew anything of the Austrian ultimatum and that + the French Ambassador when he visited the Austrian Foreign Office on + July 23 was not only kept in ignorance that the ultimatum had actually + been issued, but was given the impression that its tone was moderate. + Even the Italian Ambassador was not taken into Count Berchtold's + confidence. +</p> +<p> + [Dispatch from Sir M. de Bunsen to Sir Edward Grey, dated Sept. 1, + 1914.] +</p> +<p> + No better proof of this sense of security need be adduced than that the + French President and her Foreign Minister were thousands of miles from + Paris, and the Russian Minister had, after the funeral of the Austrian + Archduke, left Vienna for his annual holiday. +</p> +<p> + The interesting and important question here suggests itself whether + Germany had knowledge of and approved in advance the Austrian ultimatum. + If it did, it was guilty of duplicity, for the German Ambassador at St. + Petersburg gave to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs an express + assurance that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "the German Government <i>had no knowledge of the text of the + Austrian note before it was handed in and has not exercised + any influence on its contents. It is a mistake to attribute to + Germany a threatening attitude</i>." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [Russian "Orange Paper," No. 18.] +</p> +<p> + This statement is inherently improbable. Austria was the weaker of the + two allies and it was Germany's sabre that it was rattling in the face + of Europe. Obviously Austria could not have proceeded to extreme + measures, which it was recognized from the first would antagonize + Russia, unless it had the support of Germany, and there is a + probability, amounting to a moral certainty, that it would not have + committed itself and Germany to the possibility of a European war + without first consulting Germany. +</p> +<p> + Moreover, we have the testimony of Sir M. de Bunsen, the English + Ambassador in Vienna, who advised Sir Edward Grey that he had "private + information that the German Ambassador (at Vienna) knew the text of the + Austrian ultimatum to Servia before it was dispatched and telegraphed it + to the German Emperor," and that the German Ambassador himself "indorses + every line of it." [English "White Paper," No. 95.] As he does not + disclose the source of his "private information," this testimony would + not by itself be convincing, but when we examine Germany's official + defense in the German "White Paper," <i>we find that the German Foreign + Office admits that it was consulted by Austria previous to the ultimatum + and not only approved of Austria's course but literally gave her a + carte blanche to proceed</i>. +</p> +<p> + This point seems so important in determining the sincerity of Germany's + attitude and pacific protestations that we quote <i>in extenso</i>. After + referring to the previous friction between Austria and Servia, the + German "White Paper" says: +</p> +<p> + "In view of these circumstances, Austria had to admit that it would not + be consistent either with the dignity or self-preservation of the + monarchy to look on longer at the operations on the other side of the + border without taking action. <i>The Austro-Hungarian Government advised + us of this view of the situation and asked our opinion in the matter. We + were able to assure our ally most heartily of our agreement with her + view of the situation and to assure her that any action that she might + consider it necessary to take in order to put an end to the movement in + Servia directed against the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy + would receive our approval.</i> We were fully aware in this connection that + warlike moves on the part of Austria-Hungary against Servia would bring + Russia into the question and might draw us into a war in accordance with + our duties as an ally." +</p> +<p> + Sir M. de Bunsen's credible testimony is further confirmed by the fact + that the British Ambassador at Berlin, in his letter of July 22 to Sir + Edward Grey, states that <i>on the preceding night</i> (July 21) he had met + the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and an allusion was + made to a possible action by Austria. +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "His Excellency was evidently of opinion that this step on + Austria's part would have been made ere this. He insisted that + the question at issue was one for settlement between Servia + and Austria alone, and that there should be no interference + from outside in the discussions between those two countries." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + He adds that while he had regarded it as inadvisable that his country + should approach Austria-Hungary in the matter, he had +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "on several occasions in conversation with the Servian + Minister emphasized the extreme importance that + Austro-Servian relations should be put on a proper footing." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 2.] +</p> +<p> + Here we have the first statement of Germany's position in the matter, a + position which subsequent events showed to be entirely untenable, but to + which Germany tenaciously adhered to the very end, and which did much to + precipitate the war. Forgetful of the solidarity of European + civilization and the fact that by policy and diplomatic intercourse + continuing through many centuries a United European State exists, even + though its organization be as yet inchoate, he took the ground that + Austria should be permitted to proceed to aggressive measures against + Servia without interference from any other power, even though, as was + inevitable, the humiliation of Servia would destroy the status of the + Balkan States and even threaten the European balance of power. +</p> +<p> + No space need be taken in convincing any reasonable man that this + Austrian ultimatum to Servia was brutal in its tone and unreasonable in + its demands. It would be difficult to find in history a more offensive + document, and its iniquity was enhanced by the short shriving time which + it gave either Servia or Europe. Servia had forty-eight hours to answer + whether it would compromise its sovereignty, and virtually admit its + complicity in a crime which it had steadily disavowed. As the full text + of the ultimatum first reached the Foreign Chancelleries nearly + twenty-four hours after its service upon Servia, the other European + nations had barely a day to consider what could be done to preserve the + peace of Europe before that peace was fatally compromised. +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 5; Russian "Orange Paper," No. 3.] +</p> +<p> + Further confirmation that the German Foreign Office did have advance + knowledge of at least the substance of the ultimatum is shown by the + fact that on the same day the ultimatum was issued the Chancellor of the + German Empire instructed the German Ambassadors in Paris, London, and + St. Petersburg to advise the English, French, and Russian Governments + that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "the acts as well as <i>the demands</i> of the Austro-Hungarian + Government cannot but be looked upon as justified." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [German "White Paper," Annex 1B.] +</p> +<p> + How could Germany thus indorse the "demands" if it did not know the + substance of the ultimatum? +</p> +<p> + The hour when these instructions were sent is not given, so that it does + not follow that these significant instructions were necessarily prior to + the service of the ultimatum at Belgrade at 6 P.M. Nevertheless, as the + ultimatum did not reach the other capitals of Europe until the following + day, as the diplomatic correspondence clearly shows, it seems improbable + that the German Foreign Office would have issued this very carefully + prepared and formal warning to the other powers on July the 23d unless + it had not only knowledge of Austria's intention to serve the ultimatum + but also at least of the substance thereof. +</p> +<p> + While it may be that Germany, while indorsing in blank the policy of + Austria, purposely refrained from examining the text of the + communication, so that it could thereafter claim that it was not + responsible for Austria's action—a policy which would not lessen the + discreditable character of the whole business—yet the more reasonable + assumption is that the simultaneous issuance of Austria's ultimatum at + Belgrade and Germany's warning to the powers were the result of a + concerted action and had a common purpose. No court or jury, reasoning + along the ordinary inferences of human life, would question this + conclusion for a moment. +</p> +<p> + The communication for the German Foreign Office last referred to + anticipates that Servia "will refuse to comply with these demands"—why, + if they were justified?—and Germany suggests to France, England, and + Russia that if, as a result of such non-compliance, Austria has + "recourse to military measures," that "the choice of means must be left + to it." +</p> +<p> + The German Ambassadors in the three capitals were instructed +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "to lay particular stress on the view that the above question + is one the settlement of which devolves solely upon + Austria-Hungary and Servia, and one which the powers should + earnestly strive to confine to the two countries concerned," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and he added that Germany strongly desired +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "that the dispute be localized, since any intervention of + another power, on account of the various alliance obligations, + would bring consequences impossible to measure." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + This is one of the most significant documents in the whole + correspondence. If Germany were as ignorant as her Ambassador at London + affected to be of the Austrian policy and ultimatum, and if Germany was + not then instigating and supporting Austria in its perilous course, why + should the German Chancellor have served this threatening notice upon + England, France, and Russia, that Austria must be left free to make war + upon Servia, and that any attempt to intervene in behalf of the weaker + nation would "bring consequences impossible to measure"? +</p> +<p> + [German "White Paper," Annex 1B.] +</p> +<p> + A few days later the Imperial Chancellor sent to the Confederated + Governments of Germany a <i>confidential communication</i> in which he + recognized the possibility that Russia might feel it a duty "to take the + part of Servia in her dispute with Austria-Hungary." Why, again, if + Austria's case was so clearly justified? The Imperial Chancellor added + that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "if Russia feels constrained to take sides with Servia in this + conflict, she certainly has a right to do it," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + but added that if Russia did this it would in effect challenge the + integrity of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and that Russia would + therefore alone— +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "bear the responsibility if a European war arises from the + Austro-Servian question, <i>which all the rest of the great + European powers wish to localize</i>." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + In this significant confidential communication the German Chancellor + declares the strong interest which Germany had in the punishment of + Servia by Austria. He says "<i>our closest interests therefore summon us + to the side of Austria-Hungary</i>," and he adds that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "if contrary to hope, the trouble should spread, owing to the + intervention of Russia, then, true to our duty as an ally, we + should have to support the neighboring monarchy with the + entire might of the German Empire." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [German "White Paper," Annex 2.] +</p> +<p> + In reaching its conclusion our imaginary court would pay little + attention to mere professions of a desire for peace. A nation, like an + individual, can covertly stab the peace of another while saying, "Art + thou in health, my brother?" and even the peace of civilization can be + betrayed by a Judas kiss. Professions of peace belong to the cant of + diplomacy and have always characterized the most bellicose of nations. +</p> +<p> + No war in modern times has been begun without the aggressor pretending + that his nation wished nothing but peace and invoking Divine aid for its + murderous policy. To paraphrase the words of Lady Teazle on a noted + occasion when Sir Joseph Surface talked much of "honor," it might be as + well in such instances to leave the name of God out of the question. +</p> +<p> + Let us, then, analyze the record as already made up; and for the sake of + clearness the events which preceded the war will be considered + chronologically. +</p> +<p> + Immediately upon the receipt of the ultimatum in St. Petersburg on July + 24, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a formal communication + to Austria-Hungary, suggested that the abrupt time limit "leaves to the + powers a delay entirely insufficient to undertake any useful steps + whatever for the straightening out of the complications that have + arisen," and added: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "To prevent the incalculable consequences, equally disastrous + for all the powers, which can follow the method of action of + the Austro-Hungarian Government, it seems indispensable to us + that, above all, the delay given to Servia to reply should be + extended." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + Sazonof further suggested that time should be given for the powers to + examine the results of the inquiry that the Austro-Hungarian Government + had made in the matter of the Serajevo assassination, and stated that if + the powers were convinced +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "of the well-groundedness of certain of the Austrian demands + they would find themselves in a position to send to the + Servian Government consequential advice." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + He justly observes that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "a refusal to extend the terms of the ultimatum ... would be + in contradiction with the very bases of international + relations." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [Russian "Orange Paper," No. 4.] +</p> +<p> + Could any court question the justice of this contention? The peace of + the world was at stake. Time only was asked to see what could be done to + preserve that peace and satisfy Austria's grievances to the uttermost + farthing. +</p> +<p> + Concurrently with Sazonof's plea for a little time to preserve the peace + of the world, Sir Edward Grey had seen the German Ambassador on July 24 + and had suggested to him that the only method of preventing the + catastrophe was +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "that the four powers, Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves, + (England,) should work together simultaneously at Vienna and + St. Petersburg." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 11.] +</p> +<p> + Germany had only to intimate to Austria that "a decent respect to the + opinions of mankind," as well as common courtesy to great and friendly + nations, required that sufficient time be given not only to Servia, but + to the other nations, to concert for the common good, especially as the + period was one of Summer dullness and many of the leading rulers and + statesmen were absent from their respective capitals. +</p> +<p> + Under these circumstances was it not natural that Russia should announce + on July 24 +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "that any action taken by Austria to humiliate Servia would + not leave Russia indifferent," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and that on the same day the Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna + suggested to the Austrian Foreign Office +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "that the Austrian note was drawn up in a form rendering it + impossible of acceptance as it stood, and that it was both + unusual and peremptory in its terms"? +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + To which the only reply of the Austrian Foreign Minister was that their + representative in Servia +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "was under instructions to leave Belgrade unless Austrian + demands were accepted in their integrity by 4 P.M. tomorrow." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 7.] +</p> +<p> + Austria's only concession then or subsequently to the cause of peace was + the assurance that Austria would not <i>after its conquest</i> of Servia + demand any territory. +</p> +<p> + The action of Germany on this day, July 24, is most significant. Its + Ambassador in England communicated a note to Sir Edward Grey in which it + justified Austro-Hungarian grievances and ultimatum by saying that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "under these circumstances the course of procedure and demands + of the Austro-Hungarian Government can only be regarded as + equitable and moderate." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + The note added: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "The Imperial Government [Germany] want to emphasize their + opinion that in the present case there is only question of a + matter to be settled exclusively between Austria-Hungary and + Servia, and that the great powers ought seriously to endeavor + to reserve it to those two immediately concerned." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 9.] +</p> +<p> + On July 25, probably to the great surprise of both Germany and Austria, + which had definitely calculated upon Servians non-compliance with the + ultimatum, the latter country, under the conciliatory advice of Russia + and England, made a reply in which, at some sacrifice of its + self-respect as a sovereign State, it substantially accepted all but one + of the demands of Austria, and as to that it did not, in terms, refuse + it, but expressed its willingness to refer it either to arbitration or + to a conference of the powers. +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 39.] +</p> +<p> + No court would question for a moment the conclusion that the reply was a + substantial acquiescence in the extreme Austrian demands, nor indeed did + either Germany or Austria seriously contend that it was not. They + contented themselves with impeaching the sincerity of the assurances, + calling the concessions "shams," and of this it is enough to say that if + Germany and Austria had accepted Servians reply as sufficient, and + Servia had subsequently failed to fulfill its promises thus made in the + utmost good faith, there would have been little sympathy for Servia, and + no general war. Indeed, both Russia and England pledged their influence + to compel Servia, if necessary, to meet fully any reasonable demand of + Austria. The outstanding question, which Servia agreed to arbitrate or + leave to the powers, was the participation of Austrian officials in the + Servian courts. This did not present a difficult problem. Austria's + professed desire for an impartial investigation could have been easily + attained by having the neutral powers appoint a commission of jurists to + make such investigation. +</p> +<p> + On July 24 Sir Edward Grey also had asked the German Ambassador to use + his good influences at Vienna to secure an extension of time. To this + most reasonable request the answer and action of the German Government + was disingenuous in the extreme. They agreed to "pass on" the + suggestion, but the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs added + that as the Austrian Prime Minister was away from Vienna there would be + delay and difficulty in getting the time limit extended, and +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "he admitted quite freely that the Austro-Hungarian Government + <i>wished to give the Servians a lesson and that they meant to + take military action. He also admitted that the Servian + Government could not swallow certain of the Austro-Hungarian + demands</i>." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + He added that Germany did not want a general war and "he would do all in + his power to prevent such a calamity." +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," Nos. 11 and 18.] +</p> +<p> + Immediately on the issuance of the ultimatum the Austrian Foreign + Minister, Count Berchtold, had most inopportunely taken himself to + Ischl, where he remained until after the expiration of the time limit. + Access to him proved difficult, and the Russian Chargé at Vienna, having + lodged a pacific protest with the Acting Foreign Minister in order to + take no chances, telegraphed it to Berchtold at Ischl. Nevertheless, + Berchtold's apparently designed absence from the capital was Germany's + excuse for its failure to get the time limit extended. +</p> +<p> + <b>If Germany made any communication to Austria in the interests of peace + the text has yet to be disclosed to the world.</b> A word from Berlin to + Vienna would have given the additional time which, with sincerely + pacific intentions, might have resulted in the preservation of peace. + Germany, so far as the record discloses, never spoke that word. +</p> +<p> + Contrast this attitude with that of Russia, whose Foreign Minister on + the morning of July 25 offered +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of + England, France, Germany, and Italy." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 17.] +</p> +<p> + As Russia was the member of the Triple Entente most interested in the + fate of Servia, what proposal could have been more conciliatory or + magnanimous? +</p> +<p> + On July 25 Sir Edward Grey proposed that the four powers (including + Germany) should unite +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "in asking the Austrian and Russian Governments not to cross + the frontier and to give time for the four powers, acting at + Vienna and St. Petersburg, to try and arrange matters. If + Germany will adopt this view I feel strongly that France and + ourselves should act upon it. Italy would no doubt gladly + co-operate." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," Nos. 24 and 25.] +</p> +<p> + To this reasonable request the Imperial German Chancellor replied: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "First and last, we take the ground that this question must be + localized <i>by the abstention of all the powers from + intervention in it</i>," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + but added that Germany would, if an Austro-Russian dispute arose, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "co-operate with the other great powers in mediation between + Russia and Austria." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [German "White Paper," Annex 13.] +</p> +<p> + This distinction is very hard to grasp. It attempts to measure the + difference between tweedledum and tweedledee. Russia's difference with + Austria was over the attempt of the latter to crush Servia. Germany + would not interfere in the latter, but would as an abstract proposition + mediate between Russia and Austria. For all practical purposes the two + things were indistinguishable. +</p> +<p> + How she "co-operated" we shall presently see. +</p> +<p> + All that Germany <i>did</i> on July 25, so far as the record discloses, was + to "pass on" England's and Russia's requests for more time, but + subsequent events indicate that it was "passed on" without any + indorsement, for is it credible that Austria would have ignored its + ally's request for more time if it had ever been made? +</p> +<p> + The Austrian Foreign Minister, having launched the ultimatum, absented + himself from the capital, but the Russian Minister at Vienna, as already + stated, succeeded in submitting this most reasonable request verbally to + the Acting Foreign Minister, who simply said that he would submit it to + Count Berchtold, <i>but that he could predict with assurance a categorical + refusal</i>. Later on that day (July 25) Russia was definitely advised that + no time extension would be granted. +</p> +<p> + [Russian "Orange Paper," Nos. 11 and 12.] +</p> +<p> + Was ever the peace of the world shattered upon so slight a pretext? A little + time, a few days, even a few hours, might have sufficed to preserve the + world from present horrors, but no time could be granted. <b>A colossal snap judgment was to be taken by these pettifogging + diplomats. A timely word from the German Chancellor would have saved the + flower of the youth of Germany and Austria from perishing.</b> It would be + difficult to find in recorded history a greater discourtesy to a + friendly power, for Austria was not at war with Russia. +</p> +<p> + Defeated in their effort to get an extension of time, England, France, + and Russia made further attempts to preserve peace by temporarily + arresting military proceedings until efforts toward conciliation could + be made. Sir Edward Grey proposed to Germany, France, Russia, and Italy + that they should unite in asking Austria and Servia not to cross the + frontier "until we had had time to try and arrange matters between + them," but the German Ambassador read Sir Edward Grey a telegram that he + had received from the German Foreign Office that "once she [Austria] had + launched that note [the ultimatum] Austria could not draw back." +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 25.] +</p> +<p> + As we have seen, Germany never, so far as the record discloses, sought + in any way to influence Austria to make this or any concession. Its + attitude was shown by the declaration of its Ambassador at Paris to the + French Minister of Foreign Affairs, which, while disclaiming that + Germany had countenanced the Austrian ultimatum, yet added that Germany + approved its point of view, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "and that certainly the arrow, once sent, Germany could not + allow herself to be guided except by her duty to her ally." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + This seemed to be the fatal fallacy of Germany, that its duties to + civilization were so slight that it should support its ally, Austria, + whether the latter were right or wrong. Such was its policy, and it + carried it out with fatal consistency. To support its ally in actual war + may be defensible, but to support it in times of peace in an iniquitous + demand and a policy of gross discourtesy offends every sense of + international morality. +</p> +<p> + On the following day Russia proposed to Austria that they should enter + into an exchange of private views, with the object of an alteration in + common of some clauses of the Austrian note of July 23. <i>To this Austria + never even replied.</i> The Russian Minister communicated this suggestion + to the German Minister of Foreign Affairs and expressed the hope that he + would "find it possible to advise Vienna to meet our proposal," but this + did not accord with German policy, for on that day the German Ambassador + in Paris called upon the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, and in + reply to a similar suggestion that Germany should suggest to Vienna to + meet Servia in the same conciliatory spirit which Servia had shown, the + Ambassador answered that that "was not possible in view of the + resolution taken not to interfere in the Austro-Servian conflict." +</p> +<p> + On the same day England asked France, Italy, and Germany to meet in + London for an immediate conference to preserve the peace of Europe, and + to this fruitful suggestion, which might have saved the peace of Europe, + the German Chancellor replied with the pitiful quibble that "it is + impossible to bring our ally before a European court in its difference + with Servia," although it affected to accept "in principle" the policy + of mediation. +</p> +<p> + Germany's acceptance "in principle" of a policy which she in practice + thwarted suggests the law-abiding tendencies of that Maine statesman who + was "for the Maine prohibition liquor law, but against its enforcement." +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 46.] +</p> +<p> + Germany's refusal to have Servia's case submitted to the powers even for + their consideration is the more striking when it is recalled that the + German Ambassador at London quoted to Sir Edward Grey the German + Secretary of State as saying +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "that there were some things in the Austrian note that Servia + could hardly be expected to accept," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + thus recognizing that Austria's ultimatum was, at least in part, unjust. + Sir Edward Grey then called the German Ambassador's attention to the + fact that if Austria refused the conciliatory reply of Servia and + marched into that country +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "it meant that she was determined to crush Servia at all + costs, being reckless of the consequences that might be + involved." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + He added that the Servian reply +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "should at least be treated as a basis for discussion and + pause," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and asked that the German Government should urge this at Vienna, but the + German Secretary of State on July 27 replied that such a conference "was + not practicable," and that it "would practically amount to a court of + arbitration," and could not, in his opinion, be called together "except + at the request of Austria and Russia." +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," Nos. 43 and 46.] +</p> +<p> + That this was a mere evasion is perfectly plain. Germany already knew + that Austria would not ask for such a conference, for Austria had + already refused Russia's request for an extension of time and had + actually commenced its military operations. Germany's attitude is best + indicated by the letter of the Russian Minister in Germany to the + Russian Foreign Office in which he states that on July 27 he called at + the German Foreign Office and asked it +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "to urge upon Vienna in a more pressing fashion to take up + this line of conciliation. Jagow replied that he could not + advise Austria to yield." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [Russian "Orange Paper," No. 38.] +</p> +<p> + Why not? Russia had advised Servia to yield, and Servia had conceded + nearly every claim. Why could not the German Foreign Office advise + Vienna to meet conciliation by conciliation, if its desire for peace + were sincere? All that Russia and England desired was that a little time + and consideration should be given, without prejudice to the rights or + claims of Austria, before the peace of the world was hopelessly + shattered. +</p> +<p> + Before this interview took place the French Ambassador had called at the + German Foreign Office on a similar errand and urged the English + suggestion that action should at once be taken by England, Germany, + Russia, and France at St. Petersburg and Vienna, to the effect that + Austria and Servia +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "should abstain from any act which might aggravate the + situation at the present hour." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + By this was meant that there should be, pending further parleys, no + invasion of Servia by Austria and none of Austria by Russia. <i>To this + the German Foreign Minister opposed a categorical refusal.</i> +</p> +<p> + On the same day the Russian Ambassador at Vienna had "a long and earnest + conversation" with the Austrian Under Secretary of State for Foreign + Affairs. He expressed the earnest hope that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "something would be done before Servia was actually invaded. + Baron Machio replied that this would now be difficult, as a + skirmish had already taken place on the Danube, in which the + Servians had been aggressors." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + The Russian Ambassador then said that his country would do all it could + to keep the Servians quiet, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "and even to fall back before an Austrian advance in order to + gain time." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + He urged that the Austrian Ambassador at St. Petersburg should be + furnished with full powers to continue discussions with the Russian + Minister for Foreign Affairs, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "who was very willing to advise Servia to yield all that could + be fairly asked of her as an independent power." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + The only reply to this reasonable suggestion was that it would be + submitted to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 56.] +</p> +<p> + On the same day the German Ambassador at Paris called upon the French + Foreign Office and strongly insisted on the "<i>exclusion of all + possibility of mediation or of conference</i>," and yet contemporaneously + the Imperial German Chancellor was advising London that he had +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "started the efforts toward mediation in Vienna, immediately + in the way desired by Sir Edward Grey, and had further + communicated to the Austrian Foreign Minister the wish of the + Russian Foreign Minister for a direct talk in Vienna." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + What hypocrisy! In the formal German defense, the official apologist for + that country, after stating his conviction +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "that an act of mediation could not take into consideration + the Austro-Servian conflict, which was purely an + Austro-Hungarian affair," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + claimed that Germany had transmitted Sir Edward Grey's further + suggestion to Vienna, in which Austria-Hungary was urged +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "either to agree to accept the Servian answer as sufficient or + to look upon it as a basis for further conversations"; +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + but the Austro-Hungarian Government—playing the rôle of the wicked + partner of the combination—"in full appreciation of our mediatory + activity," (so says the German "White Paper" with sardonic humor,) + replied to this proposition that, coming as it did after the opening of + hostilities, "<i>it was too late</i>." +</p> +<p> + Does any reasonable man question for a moment that, if Germany had done + something more than merely "transmit" these wise and pacific + suggestions, Austria would have complied with the suggestions of its + powerful ally or that Austria would have suspended its military + operations if Germany had given any intimation of such a wish? +</p> +<p> + On the following day, July 28, the door was further closed on any + possibility of compromise when the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "said, quietly but firmly, <i>that no discussion could be + accepted on the basis of the Servian note</i>; that war would be + declared today, and that the well-known pacific character of + the Emperor, as well as, he might add, his own, might be + accepted as a guarantee that the war was both just and + inevitable; that this was a matter that must be settled + directly between the two parties immediately concerned." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + To this arrogant and unreasonable contention that Europe must accept the + guarantee of the Austrian Foreign Minister as to the righteousness of + Austria's quarrel the British Ambassador suggested "the larger aspect of + the question," namely, the peace of Europe, and to this "larger aspect," + which should have given any reasonable official some ground for pause, + the Austrian Foreign Minister replied that he +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "had it also in mind, but thought that Russia ought not to + oppose operations like those impending, which did not aim at + territorial aggrandizement, and which could no longer be + postponed." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 62.] +</p> +<p> + The private conversations between Russia and Austria having thus failed, + Russia returned to the proposition of a European conference to preserve + its peace. Its Ambassador in Vienna on July 28 had a conference with + Berchtold and pointed to the dangers to the peace of Europe and the + desirability of good relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia. +</p> +<p> + To this Count Berchtold replied that he understood perfectly well the + seriousness of the situation and the advantages of a frank explanation + with the Cabinet at St. Petersburg. +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "He told me that, on the other hand, the Austro-Hungarian + Government, which had only reluctantly decided upon the + energetic measures which it had taken against Servia, <i>could + now neither withdraw nor enter upon any discussion of the + terms of the Austro-Hungarian note."</i> +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [Russian "Orange Paper," No. 45.] +</p> +<p> + On the same day, July 28, the German Imperial Chancellor sent for the + English Ambassador and excused his failure to accept the proposal of + conference of the neutral powers, on the ground that he did not think it + would be effective, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "because such a conference would in his opinion have the + appearance of an 'Areopagus' consisting of two powers of each + group sitting in judgment upon the two remaining powers." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + After engaging in this pitiful and insincere quibble, and when reminded + of Servia's conciliatory reply, amounting to a virtual surrender, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "his Excellency said that he did not wish to discuss the + Servian note, but that Austria's standpoint, and in this he + agreed, was that her quarrel with Servia was a purely Austrian + concern, <i>with which Russia had nothing to do</i>." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 71.] +</p> +<p> + At this point the rules of the countries intervened in the dispute. The + Kaiser, having returned from Norway, telegraphed the Czar, under date of + July 28, that he was +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "exerting all my influence to endeavor to make Austria-Hungary + come to an open and satisfying understanding with Russia," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and invoked the Czar's aid. +</p> +<p> + [German "White Paper," Annex 20.] +</p> +<p> + If the Kaiser were sincere, and he may have been, <i>his attitude was not + that of his Foreign Office</i>. Upon the face of the record we have only + his own assurance that he was doing everything to preserve peace, but + the steps that he took or the communications he made to influence + Austria <i>are not found in the formal defense which the German Government + has given to the world</i>. The Kaiser can only convince the world of his + innocence of the crime of his Potsdam camarilla by giving the world <i>the + text</i> of any advice he gave the Austrian officials. He has produced his + telegrams to the Czar. <i>Where are those he presumably sent to Francis + Joseph or Count Berchtold? Where are the instructions he gave his own + Ambassadors or Foreign Minister?</i> +</p> +<p> + It is significant that on the same day Sazonof telegraphed to Count + Benckendorff: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "My conversations with the German Ambassador confirm my + impression that Germany is rather favorable to the + uncompromising attitude adopted by Austria," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and he adds, and history will vindicate him in the conclusion, that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "the Berlin Cabinet, which might have been able to arrest the + whole development of this crisis, seems to exercise no action + on its ally." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [Russian "Orange Paper," No. 43.] +</p> +<p> + On July 29 Sir Edward Goschen telegraphed Sir Edward Grey that he had + that night seen the German Chancellor, who had "just returned from + Potsdam," where he had presumably seen the Kaiser. The German Chancellor + then showed clearly how the wind was blowing in making the suggestion to + Sir Edward Goschen that if England would remain neutral, Germany would + agree to guarantee that she would not take any French territory. When + asked about the French colonies, no assurance was given. +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 85.] +</p> +<p> + Later in the day the German Chancellor again saw the English Ambassador, + and expressed regret +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "that events had marched too rapidly, and that it was + therefore too late to act upon your [Sir Edward Grey's] + suggestion that the Servian reply might form the basis of + discussion." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 75.] +</p> +<p> + On the same day the Ambassador for Germany at St. Petersburg called upon + Sazonof and expressed himself in favor of further explanations between + Vienna and St. Petersburg, to which Sazonof assented. [Russian "Orange + Paper," No. 49.] On the same day Sir Edward Grey asked the German + Government +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "<i>to suggest any form of procedure</i> under which the idea of + mediation between Austria and Russia, already accepted by the + German Government in principle, <i>could be applied</i>." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + To which the German Foreign Office replied that it could not act for + fear that if they made to their ally any suggestion that looked like + pressure it might "<i>cause them [Austria] to precipitate matter and + present a fait accompli</i>." [See letter of Sir Edward Goschen to Sir + Edward Grey, July 29—English "White Paper," No. 70.] +</p> +<p> + This was the last and worst of the quibbles put forth to gain time while + Austria was making progress toward Belgrade. It assumes that Austria + might not only fail to respect the wish in a matter of common concern of + its more powerful ally, but that it might act in disregard of Germany's + wish. This strains human credulity to the breaking point. Did the German + Secretary of State keep a straight face when he uttered this sardonic + pleasantry? It may be the duty of a diplomat to lie on occasion, but is + it ever necessary to utter such a stupid falsehood? The German Secretary + of State sardonically added in the same conversation that he was not + sure that the effort for peace had not hastened the declaration of war, + as though the declaration of war against Servia had not been planned and + expected from the first. +</p> +<p> + As a final effort to meet quibbles, the British Ambassador at Berlin + then suggested that after Austria had satisfied her military prestige, + the moment might then be favorable for four disinterested powers to + discuss the situation and come forward with suggestions for preventing + graver complications. +</p> +<p> + To this proposal the German Secretary of State seemingly acquiesced, + but, as usual, <i>nothing whatever was done</i>. [English "White Paper," No. + 76.] It is true that on July 29 Sir Edward Grey was assured by the + German Ambassador that the German Foreign Office was +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "endeavoring to make Vienna explain in a satisfactory form at + St. Petersburg the scope and extension of Austrian proceedings + in Servia," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + but again the communications which the German Foreign Office sent to + Vienna on this point <i>have never yet been disclosed to the world</i>. +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 84.] +</p> +<p> + In this same conference Sir Edward Grey +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "urged that the <i>German Government should suggest any method</i> + by which the influence of the four powers could be used + together to prevent war between Austria and Russia. France + agreed, Italy agreed. The whole idea of mediation or mediating + influence was ready to be put into operation <i>by any method + that Germany could suggest</i> if mine were not acceptable. In + fact, mediation was ready to come into operation by any method + that Germany thought possible, if only Germany would 'press + the button' in the interests of peace." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 84.] +</p> +<p> + The difficulty was, however, that Germany never "pressed the button," + although obviously it would have been easy for her to do so, as the + stronger and more influential member of the Double Alliance. +</p> +<p> + On the same day the Austrian Government left a memorandum with Sir + Edward Grey to the effect that Count Mensdorff said that the war with + Servia must proceed. +</p> +<p> + On the night of July 29 the British Ambassador at Berlin was informed + that the German Foreign Office "<i>had not had time to send an answer + yet</i>" to the proposal that Germany suggest the form of mediation, but + that the question had been referred to the Austro-Hungarian Government + with a request as to "what would satisfy them." +</p> +<p> + [English "White Paper," No. 107.] +</p> +<p> + On the following day the German Ambassador informed Sir Edward Grey that + the German Government would endeavor to influence Austria, after taking + Belgrade and Servian territory in the region of the frontier, to promise + not to advance further, while the powers endeavored to arrange that + Servia should give satisfaction sufficient to pacify Austria, but if + Germany ever exercised any such pressure upon Vienna, <i>no evidence of it + has ever been given to the world</i>. Certainly it was not very effective, + and for the reasons mentioned it is impossible to conclude that the + advice of Germany, if in good faith, would not have been followed by its + weaker ally. +</p> +<p> + From all that appears in the record, Austria made no reply to this most + conciliatory suggestion of England, but, in the meantime, the + irrepressible Kaiser made the crisis more acute by cabling to the Czar + that the mobilization of Russia to meet the mobilization of Austria was + affecting his position of mediator, to which the Czar made a + conciliatory reply, stating that Russia's mobilization was only for a + defense against Austria. +</p> +<p> + The Czar, to put at rest any anxiety of the Kaiser as to Russia's + intentions with respect to Germany, added: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "I thank you cordially for your mediation which permits the + hope that everything may yet end peaceably. It is technically + impossible to discontinue our military preparations which have + been made necessary by the Austrian mobilization. It is far + from us to want war. <i>As long as the negotiations between + Austria and Servia continue, my troops will undertake no + provocative action. I give you my solemn word thereon.</i> I + confide with all my faith in the grace of God, and I hope for + the success of your mediation in Vienna for the welfare of our + countries and the peace of Europe." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + What more could Russia do? If Austria continued to mobilize, why not + Russia? +</p> +<p> + On this day, July 30, the German Ambassador had two interviews at St. + Petersburg with Sazonof, and it was then that Sazonof drew up the + following formula as a basis for peace: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "If Austria, recognizing that her conflict with Servia has + assumed character of question of European interest, declares + herself ready to eliminate from her ultimatum the points which + violate principle of sovereignty of Servia, <i>Russia engages to + stop all military preparations</i>." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [Russian "Orange Paper," No. 60.] +</p> +<p> + At this stage King George telegraphed Prince Henry of Prussia that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "the English Government was doing its utmost, suggesting to + Russia and France to suspend further military preparations, if + Austria will consent to be satisfied with the occupation of + Belgrade and neighboring Servian territory as a hostage for + satisfactory settlement of her demands, other countries + meanwhile suspending their war preparation." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + The King adds a hope that the Kaiser +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "will use his great influence to induce Austria to accept + this proposal, thus proving that Germany and England are + working together to prevent what would be an international + catastrophe." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + [Second German "White Paper."] +</p> +<p> + This last proposition, however, was never accepted or declined, for the + impetuous Kaiser gave his twelve-hour ultimatum to Russia to demobilize, + and this was an arrogant demand which no self-respecting power, much + less so great a one as Russia, could possibly accept. +</p> +<p> + While this demand was in progress Sir Edward Grey was making his last + attempt to preserve peace by asking Germany to sound Vienna, as he would + sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be possible for the four + disinterested powers to offer to Austria that they would +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "undertake to see that she obtained full satisfaction of her + demands on Servia, provided they did not embarrass Servian + sovereignty and the integrity of Servian territory." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + Sir Edward Grey went so far as to tell the German Ambassador that if + this was not satisfactory, and if Germany would make any reasonable + proposals to preserve peace and Russia and France rejected it, that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "his Majesty's Government would have nothing to do with the + consequences," +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + which obviously meant either neutrality or actual intervention in behalf + of Germany and Austria. +</p> +<p> + On the same day the British Ambassador at Berlin besought the German + Foreign Office to +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "put pressure on the authorities at Vienna to do something in + the general interest to reassure Russia and to show themselves + disposed to continue discussions on a friendly basis." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + And Sir Edward Goschen reports that the German Foreign Minister replied + that last night he had +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "begged Austria to reply to your last proposal, and that he + had received a reply to the effect that the Austrian Minister + for Foreign Affairs would take the wishes of the Emperor this + morning in the matter." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + <i>Again the text of the letter in which Germany "begged" Austria to be + conciliatory is not found in the record.</i> +</p> +<p> + The excuse of Germany that the mobilization of Russia compelled it to + mobilize does not justify the war. Mobilization does not necessarily + mean aggression, but simply preparation. If Russia had the right to + mobilize because Austria mobilized, Germany equally had the right to + mobilize when Russia mobilized, but it does not follow that either of + the three nations could justify a war to compel the other parties to + demobilize. Mobilization is only a preparation against eventualities. It + is the right of the sovereign State and by no code of ethics a <i>casus + belli</i>. The demand of Germany that Russia could not arm to defend + itself, when Austria was preparing for a possible attack on Russia, has + few, if any, parallels in history for bullying effrontery. It treated + Russia as an inferior, almost a vassal, State. +</p> +<p> + It must be observed that, while Germany insisted that Russia should + demobilize, the Kaiser offered no reciprocal promise. On his theory + Germany and Austria were to be left free to complete their preparations, + but Russia was to tie her own hands and leave herself "naked to her + enemies." This is shown by the last telegrams which passed between the + Czar and Kaiser. The Czar telegraphed: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "I have received your telegram. I comprehend that you are + forced to mobilize, but I should like to have from you the + same guaranty which I have given you, viz., that these + measures do not mean war, and that we shall continue to + negotiate for the welfare of our two countries and the + universal peace which is so dear to our hearts. With the aid + of God it must be possible to our long-tried friendship to + prevent the shedding of blood. I expect with full confidence + your urgent reply." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + To this the Kaiser replied: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "I thank you for your telegram. I have shown yesterday to your + Government the way through which alone war may yet be averted. + Although I asked for a reply by today noon, no telegram from + my Ambassador has reached me with the reply of your + Government. I therefore have been forced to mobilize my army. + An immediate, clear, and unmistakable reply of your Government + is the sole way to avoid endless misery. Until I receive this + reply I am unable, to my great grief, to enter upon the + subject of your telegram. I must ask most earnestly that you, + without delay, order your troops to commit, under no + circumstances, the slightest violation of our frontiers." +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + This impetuous step of Germany to compel its great neighbor to desist + from military preparations to defend itself came most inopportunely, for + on Aug. 1 the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador <i>for the first time</i> declared + to the Russian Government its willingness to discuss the terms of the + Austrian ultimatum to Servia, and it was then suggested that the form of + the ultimatum and the questions arising thereon should be discussed in + London. (Dispatch from British Ambassador at Vienna to Sir Edward Grey, + dated Sept. 1, 1914.) Sir Edward Grey at once advised the English + Ambassador in Berlin of the fact, and urged that it was still possible + to maintain peace +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "if only a little respite in time can be gained +before any great power begins war,"</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> [English "White Paper," No. 131.] +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + but the Kaiser, having issued the arrogant ultimatum to Russia to + demobilize in twelve hours, had gone too far for retreat, and, spurred + on by the arrogant Potsdam military party, he "let slip the dogs of + war." After the fatal Rubicon had been crossed and the die was cast the + Czar telegraphed King George: +</p> +<p> + "In this solemn hour I wish to assure you once more I have done all in + my power to avert war." +</p> +<p> + Such will be the verdict of history. +</p> +<h3> + The Judgment. +</h3> +<p> + These are <i>the facts</i> as shown by the record, and upon them, in my + judgment, an impartial court would not hesitate to pass the following + judgment: +</p> +<p> + 1—<i>That Germany and Austria in a time of profound peace secretly + concerted together to impose their will upon Europe and upon Servia in a + matter affecting the balance of power in Europe. Whether in so doing + they intended to precipitate a European war to determine the mastery of + Europe is not satisfactorily established, although their whole course of + conduct suggests this as a possibility. They made war almost inevitable + by (a) issuing an ultimatum that was grossly unreasonable and + disproportionate to any grievance that Austria had and (b) in giving to + Servia, and Europe, insufficient time to consider the rights and + obligations of all interested nations.</i> +</p> +<p> + 2—<i>That Germany had at all times the power to compel Austria to + preserve a reasonable and conciliatory course, but at no time + effectively exerted that influence. On the contrary, she certainly + abetted, and possibly instigated, Austria in its unreasonable course.</i> +</p> +<p> + 3—<i>That England, France, Italy, and Russia at all times sincerely + worked for peace, and for this purpose not only overlooked the original + misconduct of Austria but made every reasonable concession in the hope + of preserving peace.</i> +</p> +<p> + 4—<i>That Austria, having mobilized its army, Russia was reasonably + justified in mobilizing its forces. Such act of mobilization was the + right of any sovereign State, and as long as the Russian armies did not + cross the border or take any aggressive action no other nation had any + just right to complain, each having the same right to make similar + preparations.</i> +</p> +<p> + 5—<i>That Germany, in abruptly declaring war against Russia for failure + to demobilize when the other powers had offered to make any reasonable + concession and peace parleys were still in progress, precipitated the + war.</i> +</p> +<p> + 6—<i>That Belgium as a sovereign State has as an inherent right the power + to determine when and under what conditions an alien can cross her + frontiers. This right exists independently of treaties, but is, in the + case of Belgium, reinforced by the Treaty of 1839 and The Hague + Convention, whereby the leading European nations (including Germany) + guarantee its "perpetual neutrality." The invasion of Belgium by Germany + was in violation of these rights, and England only respected its own + solemn covenant when, in defense of that neutrality, it declared war + against Germany.</i> +</p> +<h3> + In Conclusion. +</h3> +<p> + The writer of this article has reached these conclusions with + reluctance, as he has a feeling of deep affection for the German people + and equal admiration for their ideals and matchless progress. Even more + he admires the magnificent courage with which the German Nation, beset + on every hand by powerful antagonists, is now defending its prestige as + a nation. The whole-hearted devotion of this great nation to its flag is + worthy of the best traditions of the Teutonic race. Nevertheless, this + cannot alter the ethical truth, which stands apart from any + considerations of nationality; nor can it affect the conclusion that the + German Nation has been plunged into this abyss by its scheming statesmen + and its self-centred and highly neurotic Kaiser, who in the twentieth + century sincerely believes that he is the proxy of Almighty God on + earth, and therefore infallible. +</p> +<p> + In visiting its condemnation, the Supreme Court of Civilization should + therefore distinguish between the military caste, headed by the Kaiser + and the Crown Prince, which precipitated this great calamity, and the + German people. +</p> +<p> + The very secrecy of the plot against the peace of the world and the + failure to disclose to the German people the diplomatic communications + hereinbefore quoted, strongly suggest that this detestable war is not + merely a crime against civilization, <i>but also against the deceived and + misled German people</i>. They have a vision and are essentially + progressive and peace-loving in their national characteristics, while + the ideals of their military caste are those of the Dark Ages. +</p> +<p> + One day the German people will know the full truth and then there will + be a dreadful reckoning for those who have plunged a noble and + peace-loving nation into this fathomless chasm of misfortune. +</p> +<blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "Though the mills of God grind slowly,<br> + + Yet they grind exceeding small,<br> + Though with patience He stands waiting,<br> + + With exactness grinds He all." + </p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +</blockquote> +<br><hr> +<a name="2H_4_0002"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Critics Dispute Mr. Beck +</h2> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + It is regrettable that President Wilson's admirable policy of strict + neutrality is not more sincerely and carefully observed by the press and + public of this country. +</p> +<p> + We are a cosmopolitan nation. Citizens of the five great warring + countries and their descendants, to a very great extent, constitute our + population. Partiality of any kind tends to destroy the elemental ties + which bind us together, to disrupt our Union, and to make us a house + divided against itself. James M. Beck's article in last Sunday's TIMES + is of the kind which, serving no good purpose, helps to loosen, if not + sever, our most vital domestic ties. While not for an instant doubting + Mr. Beck's sincerity, we must take issue with his inadvertently + ill-timed expression of opinion. +</p> +<p> + The article in question is based on the following statement: "Any + discussion of the ethical merits of this great controversy must start + with the assumption that there is such a thing as international + morality." How does Mr. Beck define "international morality"? How can he + assume that to exist which each of the contending nations by their + diverse actions prove to be non-extant? How can he claim that there is + an "international morality" of accepted form when each nation claims + that its interpretation must be accepted by the others? +</p> +<p> + Mr. Beck's allegation that the question "Was England justified in + declaring war against Germany?" is more easily disposed of than the + questions "Was Austria justified in declaring war against Servia?" and + "Was Germany justified in declaring war against Russia and France?" + proves two things—first, that his interest lies primarily in the + vindication of England; second, that he disregards the fundamental + causes and recognizes only the precipitating causes of the war. +</p> +<p> + The precipitating cause of the war between England and Germany is + verbosely if inadequately covered by his article. We must admit that a + treaty was broken by Germany, yet we contend that this broken agreement + was a pretext for a war fomented and impelled by basic economic causes. + At the outset, let us distinguish between a contract and a treaty. A + contract is an agreement between individuals contemplating enforcement + by a court of law; punishment by money damages in the great majority of + cases, by a specific performance in a very few. A treaty is an agreement + between nations contemplating enforcement by a court of international + public opinion; punishment by money indemnity in the great majority of + cases, by specific performance (i.e., force of arms) in a very few. +</p> +<h3> + Germany's Existence Threatened. +</h3> +<p> + Germany contends that her breach of treaty obligation is punishable by + the payment of money indemnity to the aggrieved party. This she has + offered to do in the case of Belgium, as she has already done in the + case of Luxemburg. Germany's existence was so seriously threatened that + her action seems justifiable, and there remains a sole moral obligation + to compensate any neutral country injured by her. +</p> +<p> + The mere fact that Belgium had made an unfortunate alliance with England + is deplorable in that Belgium has suffered terribly; but this suffering + is not attributable to Germany. When Japan violated Chinese neutrality, + China protested. Though she was entitled to a money indemnity, there is + no valid reason under the sun why the United States as a guarantor of + the integrity of China should declare war against Japan. England's + justification, in so far as there can be any justification for adding to + the toll of death, is the same as that of Germany, the preservation of + national sovereignty. +</p> +<p> + Further: "It seems unnecessary to discuss the wanton disregard of these + solemn obligations." There can be nothing wanton in a struggle for + existence, and that this European war is such a struggle is the only + possible explanation of its magnitude, ferocity, and vast possible + consequences. Then, too, though deplorable, treaty obligations are not + solemn, as Italy has proved to the complete satisfaction of so many. + Italy's contention that this is an aggressive war on the part of Germany + and Austria is as untenable as the German contention that it is an + aggressive war on the part of England. For this war was not an + aggressive war on the part of any nation, but an unavoidable war caused + by the simultaneous bursting of the long-gathering economic storm + clouds. +</p> +<p> + Again: "The ethical aspects of this great conflict must largely depend + upon the record that has been made up by the official communications." + This is similar to a contention that the ethical rights in a case in + court must depend upon the astuteness of counsel in summing up to the + jury. "A court would be deeply impressed ... by the significant + omissions of documents known to be in existence." A court of law, as our + former Assistant Attorney General of the United States surely knows, + compels no one to give testimony that tends to incriminate, and, + furthermore, does not construe failure to testify on the grounds that it + will tend to incriminate against the defendant. In the law the defendant + is entitled to every reasonable doubt. It is also conceivable that a + reasonable time for the defense to present its case would be granted + before passing judgment. +</p> +<p> + Passing on: "To discuss the justice of Austria's grievances against + Servia would take us ... into the realm of disputed facts." This seems a + delectable bit of humor. We respectfully submit that Mr. Beck's other + assertions might also be considered as "in the realm of disputed facts." + Mr. Beck admits that Austria had a just grievance against Servia, though + he questions her method of redress. Though we conceive that in the + unfortunate European tangle Austria relied on German support in the + event of international conflict, we submit that reliance on Russian + support was a bigger factor in encouraging little Servia to defy her big + neighbor than the remoter help that Germany would furnish Austria in the + event of the conflict spreading. +</p> +<p> + Austria, in the exercise of her right to engage in a punitive expedition + against Servia, guaranteed that she would do nothing to generalize the + conflict by her assurances to Russia and to the world that there would + be no annexation of Servian territory or annihilation of the Servian + Kingdom. Whether these assurances were genuine or not is impossible of + determination. We have no right to constitute ourselves arbiters of + their sincerity. +</p> +<h3> + No European Solidarity. +</h3> +<p> + Mr. Beck speaks of "the solidarity of European civilization and the fact + that by policy and diplomatic intercourse ... a United European State + exists, even though its organization be as yet inchoate." This + solidarity is conspicuous only by its utter non-existence. Whatever may + have been achieved by policy and diplomatic intercourse has been marred + and rendered useless by the lines of demarkation of the spheres of + influence of the great powers of Europe and by the racial and + temperamental incongruities of Europe's population. +</p> +<p> + We read: "Servia had forty-eight hours to answer; ... the other European + nations had barely a day to consider what could be done to preserve the + peace of Europe. Why should an Austro-Servian war compromise the peace + of Europe?" Was it not because of the tangled web of international + diplomacy, the Triple Entente as well as the Triple Alliance? +</p> +<p> + Referring to a German warning in regard to Austria's demands on Servia, + "the German Foreign Office anticipates that Servia 'will refuse to + comply with these demands'—why, if they were justified?" We grieve at + the shattered ideal of Mr. Beck, who, in the face of the international + calamity which has befallen the world, still can believe that all + justifiable demands are complied with. +</p> +<p> + Again, quoting German "White Paper," Annex 1B, Germany desired "that + the dispute be localized, since any intervention of another power, on + account of the various alliance obligations, would bring consequences + impossible to measure." The explanation of this statement is not—an + aggressor threatens his adversary, but, rather, a prudent man begs + opposing factions to keep cool. +</p> +<p> + Great space is devoted in the article in question to Germany's + unwillingness to place the Austro-Servian controversy in the hands of + France, England, Germany, and Italy. As Germany disavows all interest in + the controversy, if she speaks truly, it was not within her power to + dictate to her ally in a matter which she could in nowise control except + by force of arms. Furthermore, had she had the power, how could she be + expected to exert pressure on her ally to leave a vital controversy to a + court of four, two of whom were bound by alliances with Russia, + Austria's real antagonist, and a third, (Italy,) as subsequent events + have shown, Austria's natural, geographical, and hereditary enemy? At + best, had each power held to its treaty obligations, there would have + been a deadlock. +</p> +<p> + Further: "The Russian Minister ... called at the German Foreign Office + and asked it 'to urge upon Vienna ... to take up this line of + conciliation. Jagow replied that he could not advise Austria to yield.'" + Elsewhere in the article a statement is made that the Austro-Servian and + Austro-Russian questions "for all practical purposes ... were + indistinguishable." This inconsistency of having Servia in the light of + a principal and then again in the light of an agent is the greatest + stumbling block to a clear analysis of the precipitating cause of the + war. The logical explanation of Servia's position is that of Russia's + agent. Hence Germany could not be expected to exert the same pressure on + an allied principal that Russia could exert on her agent. +</p> +<p> + It is true that Germany engaged in many blundering diplomatic quibbles + in the final stages of preparation for the war; but it is also true that + England quibbled, though with greater diplomatic finesse; for instance, + "Sir Edward Grey went so far as to tell the German Ambassador that ... + if Germany would make any reasonable proposals to preserve peace, and + Russia and France rejected it, that 'his Majesty's Government would have + nothing to do with the consequences.'" Here it is apparent to every one + that the word "reasonable" begs the questions. +</p> +<h3> + Slav and Teuton. +</h3> +<p> + The German people were encouraged to relish the idea of a war against + Russia once that war became likely, for sooner or later it seemed + inevitable that Slav and Teuton would clash, and Germany felt confident + that at the present time she outmatched her enemy. The Russians, too, + were encouraged to desire the Slav provinces of Austria, which racially + are a part of the Russian domain. The English people were made to relish + this opportunity to strike their great commercial competitor, especially + when they could do so with little likelihood of unfavorable criticisms. + Finally, the impressionable French people were stirred to thoughts of + revenge and recovery of their lost provinces. +</p> +<p> + Sympathy with any country in this most disgraceful yet most inevitable + of wars brands the sympathizer as a party to the material and lustful + purposes of at least one of the combatants. There is no ethical + justification of this war from any standpoint. There is no justification + of this war from any standpoint. There is only an explanation of the war + from an economic standpoint. All these specious arguments on the + precipitating causes of the war can be but for the display of brilliant + forensic oratory and matchless diction. Let us thrust aside in these + dark moments of peril and horror all subterfuge. +</p> +<p> + England, overburdened with taxation, was on the verge of civil war. + Russia, whose masses were overridden roughshod by a bureaucracy + weighting down the peasants with onerous national burdens, expected + sooner or later the cataclysmic upheaval with which the Nihilistic + societies have long been threatening its tyrannical Government. France, + seriously financially embarrassed because of crop impoverishment and + bad foreign investments in Brazil, Russia, and the Balkans, was subject + to continued internal political upheavals, with ever-changing Ministries + and a growing Socialist Party. +</p> +<p> + Austria, "the ramshackle empire," was in danger of disintegrating from a + variety of causes, not the least of which was the infusibility of its + racially different elements. Germany, in a blind race for commercial + supremacy, suffered from industrial overproduction, thus creating an + unhealthy financial condition which fortified the Socialist Party to an + extent which threatened her imperialistic form of government itself. +</p> +<p> + So these monarchies whose days were numbered, because of dissatisfaction + at the waste and extravagance of a world gone mad with national excesses + committed in the name of civilization, in reality the price of our + modernization, in a final desperate effort to rally their waning + fortunes stampeded their awakening masses into a ruinous interracial war + in order to stave off the torch and the guillotine. +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">GEORGE E. BERNHEIMER.</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 30, 1914. +</p> +<br><hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0003"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + + +<h2> + Russia to Blame +</h2> + +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Allow me to submit the following in answer to the article of James M. + Beck, entitled "Case of the Double Alliance vs. the Triple Entente," + published in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Oct. 25, 1914: +</p> +<p> + The case of "Russian Mobilization vs. German Mediation." Q.—Upon whom + was the duty to yield? +</p> +<p> + Mr. Beck has spent considerable time and effort to prove, at least by + inference, that Germany must have been informed beforehand of the + Austrian ultimatum to Servia. Personally, I am convinced that the + ultimatum in question was sent with the full knowledge and consent of + Germany; and, whether this is true or not, I maintain that it was + Austria's duty to inform her ally before taking a step which was likely + to endanger the peace of Europe. +</p> +<p> + The concession of this point takes me immediately to the ultimatum + itself and to the question, "Was the tenor of the ultimatum justified?" + Mr. Beck, in his judgment, says: "The ultimatum is grossly unreasonable + and disappropriate to any grievance that Austria had." Perhaps Mr. Beck + is right, but I have good reasons to think that the tenor of the + ultimatum was fully justified, in view of Servia's former conduct. +</p> +<p> + Austria was dealing here with a Government the real spirits of which had + come into power by the commission of one of the most dastardly crimes of + modern times. A crime which, at the time of its commission, sent a shock + of horror through the entire civilized world, to wit, "the outrageous + murder of the former King and Queen of Servia," outrageous because it + was perpetrated by the so-called aristocracy of Servia. The + long-continued agitation carried on by Servia against Austria, at the + instigation of Russia, which finally culminated in another no less + outrageous assassination, that of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his + consort, to my idea fully justified Austria in making demands which + under ordinary circumstances might have been termed "unreasonable." +</p> +<p> + The question whether Austria was justified in going to war against + Servia is a debatable one, but I respectfully refer to the fact that our + own country, the United States, was only very recently on the verge of + precipitating war with a "much weaker" nation than ours, on account of + the latter's refusal to salute the American flag. Neither did we stop on + that occasion with the ultimatum, but we followed it up with dispatching + a fleet of warships, the landing of troops, and the seizure of Vera + Cruz. +</p> +<p> + From the time Austria's ultimatum was sent all the great powers seemed + to have professed a great eagerness for the preservation of peace. Mr. + Beck asserts that Germany was not sincere in its desire for peace and + could have avoided the war if it had seriously tried to exert its + influence over Austria. This finding is based on the inference drawn + from the fact that Germany failed to achieve any results. +</p> +<p> + To determine whether Mr. Beck is justified in finding as he does, it is + necessary, first of all, to examine the exact status of the powers at + the time the ultimatum was sent. We find that Austria had a just + grievance against Servia, for which it was seeking redress. An issue was + therefore raised between Austria and Servia. Germany, although Austria's + ally, immediately defined its attitude by declaring emphatically that + "the question at issue was one for settlement between Servia and Austria + alone." +</p> +<h3> + Why Did Russia Mobilize? +</h3> +<p> + I beg to ask Mr. Beck to answer the following question: By what + right—moral, legal, or equitable—did Russia make Servia's cause its + own? Did Russia have any alliance with Servia? I further ask: What + privity existed between Austria, Servia, and Russia? +</p> +<p> + Suppose Mr. Beck can justify the action of Russia, although a "rank + outsider," in taking Servia's part, how can he possibly justify the + positively unreasonable and, under the circumstances, most dangerous + step of "actual mobilization" on the part of Russia? +</p> +<p> + Mr. Beck has tried to justify the mobilization by quoting the Russian + excuse "that Russia's mobilization was only for a defense against + Austria." On close examination what does this amount to? It resolves + itself into a situation somewhat like this: A sends an ultimatum to B + seeking redress for a wrong committed by B upon A, whereupon C mobilizes + "for defense against A." I leave it to the average American of ordinary + intelligence to find a reason for C's mobilization "for defense against + A." Mr. Beck might as well try to justify a mobilization on the part of + Japan if the United States was preparing to invade Mexico for the + purpose of redressing an insult to the American flag. Does Mr. Beck + realize the seriousness of actual mobilization by Russia at that + critical moment? Not one of the other powers dared to take this one step + which among nations is regarded as tantamount to a declaration of war. +</p> +<p> + And what did the Kaiser do at this moment? He did the only thing he + could do, and, I dare say, the only thing our American Nation could have + done under the same circumstances. He wired the Czar and stated: "I am + willing to bring my influences to bear upon Austria, provided you agree + to cease mobilization." Was this demand unreasonable? What else could + Germany have done, I ask, with the Russian bear standing on the border + with the sword already drawn? This moment was the crucial and decisive + one in the prologue to this awful world drama. +</p> +<p> + The only question therefore and the all-important one to be submitted to + the Court of Civilization, is, Whose duty was it to yield? Was it + Russia's, with the sword already drawn against a country which had not + attacked it, not even threatened it, or was it Germany's, with the sword + in the sheath? +</p> +<p> + In his "conclusion," Mr. Beck speaks of Germany as "beset on every hand + by powerful antagonists." Does he really mean to deprive the German + Emperor of the right to demand as a condition precedent to mediation on + his part the discontinuance of mobilization by Russia? +</p> +<p> + Mr. Beck in his "judgment" under Paragraph 4 says "that Austria, having + mobilized its army, Russia was reasonably justified in mobilizing its + forces." The use of the qualifying word "reasonably" seems to indicate + that even Mr. Beck is not quite certain that Russia was in fact + justified in mobilizing its forces. +</p> +<p> + Is it reasonable, just, and fair of Mr. Beck to expect Germany, "beset + on every hand by powerful antagonists," to permit Russia to continue + mobilizing its 18,000,000 soldiers and have Germany believe that Russia + was sincere in its "peaceful intentions" in the face of actual + mobilization? At this moment the German Kaiser made a very reasonable + demand upon Russia to cease mobilization, and I ask every fair-minded + American, whether lawyer or layman, "whose duty it was to yield" at this + moment. The answer to this question will settle the much-disputed point + as to the actual cause of the war. +</p> +<p> + In conclusion, I beg to ask Mr. Beck: Why expect so much of Germany and + nothing of Russia, when Germany had not merely professed her peaceful + intentions, but actually maintained peace for over forty years, during + which period not a foot of territory had been acquired by her through + conquest? This is a fact. +</p> +<p> + Coming into a court of law supported by such a reputation, does Mr. Beck + really believe that the decision of the court would have been in favor + of Russia? Does Mr. Beck really believe that the decision would have + been against Germany, whose war lord was begging the Czar almost on his + knees to avoid the awful calamity by the discontinuance of mobilization? +</p> +<p> + Picture the United States about to invade Mexico to redress an insult to + the American flag. Picture England as the ally of the United States, and + Japan supporting Mexico, without any alliance existing between the two + latter countries. To make this example conform to the actual facts under + discussion, we must, of course, assume that both Japan and England are + situated in the North American Continent, and across the border from the + United States and England. Japan, with an army of 18,000,000 soldiers, + (assumed for the purpose of argument,) mobilizes her army, professedly + for defense against the United States. Could any fair-minded American + possibly expect England to intercede with her ally, the United States, + without first demanding the demobilization of Japan? Whose duty was it + to yield? +</p> +<p> + The actual fact is that Germany even then did not declare war against + Russia until Russian soldiers had actually crossed not the Austrian but + the German border. +</p> +<p> + I may add that in writing the above I am prompted only by the very + natural desire, viz., to impress upon the jury composed of the American + people the one fact which should be given the most careful consideration + in order to enable it to arrive at a just verdict in the case submitted, + and this fact is "the mobilization of Russia." +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">FRANK SEGGEBRUCH. </p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 29, 1914. +</p> + +<br><hr> +<a name="2H_4_0004"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + In Defense of Austria +</h2> + +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Referring to your editorial, "The Evidence Examined," in your Sunday + edition, I wish to protest emphatically against your assertion that a + "Court of Civilization" must inevitably come to the conclusion that + Germany precipitated the war. There are still millions of civilized + people who see these things quite differently. +</p> +<p> + Mr. Beck makes out a case from the viewpoint of the accusing party—of + course, nobody will doubt the legal abilities of Mr. Beck—but before + the Supreme Court of Civilization there is also a law: audiatur et + altera pars. Mr. Beck, as he presents the case to the court, has not + mentioned very important points which, for the decision of the Supreme + Court, would be most vital ones. +</p> +<p> + At first the breach of Belgian neutrality, admitted and regretted by the + German Government, has nothing to do with the question—who precipitated + the war? It constituted only an action of the war itself. On the other + hand, you call in your editorial the Austrian ultimatum a savage one + and take it for granted that this ultimatum started the stone rolling + and brought finally the general clash in Europe about. This presumption, + when presented to the court, will have to be thoroughly proved, because + there are many people, fair and just, as you consider yourself, who are + convinced of the ample justification of this ultimatum. +</p> +<p> + It is hardly describable how many criminal acts have been committed by + Servians against the very existence of the Dual Monarchy for the last + six years, under the eyes of the Servian Government and approved by it, + by intriguing against Austria's right to cultivate her own territory, + Bosnia, spreading secret societies all over the empire, &c. +</p> +<p> + The awful crime, the assassination of the heir to the throne, was only + the finish of a long chain of like acts. These facts, which immediately + lead up to the ultimatum, ought to be considered in the first place by + judging Austria's justification for sending this ultimatum to Servia. A + just Judge in the Court of Civilization will, I am convinced, carefully + study the ante-history and in all probability arrive at the conclusion + that the ultimatum was amply justified and Servia fully deserved the + severest punishment possible. +</p> +<p> + Mr. Beck presents to the court the Russian interference with this + intended punishment and forgets to tell the Judge that Russia had not + the least right to this interference. No foreign power had. +</p> +<p> + Therefore, Austria was entirely within her right to decline any + negotiations with Russia about this punishment before its completion. + Nevertheless, the German Government brought these negotiations about, + and, while these negotiations proceeded satisfactorily, Russia + mobilized, mobilized all along her western frontier against Austria and + Germany, notwithstanding the fact that she had promised not to do so and + officials in Petrograd had pledged their words to the contrary. +</p> +<p> + Russia knew there could be no such thing as a war with Austria alone, as + well as Germany knew that a war with Russia meant a war with France. If + the laws of morality rule in the Court of Civilization, they should + above all be applied to the conduct of Servia and Russia. Austria was in + a state of self-defense, when she decided not to bear any longer + Servia's treacherous and murderous attacks against her existence; this + is entirely within the boundaries of the laws of morality. Russia, + however, without the slightest right, moral or legal, attacked Austria + from the back by interfering with Austria's own affairs. +</p> +<p> + Therefore I wish to point out that a careful student of the papers, by + considering the ante-history of the war, which, as you will admit, is + very essential, may come to a quite different conclusion and Mr. Beck as + State's attorney will have a hard stand against the counsel of the + defendant. +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">EDWARD PICK. </p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 27, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + </p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <img border="0" src="images/deco1.jpg" alt="decoration" width="300" height="139"></p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0005"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Defense of the Dual Alliance—A Reply +</h2> +<h3> + By Dr. Edmund von Mach. +</h3> +<blockquote> +<p> Instructor of Fine Arts, Harvard, 1899-1903; Instructor in + History of Art, Wellesley College, 1899-1902; Lecturer in + History of Art, Bradford Academy, Cambridge, Mass. Author of + many books on Greek and Roman sculpture and the history of + painting. Served in the German Army, 1889-91. +</p> +</blockquote><br> +<p> + Hon. James M. Beck has eloquently argued the case of the Allies against + Germany and Austria-Hungary, and submitted his findings with confident + assurance of their acceptance by the Supreme Court of Civilization. + Carried away by his zeal he has at times used terms not warranted by the + evidence, such as "the irrepressible Kaiser," "stupid falsehood," + "duplicity," and the like, but since the court can be trusted to + disregard such expressions no further attention will be paid to them. +</p> +<p> + To a certain extent this article is not a reply but a continuation of + Mr. Beck's argument, for, wherever our personal sympathies may lie, we + are all equally interested in discovering the truth. In the final + settlement of peace American public opinion may, nay, will, have a + prominent voice. If it is exerted on the strength of a true + understanding of European events, it will contribute to the + establishment of a lasting peace. +</p> +<p> + As to the evidence submitted Mr. Beck seems to err in believing that + Governments are accustomed to publish in their various white, gray, or + orange papers "the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." + This is nowhere done, for there are many bits of information which come + to a Government through its diplomatic connections which it would be + indelicate, discourteous, or unwise to give to the public. The official + documents on American foreign relations and all white, gray, or orange + papers are "edited." They are understood to be so by Congress, + Parliament, the Reichstag, the Duma, &c., and no charge of dishonesty + can be maintained against the respective Governments on that score. +</p> +<p> + If the Chancellor says that Germany was using her good offices in + Vienna, this is as valuable a bit of evidence as the reprint of a + dispatch in the "White Paper," unless we wish to impugn his veracity, + and in that case the copy of a dispatch would be valueless, for he might + have forged it. The entire argument, therefore, against Germany and + Austria, based on what Mr. Beck calls the "suppression of vitally + important documents," is void, unless you will apply it equally to Great + Britain and the other countries. +</p> +<p> + In Sir Edward Grey's "White Paper" Mr. Beck has missed no important + documents because he looked at England's well-prepared case through + sympathetic eyes, and it did not occur to him to ask, "Where are all the + documents bearing on Italian neutrality?" Does he believe that England + was so little interested in the question whether she would have to fight + two or three foes, and whether her way to Egypt and India would be safe + or threatened? There are many dispatches to and from Rome included in + the "White Paper," but not a mention of Italy's position. +</p> +<p> + The first paper contains a letter to the British Ambassador in Berlin + concerning the Austro-Servian relations. Is it not probable that Sir + Edward Grey's attention was called to this question by his Ambassador in + Vienna? Where is his letter? Or, if Sir Edward thought of it himself, + why did he not mention his conversation also to Sir M. de Bunsen in + Vienna? Where is this note? Are we to assume that Sir M. de Bunsen made + his first report on July 23, although Sir Edward Goschen in Berlin had + an interesting report to make a day earlier? +</p> +<p> + We can thus go through the whole British "White Paper" and discover the + omission of many interesting documents. +</p> +<p> + No. 38 is a letter from Sir Rennell Rodd in Rome, dated on July 23 and + received on July 27. He had no doubt sent also a telegram. What did it + contain, and why was it not published under the date of its arrival + instead of the letter which had been delayed in transit? +</p> +<h3> + Where Is No. 28? +</h3> +<p> + In No. 29 Sir Edward Grey refers in a telegram to Sir R. Rodd to what "I + had said to the German Ambassador." Such a reference could have a + meaning for Sir R. Rodd only if he had been informed of this + conversation. There is no dispatch printed in the "White Paper" + containing this information. Possibly it was so entwined with other + instructions, which Sir Edward Grey did not care to have known, that it + could not be published. Was it perhaps sent to the printer first as No. + 28, and removed at the last moment when it was too late to change the + subsequent numbers? Or, if this assumption is wrong, what was printed + originally as No. 28? Where is No. 28? There are other omissions, and + one especially noteworthy one between Nos. 80 and 106 which will be + discussed later. +</p> +<p> + Viewed in this light, the English "White Paper" loses much of the value + of a complete record, which it has had in the eyes of many. There is + absolutely no reason to doubt the accuracy of those dispatches which + have been printed, but it becomes incumbent upon the searcher after the + truth to inquire whether the existence of unprinted (in the case of the + German "White Paper" Mr. Beck uses the term "suppressed") papers may not + at times alter the interpretation which should be given to those that + are printed. +</p> +<p> + Since we have no published records anywhere concerning the advice given + to Italy by the Allies, and the gradual steps leading up to Italy's + decision to remain neutral; nor any hint as to the day when her decision + was communicated to England and the other powers, it would be futile to + speculate on this subject. Since, however, the Queen of Italy and the + wife of the Commander in Chief of the Russian forces are sisters, and + since it was in the interest of the Allies to keep Italy neutral, it is + not unreasonable to assume that an exchange of opinion took place + between Italy and the Allies concerning the conditions under which Italy + would remain neutral. +</p> +<p> + If the actual opening of hostilities could be so managed that Germany + could be called the aggressor, then Italy probably declared that she + would not enter the war. This is a very important phase of the case, and + the omission from Sir Edward Grey's "White Paper" of all dispatches + dealing with Italian neutrality is much to be regretted. +</p> +<p> + Since we are dealing with the Italian dispatches here, it may be + advisable to consider at once all the communications which are published + as having passed between Sir Edward Grey and the British Ambassador, Sir + Rennell Rodd, in Rome. They are numbered 19, (perhaps 28,) 29, 35, 36, + 38, 49, 57, 63, 64, 80, 81, 86, 92, 100, and 106, of which the important + numbers are 38, 57, 64, 80, and 86. +</p> +<p> + On July 23 Sir Edward Grey was informed that "the gravity of the + situation lay in the conviction of the Austro-Hungarian Government that + it was absolutely necessary for their prestige, after the many + disillusions which the turn of events in the Balkans has occasioned, to + score a definite success." (No. 38.) +</p> +<p> + Austria, in other words, believed that to let the murder of her + heir-apparent pass unpunished would have meant a deathblow to her + prestige, and consequently, as any one familiar with her conditions will + agree, to her existence. Russia, on the other hand, on July 25 said (see + No. 17, report from Sir G. Buchanan) that she could not "allow (note the + word) Austria to crush Servia and become the predominant power in the + Balkans, and if she feels secure of the support of France, she will face + all the risks of war." +</p> +<p> + These two dispatches to Sir Edward Grey tell the whole story in a + nutshell. Austria believed, rightly or wrongly, that it was a question + of life or death for her, while Russia claimed the right of preventing + Austria from becoming the predominate power in the Balkans, and actually + threatened war. Russia did not claim to be concerned with the justice of + Austria's demands on Servia. +</p> +<p> + No such definite word of Russia's intention was sent to Germany, for on + July 26 Sir M. de Bunsen reported Germany's confident belief that + "Russia will keep quiet during the chastisement of Servia." (No. 32.) +</p> +<p> + On the next day Sir Rennell Rodd reports from Rome (No. 57) that the + Minister of Foreign Affairs believes that "if Servia will even now + accept it (the Austrian note) Austria will be satisfied" and refrain + from a punitive war. He, moreover, believes—and this is very + important—that Servia may be induced to accept the note in its entirety + on the advice of the four powers invited to the conference, and this + would enable her to say that she had yielded to Europe and not to + Austria-Hungary alone. Since Italy was to be one of the four powers, the + Minister's belief was doubtless based on accurate information. There is + then as late as July 27 no claim made by Servia that Austria's demands + are unreasonable. She only hates to yield to Austria alone. Austria, in + the meanwhile, (No. 57,) repeats her assurance that she demands no + territorial sacrifices from Servia. +</p> +<p> + On the next day, July 28, Sir Rennell Rodd reports (No. 64) that "Servia + might still accept the whole Austrian note, if some explanation were + given regarding mode in which Austrian agents would require to + intervene." Austria, on her part, had explained that "the co-operation + of the Austrian agents in Servia was to be only in investigation, not in + judicial or administrative measures. Servia was said to have willfully + misinterpreted this." (No. 64.) +</p> +<p> + From these reports it appears that the differences between Austria and + Servia were on the way to a solution. Austria claimed that her demands + were just, and Servia did not deny this. Austria further claimed that + her prestige, her very existence, demanded the prompt compliance with + her requests by Servia. She explained in a satisfactory way the one + point on which Servia had taken exceptions, and Servia was on the point + of complying, and would have complied, if the powers had been willing to + let her do so. Such a conclusion of the incident would have strengthened + Austria's prestige and assured the punishment of the murderers of + Serajevo. +</p> +<h3> + Russia's Remark About Austria. +</h3> +<p> + The reason why Servia was not allowed to submit was Russia's remark, + quoted above, that she would not "allow" Austria to become the + predominant power in the Balkans. It was, therefore, Russia's task to + prevent Servia from accepting Austria's note. Since war was her + alternative, baldly stated to England from the first, she had to do + three things—first, to secure as many allies as possible; secondly, to + weaken her enemies, preferably by detaching from them Italy, and, + thirdly, to get as much of a start in her mobilization as possible. +</p> +<p> + The treaties between Russia, France, and Great Britain, unlike those + between Germany, Austria, and Italy, have never been published. Whatever + their wording may be, Russia was at first apparently not absolutely sure + of the support of France, (No. 17,) and France, it would seem, was + unwilling to tempt fate without the help of England. That England should + be willing to join such a combination for such a cause seemed so + preposterous to Germany that she did not believe it. Without England no + France, without France no war, for alone Russia could not measure + herself against Austria. Austria would not have attacked her of her own + free will, but if Russia had attacked Austria, the whole world knew from + the published treaties that Germany was bound to come to the assistance + of her ally. It would have been two against one, and the two could have + waited until Russia had finished her cumbersome mobilization. For even + if she had her whole army of many million men on the frontier, Austria + and Germany together were strong enough to stem her advance. +</p> +<p> + Russia's only chance, therefore, when Servia was on the point of + yielding, and Austria had almost re-established her prestige, was to + secure the help of France, but this meant also the promise of England. +</p> +<p> + The demands made on England by Russia, some of which are quoted in the + "White Paper," are too well known to deserve repetition. This was the + chief thing that counted, to get England's promise. The next was to + detach Italy from her allies, (but of this there are no documents + available,) and the third to gain time for her mobilization. All the + other suggestions and counter-suggestions which fill the English "White + Paper" are insignificant, as soon as the fundamental positions of + Austria and Russia are understood. +</p> +<p> + Germany has claimed that England promised her support to Russia and + France on July 30, or in the night of July 29, and, to prove it, has + published the letter from the Belgian Minister in St. Petersburg to his + Minister of Foreign Affairs, printed in translation in THE NEW YORK + TIMES on Oct. 7. This letter, which has not been officially denied by + the Allies, states that the promise of England's support gave the + Russian war party the upper hand and resulted in the order of complete + mobilization. +</p> +<h3> + English "White Paper's" Testimony. +</h3> +<p> + Strangely enough, and doubtless by an oversight, the English "White + Paper" contains two dispatches (Nos. 80 and 106) which seem to confirm + the accuracy of M. de l'Escaille's statement, viz., that England + promised the Russian-French combination her support. +</p> +<p> + On July 29 Sir Rennell Rodd wrote to Sir Edward Grey (No. 80) that the + Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs had told him "there seemed to be a + difficulty in making Germany believe that Russia was in earnest. As + Germany, however, was really anxious for good relations with ourselves, + if she believed that Great Britain would act with Russia and France, he + thought it would have a great effect." +</p> +<p> + In a later dispatch of the same day (No. 86) he deprecates Russia's + partial mobilization, which he fears has spoiled the chances of + Germany's exerting any pressure on Austria. +</p> +<p> + But on the next day, July 30, these remarkable words occur: "He [the + Italian Minister] had reason to believe that Germany was now disposed to + give more conciliatory advice to Austria, as she seemed convinced that + we should act with France and Russia, and was most anxious to avoid + issue with us." (No. 106.) +</p> +<p> + Readers of the "White Paper" will look in vain for an explanation of + such a change of heart on Germany's part. What does "now" mean in the + last letter? And why does Germany seem "convinced" that England will act + with Russia—if not that she has heard of the promise mentioned by M. de + l'Escaille, as given early on July 30 or late the 29th? The dates agree, + and unless Sir Edward Grey publishes further papers to explain the + change that had taken place between July 29 and July 30 one seems forced + to accept this explanation. +</p> +<p> + What is Germany's attitude? Does she rush into war? Not at all, for she + is "most anxious to avoid issue" with England. (No. 106.) Germany knew + that Russia had begun to mobilize. Every day, every hour counted; for + against the masses of Russia she had only her greater speed to match. + She knew that England had gone over to Russia, although she was probably + hoping that the alliance between the Saxon and the Slav was not yet + irrefragable. Still, the prospects were dark. But in spite of this the + efforts were renewed to see what could be done in Vienna. +</p> +<p> + The famous exchange of telegrams between royalty began in the evening of + July 29; and here it is wise to halt for a moment. On July 30 the Czar + telegraphed to the Emperor in reply to the Emperor's expression of + regret that Russia should be mobilizing, as follows: "The military + measures in force now were decreed five days ago." That is, according to + the Czar, the Russian mobilization had begun on July 25. On July 27, + however, the Russian Minister of War, M. Suchomlinow, had declared to + the German Military Attaché "on his word of honor" that no mobilization + order had been issued. July 25, however, it will be remembered, was the + day on which Sir G. Buchanan had reported from St. Petersburg that + Russia will "face all risks of war" if she can feel sure of the support + of France. +</p> +<p> + On July 31 Russia mobilized her entire army, which led to Germany's + ultimatum that Russia demobilize within twelve hours. No reply was + received to the request, and orders for the mobilization of the German + Army were issued at 5:15 P.M., Aug. 1, after the German Ambassador in + St. Petersburg had been instructed to declare that, owing to the + continued mobilization of the Russian Army, a state of war existed + between the two countries. +</p> +<h3> + Kaiser Tried to Keep Peace. +</h3> +<p> + In order to understand this step one should read the book "La France + Victorieuse dans la Guerre de Demain," ("France Victorious in the Next + War,") by Col. Arthur Boucher, published in 1911. Col. Boucher has + stated the case baldly and so simply that every one can understand it. + In substance his argument is this: "Alone France has no chance, but + together with Russia she will win against Germany. Suppose the three + countries are beginning mobilization on the same day. Germany finishes + first, France second, and Russia last. Germany must leave some of her + troops on her eastern frontier, the rest she throws against France. All + France has to do is to hold them for a few days. [Col. Boucher mentions + the exact number of days. This book is not at hand, and the writer + prefers not to quote from memory.] Then Russia comes into play, more + German troops will be needed in the East, the French proceed to an + attack on their weakened enemy, and La France sera victorieuse." +</p> +<p> + Everything hinges on just a couple of days or so. A couple of days! And + how much of a start had Russia? She had begun on July 25; on July 27 + definite news of the Russian mobilization was reported in Berlin, + although the Minister of War denied it "on his honor." On July 30 + England was understood to have promised her support to Russia, and the + Czar acknowledged that Russia had been mobilizing for the past five + days. Five days! And Col. Boucher, expressing the opinion of military + experts, had counted on victory on a much smaller margin! +</p> +<p> + Do the Judges of the Supreme Court of Civilization realize the almost + super-human efforts in the interest of peace made by the German Emperor? + Russia has a start of five days, and on July 31 a start of six days. Can + we not hear all the military leaders imploring the Emperor not to + hesitate any longer? But in the interest of peace the Emperor delays. He + has kept the peace for Germany through the almost thirty years of his + reign. He prays to his God, in Whom he has placed his trust through all + his upright life, with a fervor which has often brought him ridicule. + Also, he still believes in England, and hopes through her efforts to be + able to keep the peace. He waits another day. A start of seven days for + Russia! The odds against Germany have grown tremendously. At last he + orders mobilization. For a longer delay he would not have been able to + answer to his country. As it is, there are many people who blame him + severely for having waited so long. +</p> +<p> + But William II. was right, for when the world will begin to realize the + agonies through which he must have passed during these days of waiting, + and the sacrifices he made in his effort to preserve peace, it will + judge Germany rightly, and call the Emperor the great prince of peace + that he is. +</p> +<p> + But, it has been said, why did he not avoid war, either by forcing + Austria to yield to Russia, or, if she refused, by withdrawing from her? + In common with the whole of Germany, he probably felt that Austria's + position was right. Servia herself, as has been seen above, did not + claim that she was unjustly treated, whatever outsiders thought of + Austria's demands; and Austria was fully justified by past events in + believing that it was with her a question of life and death. Should + Germany sacrifice her faithful friend under such circumstances, and for + what? For the arrogance of Russia, who would not "allow" her to + re-establish her prestige in a righteous cause? The word "righteous" is + used advisedly, because in the early stages of the controversy nobody, + not even Russia nor Servia herself, denied the justice of Austria's + demands. The writer is informed that even the liberal English press + found no fault with the course taken by Austria, although it commented + adversely on the language used in the note. +</p> +<p> + What would have been the result of peace bought by Germany at such a + cost? It would have alienated her only faithful friend without laying + the foundations for a lasting friendship with her opponents. This at + least was Germany's honest belief. She may have been wrong. History more + probably will call her right. To desert Austria might have postponed the + war, but when it would have come Germany would have stood alone, and, + worse, she would have lost her self-respect. +</p> +<p> + This claim may sound strange in the ears of those who have just + witnessed and will never forget the suffering of that beautiful little + country, Belgium. They hold that, since Germany invaded Belgium, it is + Germany who broke a treaty and who is to blame. +</p> +<p> + Mr. Beck considers this to be so self-evident that he deems it + unnecessary to advance any proof. He quotes the Chancellor's speech, + and, moving for a quick verdict, declares his motion of guilty carried. + The matter, however, is not quite so simple for the man who is seeking + for the whole truth. Let us look at the facts. +</p> +<p> + Belgium was a neutral country, just as any country has the right to + declare itself neutral, with this difference: that in 1839 she had + promised to five powers—Great Britain, France, Russia, Austria, and + Prussia—that she would remain perpetually neutral. These five powers in + their turn had promised to guarantee her neutrality. She was, however, a + sovereign State, and as such had the undoubted right to cease being + neutral whenever she chose by abrogating the Treaty of 1839. If the + other high contracting parties did not agree with her, it was their + right to try to coerce Belgium to keep to her pledges, although this + would undoubtedly have been an infringement of her sovereignty. +</p> +<p> + The Treaty of 1839 contains the word "perpetual," but so does the treaty + between France and Germany, in which Alsace and Lorraine are ceded by + France to be perpetually an integral part of the German Empire. Does + this mean that France, if the Allies should win, could not retake these + provinces? Nobody probably will believe this. +</p> +<p> + The Treaty of 1839 was a treaty just like the Treaty of 1871, with this + difference, that the latter treaty was concluded between two powers, and + the earlier one between five powers on one side and Belgium and Holland + on the other. This gave certain rights to all the signatory powers, any + one of whom had the right to feel itself sufficiently aggrieved to go to + war if any other power disregarded the treaty. +</p> +<h3> + Rights of Neutrals. +</h3> +<p> + There was once another neutral State, the city and district of Cracow, + also established by a treaty to which Great Britain was a signatory. + Three of the signers considered the conditions developing in Cracow to + be so threatening that they abolished Cracow as an independent State. + Great Britain sent a polite note of protest, and dropped the matter. +</p> +<p> + Since that time, however, two Hague Conferences have been held and + certain rules agreed upon concerning the rights and duties of neutrals. + The Belgian status of inviolability rests on these rules, called + conventions, rather than on the Treaty of 1839. During the + Franco-Prussian War of 1870 Mr. Gladstone very clearly stated that he + did not consider the Treaty of 1839 enforceable. Great Britain, + therefore, made two new treaties, one with France and one with Prussia + (quoted and discussed in Boston Evening Transcript, Oct. 14, 1914) in + which she promised to defend Belgian neutrality, by the side of either + France or Prussia, against that one of them who should infringe the + neutrality. +</p> +<p> + These treaties were to terminate one year after peace had been + concluded between the contestants. A treaty, like the one of 1839, + however, which was considered unenforceable in 1870, can hardly be + claimed to have gained new rights in 1914. In calm moments nobody will + claim that a greater sanctity attaches to it than to the treaty in which + Alsace and Lorraine are ceded forever to Germany. +</p> +<p> + No, it is The Hague Conventions to which we must look. The first + convention (1899) contained no rules forbidding belligerents from + entering neutral territory. In the second conference it was thought + desirable to formulate such rules, because it was felt that in war + belligerents are at liberty to do what is not expressly forbidden. At + the request of France, therefore, a new set of rules was suggested, to + which Great Britain and Belgium offered valuable amendments. The rules + were finally accepted, and are today parts of international law. They + read; "Article I. The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. Article + II. Belligerents are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either + munitions of war or supplies across the territory of a neutral power." +</p> +<p> + These articles, together with the whole convention called "Rights and + duties of neutral powers and persons in case of war on land," have been + ratified and therefore accepted as law by the United States of America, + Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Japan, and Russia and other minor + powers. Great Britain experienced a change of heart, and, although her + own delegates had moved these articles, she refused to ratify them, when + she ratified most of the other conventions on Nov. 27, 1909. (A table + showing the ratifications of conventions has been published by The World + Peace Foundation, Boston.) +</p> +<h3> + The Case of Belgium. +</h3> +<p> + Since Great Britain did not accept these articles as law, she was not + bound by them, for the principle of The Hague Conferences is that a + nation is bound only by those laws which it accepts. The remarkable + fact, therefore, appears that the only one of the big nations which had + refused to accept these articles, and which, therefore, might have moved + her troops across a neutral country and have claimed that she could do + so with a clear conscience because she broke no law which was binding on + her, was Great Britain. And the world now sees the spectacle of Great + Britain claiming to have gone to war because another power did what she + herself could have done, according to her own interpretation, with + impunity. Japan has broken the international law by infringing the + neutrality of China, but Great Britain can claim that she did not break + a law by doing exactly what Japan did. +</p> +<p> + It is not asserted here that the citizens of Great Britain are not + absolutely sincere in their belief of the causes which have allied them + with the Russians and the Japanese, and the Indians and the Zouaves, and + the negroes and the French and the Belgians against Germany. Their + Government, however, should have known that the presumption of + insincerity exists when one charges against others a crime which one + would have felt at liberty to commit one's self. Yet, more, the British + Government knew better than anybody else that Germany had not even + committed this crime; for, according to all laws of justice, no person + or nation can claim the inviolability of a neutral when he has committed + "hostile acts against a belligerent, or acts in favor of a belligerent." + (Article XVII. of The Hague Conference of 1907.) +</p> +<p> + The question, therefore, arises, "Did Belgium commit acts in favor of + one of Germany's opponents, if not actually hostile acts against + Germany?" In order to understand Germany's charge that Belgium had + committed such acts, attention must be directed to one of the most + unfortunate stipulations of the Treaty of 1839, which compelled Belgium + to maintain several fortresses. This meant that a small neutral people, + sandwiched in between two great powers, had to keep itself informed on + military affairs. Instead of being able to foster a peaceful state of + mind, which is the surest guarantee of neutrality, the Belgians were + forced to think military thoughts. +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0004"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/carnegie.jpg" width="143" height="225" +alt="Andrew Carnegie"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--><br> +<p style="text-align: center">ANDREW CARNEGIE</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo (c) by Underwood & Underwood.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0007">See Page 415</a></i></p> +<br> +<a name="image-0005"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/schiff.jpg" width="143" height="225" +alt="Jacob H. Schiff"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--><br> +<p style="text-align: center">JACOB H. SCHIFF</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo by American Press Assn.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0009">See Page 459</a></i></p> +<br> +<p> + In the eighties and early nineties they suspected France of designs on + their integrity. Since then a change in the popular feeling has taken + place and in recent years the instruction of the Belgian artillery, for + instance, was intrusted to French officers in active service. These + officers were constantly at home and very properly concerned with + solving military problems such as a future war with Germany might + present. What was more natural than that these same officers, when they + were detached for a few months or years to Ličge or Namur or Huy, taught + their Belgian charges to prepare against a German attack, and to look + upon the French as their friends and the Germans as their enemies? If + conditions had been different, and German officers had been in charge of + Belgian fortresses, the Belgian guns in practice would always have been + trained on imaginary French invaders. +</p> +<h3> + French Officers in Belgian Forts. +</h3> +<p> + If this is understood it will be seen that in the case of war the actual + neutrality of the Belgian garrisons would naturally be determined by the + position taken by that nation whose officers had been in charge of the + Belgian fortresses. And this might be entirely independent of the + professed wishes of the Belgian people or their Government. If French + officers in active service remained in the several fortresses, or even + only in one after the beginning of hostilities, and if the French + campaign plans contemplated an attack through Belgium, then Belgium had + committed an "act in favor of France" by not forcing the French officers + to leave, and had forfeited the rights and privileges granted by The + Hague Convention of 1907 to a neutral State. +</p> +<p> + Did French officers remain in Ličge or in any other Belgian fortress + after hostilities had begun, and did France plan to go through Belgium? + Germany has officially made both claims. The first can easily be + substantiated by the Supreme Court of Civilization by an investigation + of the prisoners of war taken in Belgium. Until an impartial + investigation becomes possible no further proof than the claim made by + the German Government can be produced. +</p> +<p> + The second charge is contained in No. 157 of the English "White Paper" + in these words of instruction from the German Foreign Secretary to the + German Ambassador in London: "Please impress upon Sir Edward Grey that + German Army could not be exposed to French attack across Belgium, which + was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable information." +</p> +<p> + Sir Edward Grey has attacked Germany for invading Belgium, but has + nowhere denied that Germany had the unimpeachable evidence she said she + had, and which of course nullified any previous assurance from France. +</p> +<p> + It is not known whether Sir Edward Grey was shown this evidence or not, + but if the preservation of Belgian neutrality was Great Britain's chief + concern, why did she not offer to negotiate treaties with Germany and + France as she had done in 1870? It will be remembered that then she + bound herself to join with either of the contestants in defending + Belgian neutrality against the attacks of the other. +</p> +<p> + As the case stands today, on the evidence of Sir Edward Grey's own + "White Paper" and speeches, Great Britain is making war on Germany + because: +</p> +<p> + 1. She broke the Treaty of 1839, although her own Gladstone had declared + this treaty to be without force, and although the status of neutral + States had been removed by The Hague Convention from the uncertainty of + treaties to the security of international law. +</p> +<p> + 2. Great Britain makes war against Germany because Germany has broken + Articles I. and II. of Chapter 1 of The Hague Convention referring to + neutrals, although Great Britain herself has refused to recognize these + articles as binding upon her own conduct. +</p> +<p> + 3. She makes war on Germany although she has never denied the + correctness of Germany's assertion that she had unimpeachable proof of + France's intentions of going through Belgium, which, together with the + sojourn of French officers in Belgium, constitutes the offense which, + according to The Hague Convention, deprives a so-called neutral State of + the privileges granted in Articles I. and II. +</p> +<p> + It is impossible to say here exactly what these proofs are which Germany + possesses, and which for military reasons she has not yet been able to + divulge. She has published some of them, namely, the proof of the + continued presence of French officers on Belgian soil, and has given the + names and numbers of the several army corps which France had planned to + push through Belgium. +</p> +<p> + The case then stands as follows: +</p> +<p> + 1. Was the inviolability of Belgium guaranteed by Articles I. and II. of + The Hague Convention? Yes. +</p> +<p> + 2. Had Germany ratified these articles? Yes. +</p> +<p> + 3. Had Great Britain ratified these articles? No. +</p> +<p> + 4. Would Belgium have forfeited the right of having her country held + inviolable if she had committed "acts in favor of France," even if these + acts were not actually hostile acts? Yes, according to Article XVII. of + The Hague Convention. +</p> +<p> + 5. Did Belgium commit "acts in favor of France," and was Germany, + therefore, justified in disregarding the inviolability of her territory? +</p> +<h3> + The Main Question. +</h3> +<p> + This is the important question, and the answer must be left to the + Supreme Court of Civilization. The weight of the evidence would seem to + point to a justification of Germany. Yet no friend of Germany can find + fault with those who would wish to defer a verdict until such a time + when Germany can present her complete proof to the world, and this may + be when the war is over. +</p> +<p> + Throughout this argument the famous passage of the Chancellor's speech + in the Reichstag has been disregarded. It reads: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are already on + Belgian soil. Gentlemen, that is contrary to the dictates of + international law. It is true that the French Government has + declared at Brussels that France is willing to respect the + neutrality of Belgium so long as her opponents respect it. We + knew, however, that France stood ready for invasion. The + wrong—I speak openly—that we are committing we will endeavor + to make good. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + This has been understood to mean that the Chancellor acknowledged that + Germany was breaking the Treaty of 1839 without warrant, and that + Germany, therefore, deserved the contempt of the world. May it not bear + another interpretation? Thus: +</p> +<p> + The Chancellor, like Gladstone in 1870, did not consider the 1839 Treaty + enforceable, but saw the guarantee for Belgium in The Hague Convention. + He did not wish to offend Belgium by announcing to the world that she + had lost her rights as a neutral because of her acts favorable to + France, for when he spoke he was still of the opinion that she would + accept the German offer which guaranteed to her both her independence + and integrity. +</p> +<p> + And just as Servia would have accepted Austria's note if Russia had + permitted her, so Belgium would not have resisted the German demand if + it had not been for England. +</p> +<p> + This can be proved by the British "White Paper," Nos. 153 and 155. In + the former the King of the Belgians appeals "to the diplomatic + intervention of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of + Belgium," being apparently of the impression that Germany wished to + annex parts, if not the whole, of his country. The London reply advises + the Belgians "to resist by any means in their power, and that his + Majesty's Government will support them in offering such resistance, and + that his Majesty's Government in this event are prepared to join Russia + and France, if desired, in offering to the Belgian Government at once + common action for the purpose of resisting use of force by Germany + against them, and a guarantee to maintain their independence and + integrity in future years." +</p> +<p> + Has Mr. Beck really not noticed in this promise the omission of the word + neutrality? By the Treaty of 1839 Belgium enjoyed not only independence + and integrity, but also perpetual neutrality. Does Great Britain offer + to fight Germany for the enforcement of the Treaty of 1839? No! Because + hereafter the word neutrality is dropped from her guarantee, and since + she alone of all the great powers has not ratified the articles of The + Hague Convention concerning neutrals she alone will be able to disregard + the inviolability of Belgian soil, even though Belgium kept strictly + neutral in a future war. +</p> +<p> + And what, finally, does she guarantee her? Independence and integrity! + That is exactly the same that Germany had promised her. For this Belgium + had to be dragged through the horrors of war, and the good name of + Germany as that of an honest nation had to be dragged through the mire, + and hatred and murder had to be started, that Belgium might get on the + battlefield, from the insufficient support of Russia and France and + England, what Germany had freely offered her—independence and + integrity. +</p> +<p> + Casual readers would not miss the word neutrality from Sir Edward Grey's + guarantee, because they do not differentiate between the words + integrity, independence, and neutrality. Great Britain and her ally + Japan, marching through China into Kiao-Chau, may be said to have + violated China's neutrality, but not her independence, nor, so long as + they refrain from annexing any Chinese territory, her integrity. +</p> +<h3> + Fixing the Blame. +</h3> +<p> + Nobody familiar with the careful work of Sir Edward Grey can for one + moment believe that Sir Edward inadvertently dropped the word, just as + little as J. Ramsay Macdonald and other British leaders believe that he + inadvertently dropped one of the two remaining words, integrity and + independence, when he told Parliament of Germany's guarantee, and why + Great Britain should not accept it, but go to war. +</p> +<p> + When the blame for the horrors committed in Belgium are assessed these + facts must be remembered: +</p> +<p> + 1. Belgium was by treaty bound to maintain fortresses. +</p> +<p> + 2. France tempted her to commit "acts friendly" to herself, by which + Belgium forfeited her rights to the protection of The Hague articles + governing the rights and duties of neutrals. +</p> +<p> + 3. England urged her to take up arms, when she had only asked to have + her integrity guaranteed by diplomatic intervention. (Nos. 153, 155.) +</p> +<p> + 4. Germany promised her independence and integrity and peace, while + England, quietly dropping her guarantee of neutrality "in future years," + promised her independence and integrity and war. +</p> +<p> + 5. And Sir Edward Grey was able to sway Parliament, according to one of + the leaders of Parliament himself, only because he misrepresented + Germany's guarantee, and, having dropped, in his note to Belgium, the + word "neutrality," dropped yet another of the two remaining words, + integrity and independence. +</p> +<p> + This is the case as it appears on the evidence contained in the various + "White Papers." Austria was attending properly to her own affairs; + Servia was willing to yield; Russia, however, was determined to + humiliate Austria or to go to war. Germany proved a loyal friend to her + ally, Austria; she trusted in the British professions of friendship to + the last, and sacrificed seven valuable days in the interest of peace. + France was willing to do "what might be required by her interests," + while Great Britain yielded to Russia and France, promising them their + support without which France, and therefore Russia, would not have + decided on war. +</p> +<p> + As to Belgium, Germany told Sir Edward Grey that she had unimpeachable + evidence that France was planning to go through Belgium, and she + published her evidence concerning the French officers who remained in + Belgium. Although Belgium had thus lost any rights attaching to her + state of neutrality, Germany promised to respect her integrity and + independence, and to pay for any damage done. She preferred, however, to + listen to Great Britain, who promised exactly the same except pay for + any damage done. +</p> +<p> + Unlike Mr. Beck, who in the same article pleads his case as the counsel + for the Allies and casts his verdict as the Supreme Court of + Civilization, the present writer prefers to leave the judgment to his + readers as a whole, and further still, to the whole American + people—yea, to all the peoples of the world. Nor is he in a hurry, for + he is willing to wait and have the Judges weigh the evidence and call + for more, if they consider insufficient what has already been submitted. +</p> +<p> + Snap judgments are ever unsatisfactory. They have often to be reversed. + The present case, however, is too important to warrant a hasty decision. + The final judgment, if it is based on truth, will very strongly + influence the nature of the peace, which will either establish good-will + and stable conditions in the world, or lead to another and even more + complete breakdown of civilization. +</p> +<br><hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0006"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + What Gladstone Said About Belgium +</h2> +<h3> + By George Louis Beer. +</h3> +<p style="text-indent: 0em; text-align: center"> Historian; winner of the first Loubat Prize, 1913, for his + book on the origins of the British Colonial system. +</p> +<br> +<p> + In the course of his solemn speech of Aug. 8, 1914, in the House of + Commons Sir Edward Grey quoted some remarks made by Gladstone in 1870 on + the extent of the obligation incurred by the signatory powers to the + Quintuple Treaty of 1839 guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. Shorn + from their context as they were, these sentences are by no means + illuminating, and it cannot be said that their citation in this form by + Sir Edward Grey was a very felicitous one. During the paper polemics of + the past months these detached words of Gladstone have been freely used + by Germany's defenders and apologists to maintain that Great Britain of + 1870 would not have deemed the events of 1914 a casus belli, and that + its entrance into the present war on account of the violation of + Belgium's neutrality was merely a pretext. During the course of this + controversy Gladstone's attitude has in various ways been grossly + misrepresented, Dr. von Mach of Harvard even stating in the columns of + THE NEW YORK TIMES that Gladstone had declared the Treaty of 1839 "to be + without force." But, apart from such patent distortions, Gladstone's + real position is apparently not clearly defined in the mind of the + general public, which is merely seeking for the unadulterated truth, + regardless of its effect upon the case of any one of the belligerents. +</p> +<p> + Shortly after the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war in 1870 the + Prussian Ambassador in London informed Gladstone, then Prime Minister, + that some time prior to the existing war France had asked Prussia to + consent to the former country's absorption of Belgium, and that there + was in the possession of the Prussian Government the draft of a treaty + to this effect in the handwriting of M. Benedetti, then French + Ambassador at Berlin. This communication was obviously made, as Lord + Morley tells us, with the object of prompting Gladstone to be the agent + in making the evil news public and thus of prejudicing France in the + judgment of Europe. Gladstone thought this "no part of his duty," and + very shortly thereafter, at the direct instance of Bismarck, this draft + treaty of 1866-7 was communicated by Baron Krause of the Prussian + Embassy in London to Delane, the editor of The Times. On July 25, 1870, + it was published in the columns of that paper and aroused considerable + anxiety in England. +</p> +<p> + It immediately became imperative upon the British Government to take + some action. As Gladstone wrote to Bright, the publication of this + treaty +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> has thrown upon us the necessity of doing something fresh to + secure Belgium, or else of saying that under no circumstances + would we take any step to secure her from absorption. This + publication has wholly altered the feeling of the House of + Commons, and no Government could at this moment venture to + give utterance to such an intention about Belgium. But neither + do we think it would be right, even if it were safe, to + announce that we would in any case stand by with folded arms + and see actions done which would amount to a total extinction + of the public right in Europe. +</p> +</blockquote> +<h3> + The Special Identical Treaties. +</h3> +<p> + A simple declaration of Great Britain's intention to defend the + neutrality of Belgium by arms in case it were infringed seemed to + Gladstone not to meet the special requirements of the case as revealed + by the proposed Treaty of 1866-7 between Prussia and France. His main + object was to prevent the actual execution of such an agreement, by + means of which the two belligerent powers would settle their quarrels + and satisfy their ambitions at the expense of helpless Belgium. Hence, + on July 30, the British Government opened negotiations with France and + Prussia and within a fortnight had concluded separate but identical + treaties with each of these powers. According to these treaties, in case + the neutrality of Belgium were violated by either France or Germany, + Great Britain agreed to co-operate with the other in its defense. The + preamble of these treaties states that the contracting powers +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> being desirous at the present time of recording in a solemn + act their fixed determination to maintain the independence and + neutrality of Belgium, +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + as provided in the Treaty of 1839, have concluded this separate treaty, + which, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> without impairing or invalidating the conditions of the said + Quintuple Treaty, shall be subsidiary and accessory to it. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + Article III. further provided that these Treaties of 1870 were to expire + twelve months after the conclusion of the existing war, and that + thereafter the independence and neutrality of Belgium would "continue to + rest, as heretofore," on the Treaty of 1839. +</p> +<p> + These documents tell a plain tale, which is amply confirmed by the + proceedings in Parliament in connection with this matter. On Aug. 5, + 1870, while the negotiations leading to the above-mentioned treaties + were still pending, questions were raised in the House of Commons about + the recently published abortive Treaty of 1866-7 between Prussia and + France. In reply Gladstone stated that +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> the Treaty of 1839 is that under which the relations of the + contracting powers with Belgium are at present regulated; +</p> +</blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and that, while he could not explain the intentions of the Government + "in a matter of this very grave character in answer to a question," he + hoped to be able to communicate some further information in an authentic + manner. Three days later, as these treaties with France and Prussia had + been virtually concluded, Gladstone was able to satisfy the anxiety of + the House and outlined their terms. He explicitly stated that, after + their expiration, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> the respective parties, being parties to the Treaty of 1839, + shall fall back upon the obligations they took upon themselves + under that treaty. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + After Gladstone had finished speaking the leader of the opposition, + Disraeli, took the floor and pointed out that, as a general proposition, +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> when there is a treaty guarantee so explicit as that expressed + in the Treaty of 1839, I think the wisdom of founding on that + another treaty which involves us in engagements may be open to + doubt. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + But he accepted Gladstone's statement +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> as the declaration of the Cabinet, that they are resolved to + maintain the neutrality and independence of Belgium, I accept + it as a wise and spirited policy, and a policy, in my opinion, + not the less wise because it is spirited. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + Gladstone then replied, saying that the reason the Government had not + made a general declaration of its intentions regarding Belgium was that + much danger might arise from such a declaration and that inadvertently + they might have given utterance to words +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> that might be held to import obligations almost unlimited and + almost irrespectively of circumstances. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + We had made up our minds, he continued, that we had a duty to perform, + and we thought a specific declaration of what we thought the obligations + of this country better than any general declaration. Referring to the + two treaties in process of ratification, he concluded: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> We thought that by contracting a joint engagement we might + remove the difficulty and prevent Belgium from being + sacrificed. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + The policy of the Government continued, however, to be criticised, + mainly on the ground that the Treaty of 1839 amply covered the case. On + Aug. 10 Gladstone defended his policy in the House of Commons in a + speech pitched on a high moral plane, in which he dilated upon Belgium's + historic past and splendid present and on Great Britain's duty to this + little nation irrespective of all questions of its own self-interest. + With genuine fervor, he exclaimed: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> If, in order to satisfy a greedy appetite for aggrandisement, + coming whence it may, Belgium were absorbed, the day that + witnessed that absorption would hear the knell of public right + and public law in Europe.... We have an interest in the + independence of Belgium which is wider than that which we may + have in the literal operation of the guarantee. It is found in + answer to the question whether under the circumstance of the + case this country, endowed as it is with influence and power, + would quietly stand by and witness the perpetration of the + direst crime that ever stained the pages of history, and thus + become participators in the sin. +</p> +</blockquote> +<h3> + What Gladstone Had in Mind. +</h3> +<p> + What Gladstone had in mind was the scheme of 1866-7, by which France was + to absorb Belgium, with Prussia's consent and aid. He distinctly stated + that the Treaties of 1870 were devised to meet the new state of affairs + disclosed by the publication of this incomplete treaty. It was in order + to prevent the revival of such a conspiracy that Gladstone made separate + and identical treaties in 1870 with France and Prussia. They were a + practical device to secure an effectual enforcement of the Treaty of + 1839 under unforeseen and difficult circumstances. The agreement of 1870 + was, as Gladstone said, a cumulative treaty added to that of 1839, and + the latter treaty +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> loses nothing of its force, even during the existence of this + present treaty. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + During the course of this speech defending the Government's action + against those critics who claimed that the Treaty of 1839 adequately met + the situation, Gladstone made some general remarks about the extent of + the obligation incurred by the signatories to the Treaty of 1839: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> It is not necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into + the complicated question of the nature of the obligations of + that treaty, but I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of + those who have held in this House what plainly amounts to an + assertion that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee + is binding on every party to it, irrespectively altogether of + the particular position in which it may find itself at the + time when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises. +</p> +</blockquote> +<p> + It is, of course, impossible to state precisely what were those + unuttered thoughts that passed through Gladstone's mind as he spoke + these characteristically cautious words, but what in general they were + can be satisfactorily gleaned from a letter that he had written six days + before this to John Bright: +</p> +<blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> That we should simply declare <i>we</i> will defend the neutrality + of Belgium by arms in case it should be attacked. Now, the + sole or single-handed defense of Belgium would be an + enterprise which we incline to think quixotic; if these two + great military powers [France and Prussia] combined against + it—that combination is the only serious danger; and this it + is which by our proposed engagements we should, I hope, render + improbable to the very last degree. I add for myself this + confession of faith: If the Belgian people desire, on their + own account, to join France or any other country, I for one + will be no party to taking up arms to prevent it. But that the + Belgians, whether they would or not, should go "plump" down + the maw of another country to satisfy dynastic greed is + another matter. The accomplishment of such a crime as this + implies would come near to an extinction of public right in + Europe, and I do not think we could look on while the + sacrifice of freedom and independence was in course of + consummation.</p> +</blockquote> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0007"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Fight to the Bitter End +</h2> +<h3> + AN INTERVIEW WITH ANDREW CARNEGIE. +</h3> +<blockquote> +<p> Retired ironmaster and philanthropist; builder of the Peace + Temple at The Hague; founder of the Carnegie Institution at + Washington; founder and patron of a chain of libraries in the + United States and Great Britain, and benefactor of many + societies and institutions. +</p> +</blockquote> +<h3> + By Edward Marshall. +</h3> +<br> +<p> + Here is the report of a truly remarkable statement by Mr. Carnegie. He + is the world's most notable peace advocate, and in this interview he + voices the reflections suggested to him by the great European war. +</p> +<p> + They are unusual, and make this interview especially worthy of a place + upon the pages of the Christmas issue of THE TIMES, although it + principally deals with war, and Christmas is the festival of peace. +</p> +<p> + "Has war ever settled anything which might not have been settled better + by arbitration?" I asked Mr. Carnegie. +</p> +<p> + "No; never," he replied. "No truer inference was ever made than may be + found in Milton's query, penned three centuries ago and never answered: + 'What can war but wars breed?' +</p> +<p> + "War can breed only war. Of course, peace inevitably must follow war, + but, truly, no peace ever was born of war. We all revere the memory of + him who voiced the warning: 'In time of peace prepare for war'; but, as + a matter of fact, we all know that when one nation prepares for war + others inevitably must follow its dangerous lead. +</p> +<p> + "Hence, and hence only, the huge armaments which have oppressed the + world, making its most peaceful years a spectacle of sadness—a + spectacle of men preparing and prepared to fight with one another. + Sooner or later men prepared to fight will fight; huge armaments and + armies mean huge battles; huge battles mean huge tragedies. +</p> +<p> + "This never has been otherwise, and never can be. Peace can come only + when mankind abandons warful preparation. And so I seem to have replied + to your inquiry with an answer with a tail to it; and the tail is more + important than the answer, for the answer merely says that war never + settled anything which might not have been settled better by + arbitration, while the tail proclaims the folly of a world prepared for + war." +</p> +<h3> + How to Prevent War. +</h3> +<p> + "Armament must mean the use of armament, and that is war. If we are to + prevent war we must prevent preparation for war, just as if we are to + prevent burglary we must prevent preparation for burglary by prohibiting + the carrying of the instruments of burglary. The only cure for war" [Mr. + Carnegie in speaking italicized the word "cure"] "is war which defeats + some one; but two men who are unarmed are certain not to shoot at one + another. Here, as in medicine, prevention is much better than cure. +</p> +<p> + "Plainly it must be through such prevention, not through such a cure as + victory sometimes is supposed to represent, that warfare can be stopped. + Warfare means some one's defeat, of course, and that implies his + temporary incapacity for further war, but it goes without saying that + all conquered nations must be embittered by their defeat. +</p> +<p> + "Few nations ever have fought wars in which the majority of at least + their fighting men did not believe the side they fought for to be in the + right. Defeat by force of arms, therefore, always has meant the general + conviction throughout conquered nations that injustice has been done." +</p> +<h3> + Nations Like Individuals. +</h3> +<p> + "In such circumstances nations must be like individuals under similar + conditions. The individual believing himself to have been in the right, + yet finding himself beaten in his efforts to maintain it, will not + accept the situation philosophically; he will be angry and rebellious; + he will nurse what he believes to be his wrong. +</p> +<p> + "To nurse a wrong, whether it be real or fancied, is to help it grow in + the imagination, and that must mean at least the wish to find some + future means of righting it, either by strategy or increased strength. +</p> +<p> + "There are two things which humanity does not forget—one is an injury, + and, no matter how strongly some may argue against the truth of this + contention, the other is a kindness. +</p> +<p> + "In the long run both will be repaid. And nations, like individuals, + prefer the coin which pays the latter debt. Military force never has + accomplished kindness. Kindness means industrial armies decked with the + garlands of peace; military armies, armed and epauletted, must mean + minds obsessed with the spirit of revenge or conquest, hands clenched to + strike, hearts eager to invade. +</p> +<p> + "Every military implement is designed to cut or crush, to wound and + kill. Nations at peace help one another with humanity's normal + tenderness of heart at times of pestilence, of famine, of disaster. + Nations at war exert their every ounce of strength to force upon their + adversaries hunger, destruction, and death. Starvation of the enemy + becomes a detail of what is considered good military strategy in war + time, just as world-embracing charity has become a characteristic of + all civilization during times of peace. Must we not admit flotillas + carrying grain to famine-stricken peoples to be more admirable than + fleets which carry death to lands in which prosperity might reign if + undisturbed by war?" +</p> +<p> + "But do you not admit that wars sometimes have helped the forces of + civilization in their conquest against barbarism?" +</p> +<p> + "War has not been the chief force of civilization against barbarism," + Mr. Carnegie replied with emphasis. Then he continued more thoughtfully: +</p> +<p> + "That is one way of saying it. Another is, no effort of the forces of + civilization against barbarism is war in the true sense of the word. +</p> +<p> + "Such an armed effort is a part of the force pushing barbarism backward, + and therefore, in the last analysis, tends toward kindness and peace; + while, in the sense in which we use the word, war means the + retrogression of civilization into barbarism. It is usually born of + greed—greed for territory or for power. +</p> +<p> + "Such war as that of which we all are thinking in these days is war + between civilized men. One civilized man cannot improve another + civilized man by killing him, although it is not inconceivable that a + civilized man may do humanity a service by destroying human savages, for + with the savages he must destroy their savagery. +</p> +<p> + "But a war in civilized Europe destroys no savagery; it breeds it, so + that it and its spawn may defile future generations. +</p> +<p> + "There has been much balderdash in talk about unselfish motives as the + origin of warfare. It is safe to say that 99 per cent of all the + slaughter wrought by civilization under the cloak of a desire to better + bad conditions really has been evil. It is impossible to conceive of + general betterment through general slaughter. There have been few + altruistic wars." +</p> +<p> + "But how about our Spanish war?" I asked. "Surely it was not greed which + sent our men and ships to Cuba." +</p> +<p> + "No," said Mr. Carnegie, "that was not war, but world-police work. +</p> +<p> + "Our skirmish with Spain was a most unusual international episode. We + harmed none of the people of the land wherein we fought, but taught them + what we could of wise self-government and gave them independence. To + battle for the liberation of the slave is worthy work, and this of ours + was such a battle. +</p> +<p> + "Our Spanish war was not the outgrowth of our rivalry with any one or + any one's with us; it was the manifestation of our high sense of + responsibility as strong and healthy human beings for the welfare of the + weak and oppressed." +</p> +<h3> + That Was Police Work. +</h3> +<p> + "It did not make toward militarism on this continent, but the reverse; + in a few months it established permanent peace where peace had been a + stranger. It was police work on the highest plane, substituting order + for disorder." +</p> +<p> + "But did it not emphasize the need for the maintenance, even here, of a + competent and efficient naval and military force?" I asked. +</p> +<p> + Mr. Carnegie shook his head emphatically. +</p> +<p> + "That is the old, old argument cropping up again," said he, "the + argument that a provocative is a preventive. For us to maintain a great + army for the purpose of preventing war thereby would be as sensible as + for each of us to be afraid to walk about except with a lightning rod + down his back, since men have been struck by lightning. No nation wants + to fight us. We have friends throughout the world. +</p> +<p> + "Millions now resident in military nations are hoping that some day they + may be able to become citizens of our beloved republic, principally + because it now is not, nor is it every likely to be, military. Humanity + loves peace. Here peace abides, and, if we follow reason, will remain + unbroken. +</p> +<p> + "Note the advantages of our own position. Imagine what the task would be + of landing seventy thousand hostile soldiers on our shores! First they + would need to cross three thousand miles of the Atlantic or five + thousand miles of the Pacific. +</p> +<p> + "And what if they should come? My plan of operation would be to bid them + welcome as our visitors, considering them as men, not soldiers; to take + them to our great interior, say, as far west as Chicago, and there to + say to them: +</p> +<p> + "'Here we shall leave you. Make yourselves at home, if that thought + pleases you; fight us if it does not. If you think you can conquer us, + try it.' +</p> +<p> + "They would make themselves at home and, learning the advantages of + staying with us, would become applicants for our citizenship, rather + than our opponents in warfare. +</p> +<p> + "And if they tried to fight us, what would happen to them? Our nation is + unique in an important respect. Its individuals are the best armed in + the world. Not only, for example, are its farmers armed, but they can + shoot, which is far more than can be said of those of Britain or of any + other nation. +</p> +<p> + "The Governments of Europe cannot afford to give their citizenry arms, + and, as for the European citizenry, it not only cannot afford to + purchase arms, but cannot afford even to pay the license fees which + Government demands of those possessing arms with the right to use them. +</p> +<p> + "But ours? Most Americans can afford to and do own guns with which to + shoot, and, furthermore, most Americans, when they shoot, can hit the + things at which they shoot. +</p> +<p> + "Combine this powerful protective influence with the fact that thousands + of any army coming to invade us would not want to fight when once they + got here, but would want to settle here and enjoy peace, and we find + that we thus are protected as no nation in the world ever has been + protected or can be. +</p> +<p> + "Imagine the effect upon the European fighting man's psychology if he + found that an army transport had conveyed him to a land where one man's + privilege is every man's right! Learning this, it is not a joke to say, + but is a statement of the probable fact, that the invading soldiery + would not want to fire its first volleys, but would want to file its + first papers. They would not ask for cartridges, but for citizenship. +</p> +<p> + "America is protected by a force incomparable, which I may call its + peaceful militia, and the man who, above all other men, I most should + wish to see appointed to its command would be Gen. Leonard Wood were it + not for the fact that there would be some danger that in such an + eventuation his professional training would carry him beyond the rule of + reason. +</p> +<p> + "That is likely to be the most serious trouble with the trained soldier. + The doctor wants to dose, the parson to preach, and the soldier to + fight. Professional habit may make any of us dangerous. +</p> +<p> + "But if it came to fighting I do not consider it within the bounds of + possibility that we could lose. I once asked Gen. Sherman how the troops + which he commanded during the civil war compared for efficiency with + European troops. His answer was: +</p> +<p> + "'The world never has seen the army that I would be afraid to trust my + boys with, man for man.'" +</p> +<h3> + Would Surprise the Enemy. +</h3> +<p> + "That thought of welcoming an invading army appeals strongly to me. The + hostile General would be amazed by the ease with which he got his forces + in, but he would be more startled by the difficulty he would find if he + tried to get them out. If they once learned the advantages of our + liberties they would find it hard not to get away, but to go away. I + restrain my temper with difficulty when I contemplate the foolishness of + the people who discuss with gravity the possibility of a successful + invasion of these United States by a foreign foe. The thought always + arises when I hear these cries from our army and naval officers for a + greater armament: 'Are these men cowards?' I don't believe it. It is + their profession which makes them alarmists. +</p> +<p> + "Not only are the physical difficulties which would hamper an invasion + practically insuperable, but the reception enemies would get, if any of + them landed, would be wholly without parallel in the world's history. +</p> +<p> + "If our liberties really were threatened, every man, and very nearly + every woman, in our vast population would rise to their defense as never + any people yet has risen to any national defense. Americans, young and + old, en masse, would sweep to the protection of what they know, and what + the world knows, would be the cause of right and human liberty. +</p> +<p> + "I, myself, should wish to be invited to advance and meet invading + forces if they came. I would approach them without any weapons on my + person. I would not shoot at them. I would make a speech to them. +</p> +<p> + "'Gentlemen,' I would say, 'here's the chance of your life to win life's + chief prize. Now you are peasant soldiers. You have the opportunity to + become citizen kings. We are all kings here. Here the least of you can + take a rank much higher than that of any General in your army. He can + become a sovereign in a republic.' +</p> +<p> + "I think they would hurrah for me, not harm me, after they had heard my + speech. +</p> +<p> + "Striving for peace, we shall become so powerful that if war comes we + shall be invincible. Peace, not war, makes riches; the rich nation is + the powerful nation. +</p> +<p> + "Perhaps I was as much a peace man in my youth as I am now, but when I + was asked, during the civil war, to organize a corps of telegraph + operators and railroad conductors and engineers and take them to + Washington, I considered it the greatest of all privileges to obey the + order. +</p> +<p> + "I was the last man to get on the last train leaving Burkes Station, + after Bull Run, and, now, if the country ever should be invaded, I would + be, I hope, one of the first to rush to meet the enemy—but I think my + haste would be to convert, not to kill, him. +</p> +<p> + "The man who has done well in business, however, learns to abhor all + waste, and I must admit that it does pain me to see hundreds of millions + of our dollars spent on battleships which will but rust away, and + thousands of our able men vegetating on them or in an army. +</p> +<p> + "The men who urge this vast waste of our money and men mean well, no + doubt, but they do not know the nation of which they have the good + fortune to be citizens—they do not realize how very potent a force we + have become in the wide world, nor the fact that one of the great + reasons why we have become a force lies in the circumstance that our + national development has not been hampered by the vast expense of + militarism." +</p> +<p> + Mr. Carnegie paused. +</p> +<p> + Some weeks ago, in an interview granted me for publication in THE NEW + YORK TIMES, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia + University, predicted that the present war would find its final outcome + in the establishment of the United States of Europe. I asked Mr. + Carnegie to express his view upon this subject. +</p> +<p> + "Nothing else could occur which would be of such immense advantage to + Europe," he replied. +</p> +<p> + "United we stand, and divided they fall. If the territory now occupied + by the homogeneous and co-operative federation known as the United + States of America were occupied instead by a large number of small, + independent competitive nations, that is, if each section of our + territory which now is a State were an independent country, America + would be constantly in turmoil. +</p> +<p> + "Europe has been set back a century because she substituted the present + war of nations for the promotion of a federation plan. The latter would + have meant peace and prosperity, the former means ruin. +</p> +<p> + "If in Europe this year such a federation as Dr. Butler regards as a + future probability had been a present actuality, 1914 would have left a + record very different from that which it is making. +</p> +<p> + "For instance, it would have been as difficult for the State of Germany + to fight the State of Russia, or the State of France, or that of + England, or all of them, and to trample neutral Belgium, as it now + would be, here, for the State of Pennsylvania to declare war on the + States of New York and Connecticut and to wreck New Jersey as she sent + her troops to the invasion. +</p> +<p> + "Originally we had thirteen States, and thirteen only, but there was + other territory here, and the attractive force of the successful union + of the thirteen States brought the other territory in as it was + organized. +</p> +<p> + "Thus we started right. Europe had begun before men had become so wise, + and, having begun wrong, has found herself, through the centuries, + unable to correct old errors." +</p> +<h3> + A Federation of Europe. +</h3> +<p> + "Certainly I hope that out of the great crime of this vast war some good + will come. The greatest good which could come would be a general + European federation. I do not believe that this will come at once; but + the world will be infinitely the better if it comes at length—if the + natural law of mutual attraction for mutual advantage draws these + nations now at war into a union which shall make such wars impossible in + future, as wars between our States, here, are impossible. +</p> +<p> + "But before this can come peace must come, and before peace can come one + or the other of the nations now at war must at least ask for an + armistice. +</p> +<p> + "If I were in the place of that great General, Lord Kitchener, and + should receive the news that such a request had been made by the + commander of the opposing forces, I should say: 'No armistice! + Surrender!' +</p> +<p> + "But, then, if the surrender should be made, I should say, in effect: +</p> +<p> + "'Gentlemen, we have made up our minds that these terrible explosions + must mark the end of war between our civilized nations. Our sacrifices + in this war have been too great to permit us to be satisfied with less + than this. +</p> +<p> + "'If we now cannot feel assured of such a federation of nations as will + result in the settlement of all future disputes by peaceful arbitration + at The Hague, then we shall keep on fighting till the day comes when we + can achieve that end. +</p> +<p> + "'Upon the other side of the Atlantic,' I should continue if I were Lord + Kitchener and should be confronted by such a situation, 'we see in the + United States of America an example which must satisfy us that world + peace now can be maintained. +</p> +<p> + "'There,' I should go on, 'thirteen States were banded into union in + 1776. Their total population was less than the present population of + their largest city and their area has spread until it links two oceans + and offers homes in forty-eight States to one hundred millions, and the + population still increases rapidly. An experiment of world significance + was tried, and is a success, for the aggregated nation has grown and now + is growing in power more rapidly than any other nation on the surface of + the earth.'" +</p> +<h3> + Would Mean World Peace. +</h3> +<p> + "'It is plain to me and should be plain to all of us,' I should + continue, if I were Lord Kitchener, so placed, 'that we in Europe have + but to follow this example which America has set for us in order to + achieve an ultimate result as notably desirable. When we have + accomplished it world peace will be enthroned and all the peoples of the + earth will be able safely to go about the pleasant and progressive + business of their lives without apprehension of their neighbors. + Humanity, thus freed of its most dreadful burden, will be able to leap + forward toward the realization of its ultimate possibilities of + progress.'" +</p> +<p> + "And do you really think there is the immediate possibility of an + effective European league for permanent peace and general disarmament?" + I asked Mr. Carnegie. +</p> +<p> + "Naturally my mind has dwelt much on this problem," he replied. "The + culmination of the European situation in the present war is very + dreadful, but no good ever came out of crying over spilled milk. + However, it seems safe to conclude that a majority of the people of the + civilized world will presently decide that a step forward must be taken. +</p> +<p> + "Everywhere in Europe, when the present conflict ends, this fact will be + emphasized by shell-wrecked, fire-blackened buildings; by the vacant + chairs of sons and fathers who have fallen victims; by innumerable + graves and by a general impoverishment, the inevitable result of war's + great waste, which will touch and punish every man, every woman, every + child. +</p> +<p> + "In the face of such an emphasis no denial of the facts will be among + the possibilities, and I scarcely think that any even will be attempted. + If the federation Dr. Butler has predicted does not come about at once, + it will be admitted almost universally that future disputes occurring + between the Governments of Europe shall be settled, not by force of + fighting men, but by arbitration at The Hague. +</p> +<p> + "And now a serious question obtrudes itself. Must there not be a + carefully considered and cautiously worked out understanding, which may + be considered the preliminary of peace? Later on the foremost men of + every nation can meet in conference to consider with an earnestness + hitherto unknown the great problems which will be involved in the + permanent abolition of war and establishment of peace; but for this the + way must be prepared. +</p> +<p> + "Here, again, I think The Hague Tribunal is the proper body to assemble + for the purpose of devising means for the accomplishment of the great + end, which must be such legislation as will accomplish, at the end of + this war, the ending of all war among the nations. +</p> +<p> + "An important duty of the conference would be some arrangement for a + union of the forces of the nations now at war, charged with and + qualified to perform the duty of maintaining peace pending the + completion of the final comprehensive plan." +</p> +<h3> + For One Purpose Only. +</h3> +<p> + "It is possible and even probable that as a part of the accomplishment + of this it may be found to be desirable and even necessary to organize + and provide for the maintenance of a joint naval and military body of + strength sufficient to enforce world peace during the period necessary + for the preparation of a plan to be submitted to all powers. But if this + force is to be established, it must be done with the clear understanding + that it is designed for one thing only, the maintenance of peace, and + must not be used at any time for any other service. +</p> +<p> + "In the selection of the commanding officer to be intrusted with this + task, it will be conceded that the victors in this war, or those who + have a notable advantage at the time of the beginning of the armistice, + shall have the right of his appointment. +</p> +<p> + "No protest ever will arise from the mass of the people of Europe + against the abolishment of militarism. Even the people of Germany, as a + whole, have not found militarism attractive. It has been the influence + of the military aristocracy of Germany, the most powerful caste in the + world, which not only has encouraged the national tendency, but has + forced the Emperor, as I believe, to action against his will and + judgment. +</p> +<p> + "But a change was notable in Germany before the war began, and will be + far more notable after it has ended. The socialistic movement waxes + strong throughout the nation, and the proceedings of the Reichstag show + us that the nation is marching steadily, though perhaps slowly, toward a + real democracy. +</p> +<p> + "I believe the first election to follow peace will result in a demand by + the Reichstag that it, alone, shall be given power to declare war. It + will be argued, and it is evident that it then will be amply provable, + that it is the people who suffer most through war, and that, therefore, + their representatives should utterly control it. +</p> +<p> + "That itself would be a most important step toward peace, and I feel + certain that it is among the probabilities. +</p> +<p> + "As things stand in Germany, although the Reichstag has its powerful + influence in regard to war expenditure and might accomplish important + results by refusing to vote amounts demanded, the fact remains that + until it has been given the power of making or withholding declaration + of war the most important results cannot be accomplished." +</p> +<p> + "In Fried's volume," I suggested to Mr. Carnegie, "you are credited with + saying that Emperor William, himself and by himself, might establish + peace. Granting that that might have been the fact before this war + began, is it your opinion that he, or any other one man, could now + control the situation to that extent?" +</p> +<p> + "Assuming that the Germans should come out victorious," Mr. Carnegie + replied, "the Emperor would become a stronger power than ever toward the + maintenance of peace among the nations. At one time I believed him to be + the anointed of God for this purpose, and did not fail to tell him so. +</p> +<p> + "Even if his forces should be defeated in this present carnage, I am + sure he would be welcomed by the conference I have suggested as the + proposer of the great world peace, thus fulfilling the glorious destiny + for which at one time I considered that he had been chosen from on + high." +</p> +<p> + I asked Mr. Carnegie what part he thought this country, the United + States, should play in the great movement which he has in mind and + thoroughly believes is even now upon its way. +</p> +<p> + "The United States," he answered, "although, happily, not a party to the + world crime which is now in progress, seems entitled to preference as + the one to call the nations of the world to the consideration of the + greatest of all blessings—universal, lasting peace." +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0008"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Woman and War +</h2> +<h3> + "SHOT. TELL HIS MOTHER." +</h3> +<h3> + By W.E.P. French, Captain, U.S. Army. +</h3> +<br> +<blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em">What have I done to you, Brothers,—War-Lord and Land-Lord and Priest,—<br> +That my son should rot on the blood-smeared earth where the raven and buzzard feast?<br> +He was my baby, my man-child, that soldier with shell-torn breast,<br> +Who was slain for your power and profit—aye, murdered at your behest.<br> +I bore him, my boy and my manling, while the long months ebbed away;<br> +He was part of me, part of my body, which nourished him day by day.<br> +He was mine when the birth-pang tore me, mine when he lay on my heart,<br> +When the sweet mouth mumbled my bosom and the milk-teeth made it smart,<br> +Babyhood, boyhood, and manhood, and a glad mother proud of her son—<br> +See the carrion birds, too gorged to fly! Ah! Brothers, what have you done? +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em">You prate of duty and honor, of a patriot's glorious death,<br> +Of love of country, heroic deeds—nay, for shame's sake, spare your breath!<br> +Pray, what have you done for your country? Whose was the blood that was shed<br> +In the hellish warfare that served your ends? My boy was shot in your stead. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em">And for what were our children butchered, men makers of cruel law?<br> +By the Christ, I am glad no woman made the Christless code of war!<br> +Shirks and schemers, why don't you answer? Is the foul truth hard to tell?<br> +Then a mother will tell it for you, of a deed that shames fiends in hell:—<br> +Our boys were killed that some faction or scoundrel might win mad race<br> +For goals of stained gold, shamed honors, and the sly self-seeker's place;<br> +That money's hold on our country might be tightened and made more sure;<br> +That the rich could inherit earth's fullness and their loot be quite secure;<br> +That the world-mart be wider opened to the product mulct from toil;<br> +That the labor and land of our neighbors should become your war-won spoil;<br> +That the eyes of an outraged people might be turned from your graft and greed<br> +In the misruled, plundered home-land by lure of war's ghastly deed;<br> +And that priests of the warring nations could pray to the selfsame God<br> +For His blessing on battle and murder and corpse-strewn, blood-soaked sod.<br> +Oh, fools! if God were a woman, think you She would let kin slay<br> +For gold-lust and craft of gamesters, or cripple that trade might pay? +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em">This quarrel was not the fighters':—the cheated, red pawns in your game:—<br> +You stay-at-homes garnered the plunder, but the pawns,—wounds, death, and "Fame"!<br> +You paid them a beggarly pittance, your substitute prey-of-the-sword,<br> +But, ye canny beasts of prey, they paid, in life and limb, for your hoard.<br> +And, behold! you have other victims: a widow sobs by my side,<br> +Who clasps to her breast a girl-child. Men, she was my slain son's bride! +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + I can smell the stench of the shambles, where the mangled bodies lie;<br> + I can hear the moans of the wounded; I can see the brave lads die;<br> + And across the heaped, red trenches and the tortured, bleeding rows<br> + I cry out a mother's pity to all mothers of dear, dead "foes."<br> + In love and a common sorrow, I weep with them o'er our dead,<br> + And invoke my sister woman for a curse on each scheming head. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Nay, why should we mothers curse you? Lo! flesh of our flesh are ye;<br> + But, by soul of Mary who bore the Christ-man murdered at Calvary,<br> + Into our own shall the mothers come, and the glad day speed apace<br> + When the law of peace shall be the law of the women that bear the race;<br> + When a man shall stand by his mother, for the worldwide common good,<br> + And not bring her tears and heart-break nor make mock of her motherhood. +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +</blockquote> +<br><hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0009"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + The Way to Peace +</h2> +<h3> + AN INTERVIEW WITH JACOB H. SCHIFF. +</h3> +<blockquote> +<p> One of the leading American financiers and noted + philanthropist; founder of Jewish Theological Seminary and of + Semitic Museum at Harvard University; a native of Germany and + member of the firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., bankers. +</p> +</blockquote> +<h3> + By Edward Marshall. +</h3> +<br> +<p> + American as I am in every fibre, and in accord as I feel with every + interest of the country of my adoption, I cannot find myself in + agreement with what appears to be, to a considerable extent, American + opinion as to the origin and responsibility for the deplorable conflict + in which almost all of Europe has become involved. +</p> +<p> + For many reasons my personal sympathies are with Germany. I cannot feel + convinced that she has been the real aggressor; I believe that war was + forced upon her, almost as if by prearrangement among the nations with + whom she now contends; I cannot but believe that they had become jealous + and envious of her rapid and unprecedented peaceful development and had + concluded that the moment had arrived when all was favorable for a union + against her. +</p> +<p> + Although I left Germany half a century ago, I would think as little of + arraying myself against her, the country of my birth, in this the moment + of her struggle for existence, as of arraying myself against my parents. +</p> +<p> + But while I steadfastly believe this war to have been forced upon + Germany against her will, I also believe that circumstances which were + stronger than the Governments of England and France, her present + enemies, were necessary to overcome an equally definite reluctance upon + their part. +</p> +<p> + In other words, I cannot wholly blame the English Government, or the + French Government, any more than I can wholly blame the German + Government. +</p> +<p> + Let us see how the great tragedy came about. It is safe to pass rapidly + over the Servian-Bosnian-Herzegovinian-Austro-Hungarian complication + which served as the immediate precipitant of hostilities. It has been + detailed repeatedly in THE TIMES and other American publications. +</p> +<p> + It had reached a point at which the Austro-Hungarian Government felt + compelled to take extreme measures by means of which to safeguard the + integrity of the empire. +</p> +<p> + The firm but fatal ultimatum to Servia followed, the reply to which, + suffice it to say, was unsatisfactory to Austria, who could not accept + the suggestion of an investigation into the circumstances attending the + assassination of the Archduke Ferdinand through a commission or court on + which she was not represented. +</p> +<h3> + Like Maine Case. +</h3> +<p> + The situation really was analogous to that which existed between the + United States and Spain when the Maine was blown up in Havana Harbor. In + order to fix the responsibility for this dastardly affair we then + similarly demanded an investigation by Spain, to be carried out with the + assistance of representatives of this Government. Spain, too, then + offered to conduct an investigation, but she peremptorily declined to + allow us to take part in it. +</p> +<p> + This attitude on her part quickly brought about our declaration of war + against her. It is important that Americans should realize the + similarity in the two situations and the likeness of the Austrian action + of 1914 to that which our own Government took in 1898. +</p> +<p> + As soon as Austria had rejected as unsatisfactory Servia's reply to her + ultimatum she prepared to undertake a punitive armed expedition against + Servia, and Russia at once declared that she would rank herself as + Servia's protector. +</p> +<p> + Indeed, without any further parley, and to give effect to this threat, + Russia immediately mobilized her army. Since then it has been averred + that this mobilization had been in progress for several weeks previous + to Servia's rejection of the Austrian ultimatum. +</p> +<p> + This made it obligatory upon Germany to go to Austria's aid, under the + provisions of their treaty of alliance, although she was well aware that + such an action would bring France into the conflict under the terms of + her alliance with Russia. Indeed, an unsatisfactory reply had been + received from France as to the latter's intentions, but Germany + endeavored to secure at least an assurance of England's neutrality. This + proved to be impossible. +</p> +<p> + How the German Government could indulge for a moment in the hope that in + a war with Russia and France on the one side and Germany and Austria on + the other, England could be induced to remain neutral passes + comprehension, but that it did believe this seems a certainty. +</p> +<p> + The English Government, no doubt, correctly felt that without the aid of + its immense resources, and particularly without the operations of its + great navy against Germany and Austria, the latter nations would find it + not so very difficult a task to dispose of both Russia and France. +</p> +<p> + English statesmen very promptly must have become alive to the + probability that a Germany which had subdued Russia and France, and thus + had made itself master of the Continent, would be unlikely long to + tolerate a continuance of England's world leadership. +</p> +<p> + So, even if the neutrality of Belgium had not been violated, other + reasons would have been found by England for joining France and Russia + in the war against Germany, for England would not risk, without any + effort to protect them, the loss of her continued domination of the + high seas and her undisputed possession of her vast colonial empire. +</p> +<h3> + Germany Fighting for Life. +</h3> +<p> + I am not defending the violation of Belgian neutrality. This, + undeniably, was a most unjustifiable action, in spite of German claims + that she was forced into it by the necessities of the situation. But I + am explaining that, even had it not occurred, still England would have + gone to war. +</p> +<p> + That was the situation. +</p> +<p> + Germany is now fighting for her very existence, and I, who am not + without knowledge of German conditions, am convinced that never has + there been a war more wholly that of a whole people than is this present + conflict, as far as Germany is concerned. +</p> +<p> + Any one who has been in even superficial touch with German public + opinion and individual feeling in any part of the empire, since the war + began, must know that there is hardly a man, woman, or child throughout + the empire who would hesitate if called upon to sacrifice possessions or + life in order to insure victory to the Fatherland. Seventy million + people who are animated by unanimous sentiment of this sort cannot be + crushed, probably not subdued. +</p> +<p> + And England is confronted by the certainty that her world leadership is + the stake for which she is fighting; that her defeat would mean the end + of the vast dominance which she has exercised throughout the world, + since the time of the Armada, through the power of her great navy. +</p> +<p> + Is it not apparent, therefore, that these nations, if left to + themselves, inevitably must continue the war until one side or the + other, or both, shall become exhausted—an eventuation which may be + postponed not for mere months but for years? +</p> +<p> + In our own civil war Grant for almost two years stood within a hundred + or a hundred and fifty miles of Richmond, the heart of the Confederacy, + and was not able to sufficiently subdue Lee's forces to enable him to + get possession of the city until the complete exhaustion of the + Confederacy's resources in men and money had been accomplished. +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0006"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/bryce.jpg" width="143" height="225" +alt="Viscount James Bryce"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">VISCOUNT JAMES BRYCE</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo from George G. Bain.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0014">See Page 477</a></i></p> +<br> +<a name="image-0007"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/dernburg.jpg" width="143" height="225" +alt="Dr. Bernhard Dernburg"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">DR. BERNHARD DERNBURG</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo by Campbell Studios.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0018">See Page 487</a></i></p> +<br> +<a name="image-0008"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/jordan.jpg" width="171" height="225" +alt="David Starr Jordan"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">DAVID STARR JORDAN</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0019">See Page 502</a></i></p> +<br> +<a name="image-0009"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/hibben.jpg" width="142" height="225" +alt="John Grier Hibben"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">JOHN GRIER HIBBEN</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo by McManus.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0025">See Page 503</a></i></p> +<br> +<p> + While that situation may not offer a true parallel in all respects to + that in which we find the belligerent forces in the present European + war, it nevertheless may be taken as a precedent proving that frontal + encounters of powerful opponents generally do not yield final results + until actual exhaustion compels one side or the other to abandon hope. +</p> +<p> + Such an exhaustion hardly can be expected within measurable time on the + part of either one or the other of the combatants in the existing + European conflict, and this means the probable continuation for a long + period of the merciless slaughter which has marked the last few months. + We hold up our hands in horror at the stories of human sacrifices in the + early ages when, after all, these were, perhaps, less brutal and less + appalling than the wholesale slaughter of the flower of these warring + peoples of which we now read almost daily. +</p> +<p> + As I see the situation there really are only three contestants in the + war—England, Russia, and Germany. France, Belgium, and Austria are + important auxiliaries, but they are playing to a certain extent + secondary rôles. +</p> +<p> + England's real object is the utter defeat of Germany—nothing more nor + less than that—and if this is accomplished England will have control of + Europe. It must be remembered that the English Government and English + people frequently have asserted that they would not be satisfied with + mere defeat of Germany's armed forces, but that her power must be + permanently paralyzed. +</p> +<p> + If England should accomplish this, with Germany, its army and its navy, + thus wholly out of the way, no one would be left for England to fear in + future upon the high seas. +</p> +<p> + That might be the chief significance of England's complete victory, and + its complete significance would be that every nation in the world would + have to do the British bidding, for should any one refuse she could + completely destroy its commerce and shut off its overseas supplies. +</p> +<p> + In the cases of most nations overseas supplies include material vital + to the continuance of life and happiness; to every nation, in these days + of a developed and habitual foreign trade, overseas supplies are + actually essential, even when they do not necessarily include meats and + wheat and other foodstuffs. +</p> +<p> + The effect upon the United States of such an English victory would be + most disastrous. +</p> +<p> + The alliance between England and Japan is likely to be permanent. That + is something which Americans cannot afford to forget for a moment. +</p> +<p> + England needs Japan in the Far East, especially as an ally in case of + need, which at some time is certain to arrive, against Russia; and Japan + for many reasons needs the strength of English backing, without which + her financial and political situation soon would become most dangerous, + if not collapse. +</p> +<p> + Such a permanent alliance would have this consequence upon us, that + without even the probability of difficulties with either England or + Japan—and, personally, I do not believe that such a probability need be + feared—we nevertheless year after year would be compelled to + increasingly prepare for what may be defined as the disagreeable + possibility of the eventuation of a disagreeable possibility. +</p> +<p> + Certainly we should be under the necessity of notably and, therefore, + very expensively, increasing our naval armament; we should be under the + necessity of large expenditures for coast defense. +</p> +<p> + Corollary military cost would be enormous and burdensome. The + preparation which would be imposed on us as a necessity by such a + permanent alliance would be sufficiently extensive and expensive to + burden our people heavily and handicap our national progress. +</p> +<p> + It might involve, perhaps, even a greater hardship in our case than + militarism has involved in Germany. It is improbable that the average + American realizes the part which absence of such burdens has played in + our national development so far; it would be difficult for the average + American who has not studied the whole subject carefully to estimate + accurately the part which the imposition of such a burden would be sure + to play in our future. +</p> +<p> + We have been measurably a free people. If we were under the necessity of + supporting vast military and naval establishments we should be that no + longer, no matter how completely we adhered to our democratic political + system and ideals. It is not Kings, but what they do, which burdens + countries, and the most burdensome, act of any King is to load his + country up with non-productive, threatening, and expensive war + machinery. +</p> +<h3> + The Real Peril. +</h3> +<p> + I fear that the American people as a whole have visualized only + slightly, if at all, the real peril involved in this contingency; but I + cannot feel otherwise than sure that soon they must awake to the great + danger that militarism and navalism may be imposed upon them through no + fault of their own. +</p> +<p> + American impulses trend away from armament toward peaceful development + along industrial lines, but even now political leaders in Washington + begin to see what may be coming. The propositions which already have + been made for considerable increases in our naval and military forces + may be regarded as only the forerunners of what is to be expected later. +</p> +<p> + My sympathies and interests, in other words my patriotic sentiments, are + definitely American. I must repeat that I am of German origin, and that + as regards the present struggle I am pro-German, yet it would be + impossible for me to say that I am anti-English, although I am + anti-Russian for reasons that are obvious. +</p> +<p> + I already have expressed the belief that the complete humiliation of + England would be disastrous to us. Now, it seems to me that if Germany + should be completely successful, if she should be able to wear out the + Allies, break down France, hold Russia in check, and cripple or even + invade England, (which many German leaders actually believe can be done, + incredible as it may seem to us,) Germany would acquire a position such + as never has been held by any nation since the beginning of history. Not + even the power of the Roman Empire would approach it. +</p> +<p> + The advance which has marked the development of every means of + communication, transportation, manufacturing, &c., since Rome's day + would give Germany, in the case of such an eventuation, a power which + would have been inconceivable to the most ambitious Roman Emperor. It + would make her a menace not only to her immediate neighbors, but to the + entire globe. +</p> +<p> + Could she be trusted with such power? Notwithstanding my personal + sympathies, which I have taken pains to clearly outline, I must admit + that I cannot think so. The German character is not only self-reliant, + which is admirable, but it readily becomes domineering, particularly + when in the ascendency. +</p> +<p> + In the rôle of a world conqueror Germany would become a world + dictator—would indulge in a domination which would be almost unbearable + to every other nation. Particularly would this be the case in respect to + her relations with the United States, a nation with which she always has + had and always must have intimate trade and commercial relations. +</p> +<p> + Should Germany make England impotent and France powerless we should + become more or less dependent upon German good-will, and it is highly + probable, indeed I regard it as a certainty, that before long, in such + an event, the Monroe Doctrine would cease to exercise any important + influence on world events. It would become a thing of the past—a "scrap + of paper." +</p> +<p> + You see that while I am not neutral to the extreme, while I fervently + hope and pray that Germany may not be wrecked and that she may emerge + from the war with full ability to maintain her own, I cannot believe + that it would be good for her or good for the world in general if she + found herself absolutely and incontrovertibly victorious at the end of + the great struggle. In other words, I wish Germany to be victorious, but + I do not wish her to be too victorious. +</p> +<p> + This brings us definitely to the question as to what can be done to stop + this war. Its continuance is infinitely costly of men and treasure; its + prosecution to the bitter end would mean complete disaster for one + contestant and only less complete destruction for the other, and it + would give to the victor, no matter what his sufferings and losses might + have been, a power dangerous to the entire world. +</p> +<p> + How shall it end? We do not want its end to mean a new European map. + Anything of the sort would include the seed of another European war, to + be fought out later and at even greater probable cost, with all the + world-disturbance implied in such an eventuation. +</p> +<p> + What the United States should desire and does desire is an understanding + between these nations, of just what they are fighting for, which I + almost believe they no longer know themselves, and a conference between + them now, a pause to think, which at least may help toward stimulating + each side to make concessions, before the ultimate of damage has been + done. +</p> +<p> + Such a conference might be called even without any interval in warfare + and induced without definite outside intervention from ourselves or any + one else. I believe it not to be beyond the bounds of possibility that + if this course could be brought about importantly enough, a way out of + this brutal struggle and carnage might be discovered even now, and I + know I am not alone in this belief. +</p> +<p> + The situation is unprecedented. No congress such as in former times more + than once has settled wars and brought about peace by the give-and-take + process could be of avail in the existing circumstances. Something far + higher than such a conference is needed. This peace must not be + temporary. It must mark not the ending of this war alone but the ending + of all war. +</p> +<p> + Some means must be devised and generally agreed to which, after the + re-establishment of peace, will do away with jealousies among European + nations, so that the continual increase of armament on land and sea no + longer will be necessary, and humanity will be freed from its tremendous + burden. +</p> +<p> + It is not at present possible to point out any concrete means by which + these things may be accomplished, but it is not impossible that, when + reason shall be returned to the Governments now at war, they themselves + may suggest to one another plans and ways and means how this may be + effectuated. +</p> +<p> + Toward this end America may help tremendously, and herein lies, it seems + to me, the greatest opportunity ever offered by events to the American + press. +</p> +<p> + Let the newspapers of America stop futile philosophizing upon the merits + and demerits of each case, let them measurably cease their comment upon + what each side has accomplished or failed to accomplish during the + tragic four months which have traced their bloody mark on history. +</p> +<p> + Let them begin to stimulate public opinion in favor of a rational + adjustment of the points at issue—such an adjustment as will leave each + contestant unhumiliated and intact, such an adjustment as will avoid, as + far as may be possible, the complete defeat of any one, such an + adjustment as will do what can be done toward righting wrongs already + wrought, and such an adjustment as will let the world return as soon as + may be to the paths of peace, productiveness, prosperity, and happiness. +</p> +<p> + In suggesting that America should regard this effort as an obligation I + am assuming for this country no rights which are not properly hers. We, + a nation of a hundred million people, laboring constantly for peace and + human progress, have a right to make our voice heard, and if we raise it + properly it will find listeners among those who can help toward the + accomplishment of what we seek. But if we would make it heard we must be + earnest, be honest, and be ceaseless in the reiteration of our demand. +</p> +<p> + Have we not the right to insist that the interests of neutral nations, + of whom, with our South American cousins, (for the better intercourse + with whom we have just spent several hundred millions upon the + construction of the Panama Canal,) we form so large a percentage, shall + before long be given some consideration by the nations whose great + quarrel is harming us incalculably? +</p> +<h3> + Americans Should Speak Out. +</h3> +<p> + The interruption of our economic development already has become marked + and the war's baneful influence upon moral conditions in our midst shows + itself through constantly increasing unemployment and, as a logical + consequence of that, the rapid filling of our eleemosynary and penal + institutions. May we not reasonably demand that this shall speedily be + brought to an end? +</p> +<p> + It probably is true that under the rules of the game the President of + the United States cannot offer his good offices again to the + belligerents without first being invited by one or the other side to do + this, but the people of the United States have a voice even more + powerful than his; if that of the people of South America should be + joined with it, and if the combined sound should be made unquestionably + apparent to the warring nations, it could not pass unheeded. +</p> +<p> + Public opinion in the United States should firmly seek to impress upon + the warring nations the conviction that nothing can secure a lasting + peace except assurance of conditions under which not mighty armies and + tremendous navies are held to be the factors through which trade + expansion and the conquest of the markets of the world are to be + obtained, but that this can be accomplished better and more lastingly + through rigid adherence to the qualities and methods which generally + make for success in commercial or any other peaceful + competition—fairness, thorough efficiency, and hard work. +</p> +<p> + The concentrated power of the American press and people would be + tremendous. I am sure that, in this instance, it is possible to + concentrate it for righteousness and the future good of all humanity. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0010"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Prof. Mather on Mr. Schiff +</h2> +<blockquote> +<p> Professor of Art at Princeton University; editorial writer for + The New York Evening Post and Assistant Editor of The Nation, + 1901-06.</p> +</blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + It seems to me that the Belgian previous question ought to be moved with + all candid pro-Germans. Mr. Schiff is plainly candid, so I have framed + an open letter to elicit his opinion: +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + [<i>An Open Letter to Jacob H. Schiff.</i>] +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, New York. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + My Dear Sir:</p> +<p> + The universal esteem which you enjoy in the country of your adoption lends + great weight to any utterance of yours on public matters. Your interview on + the war in THE TIMES of Nov. 22 will everywhere have influence for its + gravity and fineness of feeling. It is with compunction that I call your + attention to the fact that your statement is ambiguous on precisely those + issues of the conflict which your fellow-citizens have nearest at heart. +</p> +<p> + Your general position may be described as a desire for prompt peace and + restoration of the former balance of power. More specifically you wish + "Germany to be victorious, but not too victorious." If this be merely an + instinctive expression of the residual German in you, an expression made + with no practical implications of any sort, no American will do + otherwise than respect such a sentiment. But if you deliberately desire + a moderate victory for Germany, with all that such moderate victory + practically implies, it behooves your fellow-citizens to judge your + views in the light of what these really call for. +</p> +<p> + An ever so slightly victorious Germany would presumably retain Belgium, + in whole or in part. Does such a conquest have your moral assent? +</p> +<p> + Or suppose the rather improbable event of a Germany driven out of + Belgium, but otherwise slightly victorious. In such case not a pfennig + of indemnity would come to Belgium. Do you believe that no indemnity is + morally due Belgium? +</p> +<p> + Knowing your reputation as a man and philanthropist, I can hardly + believe that your desire for a "not too victorious" Germany includes its + logical implication of a subjugated or uncompensated Belgium. But if + this be so, candor expects an avowal. Until you have made yourself clear + on the issue that most concerns your fellow-citizens they will remain in + doubt as to your whole moral attitude on the war. Does your pacificism + contemplate a German Belgium? I feel sure you will admit that no fairer + question could be set to any one who comments on the sequels of the war. + I am, most respectfully yours, +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Princeton University, Oct. 23, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0011"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + The Eliot-Schiff Letters +</h2> +<blockquote> +<p> <i>On Nov. 22</i> THE NEW YORK TIMES <i>printed this interview with + Jacob H. Schiff on the European war reproduced above. Two days + later Dr. Charles W. Eliot, President Emeritus of Harvard, who + is an old friend of Mr. Schiff, wrote him a letter of comment + on THE TIMES interview. This letter resulted in considerable + correspondence between the two. At the time this + correspondence was penned there was not the least thought in + the mind of either of the writers of giving the letters to the + public. It was simply an interchange of ideas between men who + had long known each other. When they were convinced, however, + that publication might serve a useful purpose in shaping + public opinion, both Mr. Schiff and Dr. Eliot cordially + assented to their being printed.</i> +</p> +</blockquote> +<br> +<h3> + Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CAMBRIDGE, Mass.,<br> + Nov. 24, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Mr. Schiff:</p> +<p> + It was a great relief to me to read just now your interview in THE NEW YORK + TIMES of Nov. 22, for I have been afraid that your judgment and mine, + concerning the desirable outcome of this horrible war, were very different. + I now find that at many points they coincide. +</p> +<p> + One of my strongest hopes is that one result of the war may be the + acceptance by the leading nations of the world of the precept or + law—there shall be no world empire for any single nation. If I + understand you correctly, you hold the same opinion. You wish neither + Germany nor England to possess world empire. You also look forward, as I + do, to some contract or agreement among the leading nations which shall + prevent competitive armaments. I entirely agree with you that it is in + the highest degree undesirable that this war should be prolonged to the + exhaustion of either side. +</p> +<p> + When, however, I come to your discussion of the means by which a good + result toward European order and peace may be brought out of the present + convulsion I do not find clear guidance to present action on your part + or mine, or on the part of our Government and people. Was it your + thought that a congress of the peoples of North and South America should + now be convened to bring to bear American opinion on the actual + combatants while the war is going on? Or is it your thought that the + American nations wait until there is a lull or pause in the indecisive + fighting? +</p> +<p> + So far as I can judge from the very imperfect information which reaches us + from Germany, the confidence of the German Emperor and people in their + "invincible" army is not much abated, although it clearly ought to be. It is + obvious that American opinion has some weight in Germany; but has it not + enough weight to induce Germany to abandon her intense desire for Belgium + and Holland and extensive colonial possessions? To my thinking, without the + abandonment of that desire and ambition on the part of Germany, there can be + no lasting peace in Europe and no reduction of armaments.</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Sincerely yours, +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">CHARLES W. ELIOT. </p> +<p style="text-align: left; text-indent: 0em"> + Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. +</p> +<h3> + Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: right"> + NEW YORK,<br> + Nov. 25, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + My Dear Dr. Eliot: +</p> +<p> + I am just in receipt of your thoughtful letter of yesterday, which it + has given me genuine pleasure to receive. While it is true that I have + not found myself in accord with many of the views to which you have + given public expression concerning the responsibility for this + deplorable conflict and the unfortunate conditions it has created, I + never doubted that as to its desirable outcome we would find ourselves + in accord, and I am very glad to have this confirmed by you, though as + to this our views could not have diverged. +</p> +<p> + As to the means by which a desirable result toward European order and + peace may be brought about out of the chaos which has become created, it + is, I confess, difficult to give guidance at present. What needs first, + in my opinion, to be done is to bring forth a healthy and insistent + public opinion here for an early peace without either side becoming + first exhausted, and it was my purpose in the interview I have given to + set the American people thinking concerning this. I have no idea that I + shall have immediate success; but if men like you and others follow in + the same line, I am sure American public opinion can before long be made + to express itself emphatically and insistently in favor of an early + peace. Without this it is not unlikely that this horrible slaughter and + destruction may continue for a very, very long time. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Yours most faithfully, +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">JACOB H. SCHIFF. </p> +<p style="text-align: left"> + President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. +</p> +<h3> + Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CAMBRIDGE, Mass.,<br> + Nov. 28, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Mr. Schiff: +</p> +<p> + I think, just as you do, that the thing which most needs to be done is + to induce Germany to modify its present opinion that the nation must + fight for its very life to its last mark and the last drop of its blood. + Now, every private letter that I have received from Germany, and every + printed circular, pamphlet, or book on the war which has come to me from + German sources insists on the view that, for Germany, it is a question + between world empire or utter downfall. There is no sense or reason in + this view, but the German philosophers, historians, and statesmen are + all maintaining it at this moment. +</p> +<p> + England, France, and Russia have no such expectations or desires as regards + the fate of Germany. What they propose to do is to put a stop to Germany's + plan of attaining world empire by militarism. Have you any means of getting + into the minds of some of the present rulers of Germany the idea that no + such alternative as life or death is presented to Germany in this war, and + that the people need only abandon their world-empire ambitions while + securing safety in the heart of Europe and a chance to develop all that is + good in German civilization?</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Sincerely yours, +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">CHARLES W. ELIOT. </p> +<p style="text-align: left; text-indent: 0em"> + Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. +</p> +<h3> + Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. +</h3> +<p style="text-indent: 0em; text-align: right"> + The Greenbrier,<br> + WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, W. Va.,<br> + Dec. 1, 1914.</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Dr. Eliot: +</p> +<p> + I have received today your letter of the 28th ult., and I hasten to + reply to it, for I know of nought that is of more importance than the + discussion between earnest men of what might be done to bring to + cessation this horrible and senseless war. +</p> +<p> + I believe you are mistaken—though in this I am stating nothing, + absolutely, but my personal opinion—that Germany would not listen to + the suggestion for a restoration of peace until it has either come into + a position to dictate the terms or until it is utterly crushed. Indeed, + I rather feel, and I have indications that such is the case, that + England is unwilling to stop short of crushing Germany, and it is now + using all the influence it can bring to bear in this country to prevent + public opinion being aroused in favor of the stoppage of hostilities and + re-establishment of peace. +</p> +<p> + The same mail which brought your letter this morning brought me also a + letter from a leading semi-military man, whom I know by name, but not + personally. It is so fine and timely that I venture to inclose a copy + for your perusal. Why would not you, and perhaps Dr. Andrew D. White, + who—is it not a coincidence—has likewise written me today on the + subject of my recent TIMES interview, be the very men to carry out the + suggestion made by my correspondent? +</p> +<p> + Perhaps no other two men in the entire country are so greatly looked up to + by its people for guidance as you—in the first instance—and Dr. White. You + could surely bestow no greater gift upon the entire civilized world than if + now, in the evening of a life which has been of such great value to mankind, + you would call around you a number of leading, earnest Americans with the + view of discussing and framing plans through which American public opinion + could be crystallized and aroused to the point where it will insistently + demand that these warring nations come together and, with the experience + they have made to their great cost, make at least an attempt to find a way + out. I cannot but believe that the Governments of England, France, and + Germany—if not Russia—will have to listen, if the American people speak with + no uncertain voice. Do it, and you will deserve and receive the blessing of + this and of coming generations!</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Yours most faithfully, +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">JACOB H. SCHIFF. </p> +<h3> + Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CAMBRIDGE, Mass.,<br> + Dec. 8, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Mr. Schiff: +</p> +<p> + I thank you for your letter of Dec. 1 and its interesting inclosure. +</p> +<p> + Although every thoughtful person must earnestly desire that the waste + and destruction of this greatest of wars should be stopped as soon as + possible, there is an overpowering feeling that the war should go on + until all the combatants, including Germany, have been brought to see + that the Governmental régime and the state of the public mind in Germany + which have made this war possible are not consistent with the security + and well-being of Europe in the future. +</p> +<p> + Personally, I feel strongly that the war ought to go on so long as + Germany persists in its policies of world empire, dynastic rule, + autocratic bureaucracy, and the use of force in international dealings. + If the war stops before Germany sees that those policies cannot prevail + in twentieth-century Europe, the horrible wrongs and evils which we are + now witnessing will recur; and all the nations will have to continue the + destructive process of competitive armaments. If peace should be made + now, before the Allies have arrived at attacking Germany on her own + soil, there would result only a truce of moderate length, and then a + renewal of the present horrors. +</p> +<p> + I cannot but think that Europe now has a chance to make a choice between + the German ideal of the State and the Anglo-American ideal. These two + ideals are very different; and the present conflict shows that they + cannot coexist longer in modern Europe. +</p> +<p> + In regard to the suggestion which your correspondent made to you that a + conference of private persons should now be called in the hope of + arriving at an agreed-upon appeal to the combatants to desist from + fighting and consider terms of settlement, I cannot but feel (1) that + such a conference would have no assured status; (2) that the combatants + would not listen; and (3) that the effort would, therefore, be untimely + now, though perhaps useful later. +</p> +<p> + One idea might possibly bring about peace, if it fructified in the mind + of the German Emperor—the idea, namely, that the chance of Germany's + obtaining dominating power in either Europe or the world having already + gone, the wise thing for him to do is to save United Germany within her + natural boundaries for secure development as a highly civilized strong + nation in the heart of Europe. Surplus population can always emigrate + happily in the future as in the past. +</p> +<p> + The security of Germany would rest, however, on an international + agreement to be maintained by an international force; whereas, the + example which Germany has just given of the reckless violation of + international agreements is extremely discouraging in regard to the + possibility of securing the peace of Europe in the future. +</p> +<p> + Although this war has already made quite impossible the domination of + Germany in Europe or in the world, the leaders of Germany do not yet see + or apprehend that impossibility. Hence, many earnest peace-seekers have + to confess that they do not see any means whatever available for + promoting peace in Europe now, or even procuring a short truce. +</p> +<p> + I wish I could believe with you that the Governments of England, France, + Germany, and Russia would listen to the voice of the American people. + They all seem to desire the good opinion and moral support of America; + but I see no signs that they would take American advice or imitate + American example. President Wilson seems to think that this country will + be accepted as a kind of umpire in this formidable contest; but surely + we have no right to any such position. Our example in avoiding + aggression on other nations, and in declining to enter the contest for + world power, ought to have some effect in abating European ambitions in + that direction; but our exhortations to peace and good-will will, I + fear, have little influence. There is still a real contest on between + democracy and oligarchical methods. +</p> +<p> + You see, my dear Mr. Schiff, that I regard this war as the result of + long-continuing causes which have been gathering force for more than + fifty years. In Germany all the forces of education, finance, commercial + development, a pagan philosophy, and Government have been preparing this + war since 1860. To stop it now, before these forces have been + overwhelmingly defeated, and before the whole German people is convinced + that they are defeated, would be to leave humanity exposed to the + certain recurrence of the fearful convulsions we are now witnessing. +</p> +<p> + If anybody can show me any signs that the leaders of Germany are convinced + that there is to be no world empire for Germany or any other nation, and no + despotic Government in Europe, I shall be ready to take part in any + effectual advocacy of peace.</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Sincerely yours. +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">CHARLES W. ELIOT. </p> +<p style="text-align: left; text-indent: 0em"> + Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. +</p> +<h3> + Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: right"> + NEW YORK,<br> + Dec. 5, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot,<br> + Cambridge, Mass. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Dr. Eliot: +</p> +<p> + Your letter of Dec. 3 reached me this morning, and has given me much + food for thought. +</p> +<p> + I wish I could follow you in the position you have taken, for I like + nothing better than to sit at the feet of a master like you and be + instructed. But, much as I have tried, even before our recent + correspondence was begun, to get at your viewpoint as from time to time + published, I have not been able to convince myself that you occupy a + correct position. Please accept this as expressed in all modesty, for I + know were you not thoroughly convinced of the justice of the position + you have taken from the start you would not be so determined in holding + to it. +</p> +<p> + I am perfectly frank to say that I am amazed and chagrined when you say + that you feel strongly that the war ought to go on until the Allies + have arrived at attacking Germany on her own soil, which, if this is at + all likely to come, may take many months yet, and will mean sacrifice of + human life on both sides more appalling than anything we have seen yet + since the war began. So you are willing that, with all the human life + that has already perished, practically the entire flower of the warring + nations shall become exterminated before even an effort be made to see + whether these nations cannot be brought to reason, cannot be made to + stop and to consider whether, with the experience of the past four + months before them, it would not be better to even now make an effort to + find a way in which the causes that have led to this deplorable conflict + can be once and forever eradicated? +</p> +<p> + That it will be possible to find at this time any method or basis + through the adoption of which the world would become entirely immune + against war I do not believe, even by the establishment of the + international police force such as you and others appear to have in + mind. +</p> +<p> + The perpetual cessation of all war between the civilized nations of the + world can, as I see it, only be brought about in two ways, both Utopian + and likely impracticable, for many years to come. War could be made only + to cease entirely if all the nations of Europe could be organized into a + United States of Europe and if free trade were established throughout + the world. In the first instance, the extreme nationalism, which has + become so rampant during the past fifty years and which has been more or + less at the bottom of every war, would then cease to exist and prevail, + and in the second event, namely, if free trade became established + throughout the world the necessity for territorial expansion and + aggression would no longer be needed, for, with the entire world open on + equal terms to the commerce and industry of every nation, territorial + possession would not be much of a consideration to any peoples. +</p> +<p> + You continually lay stress upon the danger of the domination of Germany + in Europe and in the world. I believe I have already made myself quite + clear in my recent NEW YORK TIMES interview, which has called forth this + correspondence between us, that neither would I wish to have Germany + come into a position where it might dominate Europe, and more or less + the world, nor do I believe that the German Nation, except perhaps a + handful of extremists, has any such desires. +</p> +<p> + I believe I have also made myself quite clear in the interview to which + I have referred that my feelings are not anti-English, for I shall never + forget that liberal government and all forms of liberalism have had + their origin, ever since the Magna Charta, in that great nation whom we + so often love to call our cousins. But, with all of this, can you ignore + the fact that England even today, without the further power and prestige + victory in the present conflict would give her, practically dominates + the high seas, that she treats the ocean as her own and enforces her + dictates upon the waters even to our very shores? That this is true the + past four months have amply proved. I am not one of those who fear that + the United States, as far as can now be foreseen, will get into any + armed conflict with Great Britain or with Japan, her permanent ally, but + I can well understand that many in our country are of a different + opinion, and it takes no prophet to foresee that, with England coming + out of this war victorious and her and Japan's power on the high seas + increased, the demand from a large section of our people for the + acquisition and possession of the United States of an increased powerful + navy and for the erection of vast coast defenses, both on the Atlantic + and Pacific shores, will become so insistent that it cannot be + withstood. What this will mean to the American people in lavish + expenditures and in increased taxation I need not here further go into. +</p> +<p> + Yes, my dear and revered friend, I can see nought but darkness if a way + cannot be soon found out of the present deplorable situation as it + exists in Europe. +</p> +<p> + But even if the Allies are victorious it will mean, as I am convinced, + the beginning of the descent of England as the world's leader and the + hastened ascendency of Russia, who, not today or tomorrow, but in times + to come, is sure to crowd out England from the world's leadership. A + Russia that will have become democratic in its government, be it as a + republic or under a truly constitutional monarchy; a Russia in which + education will be as free as it is in our own country; a Russia in which + the people can move about and make homes in the vast territory she + possesses wherever they can find most happiness and prosperity; a Russia + with its vast natural resources of every kind fully developed, is bound + to be the greatest and most powerful nation on the earth. +</p> +<p> + But I am going too far into the future and I must return to the sad and + deplorable present. I only wanted to show how England's alliance with + this present-day Russia and its despotic, autocratic, and inhuman + Government may, if the Allies shall be victorious, prove possibly in the + nearer future, but certainly in the long run, England's Nemesis. +</p> +<p> + Before closing I want to correct the impression you appear to have + received that I have meant to suggest a conference of private persons + for the purpose of agreeing upon an appeal by them to the nations of + Europe to desist from fighting and consider terms of settlement. I know + this would be entirely impracticable and useless, but what I meant to + convey to you was my conviction that if you and men like you, of whom I + confess there are but too few, were to make the endeavor to rouse public + opinion in the United States to a point where it should insistently + demand that this terrific carnage of blood and destruction cease, it + would not be long before these warring Governments would take notice of + such sentiments on the part of the American people; and what should be + done at once is the stoppage of the furnishing of munitions of war to + any of the belligerents, as is unfortunately done to so great an extent + at present from this country. +</p> +<p> + We freely and abundantly give to the Red Cross and the many other relief + societies, but we do this, even if indirectly, out of the very profits we + derive from the war material we sell to the belligerents, and with which the + wounds the Red Cross and other relief societies endeavor to assuage are + inflicted.</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Yours most faithfully, +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">JACOB H. SCHIFF. </p> +<h3> + Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. +</h3> +<p style="text-indent: 0em; text-align: right"> + CAMBRIDGE, Mass.,<br> + Dec. 8, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Mr. Schiff: +</p> +<p> + Your letter of Dec. 5 tells me what the difference is between you and me + in respect to the outcome of the war—I am much more hopeful or sanguine + of the world's getting good out of it than you are. Since you do not + hope to get any good to speak of out of it, you want to stop it as soon + as possible. You look forward to future war from time to time between + the nations of Europe and to the maintenance of competitive armaments. + You think that the lust of dominion must continue to be felt and + gratified, now by one nation and now by another; that Great Britain can + gratify it now, but that she will be overpowered by Russia by and by. +</p> +<p> + I am unwilling to accept these conditions for Europe, or for the world, + without urging the freer nations to make extraordinary efforts to reach + a better solution of the European international problem which, unsolved, + has led down to this horrible pit of general war. +</p> +<p> + I have just finished another letter to THE NEW YORK TIMES, which will + probably be in print by the time you get back to New York, so I will not + trouble you with any exposition of the grounds of my hopefulness. It is + because I am hopeful that I want to see this war fought out until + Germany is persuaded that she cannot dominate Europe, or, indeed, make + her will prevail anywhere by force of arms. When that change of mind has + been effected I hope that Germany will become a member of a federation + firm enough and powerful enough to prevent any single nation from + aiming at world empire, or even pouncing on a smaller neighbor. +</p> +<p> + There is another point on which I seem to differ from you: I do not believe + that any single nation has now, or can ever hereafter have, the leadership + of the world, whereas you look forward to the existence of such leadership + or domination in the hands of a single great power. Are there not many signs + already, both in the East and in the West, that the time has past for world + empire?</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Very sincerely and cordially yours, +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">CHARLES W. ELIOT. </p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. +</p> +<h3> + Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. +</h3> +<p style="text-indent: 0em; text-align: right"> + NEW YORK,<br> + Dec. 14, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Dr. Eliot: +</p> +<p> + I have delayed replying to your valued letter of the 8th inst. until + after the appearance of your further letter to THE NEW YORK TIMES, to + which you had made reference, and, like everything emanating from you, + the contents of your last TIMES letter have evoked my deepest interest. +</p> +<p> + Had our recent correspondence not already become more extended than you + likely had intended it to become when you first wrote me on the subject + of my TIMES interview of some weeks ago, I should go into your latest + arguments at greater length. As it is, I shall only reiterate that I + find myself unable to follow you in your belief and hope, that world + empire and world leadership, as this now exists, is likely to cease as a + consequence of the present war, much as we all may desire this. +</p> +<p> + England has taken up arms to retain her world dominion and leadership; + and to gain it, Germany is fighting. How can you, then, expect that + England, if victorious, would be willing to surrender her control of the + oceans and the dominion over the trade of the world she possesses in + consequence, and where is there, then, room for the hope you express + that world leadership may become a thing of the past with the + termination of the present conflict? +</p> +<p> + I repeat, with all my attachment for my native land and its people, I + have no inimical feeling toward England, have warm sentiments for + France, and the greatest compassion for brave, stricken Belgium. +</p> +<p> + Thus, "with malice toward none," and with the highest respect for your + expressed views, I am still of the opinion that there can be no greater + service rendered to mankind than to make the effort, either through the + force of public opinion of the two Americas, or otherwise, to bring + these warring Governments together at an early moment, even if this can + only be done without stopping their conflict, so that they may make the + endeavor, whether—with their costly experience of the last five months, + with the probability that they now know better what need be done to make + the extreme armaments on land and sea as unnecessary as they are + undesirable in the future—a basis cannot be found upon which + disarmament can be effectively and permanently brought about. +</p> +<p> + This, at some time, they will have come to, in any event, and must there + first more human lives be sacrificed into the hundreds and hundreds of + thousands, and still greater havoc be wrought, before passions can be + made to cease and reason be made to return? +</p> +<p> + If, as you seem to think, the war need go on until one country is beaten + into a condition where it must accept the terms the victor chooses to + impose, because it can no longer help itself to do else, the peace thus + obtained will only be the harbinger of another war in the near or + distant future, bloodier probably than the present sanguinary conflict, + and through no compact which might be entered into will it be possible + to actually prevent this. +</p> +<p> + Twenty centuries ago Christianity came into the world with its lofty message + of "peace on earth and good-will to men," and now, after two thousand years, + and at the near approach of the season when Christianity celebrates the + birth of its founder, it is insisted that the merciless slaughter of man by + man we have been witnessing these last months must be permitted to be + continued into the infinite.</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Most faithfully yours, +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">JACOB H. SCHIFF. </p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0012"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + LA CATHEDRALE. +</h2> +<h3> + From Figaro. +</h3> +<h3> + By EDMOND ROSTAND. +</h3> +<br> +<blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Ils n'ont fait que la rendre un peu plus immortelle.<br> + L'Oeuvre ne périt pas, que mutile un gredin.<br> + Demande ŕ Phidias et demande ŕ Rodin<br> + Si, devant ses morceaux, on ne dit plus: "C'est Elle!"<br> +<br> + La Forteresse meurt quand on la démantčle.<br> + Mais le Temple, brisé, vit plus noble; et soudain<br> + Les yeux, se souvenant du toit avec dédain,<br> + Préfčrent voir le ciel dans la pierre en dentelle.<br> +<br> + Rendons grace—attendu qu'il nous manquait encor<br> + D'avoir ce qu'ont les Grecs sur la colline d'or;<br> + Le Symbole du Beau consacré par l'insulte!—<br> +<br> + Rendons grace aux pointeurs du stupide canon,<br> + Puisque de leur adresse allemande il résulte<br> + Une Honte pour eux, pour nous un Parthénon! +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +</blockquote> +<hr> + + <h2>THE CATHEDRAL.</h2> + +<h3> + A Free Translation of Rostand's Sonnet. +</h3> +<h3> + By FRANCES C. FAY. +</h3> +<br> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> "Deathless" is graven deeper on thy brow;<br> + Ghouls have no power to end thy endless sway.<br> + The Greek of old, the Frenchman of today,<br> + Before thy riven shrine are bending now.<br> +<br> + A wounded fortress straightway lieth prone,<br> + Not so the Temple dies; its roof may fall,<br> + The sky its covering vault, an azure pall,<br> + Doth droop to crown its wealth of lacework stone.<br> +<br> + Praise to you, Vandal guns of dull intent!<br> + We lacked till now our Beauty's monument<br> + Twice hallowed o'er by insult's brutal hand,<br> +<br> + As Pallas owns on Athens' golden hill,<br> + We have it now, thanks to your far-flung brand!<br> + Your shame—our gain, misguided German skill!</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0013"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Probable Causes and Outcome of the War +</h2> +<h3> + By Charles W. Eliot. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> President Emeritus of Harvard University; Officer Legion + d'Honneur (France); Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, first + class (Japan); Royal Prussian Order of the Crown, first class; + Grand Officer of the Crown of Italy; Member of the General + Education Board, and an original investigator for the cause of + international peace.</p> + + </blockquote> + +<p style="text-align: center"> <i>Following Is Reproduced a Series of Five Letters to</i> THE NEW + YORK TIMES <i>from Dr. Eliot, Together with the Comments Thereon + by Eminent Critics.</i></p> + +<br> + <h3>DR. ELIOT'S FIRST LETTER. </h3> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + The American people without distinction of party are highly content with + the action of their National Administration on all the grave problems + presented to the Government by the sudden outbreak of long-prepared war + in Europe—a war which already involves five great States and two small + ones. They heartily approve of the action of the Administration on + mediation, neutrality, aid to Americans in Europe, discouragement of + speculation in foods, and, with the exception of extreme protectionists, + admission to American registery of foreign-built ships; although the + legislation on the last subject, which has already passed Congress, is + manifestly inadequate. +</p> +<p> + Our people cannot see that the war will necessarily be short, and they + cannot imagine how it can last long. They realize that history gives no + example of such a general interruption of trade and all other + international intercourse as has already taken place, or of such a + stoppage of the production and distribution of the necessaries of life + as this war threatens. They shudder at the floods of human woe which are + about to overwhelm Europe. +</p> +<p> + Hence, thinking Americans cannot help reflecting on the causes of this + monstrous outbreak of primitive savagery—part of them come down from + the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and part developed in the + nineteenth—and wondering what good for mankind, if any, can possibly + come out of the present cataclysm. +</p> +<p> + The whole people of the United States, without regard to racial origin, + are of one mind in hoping that mankind may gain out of this prodigious + physical combat, which uses for purposes of destruction and death all + the new forces of nineteenth-century applied science, some new liberties + and new securities in the pursuit of happiness; but at this moment they + can cherish only a remote hope of such an issue. The military force + which Austria-Hungary and Germany are now using on a prodigious scale, + and with long-studied skill, can only be met by similar military force, + and this resisting force is summoned more slowly than that of + Austria-Hungary and Germany, although the ultimate battalions will be + heavier. In this portentous physical contest the American people have no + part; their geographical position, their historical development, and + their political ideals combine to make them for the present mere + spectators, although their interests—commercial, industrial, and + political—are deeply involved. For the moment, the best thing our + Government can do is to utilize all existing neutrality rights, and, if + possible, to strengthen or develop those rights, for out of this war + ought to come more neutral States in Europe and greater security for + neutralized territory. +</p> +<h3> + The Need for Discussion. +</h3> +<p> + The chances of getting some gains for mankind out of this gigantic + struggle will be somewhat increased if the American people, and all + other neutral peoples, arrive through public discussion at some clear + understanding of the causes and the possible and desirable issues of the + war, and the sooner this public discussion begins, and the more + thoroughly it is pursued, the sounder will probably be the tendencies of + public sentiment outside of the contending nations and the conclusions + which the peace negotiations will ultimately reach. +</p> +<p> + When one begins, however, to reflect on the probable causes of the + sudden lapse of the most civilized parts of Europe into worse than + primitive savagery, he comes at once on two old and widespread evils in + Europe from which America has been exempt for at least 150 years. The + first is secret diplomacy with power to make issues and determine + events, and the second is autocratic national Executives who can swing + the whole physical force of the nation to this side or that without + consulting the people or their representatives. +</p> +<p> + The actual catastrophe proves that secret negotiations like those + habitually conducted on behalf of the "concert of Europe," and alliances + between selected nations, the terms of which are secret, or at any rate + not publicly stated, cannot avert in the long run outrageous war, but + can only produce postponements of war, or short truces. Free + institutions, like those of the United States, take the public into + confidence, because all important movements of the Government must rest + on popular desires, needs, and volitions. Autocratic institutions have + no such necessity for publicity. This Government secrecy as to motives, + plans, and purposes must often be maintained by disregarding truth, fair + dealing, and honorable obligations, in order that, when the appeal to + force comes, one Government may secure the advantage of taking the other + by surprise. Duplicity during peace and the breaking of treaties during + war come to be regarded as obvious military necessities. +</p> +<p> + The second great evil under which certain large nations of + Europe—notably Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary—have long suffered + and still suffer is the permanent national Executive, independent of + popular control through representative bodies, holding strong views + about rights of birth and religious sanctions of its authority, and + really controlling the national forces through some small council and a + strong bureaucracy. So long as Executives of this sort endure, so long + will civilization be liable to such explosions as have taken place this + August, though not always on so vast a scale. +</p> +<p> + Americans now see these things more clearly than European lovers of + liberty, because Americans are detached from the actual conflicts by the + Atlantic, and because Americans have had no real contact with the feudal + or the imperial system for nearly 300 years. Pilgrim and Puritan, + Covenanter and Quaker, Lutheran and Catholic alike left the feudal + system and autocratic government behind them when they crossed the + Atlantic. Americans, therefore, cannot help hoping that two results of + the present war will be: (1) The abolition of secret diplomacy and + secret understandings, and the substitution therefor of treaties + publicly discussed and sanctioned, and (2) the creation of national + Executives—Emperors, Sultans, Kings, or Presidents—which cannot use + the national forces in fight until a thoroughly informed national + assembly, acting with deliberation, has agreed to that use. +</p> +<h3> + Opposite Tendencies. +</h3> +<p> + The American student of history since the middle of the seventeenth + century sees clearly two strong though apparently opposite tendencies in + Europe: First, the tendency to the creation and maintenance of small + States such as those which the Peace of Westphalia (1648) recognized and + for two centuries secured in a fairly independent existence, and, + secondly, a tendency from the middle of the nineteenth century toward + larger national units, created by combining several kindred States + under one executive. This second tendency was illustrated strongly in + the case of both Germany and Italy, although the Prussian domination in + Germany has no parallel in Italy. Somewhat earlier in the nineteenth + century the doctrine of the neutralization of the territories of small + States was established as firmly as solemn treaties could do it. The + larger national units had a more or less federative quality, the + components yielding some of their functions to a central power, but + retaining numerous independent functions. This tendency to limited + unification is one which Americans easily understand and appreciate. We + believe in the federative principle, and must therefore hope that out of + the present European horror will come a new development of that + principle, and new security for small States which are capable of + guaranteeing to their citizens "life, liberty, and the pursuit of + happiness"—a security which no citizen of any European country seems + today to possess. +</p> +<p> + Some of the underlying causes of the horrible catastrophe the American + people are now watching from afar are commercial and economic. Imperial + Germany's desire for colonies in other continents—such as Great Britain + and France secured earlier as a result of keen commercial ambitions—is + intense. Prussia's seizure of Schleswig in 1864-5 had the commercial + motive; and it is with visions of ports on the North Sea that Germany + justifies her present occupation of Belgium. The Russians have for + generations desired to extend their national territory southward to the + Aegean and the Bosphorus, and eastward to good harbors on the Pacific. + Later they pushed into Mongolia and Manchuria, but were resisted + successfully by Japan. Austria-Hungary has long been seeking ports on + the Adriatic, and lately seized without warrant Herzegovina and Bosnia + to promote her approach toward the Aegean, and is now trying to seize + Servia with the same ends in view. With similar motives Italy lately + descended on Tripoli, without any excuse except this intense desire for + colonies—profitable or unprofitable. On the other hand, the American + people, looking to the future as well as to the past, object to + acquisitions of new territory by force of arms; and since the twentieth + century opened they have twice illustrated in their own practice—first + in Cuba, and then in Mexico—this democratic objection. They believe + that extensions of national territory should be brought about only with + the indubitable consent of the majority of the people most nearly + concerned. They also believe that commerce should always be a means of + promoting good-will, and not ill-will, among men, and that all + legitimate and useful extensions of the commerce of a manufacturing and + commercial nation may be procured through the policy of the "open + door"—which means nothing more than that all nations should be allowed + to compete on equal terms for the trade of any foreign people, whether + backward or advanced in civilization. No American Administration has + accepted a "concession" of land in China. They also believe that + peaceable extensions of territory and trade will afford adequate relief + from the economic pressure on a population too large for the territory + it occupies, and that there is no need of forcible seizure of territory + to secure relief. It is inevitable, therefore, that the American people + should hope that one outcome of the present war should be—no + enlargement of a national territory by force or without the free consent + of the population to be annexed, and no colonization except by peaceable + commercial and industrial methods. +</p> +<h3> + Aggressive Force a Failure. +</h3> +<p> + One of the most interesting and far-reaching effects of the present + outbreak of savagery is likely to be the conviction it carries to the + minds of thinking people that the whole process of competitive + armaments, the enlistment of the entire male population in national + armies, and the incessant planning of campaigns against neighbors, is + not a trustworthy method for preserving peace. It now appears that the + military preparations of the last fifty years in Europe have resulted + in the most terrific war of all time, and that a fierce ultimate + outbreak is the only probable result of the system. For the future of + civilization this is a lesson of high value. It teaches that if modern + civilization is to be preserved, national Executives—whether imperial + or republican—must not have at their disposal immense armaments and + drilled armies held ready in the leash; that armaments must be limited, + an international Supreme Court established, national armies changed to + the Swiss form, and an international force adequate to deal with any + nation that may suddenly become lawless agreed upon by treaty and held + always in readiness. The occasional use of force will continue to be + necessary even in the civilized world; but it must be made not an + aggressive but a protective force and used as such—just as protective + force has to be used sometimes in families, schools, cities, and + Commonwealths. +</p> +<p> + At present Americans do not close their eyes to the plain fact that the + brute force which Germany and Austria-Hungary are now using can only be + overcome by brute force of the same sort in larger measure. It is only + when negotiations for peace begin that the great lesson of the futility + of huge preparations for fighting to preserve peace can be given effect. + Is it too much to expect that the whole civilized world will take to + heart the lessons of this terrible catastrophe and co-operate to prevent + the recurrence of such losses and woes? Should Germany and + Austria-Hungary succeed in their present undertakings, the whole + civilized world would be obliged to bear continuously, and to an + ever-increasing amount, the burdens of great armaments, and would live + in constant fear of sudden invasion, now here, now there—a terrible + fear, against which neither treaties nor professions of peaceable + intentions would offer the least security. +</p> +<p> + It must be admitted, however, that the whole military organization, + which has long been compulsory on the nations of Continental Europe, is + inconsistent in the highest degree with American ideals of individual + liberty and social progress. Democracies can fight with ardor, and + sometimes with success, when the whole people is moved by a common + sentiment or passion; but the structure and discipline of a modern army + like that of Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia, has a despotic or + autocratic quality which is inconsistent with the fundamental principles + of democratic society. To make war in countries like France, Great + Britain, and the United States requires the widespread, simultaneous + stirring of the passions of the people on behalf of their own ideals. + This stirring requires publicity before and after the declaration of war + and public discussion; and the delays which discussion causes are + securities for peace. Out of the present struggle should come a check on + militarism—a strong revulsion against the use of force as means of + settling international disputes. +</p> +<h3> + America Cannot Be Indifferent. +</h3> +<p> + It must also be admitted that it is impossible for the American people + to sympathize with the tone of the imperial and royal addresses which, + in summoning the people to war, use such phrases as "My monarchy," "My + loyal people," "My loyal subjects"; for there is implied in such phrases + a dynastic or personal ownership of peoples which shocks the average + American. Americans inevitably think that the right way for a ruler to + begin an exhortation to the people he rules is President Wilson's way: + "My fellow-countrymen." +</p> +<p> + It follows from the very existence of these American instincts and hopes + that, although the people of the United States mean to maintain + faithfully a legal neutrality, they are not, and can not be, neutral or + indifferent as to the ultimate outcome of this titanic struggle. It + already seems to them that England, France, and Russia are fighting for + freedom and civilization. It does not follow that thinking Americans + will forget the immense services which Germany has rendered to + civilization during the last hundred years, or desire that her power to + serve letters, science, art, and education should be in the least + abridged in the outcome of this war upon which she has entered so + rashly and selfishly and in so barbarous a spirit. Most educated + Americans hope and believe that by defeating the German barbarousness + the Allies will only promote the noble German civilization. +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0010"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/burgess.jpg" width="141" height="225" +alt="John W. Burgess"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">JOHN W. BURGESS</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo by Alman & Co.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0027">See Page 507</a></i></p> +<br> +<a name="image-0011"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/sloane.jpg" width="141" height="225" +alt="William M. Sloane"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">WILLIAM M. SLOANE</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo by Pach.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i><a href="#2H_4_0031">See Page 515</a></i></p> +<br> +<p> + The presence of Russia in the combination against Germany and + Austria-Hungary seems to the average American an abnormal phenomenon; + because Russia is itself a military monarchy with marked territorial + ambitions; and its civilization is at a more elementary stage than that + of France or England; but he resists present apprehension on this score + by recalling that Russia submitted to the "Concert of Europe" when her + victorious armies were within seventeen miles of Constantinople, that + she emancipated her serfs, proposed The Hague Conferences, initiated the + "Duma," and has lately offered—perhaps as war measures only—autonomy + to her Poles and equal rights of citizenship to her Jews. He also + cannot help believing that a nation which has produced such a literature + as Russia has produced during the last fifty years must hold within its + multitudinous population a large minority which is seething with high + aspirations and a fine idealism. +</p> +<p> + For the clarification of the public mind on the issue involved, it is + important that the limits of American neutrality should be discussed and + understood. The action of the Government must be neutral in the best + sense; but American sympathies and hopes cannot possibly be neutral, for + the whole history and present state of American liberty forbids. For the + present, thinking Americans can only try to appreciate the scope and + real issues of this formidable convulsion, and so be ready to seize + every opportunity that may present itself to further the cause of human + freedom, and of peace at last. +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">CHARLES W. ELIOT. </p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Asticou, Me., Sept. 1, 1914. +</p> +<br><hr> +<a name="2H_4_0014"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Appreciation from Lord Bryce +</h2> + <blockquote> +<p> Late Ambassador at Washington from Great Britain; Chief + Secretary for Ireland, 1905-6; author of "The American + Commonwealth," and of studies in history and biography. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p> + It has been a great pleasure to see from your published letter, which + has just reached us, that you so clearly understand the motive and + feelings with which Great Britain has entered on the present war. + Neither commercial rivalry nor any fancied jealousy of Germany's + greatness has led us into it, and to the German people our people bear + no ill-will whatever. Along with many others I have worked steadily + during long years for the maintenance of friendship with Germany, + admiring the splendid gifts of the German race, and recognizing their + enormous services to science, philosophy, and literature. We had hoped, + as some thoughtful statesmen in Germany had also hoped, that by a + cordial feeling between Germany and Britain the peace of Europe might be + secured and something done to bring about permanently better relations + between Germany and her two great neighbors with whom we found ourselves + on friendly terms; and we had confidently looked to the United States to + join with us in this task. But the action of the German Government in + violating the neutrality of Belgium when France had assured us that she + would respect it, the invasion of a small State whose neutrality and + independence she and England had joined in guaranteeing, evoked in this + country an almost unanimous sentiment that the faith of treaties and the + safety of small States must be protected. There has been no war for more + than a century—perhaps two centuries—into which the nation has entered + with so general a belief that its action is justified. We rejoice to be + assured that this is the general feeling of the people of the United + States, whose opinion we naturally value more than we do that of any + other people. +</p> +<p> + Most persons in this country, including all those who work for peace, + agree with you in deploring the vast armaments which European States + have been piling up, and will hope with you that after this war they may + be reduced—and safely reduced—to slender dimensions. Their existence + is a constant menace to peace. They foster that spirit of militarism + which has brought these horrors on the world; for they create in the + great countries of the Continent a large and powerful military and naval + caste which lives for war, talks and writes incessantly of war, and + glorifies war as a thing good in itself. +</p> +<p> + It is (as you say) to the peoples that we must henceforth look to + safeguard international concord. They bear the miseries of war, they + ought to have the power to arrest the action of those who are hurrying + them into it. +</p> +<p> + To get rid of secret diplomacy is more difficult in Europe than in + America, whose relations with foreign States are fewer and simpler, but + what you say upon that subject also will find a sympathetic echo here + among the friends of freedom and of peace. I am always sincerely yours, +</p> + <p align="right" style="text-align: right">JAMES BRYCE. </p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Forest Row, Sussex, Sept. 17, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0015"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + A Reply by Dr. Francke +</h2> + <blockquote> +<p> Professor of the History of German Culture at Harvard + University and Curator of the Germanic Museum; author of works + on German literature. +</p> +</blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + In his letter of Sept. 1 President Eliot expresses the opinion that in + the present war "England, France, and Russia are fighting for freedom + and civilization." And he adds: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> It does not follow that thinking Americans will forget the + immense services which Germany has rendered to civilization + during the last hundred years, or desire that her power to + serve letters, science, art, and education should be in the + least abridged in the outcome of this war, upon which she has + entered so rashly and selfishly and in so barbarous a spirit. + Most educated Americans hope and believe that by defeating the + German barbarousness the Allies will only promote the noble + German civilization. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + In other words, German military and political power is to be crushed in + order to set free the German genius for science, literature, and art. It + is interesting to contrast with such views as these the following words + of Goethe, uttered in 1813: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> I have often felt a bitter grief at the thought of the German + people, which is so noble individually and so wretched as a + whole. A comparison of the German people with other nations + gives us painful feelings, which I try to overcome by all + possible means; and in science and art I have found the wings + which lift me above them. But the comfort which they afford + is, after all, only a miserable comfort, and does not make up + for the proud consciousness of belonging to a nation strong, + respected, and feared. However, I am comforted by the thought + of Germany's future. Yes, the German people has a future. The + destiny of the Germans is not yet fulfilled. The time, the + right time, no human eye can foresee, nor can human power + hasten it on. To us individuals, meanwhile, is it given, to + every one according to his talents, his inclinations, and his + position, to increase, to strengthen, and to spread national + culture. In order that in this respect, at least, Germany may + be ahead of other nations and that the national spirit, + instead of being stifled and discouraged, may be kept alive + and hopeful and ready to rise in all its might when the day of + glory dawns. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + If I am not mistaken, these words of Germany's greatest poet express + accurately what the German people during the last hundred years has been + striving for—national culture and national pre-eminence in every field + of human activity. To advocate the reduction of Germany to a land of + isolated scientists, poets, artists, and educators is tantamount to a + call for the destruction of the German Nation. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + KUNO FRANCKE. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Harvard University, Sept. 5, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0016"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + DR. ELIOT'S SECOND LETTER +</h2> +<h3> + The Stout and Warlike Breed +</h3> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + There is nothing new in the obsession of the principal European nations + that, in order to be great and successful in the world as it is, they + must possess military power available for instant aggression on weak + nations, as well as for effective defense against strong ones. +</p> +<p> + When Sir Francis Bacon wrote his essay on "The True Greatness of + Kingdoms and Estates" he remarked that forts, arsenals, goodly races of + horses, armaments, and the like would all be useless "except the breed + and disposition of the people be stout and warlike." He denied that + money is the sinews of war, giving preference to the sinews of men's + arms, and quoted Solon's remark to Croesus, "Sir, if any other come that + hath better iron than you, he will be master of all this gold"—a truly + Bismarckian proposition. Indeed, Sir Francis Bacon says explicitly "that + the principal point of greatness in any State is to have a race of + military men." +</p> +<p> + Goethe, reflecting on the wretchedness of the German people as a whole, + found no comfort in the German genius for science, literature, and art, + or only a miserable comfort which "does not make up for the proud + consciousness of belonging to a nation strong, respected, and feared." + Because Germany in his time was weak in the military sense, he could + write: "I have often felt a bitter grief at the thought of the German + people, which is so noble individually, and so wretched as a whole"; and + he longed for the day when the national spirit, kept alive and hopeful, + should be "ready to rise in all its might when the day of glory dawns." +</p> +<p> + "The day of glory" was to be the day of military power. Carlyle said of + Germany and France in November, 1870, "that noble, patient, deep, pious, + and solid Germany should be at length welded into a nation, and become + Queen of the Continent, instead of vaporing, vainglorious, + gesticulating, quarrelsome, restless, and oversensitive France, seems to + me that hopefulest public fact that has occurred in my time." How did + Germany attain to this position of "Queen of the Continent"? By creating + and maintaining, with utmost intelligence and skill, the strongest army + in Europe—an army which within six years had been used successfully + against Denmark, Austria, and France. Germany became "Queen" by virtue + of her military power. +</p> +<p> + In the same paper Carlyle said of the French Revolution, of which he was + himself the great portrayer: "I often call that a celestial infernal + phenomenon, the most memorable in our world for a thousand years; on the + whole, a transcendent revolt against the devil and his works, (since + shams are all and sundry of the devil, and poisonous and unendurable to + man.)" Now, the French Revolution was an extraordinary outbreak of + passionate feeling and physical violence on the part of the French + Nation, both at home and abroad; and it led on to the Napoleonic wars, + which were tremendous physical struggles for mastery in Europe. +</p> +<p> + In a recent public statement two leading philosophical writers of modern + Germany, Profs. Eucken and Haeckel, denounce the "brutal national + egoism" of England, which they say "recognizes no rights on the part of + others, and, unconcerned about morality or unmorality, pursues only its + own advantage"; and they attribute to England the purpose to hinder at + any cost the further growth of German greatness. But what are the + elements of that German greatness which England is determined to arrest + by joining France and Russia in war against Germany and Austria-Hungary? + The three elements of recent German greatness are the extension of her + territory; contiguous territories in Europe and in other continents + colonial possessions; the enlargement of German commerce and wealth, and + to these ends the firm establishment of her military supremacy in + Europe. These are the ideas on the true greatness of nations which have + prevailed in the ruling oligarchy of Germany for at least sixty years, + and now seem to have been accepted, or acquiesced in, by the whole + German people. In this view, the foundation of national greatness is + fighting power. +</p> +<p> + This conception of national greatness has prevailed at many different + epochs—Macedonian, Roman, Saracen, Spanish, English, and French—and, + indeed, has appeared from time to time in almost all the nations and + tribes of the earth; but the civilized world is now looking for better + foundations of national greatness than force and fighting. +</p> +<p> + The partial successes of democracy in Europe have much increased the + evils of war. Sir Francis Bacon looked for a fighting class; under the + feudal system when a Baron went to war he took with him his vassals, or + that portion of them that could be spared from the fields at home. + Universal conscription is a modern invention, the horrors of which, as + now exhibited in Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France, much exceed those + of earlier martial methods. There has never been such an interruption of + agricultural and industrial production, or such a rending of family ties + in consequence of war as is now taking place in the greater part of + Europe. Moreover, mankind has never before had the use of such + destructive implements as the machine gun, the torpedo, and the dynamite + bomb. The progress of science has much increased the potential + destructiveness of warfare. +</p> +<p> + Thinking people in all the civilized countries are asking themselves + what the fundamental trouble with civilization is, and where to look for + means of escape from the present intolerable conditions. Christianity in + nineteen centuries has afforded no relief. The so-called mitigations of + war are comparatively trivial. The recent Balkan wars were as ferocious + as those of Alexander. The German aviators drop aimless bombs at night + into cities occupied chiefly by non-combatants. The North Sea is strewn + with floating mines which may destroy fishing, freight, or passenger + vessels of any nation, neutral or belligerent, which have business on + that sea. The ruthless destruction of the Louvain Library by German + soldiers reminds people who have read history that the destroyers of the + Alexandria Library have ever since been called fanatics and barbarians. + The German Army tries to compel unfortified Belgian cities and towns to + pay huge ransoms to save themselves from destruction—a method which the + Barbary States, indeed, were accustomed to use against their Christian + neighbors, but which has long been held to be a method appropriate only + for brigands and pirates—Greek, Sicilian, Syrian, or Chinese. +</p> +<h3> + What Is Wrong with Civilization? +</h3> +<p> + How can it be that the Government of a civilized State commits, or + permits in its agents, such barbarities? The fundamental reason seems to + be that most of the European nations still believe that national + greatness depends on the possession and brutal use of force, and is to + be maintained and magnified only by military and naval power. +</p> +<p> + In North America there are two large communities—heretofore inspired + chiefly by ideals of English origin—which have never maintained + conscripted armies, and have never fortified against each other their + long frontier—Canada and the United States. Both may fairly be called + great peoples even now; and both give ample promise for the future. + Neither of these peoples lacks the "stout and warlike" quality of which + Sir Francis Bacon spoke; both have often exhibited it. The United States + suffered for four years from a civil war, characterized by determined + fighting, in indecisive battles, in which the losses, in proportion to + the number of men engaged, were often much heavier than any thus far + reported from the present battlefields in Belgium and France. There + being then no lack of martial spirit in these two peoples, it is an + instructive phenomenon that power to conquer is not their ideal of + national greatness. Much the same thing may be said of some other + self-governing constituents of the British Empire, such as Australia, + New Zealand, and South Africa. They, too, have a better ideal of + national greatness than that of military supremacy. +</p> +<p> + What are the real ambitions and hopes of the people of the United States + and the people of Canada in regard to their own future? Their + expectations of greatness certainly are not based on any conception of + invincible military force, or desire for the physical means of enforcing + their own will on their neighbors. They both believe in the free + commonwealth, administered justly, and with the purpose of securing for + each individual all the freedom he can exercise without injury to his + neighbors and the collective well-being. They desire for themselves, + each for itself, a strong Government, equipped to perform its functions + with dignity, certainty, and efficiency; but they wish to have that + Government under the control of the deliberate public opinion of free + citizens, and not under the control of any Prćtorian Guard, Oligarchic + Council, or General Staff, and they insist that the civil authority + should always control such military and police forces as it may be + necessary to maintain for protective purposes. +</p> +<h3> + True National Greatness. +</h3> +<p> + They believe that the chief object of government should be the promotion + of the public welfare by legislative and administrative means; that the + processes of government should be open and visible, and their results be + incessantly published for approval or disapproval. They believe that a + nation becomes great through industrial productiveness and the resulting + internal and external commerce, through the gradual increase of comfort + and general well-being in the population, and through the advancement of + science, letters, and art. They believe that education, free intercourse + with other nations, and religious enthusiasm and toleration are means of + national greatness, and that in the development and use of these means + force has no place. They attribute national greatness in others, as well + as in themselves, not to the possession of military force, but to the + advance of the people in freedom, industry, righteousness, and + good-will. +</p> +<p> + They believe that the ideals of fighting power and domination should be + replaced by the ideals of peaceful competition in production and trade, + of generous rivalry in education, scientific discovery, and the fine + arts, of co-operation for mutual benefit among nations different in + size, natural abilities, and material resources, and of federation among + nations associated geographically or historically, or united in the + pursuit of some common ends and in the cherishing of like hopes and + aspirations. They think that the peace of the world can be best promoted + by solemn public compacts between peoples—not Princes or + Cabinets—compacts made to be kept, strengthened by mutual services and + good offices, and watched over by a permanent International Judicial + Tribunal authorized to call on the affiliated nations for whatever force + may be necessary to induce obedience to its decrees. +</p> +<p> + Will not the civilized world learn from this horrible European war—the + legitimate result of the policies of Bismarck and his associates and + disciples—that these democratic ideals constitute the rational + substitute for the imperialistic ideal of fighting force as the + foundation of national greatness? The new ideals will still need the + protection and support, both within and without each nation, of a + restrained public force, acting under law, national and international, + just as a sane mind needs as its agent a sound and strong body. Health + and vigor will continue to be the safeguards of morality, justice, and + mercy. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CHARLES W. ELIOT. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Asticou, Me., Sept. 14, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0017"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + + +<h2> + DR. ELIOT'S THIRD LETTER. +</h2> +<h3> + Why Is America Anti-German? +</h3> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + The numerous pamphlets which German writers are now distributing in the + United States, and the many letters about the European war which + Americans are now receiving from German and German-American friends, are + convincing thoughtful people in this country that American public + opinion has some weight with the German Government and people, or, at + least, some interest for them; but that the reasons which determine + American sympathy with the Allies, rather than with Germany and + Austria-Hungary, are not understood in Germany, and are not always + appreciated by persons of German birth who have lived long in the United + States. +</p> +<p> + It would be a serious mistake to suppose that Americans feel any + hostility or jealousy toward Germany, or fail to recognize the immense + obligations under which she has placed all the rest of the world, + although they now feel that the German Nation has been going wrong in + theoretical and practical politics for more than a hundred years, and is + today reaping the consequences of her own wrong-thinking and + wrong-doing. +</p> +<p> + There are many important matters concerning which American sympathy is + strongly with Germany: (1) The unification of Germany, which Bismarck + and his co-workers accomplished, naturally commended itself to + Americans, whose own country is a firm federation of many more or less + different States, containing more or less different peoples; while most + Americans did not approve Bismarck's methods and means, they cordially + approved his accomplishment of German unification; (2) Americans have + felt unqualified admiration for the commercial and financial growth of + Germany during the past forty years, believing it to be primarily the + fruit of well-directed industry and enterprise; (3) all educated + Americans feel strong gratitude to the German Nation for its + extraordinary achievements in letters, science, and education within the + last hundred years. Jealousy of Germany in these matters is absolutely + foreign to American thought, and that any external power or influence + should undertake to restrict or impair German progress in these respects + would seem to all Americans intolerable, and, indeed incredible; (4) all + Americans who have had any experience in Governmental or educational + administration recognize the fact, that German administration—both in + peace and in war—is the most efficient in the world, and for that + efficiency they feel nothing but respect and admiration, unless the + efficiency requires an inexpedient suppression or restriction of + individual liberty; (5) Americans sympathize with a unanimous popular + sentiment in favor of a war which the people believe to be essential to + the greatness, and even the safety, of their country—a sentiment which + prompts to family and property sacrifices very distressing at the + moment, and irremediable in the future; and they believe that the German + people today are inspired by just such an overwhelming sentiment. +</p> +<p> + How is it, then, that, with all these strong American feelings tending + to make them sympathize with the German people in good times or bad, in + peace or in war, the whole weight of American opinion is on the side of + the Allies in the present war? The reasons are to be found, of course, + in the political and social history of the American people, and in its + Governmental philosophy and practice today. These reasons have come out + of the past, and are intrenched in all the present ideals and practices + of the American Commonwealth. They inevitably lead Americans to object + strongly and irrevocably to certain German national practices of great + moment, practices which are outgrowths of Prussian theories, and + experiences that have come to prevail in Germany during the past hundred + years. In the hope that American public opinion about the European war + may be a little better understood abroad it seems worth while to + enumerate those German practices which do not conform to American + standards in the conduct of public affairs: +</p> +<p> + (a) Americans object to the committal of a nation to grave measures of + foreign policy by a permanent Executive—Czar, Kaiser, or King—advised + in secret by professional diplomatists who consider themselves the + personal representatives of their respective sovereigns. The American + people have no permanent Executive, and the profession of diplomacy + hardly exists among them. In the conduct of their national affairs they + utterly distrust secrecy, and are accustomed to demand and secure the + utmost publicity. +</p> +<p> + (b) They object to placing in any ruler's hands the power to order + mobilization or declare war in advance of deliberate consultation with a + representative assembly, and of co-operative action thereby. The fact + that German mobilization was ordered three days in advance of the + meeting of the Reichstag confounds all American ideas and practices + about the rights of the people and the proper limits of Executive + authority. +</p> +<p> + (c) The secrecy of European diplomatic intercourse and of international + understandings and terms of alliance in Europe is in the view of + ordinary Americans not only inexpedient, but dangerous and + unjustifiable. Under the Constitution of the United States no treaty + negotiated by the President and his Cabinet is valid until it has been + publicly discussed and ratified by the Senate. During this discussion + the people can make their voice heard through the press, the telegraph, + and the telephone. +</p> +<p> + (d) The reliance on military force as the foundation of true national + greatness seems to thinking Americans erroneous, and in the long run + degrading to a Christian nation. They conceive that the United States + may fairly be called a great nation; but that its greatness is due to + intellectual and moral forces acting through adequate material forces + and expressed in education, public health and order, agriculture, + manufacturing, and commerce, and the resulting general well-being of the + people. It has never in all its history organized what could be called a + standing or a conscripted army; and, until twenty years ago, its navy + was very small, considering the length of its sea coasts. There is + nothing in the history of the American people to make them believe that + the true greatness of nations depends on military power. +</p> +<h3> + Object to Extension by Force. +</h3> +<p> + (e) They object to the extension of national territory by force, + contrary to the wishes of the population concerned. This objection is + the inevitable result of democratic institutions; and the American + people have been faithful to this democratic opinion under circumstances + of considerable difficulty—as, for example, in withdrawing from Cuba, + the rich island which had been occupied by American troops during the + short war with Spain, (1898,) and in the refusing to intervene by force + in Mexico for the protection of American investors, when that contiguous + country was distracted by factional fighting. This objection applies to + long-past acts of the German Government an well as to its proceedings in + the present war—as, for example, to the taking of Schleswig-Holstein + and Alsace-Lorraine, as well as to the projected occupation of Belgium. +</p> +<p> + (f) Americans object strenuously to the violation of treaties between + nations on the allegation of military necessity or for any other reason + whatever. They believe that the progress of civilization will depend in + future on the general acceptance of the sanctity of contracts or solemn + agreements between nations and on the development by common consent of + international law. The neutralization treaties, the arbitration + treaties, The Hague Conferences, and some of the serious attempts at + mediation, although none of them go far enough, and many of them have + been rudely violated on occasion, illustrate a strong tendency in the + civilized parts of the world to prevent international wars by means of + agreements deliberately made in time of peace. The United States has + proposed and made more of these agreements than any other power, has + adhered to them, and profited by them. Under one such agreement, made + nearly a hundred years ago, Canada and the United States have avoided + forts and armaments against each other, although they have had serious + differences of opinion and clashes of interests, and the frontier is + 3,000 miles long and for the most part without natural barriers. + Cherishing the hope that the peace of Europe and the rights of its + peoples may be secured through solemn compacts, (which should include + the establishment of a permanent international judicial tribunal, + supported by an international force,) Americans see, in the treatment by + the German Government of the Belgian neutralization treaty as nothing + but a piece of paper which might be torn up on the ground of military + necessity, evidence of the adoption by Germany of a retrograde policy of + the most alarming sort. That single act on the part of Germany—the + violation of the neutral territory of Belgium—would have determined + American opinion in favor of the Allies, if it had stood alone by + itself—the reason being that American hopes for the peace and order of + the world are based on the sanctity of treaties. +</p> +<p> + (g) American public opinion, however, has been greatly shocked in other + ways by the German conduct of the war. The American common people see no + justification for the dropping of bombs, to which no specific aim can be + given, into cities and towns chiefly inhabited by non-combatants, the + burning or blowing up of large portions of unfortified towns and cities, + the destruction of precious monuments and treasuries of art, the + strewing of floating mines through the North Sea, the exacting of + ransoms from cities and towns under threat of destroying them, and the + holding of unarmed citizens as hostages for the peaceable behavior of a + large population under threat of summary execution of the hostages in + case of any disorder. All these seem to Americans unnecessary, + inexpedient, and unjustifiable methods of warfare, sure to breed hatred + and contempt toward the nation that uses them, and therefore to make it + difficult for future generations to maintain peace and order in Europe. + They cannot help imagining the losses civilization would suffer if the + Russians should ever carry into Western Europe the kind of war which the + Germans are now waging in Belgium and France. They have supposed that + war was to be waged in this century only against public, armed forces + and their supplies and shelters. +</p> +<p> + These opinions and prepossessions on the part of the American people + have obviously grown out of the ideals which the early English colonists + carried with them to the American wilderness in the seventeenth century, + out of the long fighting and public discussion which preceded the + adoption of the Constitution of the United States in the eighteenth + century, and out of the peculiar experiences of the free Commonwealths + which make up the United States, as they have spread across the almost + uninhabited continent during the past 125 years. +</p> +<p> + The experience and the situation of modern Germany have been utterly + different. Germany was divided for centuries into discordant parts, had + ambitious and martial neighbors, and often felt the weight of their + attacks. Out of war came accessions of territory for Prussia, and at + last German unity. The reliance of intelligent and patriotic Germany on + military force as the basis of national greatness is a natural result of + its experiences. Americans, however, believe that this reliance is + unsound both theoretically and practically. The wars in Europe since + 1870-71, the many threatenings of war, and the present catastrophe seem + to Americans to demonstrate that no amount of military preparedness on + the part of the nations of Europe can possibly keep the peace of the + Continent, or indeed prevent frequent explosions of destructive warfare. + They think, too, that preparation for war on the part of Germany better + than any of her neighbors can make will not keep her at peace or protect + her from invasion, even if this better preparation include advantages of + detail which have been successfully kept secret. All the nations which + surround Germany are capable of developing a strong fighting spirit; and + all the countries of Europe, except England and Russia, possess the + means of quickly assembling and getting into action great bodies of men. + In other words, all the European States are capable of developing a + passionate patriotism, and all possess the railroads, roads, + conveyances, telegraphs, and telephones which make rapid mobilization + possible. No perfection of military forces, and no amount of previous + study of feasible campaigns against neighbors, can give peaceful + security to Germany in the present condition of the great European + States. In the actual development of weapons and munitions, and of the + art of quick intrenching, the attacking force in battle on land is at a + great disadvantage in comparison with the force on the defensive. That + means indecisive battles and ultimately an indecisive war, unless each + party is resolved to push the war to the utter exhaustion and + humiliation of the other—a long process which involves incalculable + losses and wastes and endless miseries. Americans have always before + them the memory of their four years' civil war, which, although + resolutely prosecuted on both sides, could not be brought to a close + until the resources of the Southern States in men and material were + exhausted. In that dreadful process the whole capital of the Southern + States was wiped out. +</p> +<h3> + But One Possible Issue. +</h3> +<p> + Now that the sudden attack on Paris has failed, and adequate time has + been secured to summon the slower-moving forces of Russia and England, + and these two resolute and persistent peoples have decided to use all + their spiritual and material forces in co-operation with France against + Germany, thoughtful Americans can see but one possible issue of the + struggle, whether it be long or short, namely, the defeat of Germany and + Austria-Hungary in their present undertakings, and the abandonment by + both peoples of the doctrine that their salvation depends on militarism + and the maintenance of autocratic Executives intrusted with the power + and the means to make sudden war. They believe that no human being + should ever be trusted with such power. The alternative is, of course, + genuine constitutional government, with the military power subject to + the civil power. +</p> +<p> + The American people grieve over the fruitless sacrifices of life, + property, and the natural human joys which the German people are making + to a wrong and impossible ideal of national power and welfare. The + sacrifices which Germany is imposing on the Allies are fearfully heavy, + but there is reason to hope that these will not be fruitless, for out of + them may come great gains for liberty and peace in Europe. +</p> +<p> + All experienced readers on this side of the Atlantic are well aware that + nine-tenths of all the reports they get about the war come from English + and French sources, and this knowledge makes them careful not to form + judgments about details until the events and deeds tell their own story. + They cannot even tell to which side victory inclines in a long, + far-extended battle until recognizable changes in the positions of the + combatants show what the successes or failures must have been. The + English and French win some advantage so far as the formation of public + opinion in this country is concerned, because those two Governments send + hither official reports on current events more frequently than the + German Government does, and with more corroborative details. The amount + of secrecy with which the campaign is surrounded on both sides is, + however, a new and unwelcome experience for both the English and the + American public. +</p> +<h3> + German Ignorance of Events. +</h3> +<p> + The pamphlets by German publicists and men of letters which are now + coming to this country, and the various similar publications written + here, seem to indicate that the German public is still kept by its + Government in ignorance about the real antecedents of the war and about + many of the incidents and aspects of the portentous combat. These + documents seem to Americans to contain a large amount of misinformation + about the attack of Austria-Hungary on Servia, the diplomatic + negotiations and the correspondence between the sovereigns which + immediately preceded the war, and the state of mind of the Belgian and + English peoples. American believers in the good sense and good feeling + of the common people naturally imagine, when an awful calamity befalls a + nation, that the people cannot have been warned of its approach, else + they would have avoided it. In this case they fear that the Emperor, the + Chancellery, and the General Staff have themselves been misinformed in + important respects, have made serious miscalculations which they are + proposing to conceal as long as possible, and are not taking the common + people into their confidence. American sympathies are with the German + people in their sufferings and losses, but not with their rulers, or + with the military class, or with the professors and men of letters who + have been teaching for more than a generation that might makes right. + That short phrase contains the fundamental fallacy which for fifty years + has been poisoning the springs of German thought and German policy on + public affairs. +</p> +<p> + Dread of the Muscovite does not seem to Americans a reasonable + explanation of the present actions of Germany and Austria-Hungary, + except so far as irrational panic can be said to be an explanation. + Against possible, though not probable, Russian aggression, a firm + defensive alliance of all Western Europe would be a much better + protection than the single might of Germany. It were easy to imagine + also two new "buffer" States—a reconstructed Poland and a Balkan + Confederation. As to French "revenge," it is the inevitable and + praiseworthy consequence of Germany's treatment of France in 1870-71. + The great success of Germany in expanding her commerce during the last + thirty years makes it hard for Americans to understand the hot + indignation of the Germans against the British because of whatever + ineffective opposition Great Britain may have offered to that expansion. + No amount of commercial selfishness on the part of insular England can + justify Germany in attempting to seize supreme power in Europe and + thence, perhaps, in the world. +</p> +<p> + Finally, Americans hope and expect that there will be no such fatal + issue of the present struggle as the destruction or ruin of the German + Nation. On the contrary, they believe that Germany will be freer, + happier, and greater than ever when once she has got rid of the + monstrous Bismarck policies and the Emperor's archaic conception of his + function, and has enjoyed twenty years of real peace. Your obedient + servant, +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CHARLES W. ELIOT. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Asticou, Me., Sept. 28, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + <p> </p> +<a name="2H_4_0018"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Dr. Dernburg's Reply to the Third Letter +</h2> + <blockquote> +<p> Late German Secretary of State for the Colonies; lived for + several years in the United States as member of the banking + firm of Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co., New York. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Prof. Eliot is conferring a great favor on the exponents of the German + side in the present struggle in explaining to them what he thinks of the + so-called anti-German feeling in the United States. I am sure his views + will be read also in Germany with a great deal of attention, although he + will certainly not remain unchallenged in nearly all essential points. + The compliment that Prof. Eliot pays to the German people as a whole + must be specially appreciated, the more so as it comes from a scientist + whose great authority is equally recognized on both sides of the + Atlantic. +</p> +<p> + The anti-German feeling, according to Prof. Eliot, takes its source from + the American objection to the committal of a nation to grave mistakes by + a permanent Executive. But then, with the exception of France, all the + warring nations have permanent Executives, professional diplomatists; + all their affairs are conducted in secret, and all their rulers have the + power, including the President of France, to embroil their nations in + war. The German Emperor is in this respect certainly more restricted + than the other heads of State, and I have not read that the declaration + of war has been expressly sanctioned by the English Parliament, and + certainly the mobilization of the English fleet that took place in July, + and the mobilization of the Russian Army that took place at the same + time, have not even been brought to the knowledge of the respective + Parliaments. When, therefore, the same conditions prevail in all the + warring States, how can they be made the reason for such an anti-German + feeling? +</p> +<p> + The same objection holds good with the American antipathy against the + power of rulers to order mobilization or declare war in advance without + consultation of Parliament, to which I have only to say that the English + fleet was mobilized without consulting the English Parliament, while in + Germany the Bundesrat, the representatives of the Federal States, as + well as of the Federal Diets, has been duly consulted. I may add that + also the party leaders of the Reichstag, which could not be convoked + earlier than two days after the declaration of the war, have been + continuously informed and consulted. +</p> +<p> + Against the next paragraph, where Prof. Eliot complains of the secrecy + of European diplomacy and of international treaties and understandings, + the same objection must be made. The state described here as particular + to Germany prevails in all European countries, and neither the treaty of + the Russian-French alliance, nor the arrangements of the Triple Entente + have ever been submitted to the French or British Parliaments. As + regards the American attitude toward armaments, I purposely refrain from + adducing the American example into my argument, much as I could show + that with a very large part of the American Nation the idea of defending + the American coast against any invader and the maintenance of a strong + Pan-American policy, if need be by arms, is just as fixed a tenet as the + German idea that the Fatherland should be held safe from invasion or + destruction by the will and the strength of its people. England has + always held the same, if not through her army so through her navy, and + so did the rest of Europe; and there is no argument to be gotten from + that for an anti-German feeling. +</p> +<h3> + No Seizure of Schleswig-Holstein. +</h3> +<p> + Americans object to the extension of territory by force. Germany has + never done that, even if one goes back as far as Prof. Eliot wishes to + go. Mr. Eliot is absolutely mistaken as to the history of the + incorporation of Schleswig-Holstein into Prussia. Schleswig-Holstein was + a Dual-Dukedom that never belonged to Denmark, but having as its Duke + the King of Denmark as long as he belonged to the elder line of the + House of Oldenburg. This elder line was extinct when King Christian + VIII. died without male issue. His successor wanted to incorporate the + two German Dukedoms into Denmark. Then the people stood up and expressed + the desire to remain with the German Federation, to which it had always + belonged, and there it is now, of its own free will. The natural + dividing line between Denmark and Germany, however, is the River Eider. + There are about 30,000 Danes south of the Eider, who have been absorbed + against their will, a thing that can never be avoided, and that has + sometimes given Prussia a little trouble. +</p> +<h3> + Alsace-Lorraine Originally German. +</h3> +<p> + As to Alsace-Lorraine, the facts are known to be that it had belonged to + Germany until it had been taken, against the will of the people, by + France under Louis XIV., and it was returned to Germany as a matter of + right, more than three-quarters of the population being of German + descent and speaking the German language. +</p> +<p> + But let me ask in return, Mr. Eliot, when did ever in her political + career England consult the will of the people when she took a country? + Can he say that, when England tore the treaty of Majuba Hill, like a + "scrap of paper," and made war on the Boers? Did she consult the people + of Cyprus in 1878? Does he know of any plébiscite in India? Has she + consulted the Persians, or has France consulted the people of Morocco, + or of Indo-China, Italy the people of Tripoli? Since Germany has not + acted here in any other way forty years ago than all the other nations, + why does Dr. Eliot consider the American people justified in taking + anti-German views for reasons of such an old date, while he forgives the + nations of the party he favors for much more recent infringement of his + rule? +</p> +<p> + "Americans object to the violation of treaties." So do the Germans. We + have always kept our treaties, and mean to do so in the future. The fact + with Belgium is that her neutrality was very one-sided; that, as can be + proved, as early as the 25th of June, Ličge was full of French soldiers, + that Belgian fortifications were all directed against Germany, and that + for years past it was the Belgian press that outdid the French press in + attacks against Germany. But I can give Mr. Eliot here some authority + that he has so far not challenged. When Sir Edward Grey presented the + English case in the House of Commons on the 3d of August he declared + that the British attitude was laid down by the British Government in + 1870, and he verbally cited Mr. Gladstone's speech, in which he said he + could not subscribe to the assertion that the simple fact of the + existence of a guarantee was binding on every party, irrespective + altogether of the particular position in which it may find itself at the + time when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises. He called + that assertion a "stringent and impracticable" view of the guarantee and + the whole treaty a "complicated question." So Mr. Gladstone, and with + him Sir Edward Grey, has held the Belgian neutrality treaty not binding + on every party, when it was against the interest which the particular + situation dictated, when the war broke out. It was the interest of Great + Britain to maintain the treaty, and that is why she acted. It was + against German interest to maintain the treaty, and that is why she + broke it. That is the British and not the German theory, and I could + very well rest my case here. My theory is with the German Chancellor, + that I greatly regret the necessity of violating the Belgian neutrality, + after Belgium had chosen to repel the German overtures for a free + passage. +</p> +<p> + It is quite certain that the breach of the Belgian neutrality by Germany + was used in Great Britain as a powerful instrument to influence the + public sentiment. Every war must be borne by national unity, and it is + the duty of the nation's leaders to secure such unity by all practicable + means. But has it been forgotten that the attitude of Sir Edward Grey + caused such excellent men as Lord Morley, John Burns, and Sir John + Trevelyan to leave the Cabinet, where they were looked upon as the best + and most liberal members of the ruling combination? Bernard Shaw says of + Great Britain that she has never been at a loss for an effective moral + attitude. Such an attitude is a powerful weapon in diplomatical and + actual warfare, and it must be resorted to, if the necessity arises. But + that cannot blind us to the fact that the British Government allowed the + political interest to be the paramount consideration in this Belgian + neutrality matter. The German interest for not acting on the guarantee + was just as strong as the English to act for it. +</p> +<p> + The proof is found in the English "White Paper." I cite the famous + reprint of THE TIMES, (Dispatch No. 148 of Aug. 2 to Paris.) Here Sir + Edward Grey says: "We were considering ... whether we should declare + violation of Belgian neutrality to be a casus belli." +</p> +<h3> + "Treaties Must Not Be Overrated." +</h3> +<p> + I am an ardent believer in all international arrangements to prevent + difficulties and wars between nations, and I rejoice with the American + people in the signal success this policy is now having in this country. + But international treaties must not be overrated. There are questions + which cannot be settled by them. It is too difficult to explain just the + nature of such situations as arose in Europe, so I may be permitted for + once to ask this question: Does Prof. Eliot believe that the majority of + the American people think that the unwritten Monroe Doctrine could be + made the subject of arbitration, whether it had a right to exist or to + be enforced? I must emphatically say, No, it could not. It can be as + little arbitrated upon as a matter of religion or of personal morals. +</p> +<p> + Mr. Eliot thinks a happy result of the war would be that American + institutions should prevail in Germany thereafter. Why should Germany + only become a representative republic? Does he not demand the same + regarding Russia, England, Italy, Austria, and Japan? And if not, why + not? +</p> +<p> + From all this I fail to see the point in the reasons given by Prof. + Eliot why fair-minded Americans should side with the Allies because the + objections made against German procedure, down to the breach of the + Belgian neutrality, must be made against all other European States. + British history is just teeming with examples of broken treaties and + torn "scraps of paper." The chasing of German diplomatic representatives + out of neutral Egypt is a case in point. +</p> +<p> + I must insist that whatever anti-German feeling there is is not fully + explained by Prof. Eliot, and his article cannot be made a code by which + German behavior could be regulated in the future. Prof. Eliot is a + scholar; business interests do not come very near him. So he is + especially concerned with the ethical aspect of the matter. He believes + the Germans think that "might is right." This is very unjust. Our + history proves that we have never acted on this principle. We have never + got or attempted to get a world empire such as England has won, all of + which, with a very few exceptions, by might, by war, and by conquest. + The German writers who have expounded this doctrine have only shown how + the large world empires of England and France were welded together, what + means have been adopted for that purpose, and against what sort of + political doctrines we must beware. +</p> +<h3> + Our Sympathy for the Under Dog. +</h3> +<p> + As Dr. Eliot makes his remarks for the benefit of his German confrčres, + may I be permitted to say to them what I consider the reason for the + American attitude? There is, in the first place, the ethical side. + Americans have a very strong sense of generosity, and are, as a rule, + very good sports. They think Belgium a small nation, brutally attacked + by a much bigger fellow; they feel that the little man stands up bravely + and gamely, and fights for all he is worth. Such a situation will always + command American sympathy and antagonism against the stronger. Then + there is the business side. Americans feel that this war is endangering + their political and commercial interests, so they are naturally angry + against the people who, they believe, have brought the war about. +</p> +<p> + As Germany has not had an opportunity to make herself heard as amply as + her adversaries, they think that it was Germany which set the world + afire, and that is what they resent, and in which they were justified, + if it were true. But the question of the hour is not the question of the + past, but of the present and of the future, and the people on this side + who will give Germany fair play because it is just in them will examine + the situation in the light of their interests. Then they will find that + Belgium had been in league with the Allies long before the conflagration + broke out, only to be left to its own resources when the critical hour + arose. They will further find that it is not Germany but England and her + allies that are throttling commerce, maiming cables, stopping mails, + and breaking neutrality and other treaties to further their aims; that, + finally, today England has established a world rule on the sea to which + even America must submit. They will then soon come to the conclusion + that, no matter what happened in the past, the peace of the world can + only be assured by a good understanding between Germany and the United + States as a sort of counterbalance against the unmeasured aggrandizement + of English sea power. Then the feeling toward Germany will be + considerably better, and I may add that even now it is not so very bad + after all. +</p> +<p> + I make these remarks with due respect to Prof. Eliot and his views, and + with great reluctance for being compelled to enter the field against a + personality whose undoubted superiority I wish to be the first to + acknowledge. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + BERNHARD DERNBURG. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 4, 1914.</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0019"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Dr. Jordan's Reply to Dr. Dernburg +</h2> +<p style="text-indent: 0em; text-align: center"> Daniel Jordan is Assistant Professor of Roman Languages and + Literature at Columbia University. +</p> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + President Eliot is as fair a judge of the present European situation as + can be found anywhere, and is well qualified to explain the almost + unanimous attitude of thoughtful Americans in regard to Germany. Dr. + Dernburg, on the other hand, has been officially sent from Germany to + expound the German official version; both his point of view and his + treatment of facts are essentially un-American. +</p> +<p> + He says: "Americans object to the extension of territory by force. + Germany has never done that." Apparently he believes that the Poles + asked Prussia to become her subjects. The facts are that they have + fought and begged for autonomy for nearly 150 years, and that at the + present time high German officials are members of the Anti-Polish + League. +</p> +<p> + Dr. Dernburg, when he comes to Schleswig-Holstein, states that 30,000 + Danes south of the Eider River (this is in Holstein) have been absorbed + against their will, "a thing that can never be avoided, and that has + sometimes given Prussia a little trouble." But what about the Danes + north of the Eider River? Schleswig and Holstein are really two + provinces. Holstein is German, but the northern part of Schleswig, north + of Fiensburg, is inhabited by Danes who are longing to join Denmark and + who number about 200,000. Article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, signed on + Aug. 23, 1866, after Sadowa, between Prussia and Austria, states that + the inhabitants of Northern Schleswig shall be given a chance to join + Denmark, "if they should so express the desire by a free vote." Prussia + has not respected this solemn promise any more than former promises + concerning Schleswig. The frequently renewed protests of the annexed + Danes have remained unanswered. The best proof that Prussia's title to + Danish Schleswig was not considered as very substantial is that in + October, 1878, Prussia finally obtained from Austria the annulment of + Article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, which dealt with the taking of a + plébiscite in Danish Schleswig. +</p> +<p> + To decide the fate of a province without consulting the inhabitants + seems perfectly natural to German Kultur, but to Americans it is not; + the days of slavery have gone, and wherever slavery still exists it is + time to make a change. +</p> +<p> + As to Alsace-Lorraine, says Dr. Dernburg, "the facts are known that it + had belonged to Germany until it was taken by Louis XIV., against the + will of the people, and that it was returned to Germany as a matter of + right." Such an argument is mediaeval, and it might just as well be + argued that Germany should now belong to France, because Germany was + once conquered, civilized, and organized by inhabitants of France, led + by their Frankish King. And it is not sure that in 1648 Alsace was not + glad to become French, because Louis XIV., by the Treaty of Westphalia, + then granted perfect religious freedom to the Alsatians, who unlike + their neighbors, lived ever since without fear of religious + persecutions. Lorraine itself was not annexed by Louis XIV., nor by + force, as it was peacefully united to France at the death of Stanislas, + father of the Queen of France, Marie-Lesinzka. As for the inhabitants of + Metz, they were considered long ago as French. Metz was annexed to + France in 1552, with the full consent of the then allies of the French + King, Henri II., the German Princes, who recognized by the Treaty of + Cateau-Cambresis, (1559,) that Metz, Toul, and Verdun were French + cities, and could not be considered as a part of the German + Confederation. So there were at one time German Princes who accepted + the dogma of the consent of the governed! +</p> +<p> + Attacking the record of England in order to defend the record of + Germany, as Dr. Dernburg does, is no justification for the necessary + German aggression of today. Even granting that the English record is + poor, which is a matter open to discussion, two wrongs would not make + things right. +</p> +<p> + Dr. Dernburg also compares the policy of aggrandizement of Germany in + Schleswig, Alsace, &c., with that of other countries in Morocco, + Tripoli, &c. Even school children know that two things which are + entirely unlike must not be compared. Northern Africa had too long been + a den of pirates and brigands, and Latin Europe has rendered an immense + service to the world in establishing order there. Algeria has been + conquered in the same way as Morocco is now being conquered, and her + natives enjoy more genuine liberty than they ever did before; they are + even willing to fight as volunteers for the country they consider now as + their own. Neither Danish Schleswig nor Alsace-Lorraine, which were as + civilized as any other European country when they were last annexed, can + be compared to Morocco any more than to the Philippines. So this + comparison made by Dr. Dernburg also falls to pieces. +</p> +<p> + The case of the German point of view is not entirely without hope. In + THE TIMES of Oct. 5 Dr. Dernburg approves the annexation of Holstein + because the Germans of Holstein wanted to belong to Germany. This is a + sound conclusion, and Dr. Dernburg will doubtless acknowledge + later—better late than never—that the Alsatians and the Danish of + Schleswig should have had their say, just like the Germans of Holstein. + It cannot be possible that to him the wish of the inhabitants of a + province is the voice of God when it suits Germany and the voice of the + devil when it suits somebody else. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + DANIEL JORDAN. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Columbia University, Nov. 6, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0020"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Dr. Irene Sargent's Reply to Dr. Dernburg +</h2> +<center> Professor of the History of Fine Arts, Syracuse University. +</center> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Contradicting Dr. Eliot, Dr. Bernhard Dernburg says: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Schleswig-Holstein was a dual Dukedom that never belonged to + Denmark; but, having as its Duke the King of Denmark, as long + as he belonged to the elder line of the house of Oldenburg ... + Frederick VII. wanted to incorporate the two German Dukedoms + into Denmark.... Then the people stood up and expressed the + desire to remain with the German Federation. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Such an assertion is a summary, inaccurate, and unfair manner of dealing + with perhaps the most complex series of diplomatic, legal, and racial + questions that arose in the nineteenth century. It would appear from the + best evidence that Schleswig was indissolubly united with the Crown of + Denmark. To maintain this principle Christian VIII. in 1846 issued + letters patent declaring that the royal line of succession (female) was + in full force, as far as Schleswig was concerned. As to Holstein, the + King stated that he was prevented from giving an equally clear decision, + and the reason of his hesitation lay in the assumption that the law of + the Salic Saxons excluding women from the throne would naturally prevail + in Holstein, where the Germans, their customs, and their language were + dominant. Two years later, Prussia sought to restore her prestige, lost + in the Revolution of 1848, by sending troops into the Duchies in order + to enforce the principle that this territory constituted two independent + and indivisible States, the government of which was hereditary in the + male line alone. The Prussian troops were afterward withdrawn by the + hesitating Frederic William, and there followed a succession of + protocols, constitutions, and compacts until the time of Bismarck, who, + in his "Reflections," Volume II., Page 10, in writing of the Duchies, + acknowledges: +</p> +<p> + "From the beginning I kept annexation steadily before my eyes." +</p> +<p> + The master of statecraft conquered. But did the people "stand up and + express their desire to remain with the German Federation," as Dr. + Dernburg asserts? +</p> +<p> + If his assertion be true, why were the Danish "optants" subjected to + domiciliary visits, perquisitions, arrest, and expulsion? And why—only + to mention one instance of espionage—did the Prussian police confiscate + the issue of a Danish newspaper published in Schleswig because it + contained a reference to that Duchy under its historic name of South + Jutland? +</p> +<p> + The truth stands that the whole Schleswig-Holstein question is one that + involves the modern principle of "nationality," and, as such, enters of + necessity into the present European crisis. It is broadly understood by + Dr. Eliot and willfully misapprehended by his critic. +</p> +<p> + Passing on to consider Alsace-Lorraine, Dr. Dernburg declares that "it + had belonged to Germany until it was taken, against the will of the + people, under Louis XIV." +</p> +<p> + In this statement, as in the treatment of the previous question, facts + are mutilated and wrong impressions are given. Alsace, it is well known, + was included within the confines of ancient Gaul, its original + population was Celtic, and it passed, late in the fifth Christian + century, under the rule of the Franks, one of whose chieftains, Clovis, + became the founder of the first French monarchy. In dealing with its + later history Dr. Dernburg confuses the Holy Roman (Germanic) Empire + with Germany, considered in its modern sense. He appears to forget that + the reign of Louis XIV. was an age of absolutism and not of plébiscites. +</p> +<p> + He also ignores that the most strenuous efforts on the part of Germany + to strangle the French nationality and language in the imperial + territory (Alsace-Lorraine) have proved useless, although they have been + exerted constantly for almost a half century. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + IRENE SARGENT. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Professor of the History of Fine Arts. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Syracuse University, Nov. 3, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0021"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + DR. ELIOT'S FOURTH LETTER. +</h2> +<h3> + Germany and World Empire +</h3> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Each one of the principal combatants in Europe seems to be anxious to + prove that it is not responsible for this cruelest, most extensive, and + most destructive of all wars. Each Government involved has published the + correspondence between its Chief Executive and other Chief Executives, + and between its Chancellery or Foreign Office and the equivalent bodies + in the other nations that have gone to war, and has been at pains to + give a wide circulation to these documents. To be sure, none of these + Government publications seems to be absolutely complete. There seems to + be in all of them suppressions or omissions which only the future + historian will be able to report—perhaps after many years. They reveal, + however, the dilapidated state of the Concert of Europe in July, 1914, + and the flurry in the European Chancelleries which the ultimatum sent by + Austria-Hungary to Servia produced. They also testify to the existence + of a new and influential public opinion, about war and peace, to which + nations that go to war think it desirable to appeal for justification or + moral support. +</p> +<p> + These publications have been read with intense interest by impartial + observers in all parts of the world, and have in many cases determined + the direction of the readers' sympathy and good will; and yet none of + them discloses or deals with the real sources of the unprecedented + calamity. They relate chiefly to the question who struck the match, and + not to the questions who provided the magazine that exploded, and why + did he provide it. Grave responsibility, of course, attaches to the + person who gives the order to mobilize a national army or to invade a + neighbor's territory; but the real source of the resulting horrors is + not in such an order, but in the Governmental institutions, political + philosophy, and long-nurtured passions and purposes of the nation or + nations concerned. +</p> +<h3> + German Desire for World Empire. +</h3> +<p> + The prime source of the present immense disaster in Europe is the desire + on the part of Germany for world empire, a desire which one European + nation after another has made its supreme motive, and none that has once + adopted it has ever completely eradicated. Germany arrived late at this + desire, being prevented until 1870 from indulging it, because of her + lack of unity, or rather because of being divided since the Thirty + Years' War into a large number of separate, more or less independent, + States. When this disease, which has attacked one nation after another + through all historic times, struck Germany it exhibited in her case a + remarkable malignity, moving her to expansion in Europe by force of + arms, and to the seizure of areas for colonization in many parts of the + world. Prussia, indeed, had long believed in making her way in Europe by + fighting, and had repeatedly acted on that belief. Shortly before the + achievement of German unity by Bismarck she had obtained by war in 1864 + and 1866 important accessions of territory and leadership in all + Germany. +</p> +<p> + With this desire for world empire went the belief that it was only to + be obtained by force of arms. Therefore, united Germany has labored with + utmost intelligence and energy to prepare the most powerful army in the + world, and to equip it for instant action in the most perfect manner + which science and eager invasion could contrive. To develop this supreme + military machine universal conscription—an outgrowth of the conception + of the citizens' army of France during the Revolution—was necessary; so + that every young man in Germany physically competent to bear arms might + receive the training of a soldier, whether he wished it or not, and + remain at the call of the Government for military duty during all his + years of competency, even if he were the only son of a widow, or a + widower with little children, or the sole support of a family or other + dependents. In order to the completeness of this military ideal the army + became the nation and the nation became the army to a degree which had + never before been realized in either the savage or the civilized world. + This army could be summoned and put in play by the Chief Executive of + the German Nation with no preliminaries except the consent of the + hereditary heads of the several States which united to form the empire + in 1870-71 under the domination of Prussia, the Prussian King, become + German Emperor, being Commander in Chief of the German Army. At the word + of the Emperor this army can be summoned, collected, clothed, equipped + and armed, and set in motion toward any frontier in a day. The German + Army was thus made the largest in proportion to population, the best + equipped, and the most mobile in the world. The German General Staff + studied incessantly and thoroughly plans for campaigns against all the + other principal States of Europe, and promptly utilized—secretly, + whenever secrecy was possible—all promising inventions in explosives, + ordnance, munitions, transportation, and sanitation. At the opening of + 1914 the General Staff believed that the German Army was ready for war + on the instant, and that it possessed some significant advantages in + fighting—such as better implements and better discipline—over the + armies of the neighboring nations. The army could do its part toward the + attainment of world empire. It would prove invincible. +</p> +<h3> + A Great German Navy. +</h3> +<p> + The intense desire for colonies, and for the spread of German commerce + throughout the world, instigated the creation of a great German navy, + and started the race with England in navy building. The increase of + German wealth, and the rapid development of manufactures and commercial + sea power after 1870-71, made it possible for the empire to devote + immense sums of money to the quick construction of a powerful navy, in + which the experience and skill of all other shipbuilding nations would + be appropriated and improved on. In thus pushing her colonization and + sea-power policy Germany encountered the wide domination of Great + Britain on the oceans; and this encounter bred jealousy, suspicion, and + distrust on both sides. That Germany should have been belated in the + quest for foreign possessions was annoying; but that England and France + should have acquired early ample and rich territories on other + continents, and then should resist or obstruct Germany when she aspired + to make up for lost time, was intensely exasperating. Hence chronic + resentments, and—when the day came—probably war. In respect to its + navy, however, Germany was not ready for war at the opening of 1914; + and, therefore, she did not mean to get into war with Great Britain in + that year. Indeed, she believed—on incorrect information—that England + could not go to war in the Summer of 1914. Neither the Government nor + the educated class in Germany comprehends the peculiar features of party + government as it exists in England, France, and the United States; and, + therefore, the German leaders were surprised and grievously disappointed + at the sudden popular determination of Great Britain and Ireland to lay + aside party strife and take strenuous part in the general European + conflict. +</p> +<p> + The complete preparation of the German Army for sudden war, the + authority to make war always ready in the hands of the German Emperor, + and the thorough studies of the German Staff into the most advantageous + plans of campaign against every neighbor, conspired to develop a new + doctrine of "military necessity" as the all-sufficient excuse for + disregarding and violating the contracts or agreements into which + Prussia or the new Germany had entered with other nations. To gain + quickly a military advantage in attacking a neighbor came to be regarded + as proper ground for violating any or all international treaties and + agreements, no matter how solemn and comprehensive, how old or how new. + The demonstration of the insignificance or worthlessness of + international agreements in German thought and practice was given in the + first days of the war by the invasion of Belgium, and has been continued + ever since by violation on the part of Germany of numerous agreements + concerning the conduct of war into which Germany entered with many other + nations at the Second Hague Conference. +</p> +<h3> + Sanctity of National Contracts. +</h3> +<p> + This German view of the worthlessness of international agreements was + not a cause of the present war, because it was not fully evident to + Europe, although familiar and of long standing in Germany; but it is a + potent reason for the continuance of the war by the Allies until Germany + is defeated; because it is plain to all the nations of the world, except + Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey at the moment, that the hopes of + mankind for the gradual development of international order and peace + rest on the sanctity of contracts between nations, and on the + development of adequate sanctions in the administration of international + law. The new doctrine of military necessity affronts all law and is + completely and hopelessly barbarous. +</p> +<p> + World empire now, as always, is to be won by force—that is, by conquest + and holding possession. So Assyria, Israel, Macedonia, Athens, Rome, + Islam, England, and France have successively believed and tried to + accomplish in practice. United Germany has for forty years been putting + into practice, at home and abroad, the doctrine of force as the source + of all personal and national greatness and all worthy human + achievements. In the support of this doctrine, educated Germany has + developed and accepted the religion of valor and the dogma that might + makes right. In so doing it has rejected with scorn the Christian + teachings concerning humility and meekness, justice and mercy, + brotherhood and love. The objects of its adoration have become Strength, + Courage, and ruthless Will-power; let the weak perish and help them to + perish; let the gentle, meek, and humble submit to the harsh and proud; + let the shiftless and incapable die; the world is for the strong, and + the strongest shall be ruler. This is a religion capable of inspiring + its followers with zeal and sustained enthusiasm in promoting the + national welfare at whatever cost to the individual of life, liberty, or + happiness, and also of lending a religious sanction to the extremes of + cruelty, greed, and hate. It were incredible that educated people who + have been brought up within earshot of Christian ethics and within sight + of gentle men and women should all be content with the religion-of-valor + plan. Accordingly, the finer German spirits have invented a supplement + to that Stone Age religion. They have set up for worship a mystical + conception of the State as a majestic and beneficent entity which + embraces all the noble activities of the nation and guides it to its + best achievements. To this ideal State every German owes duty, + obedience, and complete devotion. The trouble with this supplement to + the religion of valor is that it dwells too much on submission, + self-sacrifice, and discipline, and not enough on individual liberty and + self-control in liberty. Accordingly, when the valiant men got control + of the Government and carried the nation into a ferocious war, they + swept away with them all the devotees of this romantic and spiritual + State. The modern German is always a controlled, directed, and drilled + person, who aspires to control and discipline his inferiors; and in his + view pretty much all mankind are his inferiors. He is not a freeman in + the French, English, or American sense; and he prefers not to be. +</p> +<h3> + What German Domination Would Mean. +</h3> +<p> + The present war is the inevitable result of lust of empire, autocratic + government, sudden wealth, and the religion of valor. What German + domination would mean to any that should resist it the experience of + Belgium and Northern France during the past three months aptly + demonstrates. The civilized world can now see where the new German + morality—be efficient, be virile, be hard, be bloody, be rulers—would + land it. To maintain that the power which has adopted in practice that + new morality, and in accordance with its precepts promised Austria its + support against Servia and invaded Belgium and France in hot haste, is + not the responsible author of the European war, is to throw away memory, + reason, and common sense in judging the human agencies in current + events. +</p> +<p> + The real cause of the war is this gradually developed barbaric state of + the German mind and will. All other causes—such as the assassination of + the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, the sympathy of Russia with + the Balkan States, the French desire for the recovery of + Alsace-Lorraine, and Great Britain's jealousy of German + aggrandizement—are secondary and incidental causes, contributory, + indeed, but not primary and fundamental. If any one ask who brought the + ruling class in Germany to this barbaric frame of mind, the answer must + be Bismarck, Moltke, Treitschke, Nietzsche, Bernhardi, the German + Emperor, their like, their disciples, and the military caste. +</p> +<h3> + Germany Never Dreaded Russia. +</h3> +<p> + Many German apologists for the war attribute it to German fear of + Russia. They say that, although Germany committed the first actual + aggression by invading Belgium and Luxemburg on the way to attack France + with the utmost speed and fierceness, the war is really a war of + defense against Russia, which might desirably pass over, after France + has been crushed, into a war against Great Britain, that perfidious and + insolent obstacle to Germany's world empire. The answer to this + explanation is that, as a matter of fact, Germany has never dreaded, or + even respected, the military strength of Russia, and that the recent + wars and threatenings of war by Germany have not been directed against + Russia, but against Denmark, Austria, France, and England. In her + colonization enterprises it is not Russia that Germany has encountered, + but England, France, and the United States. The friendly advances made + within the last twenty years by Germany to Turkey were not intended + primarily to strengthen Germany against Russia, but Germany against + Great Britain through access by land to British India. In short, + Germany's policies, at home and abroad, during the last forty years have + been inspired not by fear of Russia, or of any other invader, but by its + own aggressive ambition for world empire. In the present war it thinks + it has staked its all on "empire or downfall." +</p> +<h3> + Germany Should Be Defeated. +</h3> +<p> + Those nations which value public liberty and believe that the primary + object of Government is to promote the general welfare by measures and + policies founded on justice, good-will, and respect for the freedom of + the individual cannot but hope that Germany will be completely defeated + in its present undertakings; but they do not believe that Germany is + compelled to choose between a life of domination in Europe and the world + and national death. They wish that all her humane culture and her genius + for patient and exact research may survive this hideous war and guide + another Germany to great achievements for humanity. +</p> +<p> + If the causes of the present immense catastrophe have been have + correctly stated, the desirable outcomes of the war are, no world empire + for any race or nation, no more "subjects," no Executives, either + permanent or temporary, with power to throw their fellow-countrymen + into war, no secret diplomacy justifying the use for a profit of all the + lies, concealments, deceptions, and ambuscades which are an inevitable + part of war and assuming to commit nations on international questions, + and no conscription armies that can be launched in war by Executives + without consulting independent representative assemblies. There should + come out from this supreme convulsion, a federated Europe, or a league + of the freer nations, which should secure the smaller States against + attack, prevent the larger from attempting domination, make sure that + treaties and other international contracts shall be public and be + respected until modified by mutual consent, and provide a safe basis for + the limitation and reduction of armaments on land and sea, no basis to + be considered safe which could fail to secure the liberties of each and + all the federated States against the attacks of any outsider or + faithless member. No one can see at present how such a consummation is + to be brought about, but any one can see already that this consummation + is the only one which can satisfy the lovers of liberty under law, and + the believers in the progress of mankind through loving service each to + all and all to each. +</p> +<p> + Extreme pacificists shrink from fighting evil with evil, hell with + hell, and advise submission to outrage, or at least taking the risk of + being forced into resigned submission. The believers in the religion of + valor, on the other hand, proclaim that war is a good thing in itself, + that it develops the best human virtues, invigorates a nation become + flaccid through ease and luxury, and puts in command the strong, + dominating spirit of a valid nation or race. What is the just mean + between these two extremes? Is it not that war is always a hideous and + hateful evil, but that a nation may sometimes find it to be the least of + two evils between which it has to choose? The justifiable and indeed + necessary war is the war against the ravager and destroyer, the enemy of + liberty, the claimant of world empire. More and more the thinkers of the + world see, and the common people more and more believe instinctively, + that the cause of righteous liberty is the cause of civilization. In the + conference which will one day meet to settle the terms of peace, and + therefore the future conditions of life in Europe, the example of the + American Republic in regard to armaments and war, the publicity of + treaties, and public liberty, security and prosperity may reasonably + have some influence. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CHARLES W. ELIOT. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Cambridge, Mass., Nov. 14, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0022"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + DR. ELIOT'S FIFTH LETTER. +</h2> +<h3> + A Hopeful Road to Lasting Peace +</h3> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + The great war has now been going on long enough to enable mankind to + form approximately correct views about its vast extent and scale of + operations, its sudden interference with commerce and all other helpful + international intercourse, its unprecedented wrecking of family + happiness and continuity, its wiping out, as it proceeds, of the + accumulated savings of many former generations in structures, objects of + art, and industrial capital, and the huge burdens it is likely to impose + on twentieth century Europe. From all these points of view, it is + evidently the most horrible calamity that has ever befallen the human + race and the most crucial trial to which civilization has been exposed. + It is, and is to be, the gigantic struggle of these times between the + forces which make for liberty and righteousness and those which make + for the subjection of the individual man, the exaltation of the State, + and the enthronement of physical force directed by a ruthless collective + will. It threatens a sweeping betrayal of the best hopes of mankind. +</p> +<p> + Each of the nations involved, horrified at the immensity of the + disaster, maintains that it is not responsible for the war; and each + Government has issued a statement to prove that some other Government is + responsible for the outbreak. This discussion, however, relates almost + entirely to actions by monarchs and Cabinets between July 23 and Aug. + 4—a short period of hurried messages between the Chancelleries of + Europe—actions which only prove that the monarchs and Ministers for + Foreign Affairs could not, or at least did not, prevent the + long-prepared general war from breaking out. The assassination of the + Archduke and Duchess of Hohenberg on the 28th of June was in no proper + sense a cause of the war, except as it was one of the consequences of + the persistent aggressions of Austria-Hungary against her southeastern + neighbors. Neither was Russian mobilization in four military districts + on July 29 a cause of the war; for that was only an external + manifestation of the Russian state of mind toward the Balkan peoples, a + state of mind well known to all publicists ever since the Treaty of + Berlin in 1878. No more was the invasion of Belgium by the German Army + on Aug. 4 a true cause of the war, or even the cause, as distinguished + from the occasion, of Great Britain's becoming involved in it. By that + action Germany was only taking the first step in carrying out a + long-cherished purpose and in executing a judicious plan of campaign + prepared for many years in advance. The artificial panic in Germany + about its exposed position between two powerful enemies, France and + Russia, was not a genuine cause of the war; for the General Staff knew + they had crushed France once, and were confident they could do it again + in a month. As to Russia, it was, in their view, a huge nation, but + very clumsy and dull in war. +</p> +<p> + The real causes of the war are all of many years' standing; and all the + nations now involved in the fearful catastrophe have contributed to the + development of one or more of these effective causes. The fundamental + causes are: (1) The maintenance of monarchical Governments, each + sanctioned and supported by the national religion, and each furnished + with a Cabinet selected by the monarch—Governments which can make war + without any previous consultation of the peoples through their elected + representatives; (2) the constant maintenance of conscript armies, + through which the entire able-bodied male population is trained in youth + for service in the army or navy, and remains subject to the instant call + of the Government till late in life, the officering of these permanent + armies involving the creation of a large military class likely to become + powerful in political, industrial, and social administration; (3) the + creation of a strong, permanent bureaucracy within each nation for the + management of both foreign and domestic affairs, much of whose work is + kept secret from the public at large; and, finally, (4) the habitual use + of military and naval forces to acquire new territories, contiguous or + detached, without regard to the wishes of the people annexed or + controlled. This last cause of the war is the most potent of the four, + since it is strong in itself, and is apt to include one or more of the + other three. It is the gratification of the lust for world empire. +</p> +<p> + Of all the nations taking part in the present war, Great Britain is the + only one which does not maintain a conscript army; but, on the other + hand, Great Britain is the earliest modern claimant of world empire by + force, with the single exception of Spain, which long since abandoned + that quest. Every one of these nations except little Servia has yielded + to the lust for empire. Every one has permitted its monarch or its + Cabinet to carry on secret negotiations liable at any time to commit the + nation to war, or to fail in maintaining the peace of Europe or of the + Near East. In the crowded diplomatic events of last July, no phenomenon + is more striking than the exhibition of the power which the British + people confide to the hands of their Foreign Secretary. In the interests + of public liberty and public welfare no official should possess such + powers as Sir Edward Grey used admirably—though in vain—last July. In + all three of the empires engaged in the war there has long existed a + large military caste which exerts a strong influence on the Government + and its policies, and on the daily life of the people. +</p> +<p> + These being the real causes of the terrific convulsion now going on in + Europe, it cannot be questioned that the nation in which these complex + causes have taken strongest and most complete effect during the last + fifty years is Germany. Her form of government has been imperialistic + and autocratic in the highest degree. She has developed with great + intelligence and assiduity the most formidable conscript army in the + world, and the most influential and insolent military caste. Three times + since 1864 she has waged war in Europe, and each time she has added to + her territory without regard to the wishes of the annexed population. + For twenty-five years she has exhibited a keen desire to obtain colonial + possessions; and since 1896 she has been aggressive in this field. In + her schools and universities the children and youth have been taught for + generations that Germany is surrounded by hostile peoples, that her + expansion in Europe and in other continents is resisted by jealous + powers which started earlier in the race for foreign possessions, and + that the salvation of Germany has depended from the first, and will + depend till the last, on the efficiency of her army and navy and the + warlike spirit of her people. This instruction, given year after year by + teachers, publicists, and rulers, was first generally accepted in + Prussia, but now seems to be accepted by the entire empire as unified in + 1871. +</p> +<p> + The attention of the civilized world was first called to this state of + the German mind and will by the triumphant policies of Bismarck; but + during the reign of the present Emperor the external aggressiveness of + Germany and her passion for world empire have grown to much more + formidable proportions. Although the German Emperor has sometimes played + the part of a peacemaker, he has habitually acted the war lord in both + speech and bearing, and has supported the military caste whenever it has + been assailed. He is by inheritance, conviction, and practice a + Divine-right sovereign whose throne rests on an "invincible" army, an + army conterminous with the nation. In the present tremendous struggle he + carries his subjects with him in a rushing torrent of self-sacrificing + patriotism. Mass fanaticism and infectious enthusiasm seem to have + deprived the leading class in Germany, for the moment, of all power to + see, reason, and judge correctly—no new phenomenon in the world, but + instructive in this case because it points to the grave defect in German + education—the lack of liberty and, therefore, practice in self-control. +</p> +<p> + The twentieth century educated German is, however, by no means given + over completely to material and physical aggrandizement and the worship + of might. He cherishes a partly new conception of the State as a + collective entity whose function is to develop and multiply, not the + free, healthy, and happy individual man and woman, but higher and more + effective types of humanity, made superior by a strenuous discipline + which takes much account of the strong and ambitious, and little of the + weak or meek. He rejects the ethics of the Beatitudes as unsound, but + accepts the religion of valor, which exalts strength, courage, + endurance, and the ready sacrifice by the individual of liberty, + happiness, and life itself for Germany's honor and greatness. A nation + of 60,000,000 holding these philosophical and religious views, and + proposing to act on them in winning by force the empire of the world, + threatens civilization with more formidable irruptions of a destroying + host than any that history has recorded. The rush of the German Army + into Belgium, France, and Russia and its consequences to those lands + have taught the rest of Europe to dread German domination, and—it is to + be hoped—to make it impossible. +</p> +<p> + The real cause of the present convulsion is, then, the state of mind or + temper of Germany, including her conception of national greatness, her + theory of the State, and her intelligent and skillful use of all the + forces of nineteenth century applied science for the destructive + purposes of war. It is, therefore, apparent that Europe can escape from + the domination of Germany only by defeating her in her present + undertakings; and that this defeat can be brought about only by using + against her the same effective agencies of destruction and the same + martial spirit on which Germany itself relies. Horrible as are the + murderous and devastating effects of this war, there can be no lasting + peace until Europe as a whole is ready to make some serious and + far-reaching decisions in regard to Governmental structures and powers. + In all probability the sufferings and losses of this widespread war must + go further and cut deeper before Europe can be brought to the decisions + which alone can give securities for lasting peace against Germany on the + one hand and Russia on the other, or to either of these nations, or can + give security for the future to any of the smaller nations of + Continental Europe. There can, indeed, be no security for future peace + in Europe until every European nation recognizes the fact that there is + to be no such thing in the world as one dominating nation—no such thing + as world empire for any single nation—Great Britain, Germany, Russia, + Japan, or China. There can be no sense of security against sudden + invasion in Europe so long as all the able-bodied men are trained to be + soldiers and the best possible armies are kept constantly ready for + instant use. There can be no secure peace in Europe until a federation + of the European States is established, capable of making public + contracts intended to be kept, and backed by an overwhelming + international force subject to the orders of an international tribunal. + The present convulsion demonstrates the impotence toward permanent + peace of secret negotiations, of unpublished agreements, of treaties and + covenants that can be broken on grounds of military necessity, of + international law if without sanctions, of pious wishes, of economic and + biological predictions, and of public opinion unless expressed through a + firm international agreement, behind which stands an international + force. When that international force has been firmly established it will + be time to consider what proportionate reductions in national armaments + can be prudently recommended. Until that glorious day dawns, no patriot + and no lover of his kind can wisely advocate either peace in Europe or + any reduction of armaments. +</p> +<p> + The hate-breeding and worse than brutal cruelties and devastations of + the war, with their inevitable moral and physical degradations, ought to + shock mankind into attempting a great step forward. Europe and America + should undertake to exterminate the real causes of the catastrophe. In + studying that problem the coming European conference can profit by the + experience of the three prosperous and valid countries in which public + liberty and the principle of federation have been most successfully + developed—Switzerland, Great Britain, and the United States. + Switzerland is a democratic federation which unites in a firm federal + bond three different racial stocks speaking three unlike languages, and + divided locally and irregularly between the Catholic Church and the + Protestant. The so-called British Empire tends strongly to become a + federation; and the methods of Government both in Great Britain itself + and in its affiliated Commonwealths are becoming more and more + democratic in substance. The war has brought this fact out in high + relief. As to the United States, it is a strong federation of + forty-eight heterogeneous States which has been proving for a hundred + years that freedom and democracy are safer and happier for mankind than + subjection to any sort of autocracy, and affords far the best training + for national character and national efficiency. Republican France has + not yet had time to give this demonstration, being incumbered with many + survivals of the Bourbon and Napoleonic régimes, and being forced to + maintain a conscript army. +</p> +<p> + It is an encouraging fact that every one of the political or + Governmental changes needed is already illustrated in the practice of + one or more of the civilized nations. To exaggerate the necessary + changes is to postpone or prevent a satisfactory outcome from the + present calculated destructions and wrongs and the accompanying moral + and religious chaos. Ardent proposals to remake the map of Europe, + reconstruct European society, substitute republics for empires, and + abolish armaments are in fact obstructing the road toward peace and + good-will among men. That road is hard at best. +</p> +<p> + The immediate duty of the United States is presumably to prepare, on the + basis of its present army and navy, to furnish an effective quota of the + international force, servant of an international tribunal, which will + make the ultimate issue of this most abominable of wars not a truce, but + a durable peace. +</p> +<p> + In the meantime the American peoples cry with one voice to the German + people, like Ezekiel to the House of Israel: "Turn ye, turn ye from your + evil ways; for why will ye die?" +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CHARLES W. ELIOT. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Cambridge, Mass., Dec. 8, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0023"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + THE LORD OF HOSTS. +</h2> +<h3> + By JOSEPH B. GILDER. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> + "He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh." +</p> +<br> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> The warring hosts that gather<br> + To ravage, burn, and slay,<br> + Turn first to that dread Father<br> + To whom the nations pray:<br> +<br> + "O God, our hearts Thou knowest,<br> + Our minds Thou readest clear;<br> + Where we go, there Thou goest—<br> + With Thee we have no fear.<br> +<br> + "The folk that harm and hate us—<br> + Thy enemies, O Lord—<br> + Thou knowest how they bait us:<br> + Make brittle their strong sword!<br> +<br> + "Against the foe that goaded<br> + We heed Thy call to fight:<br> + Our guns are primed and loaded,<br> + Our swords, how keen and bright!<br> +<br> + "Make strong our hearts to serve Thee,<br> + Uphold our lifted hands;<br> + Let no petition swerve Thee<br> + To succor alien bands.<br> +<br> + "So shall we burn and slaughter,<br> + Spread desolation wide,<br> + If still, by land and water,<br> + Thou fightest on our side."<br> +<br> + The Lord of Hosts had listened—<br> + Had heard the rivals' prayer,<br> + Upraised where bayonets glistened<br> + And banners dyed the air;<br> +<br> + And as His people waited<br> + An answer to their cry,<br> + Two bolts with lightning freighted<br> + Flashed from the angry sky.<br> +<br> + To left, to right they darted,<br> + Impartially they fell:<br> + The hosts in terror started<br> + As they envisaged hell.<br> +<br> + For wide their ranks were riven,<br> + Night blotted out the sky,<br> + As prostrate, dazed or driven,<br> + They caught their God's reply.<br> +<br> + Then, as the blinding levin's<br> + Twin bolts were buried deep,<br> + Who dwelleth in the heavens<br> + Was heard to laugh—and weep! +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<a name="2H_4_0024"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<br><hr><br> + +<h2> + A War of Dishonor +</h2> +<h3> + By David Starr Jordan. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> Late President of Leland Stanford Junior University, now its + Chancellor; Chief Director of the World Peace Foundation since + 1910. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + In this war what of right and what of wrong? Not much of right, perhaps, + and very much of wrong. But there are degrees in wrong, and sometimes, + by comparison, wrong becomes almost right. +</p> +<p> + The armed peace, the peace of guns and dreadnoughts and sabre rattlers, + has come to its predestined end. Its armaments were made for war. Its + war makers and war traders, the Pan-Germanists in the lead, have done + their worst for the last nine years. They have been foiled time after + time, but they have their way at last. Their last and most fatal weapon + was the ultimatum. If Servia had not given them their chance they would + have found their pretext somewhere else. When a nation or a continent + prepares for war it will get it soon or later. To prepare for war is to + breed a host of men who have no other business, and another host who + find their profits in blood. +</p> +<p> + When the war began it had very little meaning. It was the third Balkan + war, brought on, as the others were, by intrigues of rival despotisms. + The peoples of Europe do not hate each other. The springs of war come + from a few men impelled by greed and glory. Diplomacy in Europe has been + for years the cover for robbery in Asia or Africa. Of all the nations + concerned not one had any wish to fight, and Belgium alone could fight + with clean hands. +</p> +<p> + And this fact gave the war its meaning. The invasion of Belgium changed + the whole face of affairs. As by a lightning flash the issue was made + plain: the issue of the sacredness of law; the rule of the soldier or + the rule of the citizen; the rule of fear or the rule of law. Germany + stands for army rule. This was made clear when, a year ago, she passed + under the yoke at Zabern. However devious her diplomacy in the past, + Britain stands today for the rule of law. The British soldier is the + servant of the British people, not their master. +</p> +<p> + The highest conception of human relations is embodied in the word law. + Law is the framework of civilization. Law is the condition of security, + happiness, and progress. War is the denial of all law. It makes scrap + paper of all the solemn agreements men and nations have established for + their mutual good. +</p> +<p> + The rape of Belgium made scrap paper of international law. The sowing of + mines in the fairways of commerce made scrap paper of the rights of + neutral nations. The torture of the Belgian people made scrap paper of + the rights of non-combatants. +</p> +<p> + War may be never righteous, but it is sometimes honorable. In honorable + war armies fight against armies, never against private citizens. If + armies give no needless provocation, they will receive none. The sacking + of Malines, Aerschot, Dinant—these are not acts of honorable war. The + wreck of Louvain, historic Louvain, the venerable centre for 500 years + of Catholic erudition, at the hands of blood-drunk soldiers was an act + of dishonorable war. It marks a stain on the record of Germany which the + ages will not efface. +</p> +<p> + "A needed example," say the apologists for this crime. The Duke of Alva + gave the same "needed example" to these same people in his day. For + centuries the words "Spanish blood" struck terror into peoples' hearts + throughout the Netherlands. For centuries to come the word Prussian will + take its hated place. +</p> +<p> + The good people of Germany do not burn universities. Neither do they + make war for war's sake. They are helpless in the hands of a monster of + their own creation. The affair at Zabern a year ago testifies to their + complete subjugation. All the virtues are left to them, save only the + love of freedom. This the mailed fist has taken away. +</p> +<p> + The Germany of today is an anachronism. Her scientific ideals are of the + twentieth century. Her political ideals hark back to the sixteenth. Her + rulers have made her the most superb fighting machine in a world which + is soul-weary of fighting. For a nation in shining armor the civilized + World has no place. It will not worship them, it will not obey them. It + will not respect those who either worship or obey. It finds no people + good enough to rule other people against their will. +</p> +<p> + A great nation which its own people do not control is a nation without a + Government. It is a derelict on the international sea. It is a danger to + its neighbors, a greater danger to itself. Of all the many issues, good + or bad, which may come from this war, none is more important than this, + that the German people should take possession of Germany. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + DAVID STARR JORDAN. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Berkeley, Cal., Sept. 19, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0025"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Might or Right +</h2> +<h3> + By John Grier Hibben. +</h3> +<center> President of Princeton University; author of works on logic + and philosophy. +</center> + <blockquote> +<p> + <i>The address printed below was delivered by President Hibben at the + opening of the Laymen's Efficiency Convention in New York City, Oct. 16, + 1914.</i> +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + We are all of us sadly conscious of our failure to realize in any + adequate measure the standards of right conduct which we set for + ourselves. Attainment falls far short of purpose and desire. Through + want of courage, or it may be of inclination, or of sheer inertia, we + fail to obey perfectly the law of duty which we recognize as + imperatively binding upon us. There is, however, a more subtle kind of + failure as regards our moral endeavor and achievement which is due to + the unconscious shifting of these standards of right and wrong + themselves. It is not merely that we fail to do that which we know to be + right, but at times the very idea of right itself is strangely altered. + The good insensibly assimilates to itself certain elements of evil which + we allow and accept without full realization of the significance of this + moral alchemy to which the most fundamental of our ideas are often times + subjected. The idea of right no longer stands in its integrity, but is + compromised and even neutralized by conflicting thoughts and sentiments. + The things which at one time held first place in our estimate of life + become secondary. Our attitude toward men, and manners, and affairs + experiences a radical change. This in most cases takes place + unconsciously, or if conscious of it, we refrain from confessing it even + to ourselves. +</p> +<p> + There are some, however, who are both frank enough and bold enough to + announce their belief in the radical doctrine which demands a complete + transformation of essential values. For them, good is evil and evil + good, and they seem not ashamed to avow it. The conspicuous German + philosopher of later years, Nietzsche, with a naďve simplicity insists + that the great need of our modern civilization is that which he + designates as "the transvaluation of all values." By this he means the + complete transformation of certain ideas of supreme value into their + direct opposites. He declares, for instance, that the central virtues of + Christianity, such as those of self-sacrifice, pity, mercy, indicate an + inherent weakness of the human race, and that the strong man dissipates + his energies through the offices of kindness and helpfulness. Thus the + law which commands us to bear one another's burdens must be regarded as + obsolete. Every man should be strong enough to bear his own burdens. If + not, he is a drag to the onward progress of humanity, and to assist him + is to do evil and not good. If you help the weak, you so far forth + assist in perpetuating an inferior type of manhood. +</p> +<h3> + Nietzsche's "Moralic Acid." +</h3> +<p> + From this point of view, the definition of religion given in the Old + Testament should be revised, "Do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly + before thy God." In doing justice we must first be just to self; in + loving mercy it must not be at the expense of our own interests and + advantage, and we must not walk so humbly before our God as to give to + the world the appearance of weakness or lack of independence. As + Nietzsche insists, "The man who loves his neighbor as himself must have + an exceedingly poor opinion of himself." If the race is to be perfected, + everything and every person must be sacrificed in order to produce and + preserve the strong man at all hazards. There is a kind of "moralic + acid," as Nietzsche styles it, which is corroding the strength of + humanity in our modern day. We have discoursed too much of character, + too little of power; too much of self-sacrifice and too little of + self-assertion; too much of right, too little of might. Conscience not + only interferes with success, but also prevents the evolution of a + superior type of man, that superman who is not constrained by duty nor + limited by law, living his life "beyond good and evil." +</p> +<p> + The serious question which presents itself to our minds at this time is + whether our modern world has not been unconsciously incorporating these + ideas into its living beliefs—that is, those beliefs which reveal + themselves in actual living and doing, in daily purpose, in the + adaptation of means to ends, in the deeds which the world honors, and in + the achievements which it crowns with glory. There are many persons who + would not have the frankness of Nietzsche to say that might makes right, + and that a moral sense is the great obstacle to progress, and that in + "vigorous eras noble civilizations see something contemptible in + sympathy, in brotherly love, in the lack of self-assertion and + self-reliance." Our modern world may not explicitly subscribe to such + doctrines in their extreme and exaggerated expression, but nevertheless + may be unconsciously influenced by them. Our real opinions, however, are + to be tested by our sense of values as revealed by the things which we + crave, which we set our hearts upon, which we strive early and late to + gain, and sacrifice all else in order to secure. Have we not offered our + prayers to the God of might rather than the God of righteousness, to the + God of power rather than the God of justice, the God of mercy and of + love? +</p> +<p> + The time has come, in my opinion, for us to take account of the things + which we really believe, and of the God Whom we really worship. If we + have been following false gods, let us honestly endeavor to re-establish + fundamental and essential values, to discover anew what is of supreme + worth and set our faces resolutely toward its realization. The need of + our modern world today is the same as that of the ancient world at the + time of the coming of Christ. His message to the world as indicated by + His teaching, and His life was an arraignment of the ancient régime as + regards three crucial points. +</p> +<h3> + The Brotherhood of Man. +</h3> +<p> + First, the religious and moral beliefs of that age had become purely + formal. There was the letter of conviction, but not the spirit of it. + The creed, the ritual, the ceremony were there, but the life had + departed. And so today our beliefs have lost vitality to a large extent + because we have been content to indulge in formulas oft repeated, which + have ceased to have significance for our thoughts or for our feelings. + We have allowed ourselves to be betrayed by words which are mere sounds + without substance. We have verbalized our beliefs, and have + depotentialed them of vital significance. Take, for instance, the + phrases, "The fatherhood of God" and "The brotherhood of man." They have + been so often upon our lips as to become trite; their real meaning has + disappeared. It is easy to repeat the words, and to be satisfied with + the repetition, and nevertheless remain wholly insensible to their + profound import, and under no compulsion whatsoever to obey their + sublime command. We assent to the formula: but it does not become a + determining factor in our purposes and plans. There is perhaps no age in + the history of the world which has so emphasized the idea of the + brotherhood of man as our own, and never in all history has there been + such a denial of this idea as by the present European war. If the + brotherhood of man had been the living, dominant idea of our + civilization, could this present tragedy of the nations have occurred? + If the world had believed profoundly in the idea of God, would we now be + daily reading of the ghastly scenes where human life is no longer + sacred, where love gives place to hate, where the constructive forces of + the world are superseded by the destructive, and all the passions of + man's brute inheritance are given full play and scope? +</p> +<p> + Second—In the teachings of Christ there was a remarkable expansion of + the idea of God. Instead of the tribal God worshipped as the God of + Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, He substituted the idea of God, as the + God of all peoples and all races, the God of the Jew and Gentile, of the + Greek and barbarian, of the bond and the free. It was the great apostle + of the Gentiles who at the centre of Greek civilization announced this + fundamental conception of Christianity to the old world: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on + all the face of the earth. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + This was the sublime idea of the God of a united humanity. The God of + the tribe had given place to the God of the whole world. That conception + was very foreign to the popular religious notions current at the time + of Christ, and it seems still further away from our ideas of the present + day. It is a very narrow and circumscribed view of God to regard Him as + concerned merely for our little insular affairs, to regard Him simply as + a God of the individual or of the home, or even one's nation. He + transcends all these limitations of particular interests and particular + needs. He is not merely our God but the God of all mankind. The children + of Israel called Him the God of battle, the God of hosts, that is, the + one who would give victory to them in their battles, and who would prove + the leader of their hosts. But Christ came to the world in God's name to + universalize this narrow tribal idea of God, proclaiming peace on earth + and good will to men. It was the dawn of a new era, the Christian era. + That light which shone upon the old world is darkened by the cloud + hanging low over Europe at the present time. We cannot think, however, + that it is permanently extinguished. To that light the nations of the + earth must again return. +</p> +<h3> + The Area of Moral Obligation. +</h3> +<p> + Third—Christ gave to the world of His day an enlarged idea of the area + of moral obligation. He insisted most stoutly upon the expansion of the + scope of individual responsibility. This freeing of the idea of duty + from the limitations of race prejudice is a natural corollary to the + idea of the universality of God's relation to the world. Corresponding + to the tribal view of God there is always an accompanying idea of the + restricted obligation of the individual. To care for one's own family or + one's own clan or tribe and present a hostile front to the rest of + mankind has always been the characteristic feature of primitive + morality. It was peculiarly the teaching of Christ which brought to the + world the idea that the area of moral obligation is co-extensive with + the world itself. There are no racial or national lines which can limit + the extent of our responsibility. The world today needs to learn this + lesson anew, and it is evident that it must acquire this knowledge + through bitter and desperate experiences. We must interpret in this + large sense the great moral dictum of the German philosopher, Kant, that + every one in a particular circumstance should act as he would wish all + men to act if similarly circumstanced and conditioned. This is the + complete universalizing of our moral obligations—stripping our sense of + duty of everything that is particular and local and isolated. The + natural tendency of human nature is to particularize our relations to + God and bound our relations to our fellow-men; to narrow our relations + to God so as to embrace only our direst needs, and to circumscribe our + relations to man so as to include in the field of responsibility only + those who are our kin or our own kind. The time has certainly come for + us to take larger views of the world, of man, and of God. +</p> +<p> + After the great calamity of this present war is passed there must + necessarily follow a period of reconstruction. It will not be merely the + reconstruction of national resources and international relations, but + it must be also a reconstruction of our fundamental conceptions of man + and of the relation of man to man the world over, and of the relation + also of man to God. We must ask anew the question, Who is our neighbor? + In this great moral enterprise you will naturally play a large and + significant part, for you belong to the class of men who are expected to + have strong and decided opinions in the face of a great world crisis, + and are capable of leading others toward the goal of a regenerated + humanity. To know the right and to maintain it, to fight against the + wrong, to impart courage to the timid, strength to the weak, and hope to + the faint-hearted; to forget self in the service of others and extend a + human sympathy to the ends of the earth, this is your vocation. It is + the call of the world, it is the voice of one calling to you out of a + distant past across the nineteen Christian centuries; it is the "spirit + of the years to come," summoning you to establish the Kingdom of God + upon earth. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0026"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + JEANNE D'ARC—1914. +</h2> +<h3> + By ALMA DURANT NICOLSON. +</h3> +<br> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Rise from the buried ages, O thou Maid,<br> + Rise from thy glorious ashes, unafraid,<br> + And wheresoe'er thy Brothers need thee most,<br> + Arise again, to lead thy tireless host.<br> + France calls thee as she called in days gone by!<br> + She calls thy spirit where her soldiers die;<br> + She knows thy courage and thy sacrifice,<br> + And wills today to pay the selfsame price,<br> + All-confident that when the work is done,<br> + She shall behold her Honor saved and Victory won.<br> +<br> + God calls thee, Maid, from out the Past—<br> + The Past of France where thy strange lot was cast—<br> + And bid'st thee fling about this fearful hour<br> + Thy dauntless Faith, that was thy magic Power.<br> + And Freedom calls, with all-impelling voice,<br> + She calls the Sons of France, and leaves no choice,<br> + No waver and no alternating will;<br> + Where Freedom calls, all other calls are still,<br> + All-confident that when her work is done<br> + Ye shall behold your Country saved and Victory won.<br> +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<br><hr> +<a name="2H_4_0027"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + The Kaiser and Belgium +</h2> +<h3> + By John W. Burgess. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> Dean of the Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, Pure + Science, and the fine Arts at Columbia University; Roosevelt + Professor of American History and Institutions at Friedrich + Wilhelms University, Berlin, 1906-7; Visiting American + Professor to Austrian Universities, 1914-15; Decorated, Order + of Prussian Crown by the German Emperor and Order of the + Albrechts by the King of Saxony. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<h3> + FIRST ARTICLE. +</h3> +<p> + It is often said by historians that no truly great man is every really + understood by the generation, and in the age, for which he labors. Many + instances of the truth of this statement can be easily cited. Two of the + most flagrant have come within the range of my own personal experience. + The first was the character of Abraham Lincoln as depicted by the + British press of 1860-64 and as conceived by the British public opinion + of that era. Mr. Henry Adams, son and private secretary of Mr. Charles + Francis Adams, our Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain during that + critical era in our history, writes, in that fascinating book of his + entitled "The Education of Henry Adams," +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> that "London was altogether beside itself on one point, in + especial; it created a nightmare of its own, and gave it the + shape of Abraham Lincoln. Behind this it placed another demon, + if possible more devilish, and called it Mr. Seward. In regard + to these two men English society seemed demented. Defense was + useless: explanation was vain. One could only let the passion + exhaust itself. One's best friends were as unreasonable as + enemies, for the belief in poor Mr. Lincoln's brutality and + Seward's ferocity became a dogma of popular faith." +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Adams relates further that the last time he saw Thackeray at Christmas + of 1863 they spoke of their mutual friend Mrs. Frank Hampton of South + Carolina, whom Thackeray had portrayed as Ethel Newcome, and who had + recently passed away from life. Thackeray had read in the British papers + that her parents had been prevented by the Federal soldiers from passing + through the lines to see her on her deathbed. Adams writes that +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> in speaking of it Thackeray's voice trembled and his eyes + filled with tears. The coarse cruelty of Lincoln and his + hirelings was notorious. He never doubted that the Federals + made a business of harrowing the tenderest feelings of + women—particularly of women—in order to punish their + opponents. On quite insufficient evidence he burst into + reproach. Had he (Adams) carried in his pocket the proofs that + the reproach was unjust he would have gained nothing by + showing them. At that moment Thackeray, and all London society + with him, needed the nervous relief of expressing emotions; + for if Mr. Lincoln was not what they said he was, what were + they? +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Mr. Lincoln sent over our most skillful politician, Thurlow Weed, and + our most able constitutional lawyer, William M. Evarts, and later our + most brilliant orator, Henry Ward Beecher, followed, for the purpose of + bringing the British people to their senses and correcting British + opinion, but all to little purpose. Gettysburg and Vicksburg did far + more toward modifying that opinion than the persuasiveness of Weed, the + logic of Evarts, or the eloquence of Beecher, and it took Chattanooga, + the March to the Sea, and Appomattox to dispel the illusion entirely. +</p> +<p> + Today we are laboring under a no less singular illusion than were the + English in 1862. The conception prevailing in England and in this + country concerning the physical, mental, and moral make-up of the German + Emperor is the monumental caricature of biographical literature. I have + had the privilege of his personal acquaintance now for nearly ten years. + I have been brought into contact with him in many different ways and + under many varying conditions, at Court and State functions, at + university ceremonies and celebrations, at his table, and by his + fireside surrounded by his family, when in the midst of his officials, + his men of science, and his personal friends, and, more instructive than + all, alone in the imperial home in Berlin and at Potsdam and in the + castle and forest at Wilhelmshöhe. With all this experience, with all + this opportunity for observation at close range, I am hardly able to + recognize a single characteristic usually attributed to him by the + British and American press of today. +</p> +<p> + In the first place, the Emperor is an impressive man physically. He is + not a giant in stature, but a man of medium size, great strength and + endurance, and of agile and graceful movement. He looks every inch a + leader of men. His fine gray-blue eyes are peculiarly fascinating. I saw + him once seated beside his uncle, King Edward VII., and the contrast was + very striking, and greatly in his favor. +</p> +<p> + In the second place, the Emperor is an exceedingly intelligent and + highly cultivated man. His mental processes are swift, but they go also + very deep. He is a searching inquirer, and questions and listens more + than he talks. His fund of knowledge is immense and sometimes + astonishing. He manifests interest in everything, even to the smallest + detail, which can have any bearing upon human improvement. I remember a + half hour's conversation with him once over a cupping glass, which he + had gotten from an excavation in the Roman ruin called the Saalburg, + near Homburg. He always appeared to me most deeply concerned with the + arts of peace. I have never heard him speak much of war, and then always + with abhorrence, nor much of military matters, but improved agriculture, + invention, and manufacture, and especially commerce and education in all + their ramifications, were the chief subjects of his thought and + conversation. I have had the privilege of association with many highly + intelligent and profoundly learned men, but I have never acquired as + much knowledge, in the same time, from any man whom I have ever met, as + from the German Emperor. And yet, with all this real superiority of mind + and education, his deference to the opinions of others is remarkable. + Arrogance is one of the qualities most often attributed to him, but he + is the only ruler I ever saw in whom there appeared to be absolutely no + arrogance. He meets you as man meets man and makes you feel that you are + required to yield to nothing but the better reason. +</p> +<h3> + A Man of Warm Affections. +</h3> +<p> + In the third place, the Emperor impressed me as a man of heart, of warm + affections, and of great consideration for the feelings and well-being + of others. He can not, at least does not, conceal his reverence for, and + devotion to, the Empress, or his love for his children, or his + attachment to his friends. He always speaks of Queen Victoria and of the + Empress Friedrich with the greatest veneration, and once when speaking + to me of an old American friend who had turned upon him he said that it + was difficult for him to give up an old friend, right or wrong, and + impossible when he believed him to be in the right. His manifest respect + and affection for his old and tried officials, such as Lucanus and zu + Eulenburg and von Studt and Beseler and Althoff, give strong evidence of + the warmth and depth of his nature. His consideration for Americans, + especially, has always been remarkable. It was at his suggestion that + the exchange of educators between the universities of Germany and of the + United States was established, and it has been his custom to be present + at the opening lecture of each new incumbent of these positions at + the University of Berlin, and to greet him and welcome him to his work. + He is also the first to extend to these foreign educators hospitality + and social attention. To any one who has experienced his hearty welcome + to his land and his home the assertion that he is arrogant and + autocratic is so far away from truth as to be ludicrous. Again I must + say that I have never met a ruler, in monarchy or republic, in whom + genuine democratic geniality was a so predominant characteristic. +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0012"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img border="0" src="images/giddings.jpg" alt="Franklin H. Giddings" width="166" height="225"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo by the Misses Selby.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0033"> + <i>See Page 526</i> </a> +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0013"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/eucken.gif" width="159" height="225" +alt="Rudolf Eucken"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">RUDOLF EUCKEN</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0035"> + <i>See Page 534</i> </a> +</p> +<br> +<p> + But the characteristic of the Emperor which struck me most forcibly is + his profound sense of duty and his readiness for self-sacrifice for the + welfare of his country. This is a general German trait. It is the most + admirable side of German nature. And the Emperor is, in this respect + especially, their Princeps. I remember sitting beside him one day, when + one of the ladies of his household asked me if I were acquainted with a + certain wealthy ultra-fashionable New York social leader. I replied, by + name only. She pressed me to know why not more nearly, why not + personally. And to this, I replied that I was not of her class; that I + could not amuse her, and that I did not approve of the frivolous and + demoralizing example and influence of one so favorably circumstanced for + doing good. The Emperor had heard the conversation, and he promptly + said: "You know in Germany we do not rate and classify people by their + material possessions, but by the importance of the service they render + to country, culture, and civilization." One of his sons once told me + that from his earliest childhood his father had instilled into his mind + the lesson that devotion to duty and readiness for sacrifice were the + cardinal virtues of a German, especially of a Hohenzollern. His days are + periods of constant labor and severe discipline. He rises early, lives + abstemiously and works until far into the night. There is no day laborer + in his entire empire who gives so many hours per diem to his work. His + nature is manifestly deeply religious and, in every sentence he speaks, + evidence of his consciousness that the policeman's club cannot take the + place of religious and moral principle is revealed. His frequent appeal + for Divine aid in the discharge of his duties is prompted by the + conviction that the heavier the duty the more need there is of that aid. +</p> +<h3> + His Passion for German Greatness. +</h3> +<p> + He undoubtedly has an intense desire, almost a passion, for the + prosperity and greatness of his country, but his conception of that + prosperity and greatness is more spiritual and cultural than material + and commercial. More than once have I heard him say that he desired to + see Germany a wealthy country, but only as the result of honest and + properly requited toil, and that wealth acquired by force or fraud was + more a curse than a blessing, and was destined to go as it had come. His + conception of the greatness of Germany is as a great intellectual and + moral power rather than anything else. Its physical power he values + chiefly as the creator and maintainer of the conditions necessary to the + production and influence of this higher power. I have often heard him + express this thought. +</p> +<p> + And in spite of this terrible war, the responsibility for which is by so + many erroneously laid at his door, I firmly believe him to be a man of + peace. I am absolutely sure that he has entered upon this war only under + the firm conviction that Great Britain, France, and Russia have + conspired to destroy Germany as a world power, and that he is simply + defending, as he said in his memorable speech to the Reichstag, the + place which God had given the Germans to dwell on. For seven years I + myself have witnessed the growth of this conviction in his mind and that + of the whole German Nation as the evidences of it have multiplied from + year to year until at last the fatal hour at Serajevo struck. I firmly + believe that there is no soul in this wide world upon whom the burden + and grief of this great catastrophe so heavily rest as upon the German + Emperor. I have heard him declare with the greatest earnestness and + solemnity that he considered war a dire calamity; that Germany would + never during his reign wage an offensive war, and that he hoped God + would spare him from the necessity of ever having to conduct a defensive + war. For years he has been conscious that British diplomacy was seeking + to isolate and crush Germany by an alliance of Latin, Slav, and Mongol + under British direction, and he sought in every way to avert it. He + visited England himself frequently. He sent his Ministers of State over + to cultivate the acquaintance and friendship of the British Ministers, + but rarely would the British King go himself to Germany or send his + Ministers to return these visits. More than once have I heard him say + that he was most earnestly desirous of close friendship between Germany, + Great Britain, and the United States, and had done, was doing, and would + continue to do, all in his power to promote it; but that while the + Americans were cordially meeting Germany half way, the British were + cold, suspicious, and repellent. +</p> +<p> + I know that the two things which are giving him the deepest pain in this + world catastrophe, excepting only the sufferings of his own kindred and + people, are the enmity of Great Britain and the misunderstanding of his + character, feelings, and purposes in America. To remedy the first we + here can do nothing, but to dispel the second is our bounden duty; and I + devoutly hope that other evidence may prove sufficient to do this to the + satisfaction of the minds of my countrymen than was necessary to + convince the British Nation that the great-hearted Abraham Lincoln was + not a brute nor the urbane William H. Seward a demon of ferocity. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0028"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Reply to Prof. Burgess +</h2> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + The Burgess Kaiser is a truly admirable person. Every right-minded man + will be only too glad to believe all that Prof. Burgess affirms of him. + To be sure, there is a lurking sense that the professor "doth protest + too much." But let that go. In the present topsy-turvy state of the + world it is refreshing to hear of a man who loves his wife and children + in the good, old way. But just now the world is not interested in the + private, personal, peculiarly German characteristics of the Kaiser. We + outsiders must take him as he is known to the international world. We of + course trust that he is an able, cultivated, attractive gentleman. There + are many such in the world. But this gentleman happens to be the head of + one of the great nations. Our interest in him centres in his relations + to his neighbor nations. +</p> +<p> + An English friend of mine was appointed to duty in a tribe of savages in + Africa. I dislike to call them savages after the testimony of my friend. + But they were just plain, naked folk, living in primitive simplicity in + their native land. The chief of this little tribe was, as my friend + asserts, a superior man, and, in spite of his undress, a good deal of a + gentleman. In physique he was superb. A sculptor's heart would have + leaped for joy at sight of him. My friend said to see him teaching his + young son to throw a spear was a sort of physical music. He himself + could throw a spear to an incredible distance with the precision of a + rifle shot. He ruled his little kingdom with surprising wisdom and + fairness. He was welcomed everywhere among his people as the friend and + counselor. His family relations were unimpeachable. The same was true + throughout the tribe. He was devoutly pious. In short, he was a Burgess + Kaiser in the small. But he was the war lord of all that region. He was + fiercely jealous of all the neighboring tribes. He kept his own people + armed and drilled to the top of efficiency, ready for attack or + defense. He was noted for his hatred and contempt for his people except + his own. His forays were marked by savage cruelty. His military + necessities stopped at nothing. +</p> +<p> + Need it be said that the surrounding tribes were in nowise interested in + this chief's physique or domestic virtues, or in his fidelity to his own + people? It is safe to affirm that the British Government did not ask + whether he had the body of a Michael Angelo's David or of a baboon from + the jungle. It did not ask whether he was good to his wife and children. + Most animals are. It did not care how devoted he was to his fetich. The + sole question was, What sort of public citizen is he? How does he stand + related to surrounding peoples? On what terms does he propose to live + with them? That precisely is what we want to know about the Kaiser. +</p> +<p> + Fortunately, we do not have to ask Prof. Burgess, or any group of + savants, or the German people. The Kaiser's record is known and read of + all men. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + JAMES H. ECOB, +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + American Institute of Social Service. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 21, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0029"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + PROF. BURGESS'S SECOND ARTICLE. +</h2> +<br> +<h3> + The Guarantee of Belgian Neutrality +</h3> +<p> + So much has been said about Belgian neutrality, so much assumed, and it + has been such a stumbling block in the way of any real and comprehensive + understanding of the causes and purposes of the great European + catastrophe, that it may be well to examine the basis of it and endeavor + to get an exact idea of the scope and obligation. +</p> +<p> + Of course, we are considering here the question of guaranteed + neutrality, not the ordinary neutrality enjoyed by all States not at + war, when some States are at war; the difference between ordinary + neutrality and guaranteed neutrality being that no State is under any + obligation to defend the ordinary neutrality of any other State against + infringement by a belligerent, and no belligerent is under any special + obligation to observe it. Guaranteed neutrality is, therefore, purely a + question of specific agreement between States. +</p> +<p> + On the 19th day of April, 1839, Belgium and Holland, which from 1815 to + 1830 had formed the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, signed a treaty + of separation from, and independence of, each other. It is in this + treaty that the original pledge of Belgian neutrality is to be found. + The clause of the treaty reads: "Belgium in the limits above described + shall form an independent neutral State and shall be bound to observe + the same neutrality toward all other States." On the same day and at the + same place, (London,) a treaty, known in the history of diplomacy as the + Quintuple Treaty, was signed by Great Britain, France, Prussia, Austria, + and Russia, approving and adopting the treaty between Belgium and + Holland. A little later, May 11, the German Confederation, of which both + Austria and Prussia were members, also ratified this treaty. +</p> +<p> + In the year 1866 the German Confederation was dissolved by the war + between Austria and Prussia, occasioned by the Schleswig-Holstein + question. In 1867 the North German Union was formed, of which Prussia + was the leading State, while Austria and the German States south of the + River Main were left out of it altogether. Did these changes render the + guarantees of the Treaty of 1839 obsolete and thereby abrogate them, or + at least weaken them and make them an uncertain reliance? The test of + this came in the year 1870, at the beginning of hostilities between + France and the North German Union. Great Britain, the power most + interested in the maintenance of Belgian neutrality, seems to have had + considerable apprehension about it. Mr. Gladstone, then Prime Minister, + said in the House of Commons: "I am not able to subscribe to the + doctrine of those who have held in this House what plainly amounts to an + assertion that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is + binding on every party to it, irrespective altogether of the particular + position in which it may find itself when the occasion for acting on the + guarantee arises." +</p> +<h3> + A One-Year Treaty. +</h3> +<p> + Proceeding upon this view, the British Government then sought and + procured from the French Government and from the Government of the North + German Union separate but identical treaties guaranteeing with the + British Government the neutrality of Belgium during the period of the + war between France and the North German Union, the so-called + Franco-Prussian war, which had just broken out, and for one year from + the date of its termination. In these treaties it is also to be remarked + that Great Britain limited the possible operation of her military force + in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium to the territory of the State + of Belgium. +</p> +<p> + These treaties expired in the year 1872, and the present German Empire + has never signed any treaty guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. + Moreover, between 1872 and 1914 Belgium became what is now termed a + world power; that is, it reached a population of nearly 9,000,000 + people, it had a well-organized, well-equipped army of over 200,000 men + and powerful fortifications for its own defense; it had acquired and was + holding colonies covering 1,000,000 square miles of territory, inhabited + by 15,000,000 men, and it had active commerce, mediated by its own + marine, with many, if not all, parts of the world. Now, these things are + not at all compatible in principle with a specially guaranteed + neutrality of the State which possesses them. The State which possesses + them has grown out of its swaddling clothes, has arrived at the age and + condition of maturity and self-protection, and has passed the age when + specially guaranteed neutrality is natural. +</p> +<p> + From all these considerations, I think it extremely doubtful whether, on + the first day of August, 1914, Belgium should have been considered as + possessing any other kind of neutrality than the ordinary neutrality + enjoyed by all States not at war, when some States are at war. In fact, + it remains to be seen whether Belgium itself had not forfeited the + privilege of this ordinary neutrality before a single German soldier had + placed foot on Belgian soil. A few days ago I received a letter from one + of the most prominent professors in the University of Berlin, who is + also in close contact with the Prussian Ministry of Education, a man in + whose veracity I place perfect confidence, having known him well for ten + years. He writes: "Our violation of the neutrality of Belgium was + prompted in part by the fact that we had convincing proof that there + were French soldiers already in Belgium and that Belgium had agreed to + allow the French Army to pass over its soil in case of a war between + France and us." Moreover, in the British "White Paper" itself, No. 122, + is to be found a dispatch from the British Ambassador in Berlin, Sir E. + Goschen, to Sir Edward Grey, containing these words: "It appears from + what he [the German Secretary of Foreign Affairs] said that the German + Government consider that certain hostile acts have already been + committed by Belgium. As an instance of this, he alleged that a + consignment of corn for Germany had been placed under an embargo + already." The date of this dispatch is July 31, days before the Germans + entered Belgium. +</p> +<p> + But placing these two things entirely aside, as well as the new + evidence, said to have just been found in the archives at Brussels, that + Belgium had by her agreements with Great Britain forfeited every claim + to even ordinary neutrality in case of a war between Germany and Great + Britain, I find in the British "White Paper" itself, No. 123, not only + ample justification, but absolute necessity, from a military point of + view, for a German army advancing against France, not only to pass + through Belgium, but to occupy Belgium. This number of the "White Paper" + is a communication dated Aug. 1 from Sir Edward Grey to Sir E. Goschen, + British Ambassador in Berlin. In it Sir Edward Grey informed Sir E. + Goschen that the German Ambassador in London asked him "whether, if + Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgian neutrality, we, Great + Britain, would remain neutral," and that he [Grey] replied that he + "could not say that," that he did not think Great Britain "could give a + promise of neutrality on that condition alone"; further, Sir Edward Grey + says: "The Ambassador pressed me as to whether I could not formulate + conditions on which we would remain neutral. He even suggested that the + integrity of France and her colonies might be guaranteed. I said that I + felt obliged to refuse definitely any promise to remain neutral on + similar terms, and I could only say that we must keep our hands free." +</p> +<h3> + The Necessary Invasions. +</h3> +<p> + After this Sir Edward Grey declared in Parliament, according to + newspaper reports, that Great Britain stood, as to Belgian neutrality, + on the same ground as in 1870. With all due respect, I cannot so + understand it. In 1870 Great Britain remained neutral in a war between + the North German Union and France, and, with the North German Union, + guaranteed Belgium against invasion by France, and, with France, + guaranteed Belgium against invasion by the North German Union. On Aug. + 1, 1914, the German Empire asked Great Britain to do virtually the same + thing, and Great Britain refused. It is, therefore, Germany who stood in + 1914 on the same ground, with regard to Belgium neutrality, as she did + in 1870, and it is Great Britain who shifted her position and virtually + gave notice that she herself would become a belligerent. It was this + notice served by Sir Edward Grey on the German Ambassador in London on + Aug. 1, 1914, which made the occupation of Belgium an absolute military + necessity to the safety of the German armies advancing against France. + Otherwise they would, so far as the wit of man could divine, have left + their right flank exposed to the advance of a British army through + Belgium, and there certainly was no German commander so absolutely + bereft of all military knowledge or instinct as to have committed so + patent an error. +</p> +<p> + Belgium has Great Britain to thank for every drop of blood shed by her + people, and every franc of damage inflicted within her territory during + this war. With a million of German soldiers on her eastern border + demanding unhindered passage through one end of her territory, under the + pledge of guarding her independence and integrity and reimbursing every + franc of damage, and no British force nearer than Dover, across the + Channel, it was one of the most inconsiderate, reckless, and selfish + acts ever committed by a great power when Sir Edward Grey directed, as + is stated in No. 155 of the British "White Paper," the British Envoy in + Brussels to inform the "Belgian Government that if pressure is applied + to them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, his + Majesty's Government expects that they will resist by any means in their + power." +</p> +<p> + It is plain enough that Great Britain was not thinking so much of + protecting Belgium as of Belgium protecting her, until she could prepare + to attack Germany in concert with Russia and France. She was willing to + let Belgium, yea almost to command Belgium, to take the fearful risk of + complete destruction in order that she might gain a little time in + perfecting the co-operation of Russia and France with herself for the + crushing of Germany, and in order to hold the public opinion of neutral + powers, especially of the United States of America, in leash under the + chivalrous issue of protecting a weaker country, which she has done + little or nothing to protect, but which she could have effectively + protected by simply remaining neutral herself. +</p> +<p> + We Americans have been greatly confused in mind in regard to the issues + of this war. We have confounded causes and occasions and purposes and + incidents until it has become almost impossible for any considerable + number of us to form a sound and correct judgment in regard to it. But + we shall emerge from that nebulous condition. We are beginning to see + more clearly now, and it would not surprise me greatly if the means used + for producing our confusion would some day come back, if not to plague + the consciences, at least to foil the purposes of their inventors. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0030"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Reply to Prof. Burgess +</h2> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Prof. Burgess's amazing communication on Belgian neutrality omits an + essential piece of evidence. Granting, for the sake of argument, that + the German Empire might repudiate all treaty obligations of the earlier + German confederations, (very odd law, this;) granting also the still + more novel plea that Belgium had outgrown the need, and the privilege of + neutralization, Germany had agreed to treat all neutral powers under the + following provisions of The Hague Conventions of 1907 concerning the + rights and duties of neutral powers: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> 1. The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. +</p> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + 2. Belligerents are forbidden to move troops or either + munitions of war or supplies across the territory of a neutral + power. + +</p> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em; text-align: center"> + * * * * * * *</p> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> 5. A neutral power must not allow any of the acts referred to + in Articles 2 to 4 to occur on its territory. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + This pledge the German Empire had solemnly made only seven years ago. It + would seem that Prof. Burgess may accept the distinction ably made by + Prof. Münsterberg between "pledges of national honor" and mere "routine + agreements," placing Hague treaties in the latter category. +</p> +<p> + The allegation that France and England secretly did unneutral acts in + Belgium is as yet without proof of any sort, and must be interpreted by + the commonsense consideration that a neutral Belgium was a defensive + bulwark for France and England. To have tampered with her neutrality + would have been motiveless folly. How much more decent and moral than + Prof. Burgess's meticulous weighing of national reincorporation as a + means of evading national obligations is Chancellor Hollweg's robust + plea of national necessity! Prof. Burgess's whole moral and mental + attitude in this case seems to be that of a corporation lawyer getting a + trust out of a hole under the Statute of Limitations or by some + reorganizing dodge. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Princeton, N.J., Nov. 4, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0031"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + America's Peril in Judging Germany +</h2> +<h3> + By William M. Sloane. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Late Seth Low Professor of History at Columbia University; + ex-President National Institute of Arts and Letters and of the + American Historical Association; was secretary of George + Bancroft, the historian, in Berlin, 1873-5; author of works on + French History. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p> + The American public has been carefully trained to avoid entanglement + with foreign affairs. This European war was so unexpected, so entirely + unforeseen, that we were at first bewildered, and then exasperated, by + our unreadiness to meet our own emergencies. +</p> +<p> + In our effort to fix responsibility we then became partisan to the verge + of moral participation and had to be called to our senses by the wise + proclamation and warning of our Chief Magistrate. +</p> +<p> + Western Europe is a nearer neighbor than either Central or Eastern, and + what stern censors permit us to know is nicely calculated to arouse our + prejudice on one side or the other. Believing that, owing to cable + cutting and neutrality restrictions of wireless, as yet the plain truth + is not available, we ask for a suspension of judgment on both sides in + order that our Government may enjoy the undivided support of all + American citizens in its desire to secure a minimum of disturbance to + the normal course of our commercial, industrial, and agricultural life + by convulsions that are not of our making. +</p> +<p> + Fairness to ourselves means justice in the formation and expression of + opinion about not one or two but all the participants in a struggle for + European ascendency, with which we have nothing to do except as + overwhelming victory for either side might bring on a struggle for world + ascendency, with which, unhappily, we might have much to do. To + contemplate such a terrible event should sober us; the best preparation + for it is absolute neutrality in thought, speech, and conduct. +</p> +<p> + Our own history since independence is an unbroken record of expansion + and imperialism. Our contiguous territories have been acquired by + compulsion, whether of war, of purchase, of occupation, or of exchange. + We have taken advantage of others' dire necessity in the case of Great + Britain, France, Spain, Russia, and Mexico. +</p> +<p> + To rectify our frontier we compelled the Gladsden Purchase within the + writer's lifetime. As to our non-contiguous possessions, we hold them by + the right of conquest or revolution, salving our consciences with such + cash indemnity as we ourselves have chosen to pay, and even now we are + considering what we choose to pay, not what a disinterested court might + consider adequate, for the good-will of the United States of Colombia, a + good-will desired solely and entirely for an additional safeguard to the + Panama Canal and a prop to the policy or doctrine substituted by the + present Administration for the moribund Monroe Doctrine. +</p> +<p> + In no single instance of virtual annexation or protectorate have we + consulted by popular vote either the desires of those inhabiting the + respective territories annexed or The Hague Tribunal. In every case we + have had one single plea and one only—self-interest. +</p> +<p> + The entire American continent south of our frontier we have closed to + all European settlement, thereby maintaining for more than a century in + a magnificent territory an imperfect civilization which makes a sorry + use of natural resources which could vastly improve the condition of all + mankind if properly used. +</p> +<p> + This is the light in which European nations see us; our identity in + this policy from the dawn of our national existence onward they consider + a proof of our national character. It differs in no respect from their + own policies except in one. +</p> +<p> + But for them this exception is basic. We are a composite folk and they + are homogeneous, their blend being approximately complete. They have one + language, one tradition, one set of institutions and laws; a unity of + literature, habits, and method in life. Some European States are + composite, but each component part claims and cultivates its own style + and its own principles; each announces itself as a nationality with a + life to be maintained and a destiny to be wrought out somehow, either in + peace or in conflict. +</p> +<p> + With perhaps a single exception, they have an overflow of population, + due to natural generation, for the comfort and happiness of which they + seek either an expansion of territory or an improvement in the + productivity of their home lands; for those who must emigrate they + passionately desire the perpetuation of their nationality, with all it + implies. +</p> +<p> + In these respects they do not differ from us, except that perhaps we are + more determined and imperious. We cannot think politically in any other + terms than those of democratic government, either direct or + representative. +</p> +<p> + At the present hour we are engaged in the very dubious experiment of + direct popular legislation and administration. We are trying to change + our Government radically, discarding its representative form for that of + delegation. The remotest cause of this is the desire to amalgamate all + our elements into homogeneity. So far this policy has resulted in a + demand, not for equality of political and civil rights, but for its + overthrow, substituting laws intended to create social and economic + equality by means of class legislation. +</p> +<p> + These facts are not to the edification of other civilized States, and + subject us to harsh and contemptuous criticism. +</p> +<p> + It is likewise very interesting that apparently the American people + believe in a monarchical democracy. One of our typical first citizens + has recently expressed his antipathy to the phrases "My monarchy," "My + loyal people," "My loyal subjects," used by one of the German monarchs + in summoning the nation to war, as implying a dynastic or personal + ownership of men. +</p> +<h3> + Averse from Militarism. +</h3> +<p> + The American masses dislike the sound of supreme war lord, but gladly + admit their own Chief Magistrate to be Commander in Chief of the army + and navy. To our ears the three German words are offensive, and well + they may be, for in the treacherous literal translation they are willful + perversion; but the much stronger English words are a delight to our + democracy. +</p> +<p> + The phrases of monarchy are constantly used in Great Britain by its King + and its Emperor, but give no offense to his "loyal subjects," even the + most radical, who delight in them, as apparently do our people of + British origin. Why do they give such deep offense when employed by the + German Government through its King and Emperor? The social + stratification of Germany is not as marked as that of Great Britain; its + aristocracy is far less powerful; and Edward VII. proved that an adroit + and willful English monarch could involve his "loyal people" deeper in + harmful, secret alliances than William II., whose alliances and policies + were and are unconcealed. +</p> +<p> + One of our greatest historians has earned a brilliant reputation in the + conclusive proof that oceans are the world's highways, while its + continents are its barriers. To the term "militarism" we attach an + opprobrious meaning; militarism is the more infamous in exact proportion + to its efficiency. We have been at little pains to define it, and as to + certain of its aspects are curiously complacent. +</p> +<p> + The basic principle of our own nationality has long been the very vague + Monroe Doctrine, by the assertion of which we have prevented the + establishment on our nearest and remotest frontiers of strong military + powers, which might in certain events compel us to maintain a powerful + and numerous standing army, or even introduce the compulsory military + service of all voters, (women, of course, excepted.) +</p> +<p> + Yet we propose to fight if necessary in order to prevent fighting, and + to this end maintain the second strongest and, for its size, the most + efficient fleet in the world. This is our militarism; that of Great + Britain has been to maintain a fleet double our own or any other in + size, for it is her basic principle to maintain an unquestioned + supremacy on the highways of commerce. To this we have meekly assented, + while other nations absorb our carrying trade and our flag waves over a + fleet of perhaps a dozen respectable oceangoing trading and passenger + ships. It is under her rather patronizing protection that we fight our + foreign wars and by pressure from her that we manage the Panama Canal + with nice and honorable attention to her interpretation of a treaty + capable of quite a different one. Whether or not this be "militarism" of + the utmost efficiency by sea is not difficult to decide. But we have + never styled it infamous. +</p> +<p> + While I am writing, Germans, whose basic principle is the most efficient + "militarism" by land, are publishing all abroad that the "militarism" of + France must be forever stamped out, so that they may dwell at peace in + the lands which are their home. +</p> +<p> + Within a generation France has accumulated a colonial empire second only + to that of Great Britain, while she has incessantly demanded the + reintegration of German lands, and especially a German city which she + arbitrarily annexed and held by "militarism" for about five generations. + The "militarism" of a republic and a democracy which retains the + essential features of Napoleonic administration has been quite as + efficient as that of a monarchical democracy like Great Britain, and may + easily prove more efficient than that of a monarchy like Germany. +</p> +<p> + Why should it be more infamous or barbarous in one case than the other? + And with what is this efficient military democracy allied in the + closest ties? +</p> +<p> + With Russia, an Oriental despotism which by the aid of French money has + developed a "militarism" by land so portentous in numbers, dimension, + and efficiency that its movements are comparable to those of Attila's + Huns. Escaped Russians in Western lands are denouncing German + "militarism" as the incubus of the world. +</p> +<p> + Which of the two should Americans regard as the greater danger? +</p> +<h3> + Menaces to Our Neutrality. +</h3> +<p> + It has wrung our hearts to consider the violation of Belgian neutrality, + for which both France and eventually even Great Britain have long been + prepared, but the latter has with little or no protest arranged with the + "bear that walks like a man" to disregard contemptuously the neutrality + of Persia in arranging spheres of influence, exactly as Japan, another + ally, is contemptuously disregarding the neutrality of China, the new + "republic" we were in such haste to recognize that we had to use the + cable. And what about Korea? It is a Japanese province in contravention + of the most solemn guarantees of its integrity. +</p> +<p> + Leaving aside for the moment certain considerations like these, and they + might easily be indefinitely amplified, which should compel Americans to + unbiased consideration for others and preclude a dangerous partiality, + let us ask ourselves how in the event of mediation we could be an + impartial pacificator, behaving as we have hitherto done. The attitude + of our Government has been strictly neutral, neutral to the verge of + utter self-abnegation; and, as some regard it, timidity. +</p> +<p> + But rock-fast as any democratic magistrate may be, public opinion must + and does influence him. Rightly or wrongly his agents would be even more + completely dominated, and rightly or wrongly they would be suspect in + view of our terrific partisanship on both sides since the commencement + of hostilities. +</p> +<p> + The efficiency of Government organs in "producing the goods," the + terrific power of organization on one side and mass on the other, have + been considered a menace to world equilibrium. +</p> +<p> + Whichever way the decision falls, the scrutiny of Europe will be turned + to us. Unless observation and instinct be utterly at fault, we have for + more than a decade been, after Germany, the worst-hated nation of all + that are foremost. +</p> +<p> + It is pre-eminently our affair to mind our own business, as others have + minded theirs. Without cessation of noise and fury in America this is + impossible. +</p> +<p> + Indeed, our emotional storms have already furnished proof of how we are + incapacitated from either enforcing our rights as neutrals or seizing by + the forelock the opportunity afforded to us as neutrals and from + enjoying the unquestioned privileges of neutrality. +</p> +<p> + It is not altogether edifying to think that the close of the European + struggle, be it long or short, will probably find our ocean commerce + substantially where it was at the beginning, and that conflicts which + were not of our making will have been fought out before we are able to + secure our share of the world markets. Apparently the leaders in + commerce, industry, and trade, like the lawmakers and administrators, + are paralyzed by the imperative necessity of aiding panicstricken + tourists and panicstricken stay-at-homes. Apparently, too, our people + are suffering more in purse and general comfort than the actual + combatant nations. +</p> +<p> + Clamorous for American sympathy and cash, we have on our shores + embassies from the belligerents, pleading their respective virtues and + sorrows. +</p> +<p> + Why, after all, should our chiefest concern be with them? Surely we may + be good Samaritans without a total disregard of our own interests and a + blindness to opportunity verging on impotency. There is no immorality in + the proper play of self-interest. It is the conflict of interests which + creates morality. But the spectators, even the maddest baseball "fans," + do not play the game nor train for it. It is high time we ceased wasting + our energies in emotions and vain babble. +</p> +<p> + At this writing the first line of defense against the Oriental deluge is + endangered. The Slav individually and in his primitive culture is + altogether charming. He is a son of the soil, picturesque in life and + creative; he is minstrel and poet, seer. But so far he is the carrier of + a low civilization, the prophet, priest, and king of autocracy and + absolutism. Never has there been a time in history when the higher + civilization was not in a savage struggle for existence. It is almost + the first time in three centuries that the highest civilizations were in + alliance with the lowest; not since the pugnacious Western powers of + Europe sued for favor at the Sublime Porte. +</p> +<h3> + In Peril of the Whirlwind. +</h3> +<p> + This ought to be a very sobering spectacle, but it seems to arouse the + delighted enthusiasm of an American majority. For such an aberration + there is but a single and efficient remedy: absorption in our own + affairs, the discriminating study of efficient methods to prevent our + being caught up by a whirlwind, even the outer edges of which may snatch + us into the vortex. +</p> +<p> + To change the metaphor, we revel in the pleasant propulsion of the + maelstrom's rim, unaware that every instant brings us closer to dangers, + escape from which would demand herculean effort. Irresponsible emotions + are, like those of the novel and the stage, when intensified to excess + utterly incompatible with action. And just such a paralysis seems for + six long weeks to have lamed the highest powers of America. +</p> +<p> + The proportionate increase in population among the European powers is + overwhelmingly in favor of the Slavs. Their rate of increase by natural + generation is nearly three times that of even the Germans, with the + result that by the introduction of enforced military service into + Eastern Europe, (excepting Hungary and perhaps Rumania,) the military + balance of power has been completely changed. +</p> +<p> + The wars among the Balkan States, including Turkey, have put on foot + armies of a dimension hitherto undreamed of among the South Slavs, and + the army of Russia is probably two and a half times larger than it + could have been thirty-five years ago. +</p> +<p> + The method by which Eastern Europe has succeeded in financing itself is + rather mysterious. We know, of course, that the original Franco-Russian + Alliance was based on reciprocal interests, and that large sums of + French money flowed into Russia, which partly developed the natural + resources of Russia and were partly in the shape of loans that in all + likelihood were used for war material. +</p> +<h3> + Slavs in Germany. +</h3> +<p> + The conflict between the Slavs and the Teutons all along the line on + which they border has therefore been in two ways intensified. In the + first place, just in proportion as Germany has become an industrial + State, the field work has been intrusted to immigrant Slavs, some of + whom come only for the season and return, but a very large number of + them—estimated at the present moment at close to a million—have + substantially settled within the borders of the German Empire. That is + to say, there is a constant injection of 1-1/2 per cent. of Slavic blood + into the territories of the German Empire. +</p> +<p> + Suppose now that Russia should succeed in establishing the protectorate + over all Slavs which she desires, and at the same time should press back + the Germans on that border line, something very closely approximating a + new migration of peoples in Europe will take place. +</p> +<p> + As far as I know the German feeling, expressed both privately and + publicly, officially and unofficially, they have hoped to maintain their + complete consanguinity, if not homogeneity, within the lands they regard + as their home; and their preparations for war, their increase of their + military strength, have been made, professedly at least, solely in the + interest of defense. Americans can simply not realize—it is impossible + for them to realize—the difference in the degree of civilization and + culture on either side of a purely artificial boundary line. +</p> +<p> + Very fortunately it has entered the minds of several people lately to + write to the newspapers about the unhappy confusion that comes from the + use of words in a meaning which at home they do not connote at all. + Take, for example, the whole question of militarism. As we see it, it is + a matter altogether of degree. For defense against what the German + considers the most terrible danger that he personally has to confront, + it has been necessary from time to time to change both the size and the + composition of his forces, whether offensive or defensive, and they + therefore have introduced compulsory military service, an idea which has + always been very offensive to Anglo-Saxons, but which in cases of dire + necessity they have been compelled to utilize themselves, as, for + example, during our own civil war, the abandonment of voluntary + enlistment and the introduction of the draft. +</p> +<p> + Now, the compulsory military service of the German means that every man + is for a period of his life drafted and trained as a soldier. Forty + years ago there were a great many men who escaped by reason of one or + another provision of the law. That number was steadily diminished until + within eighteen months, when finally it was proclaimed that every German + who could endure the severity of that training must undergo it, and that + was due to the fact that the military balance of power of which I spoke + had been so completely changed by the re-armament of Russia and by the + formation of the South Slav armies in the Balkan Peninsula. +</p> +<p> + As a parallel we might imagine, not one troublesome neighbor, but four. + We might imagine a tremendous military power developed in Canada, and we + might imagine a hostile military power on the Atlantic side and another + one on the Pacific side, in which case we would beyond a question have + to expand our inchoate militarism, just in proportion as we came to feel + the necessity for a strong physical defensive or offensive in the way of + a great standing army, and we probably would do it without any + hesitation. +</p> +<p> + Now, Germany has not any really bitter foe on the north, although there + is no love lost between the Germans and the Scandinavians; but it has an + embittered foe on the east, and another one on the west, and what has + proved to be an embittered foe upon the water and a very lukewarm + neutral State on the south, a State which had joined in alliance with + her. +</p> +<p> + Italy had joined what Italy considered a defensive alliance, but not an + offensive alliance, and chose to regard the outbreak of this war as an + offensive movement on the part of Germany, and for that reason has + refused to participate in the struggle. +</p> +<p> + I say for that reason because, having been accustomed to reading, all my + life, long diplomatic documents, really having been trained, you might + say, almost in the school of Ranke, who was the inaugurator of an + entirely new school of historical writing based on the criticism of + historical papers, I have come to realize that the dispatches of trained + diplomats are for the most part purely formal, and that while these + respective publications of Great Britain and of Germany have a certain + value, yet nevertheless the most important plans are laid in the + embrasures of windows, where important men stand and talk so that no one + can hear, or they are arranged and often times amplified in private + correspondence which does not see the light until years afterward, and + that the most important historical documents are found in the archives + of families, members of which have been the guiding spirits of European + policy and politics. +</p> +<p> + So that what the secret diplomacy of the last years may have been is as + yet utterly unknown, and certainly will not be known for the generation + yet to come and perhaps for several generations. The student in almost + any European capital is given complete access to everything on file in + the archives, including secret documents, only down to a certain date. + That date differs in various of these storehouses, but I think in no + case is it later than 1830. +</p> +<p> + If you ask why, there are the sensibilities of families to be + considered, there is the question of hidden policies which they do not + care to reveal, and then there is the whole matter of who the examining + student is. For instance, certain very important papers were absolutely + denied to me, as an American, in Great Britain—or at least excuses were + made if they were not absolutely denied—which were opened to an + Englishman who was working upon the same subject at about the same time. +</p> +<p> + The reason for such observations at the present hour is plain enough. + Public opinion is formed upon what the public is permitted to know, and + is not formed upon the actual facts which the public is not permitted to + know. And for that reason Americans, remote as we are from the sources + of information, and especially remote from that most delicate of all + indications, the pulse of public opinion in foreign countries, ought to + be extremely slow to commit themselves to anything. +</p> +<h3> + Attack on Sir Edward Grey. +</h3> +<p> + Now, we have just had a very interesting incident. THE NEW YORK TIMES + printed recently what the British call their "White Paper," as well as + the German "White Paper." The editors of our most important journals + announced that they had read and studied those papers with care, and + that on the face of those papers, beyond any peradventure, Germany was + the aggressor. German militarism had flaunted itself as an insult in the + face of Europe. Germany had violated neutrality, Germany had committed + almost every sin known to international law, and therefore the whole + German procedure was to be reprobated. +</p> +<p> + Within a very short time a Labor member of Parliament, J. Ramsay + Macdonald, rises in his place, able and fearless, and, on the basis of + the "White Paper," as published and put in the hands of the British + public, attacks Sir Edward Grey for having so committed Great Britain in + advance to both Russia and France that, in spite of the representations + of the German Ambassador, he dared not discuss the question of + neutrality. This member of Parliament manifestly belongs to the powerful + anti-war party of Great Britain, a party two of whose members, John + Burns and Lord Morley, resigned from the Cabinet rather than condone + iniquity; a party which before the outbreak of the war made itself + heard and felt, and protested against the participation of Great + Britain, desiring localization of the struggle. +</p> +<p> + Mr. Macdonald says that in his opinion this talk about the violation of + Belgian neutrality, from the point of view of British statesmen, is + absurd, because as long ago as 1870 the plans for the use of Belgium, + both by France and by Germany—in other words, the violation of its + neutrality—were in the British War Office, and that Mr. Gladstone rose + in his place and said he was not one of those whose opinion was that a + formal guarantee should stand so far in thwarting the natural course of + events as to commit Great Britain to war; and that has been the + announced and avowed policy of Great Britain all the way down since + 1870, and that therefore talk about the violation of Belgian neutrality + is a mere pretext. +</p> +<p> + That is another instance of this secret agreement that goes on, which so + commits a man like Sir Edward Grey that in the pinch, when the German + Ambassador substantially proposed to yield everything to him and asked + him for his proposition, he cannot make any. +</p> +<p> + These facts are in the "White Paper." As far as I know, no editor in the + United States who claims to have studied thoroughly that "White Paper" + has ever brought this out, and they had not been published in that paper + at the time when Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith made their respective + speeches and committed the British Nation to the war. +</p> +<p> + Another unhappy use of language which has been noted in the public press + is due to the literal translation of words. Americans simply do not know + what the word Emperor means. To most of them it connotes the later Roman + Emperors, or the autocratic Czar of Russia, or the short-lived but + autocratic quality of Napoleon III., so that when we use the word + Emperor we are thinking of an absolutely non-existing personage, unless + it be the Czar of Russia. +</p> +<p> + We like very much to make sport of phrases from languages unfamiliar to + us, and we enjoy the jokes of ludicrous translations, and so we take + the term "Oberster Kriegsherr" and we translate it "Supreme War Lord." + What conception the average American forms of that is manifest. Whereas, + as a matter of fact—and this has already been pointed out both in + conversation and in public prints—the term means nothing in the world + but Commander in Chief of the German Empire, has not any different + relation whatsoever in the substance of its meaning than that which + Presidents of the United States have been in time of supreme danger to + the country. Mr. Lincoln was just as much an "Oberster Kriegsherr" at + one period of his term as the German Emperor could ever be; in fact, + rather more. +</p> +<h3> + Sherman's March to the Sea. +</h3> +<p> + In truth, the sense of outrage which Americans feel over the horrors of + war, while most creditable to them, is very often based upon an + ignorance of the rules and regulations of so-called civilized warfare, + and upon a sentimentality, which, though also very creditable, is + unfortunately not one of the factors in the world's work. It would not + hurt Americans occasionally to recall Sherman's march to the sea, during + which every known kind of devastation occurred, or to recall Gen. + Hunter's boast that he had made the Valley of Virginia such a desert + that a crow could not find sustenance enough in it to fly from one side + to the other, and yet at that time, in what we considered the supreme + danger to our country, the conduct of those men was approved, and they + themselves were almost deified for their actions. +</p> +<p> + While parallels are dangerous and the existence of one wrong does not + make another action right, yet at the same time a very considerable + amount of open-mindedness must be exercised in a neutral country when + regarding the passionate devotions of combatant nations to their + culture, to their safety, to their interest; and it should be recalled + that in the heats and horrors of war it is extremely difficult, however + trained or disciplined troops may be, to prevent outrages, and that so + far as we have gone in accurate information the least that can be said + is that it is slowly dawning upon us that horror for horror and outrage + for outrage there has been no overwhelming balance on either side. +</p> +<p> + The Allies (this interview was received Tuesday morning) firmly believe + that the struggle on the west is so indecisive up to this time that what + will count for them is the duration of the war. Lloyd George has just + said, not in the exact language, but virtually, what Disraeli said in + 1878: "We don't want to fight; but, by jingo, if we do we have got the + ships, we have got the men, we have got the money, too." Those are the + words that brought into use the expression "jingoists." +</p> +<p> + Now, Lloyd George said the other day that it was the money which in the + long run would count and that Great Britain had that; and the meetings + that are held to induce Englishmen to enlist are addressed by speakers + who meet with lots of applause when they say: "We may not be able to put + the same number of men into the field immediately that Germany was able + to put or Russia was able to put, but in the long run, considering the + attitude of all the different parts of our empire, we will be able to + put just as many men, and therefore time is on our side both as regards + force in the field and money to sustain it." (The London Times confesses + that enlistment in Ireland is a failure.) +</p> +<p> + Lloyd George says that for a comparatively short time England's enemies + can finance themselves and be very efficient, but that as time passes + they unquestionably will exhaust not only their pecuniary means but + their resources of men as well. That is his position at this time. + Therefore, it does appear as if the long duration of the war was a thing + desired, at least in Great Britain, as being their hope of victory. Both + Great Britain and France are wealthy countries. Just how wealthy Germany + is I do not think they realize, nor do we know, nor what its ultimate + resources can be. +</p> +<p> + Now, looking at the allied line as a whole, we will suppose that the + German forces were overwhelmingly triumphant in France, and suppose, + likewise, which is by no means as strong a hypothesis, that Russia is + overwhelmingly victorious against Austria and the Eastern German Army; + then, of course, you have the situation in which that one of the Allies + which is triumphant will assert its leadership in the terms of peace + that will be reached, and would have the hegemony, as we call it, of all + Europe. +</p> +<h3> + Russia's Position. +</h3> +<p> + So that the defeat of the Allies in the west and their overwhelming + success in the east would compel the acceptance, in any peace that might + be made, of such terms as Russia chose to dictate. She would have to be + satisfied, otherwise there would only be one outcome of it; that is, of + course, if Great Britain and France could not accept those terms, there + would be a rupture, and stranger things have been seen than Germany, + France, and Great Britain fighting against Russia. +</p> +<p> + Stranger things than that have been seen; such changes in the alliances + between States have occurred at intervals from the seventeenth century + onward in Europe, a phase of the subject that is too lengthy to discuss + here, but which every student of history knows all about. And it is + thinkable that they might occur again. +</p> +<p> + Suppose, on the other hand, that the Germans should imitate Frederick + the Great, which is not so preposterous as appears on the face of it, + because of comparatively easy means of transportation, and should be + able to make successive victorious dashes, first in the east and then in + the west, backward and forward; leadership would be hers, and France + would be a minor power for years to come. +</p> +<p> + Probably peace might come more quickly if neither side should be + absolutely victorious than otherwise. But for the moment I think that + the agreement among the Allies is a very portentous thing, as far as the + duration of the war is concerned. +</p> +<p> + "Do you think that any secret agreement may exist; that France even now + may have made an agreement with Germany?" Mr. Sloane was asked. +</p> +<p> + I cannot think so. I think it very evident there is no such secret + agreement. If one existed it would be much more likely to be between + Russia and Germany. You remember the development of Prussia, which is, + of course, the commanding State in the German Empire, occurred by its + careful conservation of the policy which was laid down in the political + will of Frederick the Great, that of keeping friends with Russia. +</p> +<p> + The fact of the matter is, Prussia was saved in the Napoleonic wars by + the act of Gen. Yorck at Tauroggen, when he suddenly abandoned the + French and went over to the Prussians, and while Russia has within half + a generation become intensely bitter against Germany, yet it is true + that the Baltic Provinces, in which the gentry and the burghers are + Germans, have furnished most important administrators to the Russian + Empire, a fact that causes much of the jealousy in Russia on the part of + the native-born Russians against the Germans of the Baltic Provinces. + Nevertheless, self-interest is a very important thing, and if Russia + thought for a moment that France was going to abandon her I think she + would turn to Germany right away. +</p> +<p> + As time has developed the nations of today, it has come to be understood + by hard-headed statesmen that those who conduct their respective affairs + can have no other guiding principle than the interest of their own + State, no other. +</p> +<p> + There is a persistent feeling throughout the world that there is an + analogy between the individual man and organized society. There are + books written to show that States must and do pass through the various + stages through which an individual passes, namely, infancy, childhood, + youth, middle age, old age, decay. By a perfectly natural parallel the + majority of men apply the same morality to the State which they apply to + the individual, and they insist upon it that a State must be moral in + every respect; that it must have a conscience; that it must have virtue; + that it must practice self-denial; that it must not lay its hands on + what does not belong to it. In short, that it must as a State or as a + nation be "good," in exactly the same sense in which a person is "good." + In other words, they personify the State. +</p> +<p> + I have never heard of any speaker or writer who would not approve of + that as an ideal, and who would not desire that the millennium should + come upon earth now, and that exactly the same virtues that are held up + for personal ideals should be held up for national ideals. +</p> +<p> + I think we all believe that, but, as a matter of fact, in a world + constituted as ours is, the one test of a good Government, applied by + every individual, is the material prosperity of the people who live + under it, and for that reason if the people do not at first put in power + men who can give them material prosperity they will put such failures + out and try another set of rulers, and they will go on and on that way + until necessarily the policies of statesmen must be based upon the + interest of that State whose destinies are in their hands. So that the + only hope of relations between nations similar to those that exist + between good men and good women is that the individuals of that nation, + its population, its inhabitants, should consent to exercise the + self-denying virtues; and until that point is reached there can be no + good State in the sense in which there can be a good man. We ought all + to work for it, but it is not here now, and there are no signs on the + horizon of its approach. +</p> +<p> + In a war, therefore, every statesman studies the resources of his + nation, and when the time comes that it is manifestly his duty to put an + end to warfare, it is only by the public approval that he dares do it, + by showing that it is to their advantage to give up the things for which + they went to war, in greater or less degree. +</p> +<h3> + Armed Peace Not Disarmament. +</h3> +<p> + And the man of shrewd insight, who knows when that point is reached, is + the leader who saves the face, so to speak, of these nations and steps + in and says: +</p> +<p> + "Now, the whole moral force of the civilized world must be brought to + bear upon you to make a peace, the terms of which, if possible, shall + not discredit any of you, but at the same time shall be as elastic and + as proportionate to your respective gains and losses as will insure at + least a considerable period of peace, not an armistice, not an armed + armistice, though it may be an armed peace." +</p> +<p> + We see no signs anywhere in Europe that disarmament has any substantial + body of advocates in any nation. The basic principle hitherto of the + German people has been to have, not the largest, but the strongest army; + the basic principle of Great Britain, which sneers at militarism, has + been not only to have the most powerful fleet, but twice the most + powerful fleet. +</p> +<p> + And what is the basic principle of the United States? The Monroe + Doctrine, to have no armed neighbor which shall compel us to violate by + its presence our dislike for compulsory military service or to expend + great sums for armament. +</p> +<p> + These are basic principles in each of us. Now, we have been able to + maintain the Monroe Doctrine by simply showing our teeth, but whether we + could maintain it in the future without an armed force sufficient to + give it sanction I think is doubtful, and for that reason the Monroe + Doctrine has undergone quite a number of modifications which I do not + need to explain here. +</p> +<p> + But this basic principle of ours that from Patagonia to the Mexican + frontier we will suffer no armed nation of Europe to make permanent + settlement and endanger our peace is exactly the same sort of principle + that the German holds when he says, "We must have the strongest army," + and the same which the Englishman holds when he says, "We must have the + strongest fleet." +</p> +<p> + I want it distinctly understood that I am not a partisan. I am not pro + this or pro that or pro anything except pro-American, and the principal + impulse I have in trying to clarify my mind is my hope that there may be + an end to these hysterical exhibitions of partisanship, in which + (throughout this neutral nation) men indulge who still hold too + strongly, as I think, to the glory, honor, dignity, and traditions of + the lands of their origin. +</p> +<br><hr> +<a name="2H_4_0032"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + An Answer by Prof. Ladd +</h2> + <blockquote> +<p> Emeritus Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy at Yale + University; Lecturer on Philosophy in India and Japan; has + received numerous decorations in Japan, where he was guest and + unofficial adviser of Prince Ito; ex-President of American + Psychological Association. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + It seems strange to me that a student of history with the training and + acumen of Prof. Sloane should overlook or minimize the important + distinction that must hold the chief place in enabling us to understand + the issues and appreciate the merits of the war now raging in Europe. + This distinction is that between the German people and Germanic + civilization, on the one hand, and, on the other, the present + Constitution and cherished ambitions of the German Empire under the + dominance of Prussia. The German people, by genuine processes of + self-development, have worked out for themselves a veritable spiritual + unity which manifests itself in language, laws, customs, and a large + measure of substantial uniformity in moral and religious ideals. + Germanic civilization, with its love of order, its high estimate of + education, its notable additions to science, philosophy, and art, + constitutes one of the most noble and beneficent contributions to the + welfare of mankind. +</p> +<p> + But the case is not at all the same with the German Empire as at present + constituted. It is not a historical development, a truly national + affair, as are the Empire of Great Britain, the Republics of France and + the United States, or the Empires of Russia and Japan. It is a modern + combination of politically divergent unities, forced by the ruthless but + infinitely shrewd policy of Bismarck and his coadjutors, misdirected and + perhaps driven to ruin by the man and his entourage, who, even if he is + King of Prussia "by the grace of God," is only Emperor of Germany "by + the will of the Princes." +</p> +<p> + We are diligently given to understand that all these "Princes" and all + the German people have entered heart and soul into this war, and without + the slightest doubt as to its righteousness and as to the destiny of the + empire, this modern military autocracy, ultimately to be completely + victorious. This is hard to believe, although it must be admitted that + the cowardice of the Socialists and the obsession of the professors are + remarkable phenomena. As to the latter, however, we must remember their + dependence on the Government, not only for their information and their + "call" to speak, but also for their positions in the Government system + of education. +</p> +<p> + As to the significance of the two names most prominently quoted in this + connection, I am not at all impressed, as so many of my colleagues + appear to be. An intimate friend of mine some twenty years ago was + several weeks en pension in the same house where Haeckel had his + apartment, and even then he was notorious for his hatred of foreigners + and of women. Those of us who have followed closely his career know how + often he has written with more than German professorial virulence + against those who differed from his theory of evolution, and that he is + at present scarcely more abusive of England than he has several times + been of his own Government and of the State Church because his system + was not made a matter of compulsory teaching. As to Eucken, the reasons + for his obsession are quite different. In his case the feeling and the + utterance are due to intellectual weakness rather than to virulence of + passion. +</p> +<p> + After all, however, the temper of military and imperial Germany under + the dominance of Prussia has been essentially the same from the + beginning. In illustration of this, let me quote for your readers from a + poem of Heine, written as long ago as 1842. I do this the more readily + because I have recently seen, to my astonishment, Heine placed beside + Goethe as representing the better temper of the Germanic civilization as + opposed to the blinded judgment and immoral hatred of the modern German + Empire: +</p> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Germany's still a little child,<br> + But he's nursed by the sun, though tender;<br> + He is not suckled on soothing milk,<br> + But on flames of burning splendor.<br> +<br> + One grows apace on such a diet;<br> + It fires the blood from languor;<br> + Ye neighbor's children, have a care,<br> + This urchin how ye anger!<br> +<br> + He is an awkward infant giant,<br> + The oak by the roots uptearing;<br> + He'll beat you till your backs are sore,<br> + And crack your crowns for daring.<br> +<br> + He is like Siegfried, the noble child,<br> + That song-and-saga wonder,<br> + Who, when his fabled sword was forged,<br> + His anvil cleft in sunder!<br> +<br> + To you, who will our Dragon slay,<br> + Shall Siegfried's strength be given;<br> + Hurrah! how joyfully your nurse<br> + Will laugh on you from heaven!<br> +<br> + The Dragon's hoard of royal gems<br> + You'll win, with none to share it;<br> + Hurrah! how bright the golden crown<br> + Will sparkle when you wear it! +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<p> + But it would not be stranger than many other things which have happened + in human history if the defeat of German military imperialism should + result in restoring to Europe and spreading more widely over the world + the beneficent influence of Germanic civilization. Certainly they are + not the same thing, and they do not stand or fall together. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + GEORGE TRUMBULL LADD. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Yale University, Oct. 20, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0033"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Possible Profits From War +</h2> +<h3> + INTERVIEW WITH FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> Dr. Giddings is Professor of Sociology and the History of + Civilization at Columbia University; author of many works on + sociology and political economy; President of Institut + Internationale de Sociologie, 1913. +</p> + </blockquote> +<h3> + By Edward Marshall. +</h3> +<br> +<p> + No man in the United States is better entitled to estimate the probable + social and economic outcome of the present European debacle than Prof. + Franklin H. Giddings of Columbia, one of the most distinguished + sociologists and political economists in the United States. +</p> +<p> + "Today all Europe fights," he said to me, "but, also, today all Europe + thinks." +</p> +<p> + That is an impressive sentence, with which he concluded our long talk, + and with which I begin my record of it. +</p> +<p> + He believes that this thinking of the men who crouch low in the drenched + trenches and of the women who tragically wait for news of them will + fashion a new Europe. +</p> +<p> + He agrees with the remarkable opinions of President Butler, that that + new Europe will be marked by the rise of democracy. +</p> +<p> + He sees the probability of broadened individual opportunity in it, + accompanied by the breaking down of international suspicions; and he + thinks that all these processes, which surely make for peace, will + surely bring a lasting peace. +</p> +<p> + In the following interview, which Prof. Giddings has carefully reread, + will be found one of the most interesting speculative utterances born of + the war. +</p> +<p> + "The immediate economic cause of the war," said Prof. Giddings, "lay in + the affairs of Servia and Austria. Servia had been shut in. She had been + able to get practically nothing from, and sell practically nothing to, + the outside world, save by Austria's permission, while Austria, with + Germany professing fear of Slavic development, for years had been taking + every care to prevent the Balkan peoples from having free access to the + Adriatic. +</p> +<p> + "Some financial profit arose from this interning of the little States, + but it is probable that the desire for this was all along entirely + secondary to the fear of Balkan, especially Servian, political and + economic development. +</p> +<p> + "In the larger economic question Germany felt especial interest. +</p> +<p> + "In a comparatively few years she had made the greatest progress ever + made by any nation in an equal time, with the possible exception of that + made by the United States in a similar period after our civil war, and + it is probable that not even our own advance has equaled hers in + rapidity or extent, if all could be tabbed up. +</p> +<p> + "She had worked out a great manufacturing scheme, she had developed an + immense internal commerce by means of her railroads and her Rhine and + other waterways, she had built up an enormous trade with Eastern Europe, + Western Asia, South America, and the United States. +</p> +<p> + "She had highly specialized in and become somewhat dependent on the + production of articles like dyestuffs and the commodities of the + pharmacopoeia. +</p> +<p> + "Her shipping had advanced until it closely crowded England's; her + finances, on the whole, were well handled and her credit was excellent, + while her wonderful system of co-operation between the Government and + manufacturing producers and commercial distributers of all kinds had + become the admiration of all nations. The extent to which her Government + facilitated foreign trade through obtaining and distributing costly + information might well be taken as the world's model. +</p> +<p> + "Whatever claims be made or contested about her contributions to culture + and theoretical science, there can be no argument about her material + achievements." +</p> +<h3> + German Achievements. +</h3> +<p> + "Along every line her social organization of co-operation between the + Government and the people successfully handled problems feared by all + the outside world. While, as a result of the development of humane + feeling, England and the United States have been saying that ignorance, + vagabondage, and misery ought to be abolished, Germany has said, 'They + shall be!' And, saying it, she had actually commenced to abolish them. +</p> +<p> + "She had cut down enormous wastes of human energy and, for the first + time in the history of the world, had established an economic minimum + below which men and families were not permitted to sink. +</p> +<p> + "The cost of this was large; for insurance, colonies for tramps and + vagabonds, employment agencies, and the like; but Germany made it pay in + the creation of a nation built of loyal and efficient people. Both their + loyalty and their efficiency have been proved and reproved in the course + of the present struggle. They had accomplished marvels, they were ready + for amazing sacrifices. +</p> +<p> + "Now, one of the principal reasons why Germany was able to do these + things, although, she probably ignored it and possibly would deny it, is + to be found in the free-trade policy of England. +</p> +<p> + "At any time during the past twenty years England could have checked + German progress effectively by the establishment of a protective tariff + system designed to encourage her own colonies and other nations with + whom she had long been on friendly and influential terms, to the utmost + development of exclusive trade privileges designed to shut out Germany. + Except for the long-established English policy of commercial freedom + Germany could not have accomplished for herself what she has. +</p> +<p> + "Germany has been growing rapidly. Her birth rate has been high, but of + late it has been falling, and when the war began there were indications + that she soon would approach the low ratio of population increase + already characteristic of France, of New England and the Middle West in + the United States, and lately of England. But Germany's population was + still a growing one and, in a sense, a restive one. +</p> +<p> + "The Malthusian theory has not worked out in the civilized world as + Malthus supposed it would, for the application of science to + manufacturing, agriculture, &c., has prevented increasing populations + from pressing upon the means of subsistence; but in all parts of the + Western World the standards of living have been raised, the ambitions of + the average man and woman have expanded. They have lived better than + their parents lived, and they have wished their children to live better + still. +</p> +<p> + "However, we can place no limit upon the probable expansion of human + desires, and it is true that a population unchecked by the intelligent + action of the human will tends to increase at a rate more rapid than + that at which it is possible to raise the actual plane of human living. +</p> +<p> + "The speed of the working of the two rules is different, perhaps, but + both are dynamic, and the population of Germany tended to grow more + rapidly than betterment of conditions could be provided, even under the + nation's splendid governmental and commercial efficiency. +</p> +<p> + "The natural yearning of the nation, therefore, was toward colonial + expansion, and, although note that I make no charges against either the + German Government or German people, the nation probably has wished + sovereignty over Western Europe, through Belgium and Holland to the sea. + Its narrow outlet through Hamburg and Bremen was insufficient for its + needs. +</p> +<p> + "Of course, its trade and economic advance has sometimes conflicted + with that of other nations. It is natural for Germany to suppose that + England tried to block it. However, I think that all the evidence which + Germany has brought forward in proof of this is weak and improbable, + because England's great source of revenue has been her foreign trade, + and, above all, her carrying trade, and I am not partisan but stating + the obvious when I say that England prospers when the rest of the world + prospers, and that she has profited mightily through Germany's + commercial advance. +</p> +<p> + "These facts point to the conclusion that Germany really had everything + to gain by avoiding war and continuing her prosperous expansion along + commercial lines, increasing the strength of her grip in foreign + countries, as, for example, in South America." +</p> +<h3> + Germany's Prosperous Commerce. +</h3> +<p> + "In South America we Americans were not really competing with her. She + had studied the market and adopted the methods necessary to its + satisfaction; we had not. England was relatively losing her hold there. + In another twenty years Germany surely would have been one of the + greatest commercial and manufacturing nations which the world has ever + known. So it was not economic necessity, nor pressure approaching + economic necessity, which precipitated this war. +</p> +<p> + "I think the German people, as they professed to do, did become greatly + alarmed over a possibility, magnified into a probability, that Russia, + taking up the cause of the Balkan peoples, would obtain Constantinople, + that Servia would make her way to the Adriatic, and that all possibility + of the expansion of Germany to the southeast would be blocked, and + Germany probably became alarmed over England's intentions—there were + many indications of something close to panic in Germany after it was + generally understood that King Edward figured in the pact with France. +</p> +<p> + "I, for one, do not believe that the German fears of England were well + grounded; I do not believe that in the excitement the German mind worked + discriminatingly or that it is working with discrimination today. I + think that Germany has presented an extraordinary example of nation-wide + mobmindedness in a situation which offered nothing but ruin through war + and boundless advantages if she sat tight and waited for some one else + to strike the first blow, which, then, probably never would have been + struck. +</p> +<p> + "So, although I have outlined what I think may fairly be regarded as + some of the economic conditions contributing to the war, I do not think + that it is entirely to be explained by economic causes. +</p> +<p> + "They fail to account for the actual precipitation of the conflict. I + think that there is no explanation of that, short of recognition of an + abnormal reaction of the German mind to a situation the nature of which + was mistaken, or, at least, exaggerated. +</p> +<p> + "And, of course, there were other factors concerning which we shall not + know the truth for years, such as the personal influence of individual + minds in the German and other Governments. It will be long before the + complete history of the acts and negligence of diplomats and other + responsible Ministers will be written." +</p> +<p> + I asked Prof. Giddings if, in his opinion, the struggle is likely to + result in any wide and profound change in the economic life of the + world. +</p> +<p> + "Yes," he replied, "I think it is sure to. In the first place, for at + least half a generation, and perhaps longer, the producing capital of + the world will be much smaller than it was before the war. +</p> +<p> + "But in this speculation we must be cautious, because, so far, the + costly war material which has been consumed, such as fortresses + destroyed, guns worn out, ammunition consumed, soldiers' clothing, and + in general food, were principally accumulated and paid for long ago. + They have come out of the world's past production, and their cost + already has been written off. +</p> +<p> + "The real loss, the new waste, over and above the devastation of Belgium + and other lands, has been of labor, productive activity which would have + been carried on during the period of the war had the struggle been + avoided, the destruction of the lives of men in their economic prime, + the maiming of others to the depletion of their future usefulness and + the loss to European fatherhood. +</p> +<p> + "But if the war lasts a long time, necessitating the general renewal of + ships, fortresses, weapons, and stores, the waste will be enormous, for + the actual money expenditure will then come out of funds newly + accumulated or charged against the future, and not out of those set + aside in the past for war purposes." +</p> +<h3> + One Great Change Occurring. +</h3> +<p> + "Thus one great economic change already is occurring—the devastation + wrought, the destruction of hoarded funds and supplies and of useful + human life. +</p> +<p> + "There are others which are probable, but also problematical, although I + think we fairly may take them into account. +</p> +<p> + "Will the European nations, in settlement of their differences through + final terms of peace, simply endeavor to restore the old order, drawing + their lines of demarkation very strictly, enacting, for example, higher + tariffs, thinking that along that line will lie the easiest way of + re-establishing national finances? +</p> +<p> + "If so, the old contentions will be perpetuated. It will be the old + order of things over again. +</p> +<p> + "We shall again have the spirit of exclusiveness fostered and the old + suspicions bred. The old intense competition of nation with nation for + trade to the exclusion of other nations from the markets of the world + will return with its attendant inefficiency. +</p> +<p> + "But, on the other hand, the world will be an immense gainer through the + war if it is followed by a broad and rational review of the whole + situation and an adjustment of the map of Europe with due regard to the + ambitions and legitimate economic opportunities and capabilities of the + various peoples. +</p> +<p> + "This war may be the greatest good the world has ever known if it leaves + Europe in a mental state disposed to Broaden opportunity, to break down + suspicions, to eliminate barriers, and make commerce much freer than it + has been. +</p> +<p> + "Then Europe's economic recovery will be rapid, animosities will die + quickly away, and every nation which is now involved will progress with + a new speed, seeing that opportunity is created only through superiority + in fair competition. +</p> +<p> + "The next possibility, one far more nearly a probability, I think, than + the somewhat Utopian speculation in which I have just indulged, is that + after the war the world will have been deeply impressed by the + tremendous activity of Germany, whether she be victor or vanquished. +</p> +<p> + "What is the secret of her efficiency as manifested in the mobilization + of her vast army, in her use of science in new military devices, in her + holding of the elements of her national life together during the + struggle, in her keeping her industries going in the face of + unprecedented difficulties—all to a degree never before dreamed of? + will be a general query. +</p> +<p> + "Other nations will study the German plan, asking whether it is true, as + has been taught in America, that that Government is best which governs + least. +</p> +<p> + "It may be that this war will result, entirely apart from the urgency of + the labor problem which it will magnify, and wholly on the grounds of + general efficiency, in a general inquiry as to whether or not the time + has come for quasi-socialistic national developments. +</p> +<p> + "I think it unlikely that the war will give impetus to that proletarian + socialism which is founded on class consciousness and class struggle; + but it may urge forward a socialistic movement based upon the large and + fruitful idea that the best hope for the future is offered by the most + complete and highly organized co-operation of all elements, all + interests, all agencies which in their combination make up national + structures. +</p> +<p> + "As a matter of fact, I am an optimist, and I believe that this is about + what will come after this war ends. +</p> +<p> + "To put my theory in slightly different terms, I believe that the + conflict will greatly further the development of what perhaps may be + called 'public socialism,' and I mean by that the highest attainable + organization of whole peoples for the production of commodities, the + furtherance of enterprise, and the promotion of the general well-being. +</p> +<p> + "I think that when the world sobers up it will ask: 'How did Germany do + it?' +</p> +<p> + "Whether she wins or loses that must be the universal query, for whether + she wins or loses her achievement has been in many ways unprecedented. +</p> +<p> + "There can be but one answer to this query: She did it by an + organization which brought together in efficient co-operation the + individual, the quasi-private corporation, the public corporation, and + the Government upon a scale never before seen. +</p> +<p> + "The world is bound to take notice of this." +</p> +<h3> + Will Fear Loss of Liberty. +</h3> +<p> + I asked Prof. Giddings to go beyond economics and to consider the war's + probable results in their broader sociological aspects. +</p> +<p> + "If what I have predicted happens," he replied, "the democratic elements + of society in all nations will become apprehensive of the loss of + liberty. +</p> +<p> + "They will fear that in the interests of efficiency the perfected social + order will impose minute and unwelcome regulations upon individual life + and effort, and that a degree of coercive control will be established + which will end by making individuals mere cogs in the machine, + diminishing their importance, curtailing their usefulness and initiative + far more than is done by the great industrial corporations against which + the working classes already are protesting so loudly. +</p> +<p> + "And not only the working people but a large proportion of all other + classes will develop these fears, especially in those nations which, + during the last century, have built up popular sovereignty and + democratic freedom, as the terms are understood in England and America. +</p> +<p> + "We shall hear the argument that the loss of individual initiative and + personal self-reliance is too great a price to pay even for supreme + efficiency and the maximum production of material comforts. +</p> +<p> + "The problem which such a conflict of interests and opinions will + present may be speculatively defined as that of trying to find a way to + reconcile a maximum of efficiency organization with a maximum of + individual freedom. +</p> +<p> + "So stating it, we have to recognize that this has been the biggest + problem, in fact the comprehensive problem, that man, has faced + throughout human history, and the one which, really, he has been trying + to solve by the trial and error method in all his social experiments. +</p> +<p> + "It is the sociological as distinguished from the merely economic + problem. +</p> +<p> + "Human society exists because early in his career man discovered that + mutual aid, or team work, is, on the whole, in the struggle for + existence and the pursuit of happiness, a more effective factor than + physical strength or individual cleverness. +</p> +<p> + "Natural selection has acted not only upon individuals, but, in the + large sense, upon groups and aggregates of groups. The restrictions upon + individual life have developed in the interests of groups, or collective + efficiency. +</p> +<p> + "On the other hand, collective efficiency has no meaning, it serves no + purpose apart from the amelioration of individual life and the + development of individual personality. +</p> +<p> + "So long as groups fear one another and fight with one another the + restrictions upon individual liberty must be extreme in the interests of + the collective fighting efficiency of each group as a whole. +</p> +<p> + "All the possibilities of personal development, of individual freedom, + are involved in the larger possibilities of friendly relations between + nation and nation. +</p> +<p> + "Already the co-operative instinct has so grown that if war and the fear + of war could be eliminated, mankind would have relatively little + difficulty in working out ways and means of combining Governmental + action with individual initiative for purposes of economic production, + education, the promotion of the public health, and the administration + of justice. +</p> +<p> + "All those principles and rules which we call Morality are, in fact, + mere rules of the game of life. We play the game or do not play it; we + are fair or unfair. +</p> +<p> + "On the whole, most of us try to be fair because it has been found that + playing the game with a sense of fairness is the only way in which we + can succeed in working together for common ends without the necessity of + imposing upon ourselves coercive rules to hold our organization together + for possible mass attack upon the end in view. +</p> +<p> + "Social life, in this sense of playing the game fairly, has made man the + superior of the brutes he sprang from. There is nothing mysterious or + recondite about it. +</p> +<p> + "In order to work together men must understand one another. Therefore, + natural selection has picked out the intelligent for survival in the + social world; and in order to work together intelligent men must depend + on one another, abiding by their covenants. +</p> +<p> + "Therefore, again, natural selection has picked out what we call + Morality for survival in the social world. The whole further progress of + mankind would seem to hang upon the possibility that we can find a way + to limit and, if possible, to terminate wars between nations, for only + in that contingency can we hope to develop a social system in which a + supreme efficiency with a maximum of individual liberty can be combined + upon a working basis." +</p> +<h3> + Application of the Facts. +</h3> +<p> + "These are incontrovertible facts, and they find their application to + the existing European situation in various ways, the most important of + which will appear in the discovery that, valuable as conventions and + covenants of nation with nation may be, and intolerable as any violation + of them surely is, we cannot hope for general and unfailing observance + of them until the feeling of mankind and the whole attitude of the world + in respect to international as well as private conduct shall be that the + covenants and conventions shall become, in a degree, unnecessary. +</p> +<p> + "Already it is apparent that the entire world, including the peoples of + the nations at war as well as the peoples of the nations remaining + happily at peace, have, begun to think these thoughts and reflect upon + their momentous importance. +</p> +<p> + "Shocked and stunned as never before by a calamity for which we find no + measure in past human experience, mankind is bound to take at this + moment a more sober view, a broader and more rational view, of the + problems of responsibility and collective conduct than it hitherto has + been able even to attempt. +</p> +<p> + "The world is sure to ask what things make for sobriety of judgment and + integrity of purpose. It is sure in future more carefully to weigh + relative values, and will be disposed to count as unimportant many + things for which hitherto the armed men of nations have rushed into war. +</p> +<p> + "In a word, this war has made the whole world think as no one thing ever + has made it think before, and, after all, it is upon the habit of + thought that we must depend for all rational progress. +</p> +<p> + "Other wars and other great events have fostered sentiment, much of + which has been hopeful and useful; they have accomplished far-reaching + economic changes, many of them necessary. +</p> +<p> + "But the reactions of this war will surely go beyond all previous + experience. They already are and must be, in a far greater measure, + profoundly intellectual, and one of the consequences of this fact + inevitably will be the broadening and deepening of the democratic + current. +</p> +<p> + "When peace returns it will be seen that democracy has received a + hitherto unimagined impetus. Then it will be understood that democracy, + in one of its most important aspects, is popular thinking, that it is + the widest possible extension of the sense of responsibility. +</p> +<p> + "A democratic world will be, all in all, a peace-loving world. +</p> +<p> + "We may confidently expect far-reaching changes in the internal + political organization of the nations now involved. In every nation of + Europe the people are asking: What, after all, is this conflict all + about? +</p> +<p> + "They will ask this many times, and however they may answer it they + will, by consequence, follow the question with another: Shall we go on + fighting wars about the necessity, expedience, and righteousness of + which we have not been consulted? +</p> +<p> + "And to this query they will find only one answer—an emphatic negative. +</p> +<p> + "Sooner or later there will be a comprehensive political reorganization + of Europe, and when its day comes the rearrangement will be along the + lines of a republic rather than along the lines of any monarchy, however + liberal. +</p> +<p> + "Then international agreements will be unnecessary and there will be no + treaties to be broken—no 'scraps of paper' to be disregarded. +</p> +<p> + "Apparently Germany has been as successful in training her people to + think accurately along economic lines as she has been in training them + to work efficiently along such lines; and that accurate thought + undoubtedly is bearing startling fruit among the men today crouched in + the trenches on the firing lines." +</p> +<h3> + Era of Individual Thought. +</h3> +<p> + "England, on the other hand, and France have encouraged the free and + spontaneous life of democratic peoples. France and England, like the + United States, have been training their peoples to think efficiently of + and to appreciate and use liberty and initiative. And the men of these + two nations are, in turn, exercising that ability as they crouch in + their trenches. +</p> +<p> + "In other words, this war has precipitated an era of sober individual + thought about the individual's rights and responsibilities. It will + everywhere bring about a wider political organization of mankind, a + greater freedom of trade and opportunity, a more serious and thorough + education, a more earnest attention and devotion to the higher interests + of life, giving such thought preference above that overemphasis of + material comforts which has been so marked a feature of recent human + history. +</p> +<p> + "All these things will make for peace; and another and potent influence + will be the exhaustion of the weakened nations which will follow the + conflict. Because of that very weakness Europe will turn its unanimous + attention to the things of peace rather than to the things of war. +</p> +<p> + "The new Europe is being fashioned by those questioning men who now are + lying in the trenches. +</p> +<p> + "They are searching in the universe for answers to such inquiries as + they never dreamed about before, and the women, worrying at home—they, + too, are busy with a search for answers to hitherto undreamed-of + questions. +</p> +<p> + "They all are pondering great things for the first time. Their pondering + will be fruitful. +</p> +<p> + "Today all Europe fights, but, also, today all Europe thinks. And, + thinking, perhaps it may devise a better order, so that it may not ever + fight again." +</p> +<p> + </p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <img border="0" src="images/deco2.jpg" alt="decoration" width="300" height="128"></p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0034"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + "To Americans Leaving Germany" +</h2> +<h3> + A FAREWELL WORD. +</h3> +<br> +<p>AMERICANS!</p> +<p> + Citizens of the United States! +</p> +<p> + In this earnest moment in which you are leaving the soil of Germany and + Berlin, take with you from German citizens, from representatives of + trade and industry, who are proud to entertain friendly commercial + relations with the United States, a hearty farewell coupled with the + desire of a speedy return. +</p> +<p> + Together with this farewell we beg you to do us a favor. As our guests, + whom we have always honored and protected, we ask you to take this paper + with you as a memorial and to circulate the same among your authorities, + press, friends, and acquaintances. +</p> +<p> + For, we are well aware that the enemies of Germany are at work to make + you the instruments to lower Germany's people and army in the face of + the whole world in order to deceive foreign nations as to Germany's + policy and economical power. We ask you, as free citizens face to face + with free citizens, to circulate the real truth about Germany among your + people as compared to the lies of our enemies. +</p> +<p> + We beg you to take the following main points to heart: +</p> +<p> 1. The German Emperor and the German Nation wanted peace. The + cunning and breach of faith of our opponents have forced the + sword into the hands of Germany.</p> + +<p> + 2. After war has been forced on us the German Nation, Emperor, + and Reichstag have granted everything in the most brilliant + unanimity for the war. No difference prevails in Germany any + longer, no difference between party, confession, rank or + position, but we are a united nation and army.</p> +<p> + 3. Our military organization and our mobilization has + proceeded with splendid precision. The mobilization was + accomplished during the course of a few days. In addition to + those who are compelled to serve, more than 1,200,000 + volunteers have offered their services. All civil + organizations, from the head of industry and finance to the + smallest man downward, vie with each other in works of + voluntary aid and welfare.</p> +<p> + 4. In the field German arms have had splendid successes in the + first days of mobilization. +</p> +<p> + In the east the Russian enemy has been driven from the German frontier, + in numerous small fights by our troops in conjunction with those of the + Austro-Hungarian monarchy. By successful coup de mains our navy has been + successful in damaging and alarming our Russian opponent in her Baltic + naval ports. The Russian port of Libau has been burned down and in + Russian Poland revolution has already begun. Russian mobilization is a + long way from being accomplished, the troops are badly, poorly + nourished, and many deserters sell their weapons and horses. +</p> +<p> + In the west the German Army has gained imposing victories over Belgium + and France. +</p> +<p> + In Belgium, where the population unfortunately committed the most + barbarous atrocities against peaceful Germans before the war broke out, + comparatively weak German forces conquered the strong fortress of Ličge + a few days after the mobilization, inflicting severe damage on the enemy + and opening up the way via Belgium to France. +</p> +<p> + Valuable victories have been obtained over France on the Alsatian + frontier toward the strong French fortress of Belfort as well as in the + direction of the fortress Lunéville. At Mülhausen one and a half French + Army divisions were overthrown and driven back over the frontier with + heavy losses. +</p> +<p> + The strong and effective German fleet is on the watch against the + English fleet. +</p> +<p> + England's risk is great in staking her reputation as the strongest + naval power on one throw against the German fleet. Further, England runs + the danger that her large colonies, such as India and Egypt, will seize + a moment that has been long desired to revolt. +</p> +<p> + It is for the United States to utilize the present moment to frustrate + by powerful initiative England's endeavors to keep down all nations, + including America, in the trade and traffic of the world. +</p> +<p> + Citizens of the United States! Take the conviction with you to your + homes that Germany will stake her last man and her last penny for + victory. Germany must conquer and will conquer. +</p> +<p> + Remember! That after a successful victory Germany will make new + political and economical progress, and that America, as a shrewd + businesslike State and as a friend of Germany, will participate in such + progress. +</p> +<p> + Today we beg you earnestly to convey to your fellow-citizens that the + German Nation, as the safe refuge of civilization and culture, has + always protected the loyal citizens of its enemies in every manner in + contrast to Russia, France, and Belgium. By circulating this short + memorial among your fellow-citizens you are likewise insuring that also + in the future the United States will learn the truth about Germany's + battles and victories. Your friends here will always do the best in + their power to supply you with genuine news. We wish you a happy voyage + toward your home, so appreciated by all Germans, and hope to see you + again in a victorious and prosperous Germany. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + REPRESENTATIVES OF GERMAN INDUSTRY. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Berlin, Aug. 13, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0035"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + German Declarations +</h2> +<h3> + By Rudolf Eucken and Ernst Haeckel. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> Dr. Eucken is Privy Councilor and Professor of Philosophy in + the University of Jena; won the Nobel Prize for Literature in + 1908; has received many foreign honorary degrees and his + philosophy has been expounded in English.</p> +<p> + Ernst Haeckel is Privy Councilor and late Professor of Zoology + at the University of Jena; has written many works on evolution + which have been translated into English. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p> + The whole German world of letters is today filled with deep indignation + and strong moral resentment at the present behavior of England. Both of + us, for many years bound to England by numerous scientific and personal + ties, believe ourselves prepared to give open expression to this inward + revulsion. In close co-operation with like-minded English investigators + we have zealously exerted ourselves to bring the two great peoples + closer together in spirit and to promote a mutual understanding. A + fruitful reciprocal interchange of English and German culture seemed to + us worth while, indeed necessary, for the spiritual advance of mankind, + which today confronts such great problems. Gratefully we recall in this + connection the friendly reception which our efforts received in England. + So great and noble were the traits of English character which revealed + themselves to us that we were permitted to hope that in their sure + growth they would come to be superior to the pitfalls and seamy sides of + this character. And now they have proved inferior, inferior to the old + evil of a brutal national egotism which recognizes no rights on the + part of others, which, unconcerned about morality or unmorality, pursues + only its own advantage. +</p> +<p> + History furnishes in abundance examples of such an unscrupulous egotism; + we need recall here only the destruction of the Danish fleet (1807) and + the theft of the Dutch colonies in the Napoleonic wars. But what is + taking place today is the worst of all; it will be forever pointed at in + the annals of world history as England's indelible shame. England fights + in behalf of a Slavic, half-Asiatic power against Germanism; she fights + on the side not only of barbarism but also of moral injustice, for it is + indeed not forgotten that Russia began the war because she would permit + no radical reparation for a shameful murder. +</p> +<p> + It is England whose fault has extended the present war into a world war, + and has thereby endangered our joint culture. And all this for what + reason? Because she was jealous of Germany's greatness, because she + wanted to hinder at any price a further growth of this greatness. For + there cannot be the least doubt on this point that England was + determined in advance to cast as many obstacles as possible in the way + of Germany's great struggle for national existence, and to hinder her as + much as possible in the full development of her powers. She (England) + was watching only for a favorable opportunity when she could break out + suddenly against Germany, and she therefore promptly seized on the + necessary German invasion of Belgium in order that she might cover with + a small cloak of decency her brutal national egotism. Or is there in the + whole wide world any one so simple as to believe that England would have + declared war on France also if the latter had invaded Belgium? In that + event she would have wept hypocritical tears over the unavoidable + violation of international law; but as for the rest she would have + laughed in her sleeve with great satisfaction. This hypocritical + Pharisaism is the most repugnant feature of the whole matter; it + deserves nothing but contempt. +</p> +<p> + The history of the world shows that such sentiments lead the nations not + upward but downward. For the present, however, we trust firmly in our + just cause, in the superior strength and the unyielding victorious + spirit of the German people. Yet we must at the same time lament deeply + that the boundless egotism we have referred to has disturbed for an + immeasurable period of time the spiritual co-operation of the two + peoples which promised so much good for the development of mankind. But + they wished it so on their side—on England alone falls the monstrous + guilt and the historical responsibility. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + RUDOLF EUCKEN. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + ERNST HAECKEL. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Jena, Aug. 18, 1914. +</p> +<br><hr> +<a name="2H_4_0036"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + A Second Appeal +</h2> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Universities of America:</i> +</p> +<p> + In a time when half of the world falls upon Germany full of hatred and + envy, we Germans derive great benefit from the idea of our being sure of + the friendly feeling of the American universities. If from any quarter + in the world, it must be from them that we expect the right + comprehension of the present situation and present attitude of Germany. + Numerous American scholars who received their scientific training at our + universities have convinced themselves of the quality and the peaceful + tendency of German work, the exchange of scientists has proved of + deepening influence on the mutual understanding, the lasting intercourse + of scholarly research gives us the feeling of being members of one great + community. This is why we entertain the hope that the scientific + circles of America will not give credit to the libels our enemies + propagate against us. +</p> +<p> + These libels, above all, accuse Germany of having brought about the + present war, she being responsible for the monstrous struggle which is + extending more and more over the whole world. The truth points to the + contrary. Our foes have disturbed us in our peaceful work, forcing the + war upon us very much against our desire. We are at a righteous war for + the preservation of our existence and at the same time of sacred goods + of humanity. The murder of Serajevo was not our work; it was the outcome + of a widely extending conspiracy pointing back to Servia, where for many + years already a passionate agitation against Austria had been carried + on, supported by Russia. It was Russia, therefore, that took the + assassins under her wings, and some weeks already before the war broke + out she promised her assistance to that blood-stained State. Nobody but + Russia has given the dangerous turn to the conflict; nobody but Russia + is to blame for the outbreak of the war. The German Emperor, who has + proved his love of peace by a peaceful reign of more than twenty-five + years, in face of the imminent danger, tried to intermediate between + Austria and Russia with the greatest zeal, but while he was negotiating + with the Czar Russia was busy with the mobilization of a large army + toward the German frontier. This necessitated an open and decisive + inquiry that led to the war. This only happened because Russia wanted it + so, because she wanted to raise the Muscovites against the Germans and + the Western Slavs and to lead Asia into the field against Europe. +</p> +<p> + France, too, might have kept the peace, the decision resting solely with + her. The security of Germany demanded that she should inquire what + France would do in the impending war; the answer of France unmistakably + betrayed her intention to join in the war. As a matter of fact, it was + not Germany but France who commenced the war. +</p> +<p> + England already before the war stood in close relations to France. From + the very beginning she has clearly shown that she by no means wanted to + keep absolutely neutral. From the very beginning she made endeavors to + protect France against Germany. Undoubtedly the German invasion in + Belgium served England as a welcome pretext to openly declare her + hostility. In reality, before the German invasion, already the + neutrality of Belgium had been given up in favor of the French. It has + been officially stated, e.g., that not only before but also after the + outbreak of the war French officers have been at Ličge in order to + instruct the Belgian soldiers as to the fortification service. England's + complaints of the violation of international law, however, are the most + atrocious hypocrisy and the vilest Pharisaism. At all times English + politics have unscrupulously disregarded all forms of law as soon as + their own interest was touched. During the last few weeks the same + method has been quite sufficiently manifested in the unlawful capture of + the Turkish warships, and still more so in the instigation of the + Japanese to undertake the detestable raid upon the German territory in + China, which needs must end in strengthening the power of that Mongolian + nation at the costs of Europeans and Americans. +</p> +<p> + How it is possible for a nation that in such a way has betrayed precious + interests of Western culture as soon as it seems to benefit them, how is + it possible for these accomplices of the Japanese robbery to put on the + air of being the guardians of morality? +</p> +<p> + We Germans did not want this war, but as it has been forced upon us we + shall carry it on bravely and vigorously. In the face of all envy and + hatred, all brutality and hypocrisy, Germany feels unshakably conscious + of serving a righteous cause and of standing up for the preservation of + her national self as well as for sacred goods of humanity; indeed, for + the very progress of true culture. It is from this conviction that she + draws her unrelenting force and the absolute certainty that she will + beat back the assault of all her enemies. This conviction does not stand + in need of any encouragement from abroad; our country absolutely relies + upon itself and confides in the strength of its right. +</p> +<p> + Nevertheless, the idea of our American friends' thoughts and sympathies + being with us gives us a strong feeling of comfort in this gigantic + struggle. We both of us feel especially justified in pronouncing this as + being the conviction of all German scientists, as so many scientific and + personal relations connect us both with the universities of America. + These universities know what German culture means to the world, so we + trust they will stand by Germany. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + RUDOLF EUCKEN. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + ERNST HAECKEL. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Jena, Aug. 31, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0037"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + The Eucken and Haeckel Charges +</h2> +<h3> + By John Warbeke. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> Professor of Philosophy and Psychology at Mount Holyoke + College. +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>A Letter to the Springfield Republican.</i> +</p> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The Springfield Republican:</i> +</p> +<p> + The approval of President Wilson for neutrality of language can hardly + be construed into complacency in the face of monstrous evil. If a + judicial attitude of mind be not jeopardized a discussion of the issues + raised by Profs. Eucken and Haeckel ought to help us in the attainment + of impartial judgment. A long acquaintance with both these men makes it + hard for the present writer to give expression to such negative + criticism as he is constrained to do. But his plea can be only this: Not + truth but only passion can separate, and truth is greater even than + friendship. +</p> +<p> + The charge of "brutal national egoism" is laid at England's door. She is + declared to be the instigator of the present world war. "Upon her alone + falls the monstrous guilt and the judgment of history." Such language + from two benevolent philosophers, one of them a winner of the Nobel + Peace Prize for Idealistic Literature, seems to suggest a lack of + information among the German people, including its most enlightened + exponents, of not only their own published "White Paper" dispatches, but + also of the events of the last two months. It seems hardly possible that + in the case of these two gentlemen a deliberate campaign of vituperation + could have been inaugurated with determination to blind themselves to + facts clearly stated in the reports of both contending parties— +</p> +<p> + First—That Servia, in reply to ten urgent demands on the part of + Austria, acquiesced in nine and proposed to submit the tenth, as + concerning her national integrity, to The Hague Tribunal. Austria, + nevertheless, declared war, with Germany's self-confessed assurances of + support. +</p> +<p> + Secondly—Germany was the second to declare war, the mobilization of + Russia being assigned as the reason for this step. The objection of + Germany's initial campaign, as shown by events, was not defense against + the confessedly slowly mobilizing Russians, however, but the humiliation + and subjugation of France. And the means employed to that end included + the treaty-breaking invasion, and more than invasion, of Belgium, who is + suffering because of this step "so necessary for Germany." +</p> +<p> + Thirdly—England, as is repeatedly demonstrated by the official + documents, of both sides, strained every means to bring about a common + understanding. The appeals of Sir Edward Grey for more time in the + Servian ultimatum and for a council of Ambassadors were met by the + Austrian and German Governments respectively with evasion. And England + was the last of the great powers to enter the conflict, her plea being + the moral obligation of supporting treaties in which she guaranteed the + integrity of a weak neighbor and undertook to defend her ally, France, + when attacked. +</p> +<h3> + The Case of England. +</h3> +<p> + We may justifiably ask, then, What basis is there for the charge that + England's "brutal, national egoism" provoked the world war? The answer + is a two-fold one. Historically, England has exhibited aggression in the + extension of her interests; morally, England supports the Russian + aggressor, who declined "to allow Austria the thoroughgoing punishment + of an ignominious murder," cloaking her real intentions behind the + mantle of a "contemptible sanctimoniousness" and "hypocrisy" concerning + treaty obligations. +</p> +<p> + The first charge against England is unfortunately true. History records + instances of British aggression in the extension of her interests and + the cases cited (destruction of the Danish fleet and the taking of Dutch + colonies) are good examples. The implication, however, involved in the + statement is that such aggression is not to be found in the history of + Prussia. This is clearly an error. +</p> +<p> + From the time of the Markgrafen even unto the Agadir incident it has + been characteristic of Prussia to extend her boundaries and interests + under the plea of military necessity. Aggression is the only word to + characterize Frederick's seizure of Silesia and part of Poland. South + and East Prussia were added by the same forcible means (1793-1795). In + the Napoleonic wars Swedish Pomerania fell as the booty of military + necessity. Schleswig-Holstein was filched from Denmark (1866) by the + same "extension of her greatness." Once more it was the plea in + Alsace-Lorraine—"so necessary for Germany." +</p> +<p> + Nor are we here urging immunity of criticism for ourselves. It is sadly + true that the history of many nominally Christian States, including that + of the United States, and not excluding the Papacy, includes chapters of + aggression. But the point involved, namely, the charge of England's + aggression in the present instance, is clearly an a priori one, based on + a presupposition of monopoly which lacks material support. No evidence + is presented to justify the statement, nor do the facts seem to allow of + any such construction. +</p> +<p> + The second argument, England's support of Russia's unwillingness to + permit the expiation of an ignominious murder, is a strange and + unfortunate commentary on how even in philosophic minds a preconceived + idea will distort the most unmistakable evidence. For Servia in her + reply to the Austrian demands agreed to have just punishment inflicted + upon the murderers, even going so far as to cause the arrest of those + perhaps unjustly suspected by the Austrian committee and to suggest an + international court. How, then, did Russia stand in the way of the + punishment? Austria declared war, with the self-confessed assurances of + German support, all too obviously for reasons other than the ones + mentioned in the ultimatum to which Servia acquiesced. The charge of + Russian mobilization in view of such a situation suggests the temper of + the man who, when caught in his own bear trap, tries to find his + neighbor at fault. Suppose Germany had remained on the defensive, would + war have been likely? Suppose Germany had not backed up the entirely + unjustifiable military movement of Austria, would the general war have + been probable? +</p> +<h3> + Where Nietzsche Comes In. +</h3> +<p> + It seems more likely when one passes in review the extant data that at + least one and a crucial cause for the present situation is the + "overwhelming power and unbending will to victory in the German people" + when confronted with an opportunity for the "further expansion of their + greatness." That such phrases should be in the mouths of our apologists + for the war is significant. And that the invasion of Belgium "so + necessary for the Germans" is treated by the spokesmen of morality + solely and confessedly from the standpoint of military expediency seems + to indicate the permeation of the Nietzsche superman into the very + stronghold of idealistic philosophy. +</p> +<p> + It would, of course, be as absurd to suppose Nietzsche a direct cause of + this war as it would be to regard the Serajevo murderers as the sole + cause. Nietzsche was and is an exponent of his time, as well as one + reciprocally fostering such movements as Bernhardi militarism and the + Crown Prince's war book. Perhaps it will not be inappropriate here to + cite from "War and the People of War," in "Also Sprach Zarathustra," + (Pages 67-68,) the magnum opus of Nietzsche: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> You should love peace as a means to new war and brief peace + more than a long one. Do you say, "It is a good cause by which + a war is hallowed"? I say unto you, It is a good war which + hallows every cause. War and courage have done greater things + than the love of one's neighbor. "What, then, is good?" you + ask. To be brave is good. Let young maidens say, "Good is to + be pretty and touching." But you are hateful? Well, so be it, + my brethren! Cast about you a mantle of the sublimely hateful. + And when your soul has become great it will become wanton; in + your greatness there will be malice, I know, and in malice the + proud heart will meet the weakling. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + This, we are told, is not to be taken literally—all is symbolism and + has a meaning other than the more direct one. But the fact remains, as + can be testified by the present writer from three years' residence as a + university student in Germany, that the rank and file as well as the + aristocracy—from laborers and small shopkeepers, petty officials, and + students to Judges of the Supreme Court and university professors who + have become "secret councilors" (Geheimrat)—not only in Berlin and Bonn + but in Munich and Heidelberg, all have become ominously full of the + doctrine of the survival of the fittest and the consequent expediency of + power, not only in intellectual rivalry but in Krupps and high + explosives. +</p> +<p> + The Nietzsche fire may, perhaps, serve a purpose on the hearthstone of + our inmost life if it be to rescue us from complacency and secure + inanity, but in the form of electrically connected lyddite stores and + gasoline bombs it drives those who believe in a supernation to a + literal interpretation of the above widely popular philosophy. And, as + demonstrated at Louvain and Rheims, it goes far to obliterate the + memorials of a past which Nietzsche thought so contemptible a check upon + the prowess of the "blonde Bestie" as he progressed toward—toward the + superman. +</p> +<p> + It was wide of the mark, therefore, to attribute that which bears the + stamp "made in Germany" to England. Bernhardi and the Crown Prince with + their thousands of officers and the multitudes in the ranks to whom + Nietzsche has become an inspiring motive are not to be construed as + English surely. Nor does the English "culture," so far as the present + writer is informed, contain a superman, unless it be Bernard Shaw! + English people have to import "beyond good and evil" philosophy, and as + historians of thought Profs. Eucken and Haeckel must know that it has + never had a foothold there. Had it been "brutal national egoism, knowing + no rights of others," which motivated Britain, she would not now have + gone to war—in order that she might profit finally by the inevitable + exhaustion of the Continent. And having taken the clear stand she has, + what but good-will and the consciousness of a just cause brought support + and sacrifice from the hands and lives of her grateful peoples all over + the earth? Would brutality have done it? The same question might be + asked concerning France's empire from which she derives chiefly the + consciousness of an extending civilization. +</p> +<h3> + The Claims of German Culture. +</h3> +<p> + A word more should be added concerning the condescending tone generally + of the exponents of German culture and more specifically that of the + distinguished writers of the circular letter. They had up to the present + continued to hope for growth in English literary and scientific + development. Before this dismal egoism got the upper hand the English + people really and truly possessed some noble traits and so forth. As for + Russian culture, supposedly including its science and literature, music, + architecture and the rest, it is all effaced by a single "barbarism"! + The implication of such an attitude and such words is that the Kremlin + or Rheims, Shakespeare and Rembrandt, Michaelangelo, Darwin, Spinoza and + the treasures of Louvain might be easily paralleled or surpassed by + German cathedrals, German sculpture, German paintings, German literature + and so forth. It is not our present purpose to dispute the claim, but + only to remind the Teutons that in France and Belgium they have declared + war, not indeed upon supermen, but upon many gentlemen and some worthy + fruits of their spirits, and that they have destroyed much which + formerly enriched the life of the world. +</p> +<p> + It is the claim of some objective German writers that a modicum of + modesty would prove the most substantial contribution to Teutonic + civilization. Defeat of German arms might, therefore, prove a blessing + to the self-lauded culture as well as call a halt to the brutal science + of Krupps. As instances of authors mentioned above, a passage from the + lamented Friedrich Paulsen's "System der Ethic" (Page 582) may, justly, + be cited: "Insolence still continues to impress the average German. The + spirit of English scientific intercourse forms a highly pleasing + contrast to the German habit. Take such writers as Mill and Darwin; they + speak to the reader as though he did them a favor by listening to them, + and whenever they enter upon a controversy, they do it in a manner + which expresses respect and a desire for mutual understanding. The + German scholar believes that it will detract from the respect due him if + he does not assume a tone of condescension or overbearing censure. + Examine the first scientific journal you may happen to pick up; even the + smallest anonymous announcement breathes the air of infinite + superiority." +</p> +<p> + A second passage is quoted from the great work of Wilhelm Scherer, + "Geschichte der Deutschen Litteratur" (Pages 20-21): "Recklessness seems + to be the curse of our spiritual development ... obstinacy in good and + in evil. Beauty we have not often served, nor long at a time." These + are, of course, not the judgments of the present writer. +</p> +<p> + Conviction does not flow from the argument concerning England's brutal + egoism and reckless immorality under the cloak of sanctimoniousness; nor + is there strength in the appeal for Teuton culture. All has the tone of + special pleading and makes doubly significant a sentence from Nietzsche + when he pleads for an overcoming of our ideals of veracity: "'I have + done this thing,' says my memory, 'I could not have done this thing,' + says my pride and remains inexorable. Finally memory yields." ("Beyond + Good and Evil," Page 94.) +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + JOHN WARBEKE. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Sept. 23, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + </p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <img border="0" src="images/deco3.jpg" alt="decoration" width="300" height="118"></p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + </p> +<br> +<a name="image-0015"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/matthews.jpg" width="142" height="225" +alt="Brander Matthews"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">BRANDER MATTHEWS</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>(Photo by Brown Bros.)</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0038"> + <i>See Page 541</i> </a> +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0016"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/hillis.jpg" width="143" height="225" +alt="Newell Dwight Hillis"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">NEWELL DWIGHT HILLIS</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0049"> + <i>See Page 573</i> </a> +</p> +<br><hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0038"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + Concerning German Culture +</h2> +<h3> + By Brander Matthews. +</h3> +<p> Professor of Dramatic Literature at Columbia University; + author of many works on literature and the development of the + drama. +</p> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + In the earnest and sincere appeals of various distinguished Germans, + Prof. Eucken, Prof. Haeckel, and the several authors of "The Truth About + Germany," we find frequent references to "German culture" as though it + was of a superior quality to the culture of every other nationality; and + we seem to perceive also a sustaining belief that Germany is not only + the defender of civilization, but its foremost exponent. We have no + right to question the good faith of scholars of the high character of + Eucken and Haeckel; and we cannot doubt their being honestly possessed + of the conviction that Germany is the supreme example of a highly + civilized State and the undisputed leader in the arts and sciences which + represent culture. It is plain that these German writers take this for + granted and that they would be indignantly surprised if it should be + questioned. +</p> +<p> + To an American who feels himself a sharer of the noble heritage of + English literature, and who has sat for more than forty years at the + feet of the masters of French literature, this claim cannot but come as + a startling surprise. +</p> +<p> + The most obvious characteristic of a highly civilized man is his + willingness to keep his word, at whatever cost to himself. For reasons + satisfactory to itself, Germany broke its pledge to respect the + neutrality of Luxemburg and of Belgium. It is another characteristic of + civilization to cherish the works of art which have been bequeathed to + us by the past. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany destroyed + Louvain, more or less completely. It is a final characteristic of + civilized man to be humane and to refrain from ill-treating the + blameless. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany dropped bombs in + the unbesieged City of Antwerp and caused the death of innocent women + and children. Here are three instances where German culture has been + tested and found wanting. +</p> +<h3> + The Standard Bearer of Culture. +</h3> +<p> + But it may be urged that war has its own exigencies and that these three + instances of uncivilized conduct partook of the nature of military + necessities. Turning from the outrages of war to the triumphs of peace, + let us make a disinterested attempt to find out just what foundation + there may be for the implicit assertion that Germany is the standard + bearer of civilization. +</p> +<p> + Perhaps it is too petty to point out that manners are the outward and + visible sign of civilization, and that in this respect the Germans have + not yet attained to the standard set by the French and the English. But + it is not insignificant to record that the Germans alone retain a + barbaric mediaeval alphabet, while the rest of Western Europe has + adopted the more legible and more graceful Roman letter; and it is not + unimportant to note that German press style is cumbrous and uncouth. + Taken collectively, these things seem to show German culture is a little + lacking in the social instinct, the desire to make things easy and + pleasant for others. It is this social instinct which is the dominating + influence in French civilization and which has given to French + civilization its incomparable urbanity and amenity. It is to the absence + of this social instinct, to the inability to understand the attitude of + other parties to a discussion, to the unwillingness to appreciate their + point of view, that we may ascribe the failure of German diplomacy, a + failure which has left her almost without a friend in her hour of need. + And success in diplomacy is one of the supreme tests of civilization. +</p> +<p> + The claim asserted explicity or implicitly in behalf of German culture + seems to be based on the belief that the Germans are leaders in the arts + and in the sciences. So far as the art of war is concerned there is no + need today to dispute the German claim. It is to the preparation for war + that Prussia has devoted its utmost energy for half a century—in fact, + ever since Bismarck began to make ready for the seizing of unwilling + Schleswig-Holstein. And so far as the art of music is concerned there is + also no need to cavil. +</p> +<p> + But what about the other and more purely intellectual arts? How many are + the contemporary painters and sculptors and architects of Germany who + have succeeded in winning the cosmopolitan reputation which has been the + reward of a score of the artists of France and of half a dozen of the + artists of America? +</p> +<h3> + Since Goethe, Who? +</h3> +<p> + When we consider the art of letters we find a similar condition. Germany + has had philosophers and historians of high rank; but in pure + literature, in what used to be called "belles-lettres," from the death + of Goethe in 1832 to the advent of the younger generation of dramatists, + Sudermann and Hauptmann and the rest, in the final decade of the + nineteenth century—that is to say, for a period of nearly sixty + years—only one German author succeeded in winning a worldwide + celebrity—and Heine was a Hebrew, who died in Paris, out of favor with + his countrymen, perhaps because he had been unceasing in calling + attention to the deficiencies of German culture. There were in Germany + many writers who appealed strongly to their fellow-countrymen, but + except only the solitary Heine no German writer attained to the + international fame achieved by Cooper and by Poe, by Walt Whitman and by + Mark Twain. And it was during these threescore years of literary aridity + in Germany that there was a superb literary fecundity in Great Britain + and in France, and that each of these countries produced at least a + score of authors whose names are known throughout the world. Even + sparsely settled Scandinavia brought forth a triumvirate, Björnsen, + Ibsen, and Brandes, without compeers in Germany. And from Russia the + fame of Turgenef and of Tolstoy spread abroad a knowledge of the heart + and mind of a great people who are denounced by Germans as barbarous. +</p> +<p> + It is probably in the field of science, pure and applied, that the + defenders of the supremacy of German culture would take their last + stand. That the German contribution to science has been important is + indisputable; yet it is equally indisputable that the two dominating + scientific leaders of the second half of the nineteenth century are + Darwin and Pasteur. It is in chemistry that the Germans have been + pioneers; yet the greatest of modern chemists is Mendeleef. It was Hertz + who made the discovery which is the foundation of Marconi's invention; + but although not a few valuable discoveries are to be credited to the + Germans, perhaps almost as many as to either the French or the British, + the German contribution in the field of invention, in the practical + application of scientific discovery, has been less than that of France, + less than that of Great Britain, and less than that of the United + States. The Germans contributed little or nothing to the development of + the railroad, the steamboat, the automobile, the aeroplane, the + telegraph, the telephone, the phonograph, the photograph, the moving + picture, the electric light, the sewing machine, and the reaper and + binder. Even those dread instruments of war, the revolver and the + machine gun, the turreted ship, the torpedo, and the submarine, are not + due to the military ardor of the Germans. It would seem as though the + Germans had been lacking in the inventiveness which is so marked a + feature of our modern civilization. +</p> +<p> + In this inquiry there has been no desire to deny the value of the German + contributions to the arts and to the sciences. These contributions are + known to all; they speak for themselves; they redound to the honor of + German culture; and for them, whatever may be their number, the other + nations of the world are eternally indebted to Germany. But these German + contributions are neither important enough nor numerous enough to + justify the assumption that German culture is superior or that Germany + is entitled to think herself the supreme leader of the arts and of the + sciences. No one nation can claim this lofty position, although few + would be so bold as to deny the superior achievement of the French in + the fine arts and of the English in pure science. +</p> +<p> + Nations are never accepted by other nations at their own valuation; and + the Germans need not be surprised that we are now astonished to find + them asserting their natural self-appreciation, with the apparent + expectation that it will pass unchallenged. The world owes a debt to + modern Germany beyond all question, but this is far less than the debt + owed to England and to France. It would be interesting if some German, + speaking with authority, should now be moved to explain to us Americans + the reasons which underlie the insistent assertion of the superiority of + German civilization. Within the past few weeks we have been forced to + gaze at certain of the less pleasant aspects of the German character; + and we have been made to see that the militarism of the Germans is in + absolute contradiction to the preaching and to the practice of the great + Goethe, to whom they proudly point as the ultimate representative of + German culture. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + BRANDER MATTHEWS. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Columbia University in the City of New York, Sept. 18, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> + +<a name="2H_4_0039"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Culture vs. Kultur +</h2> +<h3> + By Frank Jewett Mather, Jr. +</h3> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Current discussion of the worth of German culture has been almost + hopelessly clouded by the fact that when a German speaks of Kultur he + means an entirely different thing from what a Latin or Briton means by + culture. Kultur means the organized efficiency of a nation in the + broadest sense—its successful achievement in civil and military + administration, industry, commerce, finance, and in a quite secondary + way in scholarship, letters, and art. Kultur applies to a nation as a + whole, implying an enlightened Government to which the individual is + strictly subordinated. Thus Kultur is an attribute not of + individuals—whose particular interests, on the contrary, must often be + sacrificed to it—but of nations. +</p> +<p> + Culture, for which nearest German equivalent is Bildung, is the opposite + of all this. It is an attribute not of nations as a whole but of + accomplished individuals. It acquires national import only through the + approval and admiration of these individuals by the rest, who share but + slightly in the culture they applaud. The aim of culture is the + enlightened and humane individual, conversant with the best values of + the past and sensitive to the best values of the present. The + open-mindedness and imagination implied in culture are potentially + destructive to a highly organized national Kultur. A cultured leader is + generally too much alive to the point of view of his rival to be a + wholly convinced partisan. Hence he lacks the intensity, drive, and + narrowness that make for competitive success. He keeps his place in the + sun not by masterfully overriding others, but by a series of delicate + compromises which reconcile the apparently conflicting claims. Moreover, + he has too great a respect for the differences between men's gifts to + formulate any rigid plan which, requires for its execution a strictly + regimented humanity. He will sacrifice a little efficiency that life may + be more various, rich, and delightful. +</p> +<p> + Hence nations with cultured leaders have generally been beaten by those + whose leaders had merely Kultur. The Spartans and Macedonians had + abundant Kultur; they generally beat the Athenians, who had merely very + high culture. The Romans had Kultur, and the Hellenistic world wore + their yoke. Germany unquestionably has admirable Kultur, and none of the + mere cultured nations who are leagued against her could hope to beat her + singly. +</p> +<h3> + She Does Not Desire Culture. +</h3> +<p> + On the other hand, Germany has singularly little culture, has less than + she had a hundred years ago, does not apparently desire it. She has + willingly sacrificed the culture of a few leading individuals to the + Kultur of the empire as a whole. Thus it is not surprising that Germany, + as measured by the production of cultured individuals, takes a very low + place today. Not only France and England, Italy and Spain, but also + Russia and America, may fairly claim a higher degree of culture. Here + the fetich of German scholarship should not deceive us. Culture—a + balanced and humanized state of mind—is only remotely connected with + scholarship or even with education. A Spanish peasant or an Italian + waiter may have finer culture than a German university professor. And in + the field of scholarship, Germany is in the main chiefly laborious, + accurate, and small-minded. Her scholarship is related not to culture, + but is a minor expression of Kultur. Such scholarly men of letters as + Darwin, Huxley, Renan, Taine, Boissier, Gaston Paris, Menendez y Pelayo, + Francis J. Child, Germany used to produce in the days of the Grimms and + Schlegels. She rarely does so now. Her culture has been swallowed up in + her Kultur. +</p> +<p> + The claim of Germany to realize her Kultur at the expense of her + neighbors is at first sight plausible. Her Kultur is unquestionably + higher than theirs. She has a sharply realized idea of the State, and + she has justified it largely in practice. In a certain patience, + thoroughness, and perfection of political organization her pre-eminence + is unquestionable. The tone of her apologists shows amazement and + indignation over the fact that the world, so far from welcoming the + extension of German Kultur, is actively hostile to that ambition. Yet, + even if it be conceded that Germany's Kultur is wholly good for + herself—surely a debatable proposition—it does not follow that it is + or would be a universal benefit. Nations may deliberately and + legitimately prefer their culture, with its admitted disadvantages, to + the Kultur which pleases Germany. England is often mocked for the way in + which she "muddles through" successive perils, yet she may feel that the + stereotyping of her people in a rigid administrative frame might be too + high a price to pay for constant preparedness. As for us Americans, we + have made a virtue, perhaps overdone it, of avoiding a mechanical + Kultur. We prefer the greatest freedom for the individual to the + perfectly regimented state. We will move toward culture and cheerfully + assume the necessary risks of the process. +</p> +<h3> + Unlovely and Impressive. +</h3> +<p> + In a broader view, the war may be regarded as a contest between the + metallic, half-mechanical Kultur of Prussianized Germany and the more + flexible civilizations of States that have inherited culture or aspire + to it. Germany herself has rejected the humane and somewhat hazardous + ideal of culture, so she cannot wonder or complain when she sees that + the culture of the world is almost unanimously hostile to her. There is + no quarrel with German Kultur itself; merely a feeling that it has its + drawbacks, that it is, on the whole, as unlovely as it is impressive, + that there is quite enough of it in the world already, and that its + broad extension would be disastrous. +</p> +<p> + Meanwhile the nations of culture have much to learn from Germany's + Kultur. Flexibility may mean weakness. The United States, for example, + could well have a standing army and an army reserve commensurate with + its history and prospects without incurring any danger of militarism. + There is, finally, some disadvantage in being merely a culture nation, + for such a nation can add a large measure of Kultur without belying + itself. On the contrary, so highly developed a Kultur nation as the + German Empire puts itself in a position where it is almost impossible to + acquire any considerable degree of culture. Culture is the enemy of such + a state—it must remain in the Spartan or Macedonian stage. Rome began + to decline as soon as Hellenistic culture got the ascendency over the + old Latin Kultur. Kultur, in short, galvanizes; culture liberates. A + survey of modern Germany hardly warrants a desire for her world + dominion. +</p> +<p> + If any reader is still unclear about the distinction between culture and + Kultur, let him examine his most-gifted friends as to their sympathies + in the present war, choosing, of course, persons who have no racial + reasons for taking sides. Almost without exception he will find they + fall into two sharply defined classes. The mental characteristics of his + pro-German friends will pretty certainly illustrate Kultur quite + concretely, while he may read the meaning of culture in his more-gifted + friends who favor the Allies. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Princeton, Nov. 6, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0040"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + The Trespass in Belgium +</h2> +<h3> + By John Grier Hibben. +</h3> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Some time ago I received with many others an appeal "To the Civilized + World!" from certain distinguished representatives of German science and + art. I at once wrote to Prof. Eucken, whom I know, and who is one of the + signers of this document. I wished to draw his attention particularly to + the second statement of this appeal, which is as follows: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> It is not true that we trespassed in neutral Belgium. It has + been proved that France and England had resolved on such a + trespass, and it has likewise been proved that Belgium had + agreed to their doing so, +</p> + </blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + and I stated to him that "It is naturally to be expected of a group of + scholars that where reference is made to proof, some citation should be + given both of the sources of the proof and of its nature. I am sure you + will agree with me that it is of the very essence of scholarly method in + the treatment of any subject whatsoever that one should cite his + authority as regards every important and significant statement that is + made. No one of the distinguished group of scholars signing their names + to this letter would think of writing an article in his own specialty + and not add in the text or in a footnote the complete list of + authorities for his several assertions. +</p> +<p> + "In your appeal, however, the most important statement by far which you + make, and the one bearing most intimately upon the honor and integrity + of your nation, is left without even the attempt to support it, save the + bare assertion by you and your colleagues. In the interests of a fair + understanding of Germany's position, I feel that it is incumbent upon + you to give us who are under such a deep debt of gratitude to German + scholarship in our own lives the opportunity of a full knowledge of all + the facts which definitely bear upon this present situation." +</p> +<p> + At the time of writing Prof. Eucken, I also wrote to a friend of mine, + Dr. A.E. Shipley, the Master of Christ's College, Cambridge, England, + asking him if he could get for me some authoritative statement from the + British Foreign Office concerning the assertion that "it has been proved + that France and England had resolved on such a trespass, and it has + likewise been proved that Belgium had agreed to their doing so." I have + just received a letter from Mr. Shipley, stating that Lord Haldane had + prepared a statement in answer to this question. Thinking that your + readers would be interested in seeing this, I am sending it to you. + Faithfully yours, +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + JOHN GRIER HIBBEN. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Princeton, N.J., Nov. 24, 1914. +</p> +<br><hr> +<p style="text-align: center"> <i>(Inclosure from Lord Haldane to the Master of Christ's + College, Cambridge.)</i> + </p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em; text-align: right"> + 10 Downing St., Whitehall, S.W., Nov. 14.</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Dear Master of Christ's:</p> + +<p> + The inclosed memoranda have been specially prepared for me by the Foreign + Office in answer to your question.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">Yours truly,</p> + +<p style="text-align: right"> HALDANE. +</p> +<hr> +<p style="text-align: center"> (MEMORANDUM.)</p> +<p> + It is quite untrue that the British Government had ever + arranged with Belgium to trespass on her country in case of + war, or that Belgium had agreed to this. The strategic + dispositions of Germany, especially as regards railways, have + for some years given rise to the apprehension that Germany + would attack France through Belgium. Whatever military + discussions have taken place before this war have been limited + entirely to the suggestion of what could be done to defend + France if Germany attacked her through Belgium.</p> +<p> + The Germans have stated that we contemplated sending troops to + Belgium. We had never committed ourselves at all to the + sending of troops to the Continent, and we had never + contemplated the possibility of sending troops to Belgium to + attack Germany.</p> +<p> + The Germans have stated that British military stores had been + placed at Maubeuge, a French fortress near the Belgian + frontier, before the outbreak of the war, and that this is + evidence of an intention to attack Germany through Belgium. No + British soldiers and no British stores were landed on the + Continent till after Germany had invaded Belgium and Belgium + had appealed to France and England for assistance. It was only + after this appeal that British troops were sent to France; + and, if the Germans found British munitions of war in + Maubeuge, these munitions were sent with our expedition to + France after the outbreak of the war. The idea of violating + the neutrality of Belgium was never discussed or contemplated + by the British Government.</p> +<p> + The extract inclosed, which is taken from an official + publication of the Belgian Government, and the extract from an + official statement by the Belgian Minister of War, prove that + the Belgian Government had never connived, or been willing to + connive, at the breach of the treaty that made the maintenance + of Belgian neutrality an international obligation. The moment + that there appeared to be danger that this treaty might be + violated the British Government made an appeal for an + assurance from both France and Germany, as had been done in + 1870 by Mr. Gladstone, that neither of those countries would + violate the neutrality of Belgium if the other country + respected it. The French agreed, the Germans declined to + agree. The appeal made by the British Government is to be + found in our first "White Paper" after the outbreak of the + war.</p> +<p> + The reason why Germany would not agree was stated very frankly + by Herr von Jagow, the German Minister for Foreign Affairs, to + Sir Edward Goschen, our Ambassador in Berlin; and it is + recorded in the second "White Paper" that we published. The + attitude of the British Government throughout has been to + endeavor to preserve the neutrality of Belgium, and we never + thought of sending troops to Belgium until Germany had invaded + it and Belgium had appealed for assistance to maintain the + international treaty.</p> +<p> + We have known for some years past that in Holland, in Denmark, + and in Norway the Germans have inspired the apprehension that, + if England was at war with Germany, England would violate the + neutrality of those countries and seize some of their harbors. + This allegation is as baseless as the allegation about our + intention to violate the neutrality of Belgium, and events + have shown it to be so. But it seems to be a rule with Germany + to attribute to others the designs that she herself + entertains; as it is clear now that, for some long time past, + it has been a settled part of her strategic plans to attack + France through Belgium. A statement is inclosed, which was + issued by us on Oct. 14 last, dealing with this point.</p> +<p> + This memorandum and its inclosures should provide ample + material for a reply to the German statements.</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Foreign Office, Nov. 9, 1914.</p> + +<hr> +<h3> + Belgian Official Denials. +</h3> +<p> + Here is inclosed a copy of the note of Aug. 3 sent by M. Davignon, + Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Herr von Below Saleske, the + German Minister at Brussels, included in the Belgian "Gray Paper," and + printed in full in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Oct. 18 and reprinted in THE + TIMES'S pamphlet of the war's diplomatic papers. This is the note + expressing the "profound and painful surprise" caused to King Albert's + Government by the German invitation to it to abandon Belgian neutrality + and denying that France had, as alleged by Germany, manifested any such + intention. +</p> +<p> + A second inclosure gives this clipping from The London Times of Sept. + 30: +</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> OFFICIAL STATEMENT.</p> + <blockquote> +<p> + The German press has been attempting to persuade the public + that if Germany herself had not violated Belgian neutrality, + France or Great Britain would have done so. It has declared + that French and British troops had marched into Belgium before + the outbreak of war. We have received from the Belgian + Minister of War an official statement which denies absolutely + these allegations. It declares, on the one hand, that "before + Aug. 3 not a single French soldier had set foot on Belgian + territory," and, again, "it is untrue that on Aug. 4 there was + a single English soldier in Belgium." It adds:</p> +<p> + "For long past Great Britain knew that the Belgian Army would + oppose by force a 'preventive' disembarkation of British + troops in Belgium. The Belgian Government did not hesitate at + the time of the Agadir crisis to warn foreign Ambassadors, in + terms which could not be misunderstood, of its formal + intention to compel respect for the neutrality of Belgium by + every means at its disposal, and against attempts upon it from + any and every quarter." +</p> + </blockquote> +<h3> + The "Agreement" of 1903. +</h3> +<p> + The third inclosure is this British official communiqué: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-align: right"> 14 October, 1914.</p> +<p> + The story of an alleged Anglo-Belgian agreement of 1906 + published in the German press, and based on documents said to + have been found at Brussels, is only a fresh edition of a + story which has been reproduced in various forms and denied + on several occasions. No such agreement has ever existed.</p> +<p> + As the Germans well know, Gen. Grierson is dead and Col. (now + Gen.) Barnardiston is commanding the British forces before + Tsing-tau. In 1906 Gen. Grierson was on the General Staff at + the War Office, and Col. Barnardiston was Military Attaché at + Brussels. In view of the solemn guarantee given by Great + Britain to protect the neutrality of Belgium against violation + from any side, some academic discussions may, through the + instrumentality of Col. Barnardiston, have taken place between + Gen. Grierson and the Belgian military authorities as to what + assistance the British Army might be able to afford to Belgium + should one of her neighbors violate that neutrality. Some + notes with reference to the subject may exist in the archives + at Brussels.</p> +<p> + It should be noted that the date mentioned, namely, 1906, was + the year following that in which Germany had, as in 1911, + adopted a threatening attitude toward France with regard to + Morocco, and, in view of the apprehensions existing of an + attack on France through Belgium, it was natural that possible + eventualities should be discussed.</p> +<p> + The impossibility of Belgium having been a party to any + agreement of the nature indicated or to any design for the + violation of Belgian neutrality is clearly shown by the + reiterated declarations that she has made for many years past + that she would resist to the utmost any violation of her + neutrality from whatever quarter and in whatever form such + violation might come.</p> +<p> + It is worthy of attention that these charges of aggressive + designs on the part of other powers are made by Germany, who, + since 1906, has established an elaborate network of + strategical railways leading from the Rhine to the Belgian + frontier through a barren, thinly populated tract, + deliberately constructed to permit of the sudden attack upon + Belgium, which was carried out two months ago. +</p> +<p> + </p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <img border="0" src="images/deco4.jpg" alt="decoration" width="300" height="117"></p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0041"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Apportioning the Blame +</h2> +<h3> + By Arthur v. Briesen. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> Of the law firm of Briesen & Knauth; Doctor of Laws, New York + University; philanthropist; has served the American public as + head of important civic bodies and Governmental commissions. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Having been requested by you to express my views with reference to the + war which is now lacerating Europe, I take pleasure to comply with your + desire. +</p> +<p> + As an American citizen I am, of course, under obligations to be neutral + and to send no ammunition to either belligerent. At the same time the + German blood in my veins naturally causes me to sympathize with Germany + in this conflict. But even if we leave out of consideration any matter + of sympathy, if we look upon the situation in an entirely unbiased + spirit, the conclusion which I propose to lay before you appears to be + irresistible. +</p> +<p> + The questions that seem to have agitated the American public mostly in + connection with this awful conflict have been: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> <i>First</i>—Who is to blame for bringing about this war, and,</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>Second</i>—Assuming that Germany was not to blame for beginning + the war, is she to blame for violating the neutrality of + Belgium? +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + If we should find the fault regarding the first question to lie + primarily with England and secondarily with Russia, we should at once + clear the German people and their Government from the charge that has + heretofore been brought against them for having incited the war. And if + we should find that the neutrality of Belgium was not binding upon any + country whose existence or whose interests were threatened by other + countries, that fact would then absolve either country from a charge + which thus far seems to have been brought against one of them. +</p> +<p> + <i>How was the war brought about?</i> As far back as 1906 it is known, and + can be proved by the files of New York papers, to say nothing of + official correspondence now found in Brussels and elsewhere, that + measures were started by England to circumscribe or isolate the German + Empire, and treaties were entered between England, France, and Russia + (the Triple Entente) to insure joint action against Germany when + necessary. +</p> +<p> + Germany herself has been peaceful, progressive, and anxious to retain + her position as a nation undisturbed by others, as a nation that should + advance in art, in science, in population, and in all things that make + happiness through peace. What was the situation in other countries? +</p> +<p> + Since 1870 <i>France</i> had cried for revenge (<i>revanche</i>). Its school + books, newspapers, public speakers, and political leaders were all + charged with the one great idea of seeking revenge against Germany for + having retaken Alsace and Lorraine in 1870, which France had wrongfully + occupied since the time of Louis XIV. Alsace and Lorraine had been + German for centuries before; they were wrested from Germany without even + a semblance of an excuse at the close of the seventeenth century, and + were largely German in language and in spirit in 1870. Goethe's studies + in Strassburg and his visits to Frederica von Sesenheim in the + eighteenth century show that he was living in a German country whenever + he was in Alsace. A <i>united</i> Germany did not exist prior to 1870. + However, the cry for revenge was there, and France distinctly declared + it to be her policy to take her revenge as soon as opportunity offered. + France was, therefore, a pronounced enemy of Germany ever since 1870, + and when asked by the German Government on July 31, 1914, whether she + would remain neutral in a Russian-German war (Annex 25, German "White + Paper") she answered: "France would do that which might be required of + her <i>by her interests</i>." This answer was given on Aug. 1, 1914, (Annex + 27, German "White Paper.") Today we may well ask France whether, since + Aug. 1, 1914, she has done that which was required by her interests. +</p> +<p> + <i>Russia</i> may next be looked at. How did Russia become involved in this + contest? The little kingdom of Servia, which had familiarized itself + with the fine art of disposing of crowned heads by throwing its King and + Queen, Alexandra and Draga, out of the window of their castle, caused + through its officials and its followers to have the heir to the Austrian + throne and his wife cruelly assassinated on June 28, 1914. This + assassination was an act of enmity toward Austria and a step toward the + enlargement of Servia. Deeming her existence threatened and her national + dignity offended, Austria sent a rather sharp demand under date of July + 23, 1914, to Servia, requiring prompt and thorough satisfaction for the + gross attack made upon her and her reigning family through Servia's + official directions. +</p> +<p> + Strange to say, however, the British "White Book" shows that three days + before, on July 20, 1914, Sir Edward Grey, (Paper 1, British "White + Book,") wrote to Sir E. Goschen, British Ambassador at Berlin, a letter + in which he states: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> In fact, the more Austria could keep her demand within + reasonable limits, and the stronger the justification she + could produce for making any demand, the more chance there + would be of smoothing things over. <i>I hated the idea of a war + between any of the great powers</i>, and that any of them should + be dragged into a war by Servia would be detestable. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + On July 24, 1914, the Austrian message to Servia became known to all + countries, and on the same day Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador + at St. Petersburg, wrote that he had been asked by Mr. Sazonof, Russian + Minister of Foreign Affairs, to meet him at the French Embassy to + discuss matters, as Austria's step clearly meant that war was imminent. + He wrote that Mr. Sazonof expressed himself as follows (British Paper + 6): +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> He hoped that his Majesty's Government would not fail to + <i>proclaim their solidarity with Russia and France</i>. The French + Ambassador gave me to understand that France would fulfill all + the obligations entailed by her alliance with Russia, if + necessity arose, besides supporting Russia strongly in any + diplomatic negotiations. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Later, on July 29, 1914, Sir George Buchanan wrote to Sir Edward Grey + (Paper 72, English "White Book") as follows: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> I made it clear to his Excellency that, <i>Russia being + thoroughly in earnest, a general war could not be averted</i> if + Servia were attacked by Austria. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Sir George Buchanan would not have said that if he had not been + authorized to do so. He would not have said a "general war could not be + averted if Servia were attacked by Austria"; and by "general war" he + meant, and we all understand he meant, a war between England, France, + and Russia on one side and Germany and Austria on the other. +</p> +<p> + Servia's reply to the demand of Austria, which was dated July 25, 1914, + not being deemed satisfactory, Austria proceeded to a punitive + expedition against Servia, and she repeatedly asserted and assured all + the other powers that the expedition was merely punitive and that + neither the independence nor the territorial integrity of Servia were at + all involved or in any danger. +</p> +<p> + But all this had no effect upon Russia. In fact, when Russia was first + informed of the Austrian demand (Annex 4, German "White Book") Minister + of Foreign Affairs Sazonof made wild complaints on <i>July</i> 24, 1914, + against Austria-Hungary. What he said most definitely was this: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> <i>That Russia could not possibly permit the Servian-Austrian + dispute to be confined to the parties concerned.</i> +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + This was the keynote of the Russian situation and of the Russian + intention. Russia wanted, of course, to expand its realm as far + westward as possible, and it wanted to take advantage of the opportunity + offered by the necessary consequences of the dreadful insult and cruelty + practiced by Servia on Austria, not only to prevent the punishment of + Servia, but also to proceed against Germany, for, as Paper 4 says: + "Russia could not possibly permit the Servian-Austrian dispute to be + <i>confined</i> to the parties concerned." +</p> +<p> + Who, then, was to blame for not allowing the war to be confined, for not + permitting Austria to punish the murderers of her King, but utilizing + this opportunity for the purpose of bringing about the great war which + Russia and France had carefully prepared long ago? The great war which + should involve all the civilized nations in a conflict, and threaten to + extinguish Austria and to carry barbarism into the heart of Europe! She + <i>did</i> not permit the Servian-Austrian dispute to be confined to the + parties concerned. +</p> +<p> + Again, in Paper 56, (English "White Book,") we find the English + Ambassador to Austria writing to Sir Edward Grey on July 27, 1914, the + following: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> If actual war broke out with Servia it would be <i>impossible</i> + to localize it, for <i>Russia</i> was not prepared to give way + again. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Again, in Paper 72, (English "White Book,") dated July 28, 1914, from + the English Ambassador in Russia to Sir Edward Grey: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> I made it clear to his Excellency (German Ambassador) that, + <i>Russia being thoroughly in earnest</i>, a general war could not + be averted if Servia were attacked by Austria. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Paper 121, (English "White Book,") British Ambassador in Berlin to Sir + Edward Grey under date of July 31, 1914: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> He (the German Secretary of State) again assured me that both + the Emperor William, at the request of the Emperor of Russia, + and the German Foreign Office had even up till last night been + urging Austria to show willingness to continue + discussions—and telegraphic and telephonic communications + from Vienna had been of a promising nature—<i>but Russia's + mobilization had spoiled everything</i>. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + I could repeat, <i>ad infinitum</i>, quotations from these books to show + that Russia not only wanted this war if Austria wanted to punish Servia + for her misdeeds, but started it against the protest of Germany, and + started it, I sincerely believe, largely because encouraged by Great + Britain. +</p> +<p> + <i>England</i>: The letter written by the Belgian Chargé at St. Petersburg to + his Government on July 30, 1914, which letter was published in THE NEW + YORK TIMES on Oct. 7, 1914, and which letter, nearly a month before, had + been published abroad and never disavowed by the Belgian Government, + states distinctly on the part of Belgium: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> <i>What is incontestable is that Germany has striven here, as + well as at Vienna, to find some means of avoiding a general + conflict....</i> M. Sazonof, Russian Foreign Minister, has + declared that it would be impossible for Russia not to hold + herself ready and to mobilize, but that these preparations + were not directed against Germany. This morning an official + communiqué to the newspapers announces that "the reserves have + been called under arms in a certain number of Governments." + Knowing the discreet nature of the official communiqué one can + without fear assert that <i>mobilization is going on + everywhere</i>.</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + ... One can truly ask one's self whether the whole world does + not desire war and is trying merely to retard its declaration + a little in order to gain time. England began by allowing it + to be understood that she did not want to be drawn into a + conflict. Sir George Buchanan (British Ambassador) said that + openly. Today one is firmly convinced at St. Petersburg—one + has even the assurance of it—that England will support + France. This support is of enormous weight, and <i>has + contributed not a little to give the upper hand to the war + party</i>. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + The German Emperor during these times believed England to be really and + honestly striving to avoid the war; he went so far as to announce in one + of his letters published in the "White Book" that "he had shoulder to + shoulder with England tried to bring about a peaceful solution." It + certainly now appears that all this while England had made her + arrangements with France and with Russia, and had strengthened the war + party in Russia to such an extent that Russia's desire to set Europe + afire was rendered possible. +</p> +<p> + <i>Belgian neutrality.</i> It is charged that Germany violated an alleged + treaty with Belgium, which treaty is supposed to have guaranteed the + integrity of Belgium. When Germany found her efforts to maintain peace + frustrated, Russian troops having crossed the German frontier on the + afternoon of Aug. 1, while France opened hostilities on Aug. 2, she + announced to Belgium on Aug. 2, 1914, that she found herself under + obligation, to prevent a French attack through Belgium, to pass through + Belgian territory; she expressed her readiness to guarantee the + integrity of the kingdom and its possessions and to pay any damage + caused if Belgium would, in a friendly way, permit such a passage of + troops through it. +</p> +<p> + The English "White Book" contains, Paper 151, dated Aug. 3, 1914, which + paper we repeat in full: +</p> +<p> + (British Minister to Belgium to Sir Edward Grey.) +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> French Government have offered through their Military Attaché + the support of five French Army corps to the Belgian + Government. Following reply has been received today: We are + sincerely grateful to the French Government for offering + eventual support. In the actual circumstances, however, <i>we do + not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers</i>. Belgian + Government will decide later on the action which they may + think it necessary to take. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + In short, Belgium says in the foregoing notice to France, that she does + not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers. +</p> +<p> + Was Germany justified in disregarding any previous treaty which related + to Belgium if her interests required her so to do? +</p> +<p> + <i>United States Supreme Court:</i> In its unanimous opinion in the Chinese + exclusion cases, reported on Pages 581 to 611 of Vol. 130 of United + States Reports, the Supreme Court of the United States had this very + question before it. A treaty had been entered into by the United States + and China, allowing Chinese subjects the right to visit and reside in + the United States and to there enjoy the same privileges that are + enjoyed by citizens of the United States. After that treaty an act of + Congress was passed in violation of the treaty, providing it to be + unlawful thereafter for Chinese laborers to enter the United States. The + question was, whether we had the right to violate a treaty solemnly + entered into with another country? On this subject the court said (Page + 600): +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> The effect of legislation upon conflicting treaty stipulations + was elaborately considered in THE HEAD MONEY CASES, and it was + there adjudged: "that so far as a treaty made by the United + States with any foreign nation can become the subject of + judicial cognizance in the courts of this country, it is + subject to such acts as Congress may pass for its enforcement, + modification, or repeal," 112 U.S. 580, 599. This doctrine was + affirmed and followed in WHITNEY v. ROBERTSON, 124 U.S. 190, + 195. It will not be presumed that the legislative department + of the Government will lightly pass laws which are in conflict + with the treaties of the country; <i>but that circumstances may + arise which would not only justify the Government in + disregarding their stipulations, but demand in the interests + of the country that it should do so, there can be no question. + Unexpected events may call for a change in the policy of the + country.</i> +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + In the same opinion the Supreme Court calls attention to an act passed in + 1798, declaring that the United States were freed and exonerated from the + stipulations of previous treaties with France. This subject was fully + considered by Justice Curtis, who held, as the Supreme Court says (Page + 602): <b>"That whilst it would always be a matter of the utmost + gravity and delicacy to refuse to execute a treaty, the power to do so + was a prerogative of which no nation could be deprived without deeply + affecting its independence."</b></p> +<p> + We observe, therefore, that under our own ideas of international law the + United States claims the right to disregard its stipulations if the + interests of the country should require it. And the same right we should + concede to other nations. Particularly to Germany in the present + instance, when we find her battling for her very existence against + enemies that seek to destroy her, against enemies that surround her on + all sides, against enemies that do not hesitate to bring troops into the + conflict from the wilds of Africa and Asia, and who do not hesitate to + drag Japan into this war, causing her to disregard Chinese neutrality in + her effort to capture a small settlement, lawfully occupied in China by + a handful of German soldiers. +</p> +<p> + In this connection I quote the British sentiment, as expressed by + Gladstone regarding Belgium neutrality in the year 1870: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> But I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who + have held in this House, what plainly amounts to the assertion + that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is + binding to every party to it, irrespective altogether of the + particular position in which it may find itself at the time + when the occasion for <i>acting on the question arises</i>. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + This shows that England herself reserved the right, whenever her + interests required her to do so, to act in violation of the treaty with + Belgium. That, at least, is my understanding of Gladstone's language. + England did not respect Danish neutrality a hundred years ago, when she + destroyed the Danish fleet at Copenhagen because her interests required, + and England does not now, through its Asiatic ally, and directly, + respect Chinese neutrality, claiming the right primarily to consult her + own interests. Should this right, asserted by our own Supreme Court, and + actually assumed by England and Japan, be denied to Germany? Finally, I + understand that The Hague Conference of 1907 drafted a convention which + reads: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. Belligerents + are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either munitions of + war or supplies across the territory of a neutral power. Great + Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy refused to sign + it and did not sign it. Russia was not represented. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + MILITARISM. There is one more subject which many people in this country + have failed to understand, and that is the matter of militarism. German + militarism is supposed to be something dreadful, and many good people + believe that it would be a great advance toward eternal peace if that + militarism could be wiped out. Well, now, let us see. +</p> +<p> + If Germany did not require every one of her sons to spend a year, or at + most two years, in the army, and if she had not provided for all these + men sufficient arms and accoutrements for immediate use in case of war, + what would have happened when Russia entered her territory, or when + France came on a like errand? +</p> +<p> + Any one who lives among enemies is expected to be sufficiently prepared + to defend himself should they attack him, be he ever so peaceful. +</p> +<p> + At the time the United States of America was born there was no such + thing as Germany. Every country around it had a slice of it. Napoleon + took the larger western part of Germany as his property, England held + Hanover, the former Kingdom of Poland held Saxony, Austria held Silesia, + and so there was no Germany. The Teutonic races had no home in which + they could develop and live without interference by others. To prevent + such interference Germany of all nations needed an army; to prevent + similar interference at sea England of all nations needed a navy. That + great British Navy bears precisely the same relation to the protection + of Great Britain at sea which the German Army bears to the protection of + Germany on land. +</p> +<p> + To sum up, what are the countries fighting for? Russia for her + enlargement; she has no grudge whatever against Germany except that it + exists. France for revenge; she has no grudge whatever against Germany + except that she wants revenge for 1870. What grudge has England against + Germany, except that Germany has grown commercially, financially, and + industrially to a position which threatens to crowd England into a + second rank? Jealousy appears to control the English attitude. +</p> +<p> + The position apparently assumed by England is best expressed by the King + of England in his telegram to Prince Henry of Prussia, dated July 30, + 1914: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> My Government is doing its utmost, suggesting to Russia and + France to <i>suspend further military preparations</i> if Austria + will consent to be satisfied with occupation of Belgrade and + neighboring Servian territory as a hostage for satisfactory + settlement of her demands, other countries meanwhile + suspending their war preparations. Trust William will use his + great influence to induce Austria to accept this proposal, + thus proving that Germany and England are working together to + prevent what would be an international catastrophe. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + On July 31, the very next day, Sir Edward Grey wrote the telegram, No. + 111, (English "White Book,") to the British Ambassador at Berlin, in + which we find the following: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> I would undertake to sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be + possible for the four disinterested powers to offer to Austria + that they would undertake to see that she obtained full + satisfaction of her demands on Servia, provided that they did + not impair Servian sovereignty and the integrity of Servian + territory. <i>As your Excellency is aware, Austria has already + declared her willingness to respect them.</i> (Established by + Paper 3, July 24, and Paper 5, July 26, German "White Book.") +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Hence, we find that all King George said he wanted had been granted, and + yet England entered into the war. Why? Probably because she thought, as + France had expressed it, that she acted in pursuance of her interests. +</p> +<p> + And what is Germany fighting for? Does she want anything from anybody? + She wants to be left alone; she always wanted to be left alone; she + prospered while she was left alone; she grew while she was left alone. + Not being left alone she has to defend herself. Hence, I bespeak for + Germany and for her side fair play, just judgment on behalf of the + American people. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + ARTHUR v. BRIESEN. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 17, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0042"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + PARTING. +</h2> +<h3> + By LOUISE VON WETTER. +</h3> +<br> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Sodger lad, O sodger lad,<br> + The dawn will see ye marchin'—<br> + The nicht drag's on—its dark is out<br> + Wi' searchlichts, shiftin', archin'.<br> +<br> + Sodger lad, O sodger lad,<br> + D'ye mind our Summer meetin'?<br> + And noo, ye'll gang. The heather's dead ...<br> + I canna keep frae greetin'.<br> +<br> + Sodger lad, my sodger lad—<br> + D'ye mind, my time is nearin'?<br> + Alone—alone—wi'out yer hand!<br> + How shall I keep frae fearin'?<br> +<br> + Sodger lad, O sodger lad,<br> + Far, far awa' ye're goin'—<br> + I'll not dare count the leagues an' days—<br> + <i>Gude God! The cocks are crowin'!</i><br> +<br> + Sodger lad, my luve, my dear,<br> + Awake! The morn is grayin'!<br> + E'en tho' my heart drags, sick wi' dread,<br> + I wouldna have ye stayin'.<br> +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0043"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + French Hate and English Jealousy +</h2> +<h3> + By Kuno Francke. +</h3> +<br> +<p> + It is easy to see why American public opinion should have condemned by + an overwhelming majority the diplomatic acts of Austria and Hungary + which have been the immediate occasion of the terrific explosion which + now shakes the foundations of the whole civilized world. Austria's break + with Servia and Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality—the one + leading to war between Russia and Germany, the other bringing England + into the fray—must appear to the uninitiated as reckless and + indefensible provocations and as wanton attacks upon the laws of + nations. +</p> +<p> + The thoughtful observer, however, should look beyond the immediate + occasion of this world conflict and try to understand its underlying + causes. By doing so he will, I believe, come to the conclusion that + fundamental justice is to be found on the German side, and that Germany + has been forced to fight for her life. +</p> +<p> + It is an unquestionable fact that the unification of Germany and the + establishment of a strong German Empire, half a century ago, were + brought about against the bitter opposition of France, and that the + defeat incurred by France in 1870, in her attempt to prevent German + unification, is at the bottom of the constant irritation that has + agitated Europe during the last forty-three years. Germany's policy + toward France during these forty-three years has been one of utmost + restraint and forbearance, and has been dictated by the one desire of + making her forget the loss of the two provinces, German until the + seventeenth century and inhabited by German stock, which were won back + from France in 1870. Whether the acquisition of these provinces was a + fortunate thing for Germany may be doubted. The possession of + Alsace-Lorraine has certainly robbed Germany of the undivided sympathy + of the world, which she otherwise would have had. But it is probably + true that from the military point of view Alsace-Lorraine was needed by + Germany as a bulwark against the repetition of the many wanton French + invasions from which Germany has had to suffer since the time of the + Thirty Years' War and the age of Louis XIV. +</p> +<h3> + Sought to Heal the Breach. +</h3> +<p> + However this may be, Germany has done her best during the last four + decades to heal the wounds struck by her to French national pride. She + abetted French colonial expansion in Cochin-China, Madagascar, Tunis. + She yielded to France her own well-founded claims to political influence + in Morocco. In Alsace-Lorraine itself she introduced an amount of local + self-government and home rule such as England has not accorded even now + to Ireland. While Ireland still is waiting for a Parliament at Dublin, + Strassburg has been for years the seat of the Alsace-Lorraine Diet, a + provincial Parliament based on universal suffrage. And even in spite of + the incessant and inflammatory French propaganda which last year led to + such unhappy counter-strokes as the deplorable Zabern affair, there can + be no reasonable doubt that the people of Alsace-Lorraine have been + gradually settling down to willing co-operation with the German + administration—an administration which insures them order, justice, and + prosperity. Nothing is a clearer indication of the peaceable trend which + affairs have lately taken in Alsace-Lorraine than the fact that the + Nationalists, i.e., French party, in the Strassburg Diet has never been + able to rise above insignificance, and that, on the other hand, a + considerable number of responsible officers in the civil administration, + including the highest Governmental positions, have been occupied by + native Alsatians. +</p> +<p> + While Germany has thus repeatedly shown her willingness and desire to + end the ancient feud, France has remained irreconcilable; and + particularly the intellectual class of France cannot escape the charge + that they have persistently and willfully kept alive the flame of + discord. +</p> +<p> + It surely cannot be said that the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine is a + vital necessity to France. Without Alsace-Lorraine France has recovered + her prosperity and her prestige in a manner that has been the admiration + of the world. It is a mere illusion to think that the reconquest of + Alsace-Lorraine would add to her glory. It would have been a demand of + patriotism for the intellectual class to combat this illusion. Instead + of this, every French writer, every French scholar, every French orator, + except the Socialists, year in and year out, has been dinning into the + popular ear the one word revenge. +</p> +<h3> + France to Blame. +</h3> +<p> + There can be little doubt that Prof. Gustave Lanson, the distinguished + literary historian, voiced the sentiments of the vast majority of his + countrymen when in a lecture, delivered some years ago at Harvard, he + stated that France could not and would not reorganize the peace of + Frankfurt as a final settlement, and that the one aim of the French + policy of the last forty years had been to force Germany to reopen the + Alsace-Lorraine question. +</p> +<p> + If there were people in Germany inclined to overlook or to minimize this + constantly growing menace from France, their eyes must have been opened + when in 1912 the French Government, having previously abolished the + one-year volunteers, raised the duration of active military service for + every Frenchman from two years to three, and, in addition to this, + called out in the Autumn of 1913 the recruits not only of the year whose + turn had come, namely, the recruits born in 1892, but also those born + in 1893. This was a measure nearly identical with mobilization; it was a + measure which clearly showed that France would not delay much longer + striking the deadly blow. For no nation could possibly stand for any + length of time this terrific strain of holding under the colors its + entire male population from the twentieth to the twenty-fourth year. No + wonder that the Paris papers were speaking as long ago as the Summer of + 1912 of the regiments stationed in the Eastern Departments as the + "vanguard of our glorious army," and were advocating double pay for + them, as being practically in contact with the enemy. +</p> +<p> + The second foe now threatening the destruction of Germany is England. + Can it truly be said that England's hostility has been brought about by + German aggression? True, Germany has built a powerful navy; but so have + Japan, the United States, France, and even Italy. Has England felt any + menace from these? Why, then, is the German Navy singled out as a + specially sinister threat to England? Has German diplomacy during the + last generation been particularly menacing to England? Germany has + acquired some colonies in Africa and in the Far East. But what are + Kamerun and Dar-es-Salaam and Kiao-Chau compared with the colonial + possessions of the other great powers? Where has Germany pursued a + colonial aggressiveness that could in any way be compared with the + British subjugation of the South African republics or the Italian + conquest of Tripoli or the French expansion in Algiers, Tunis, and + Morocco, or the American acquisition of the Philippines? +</p> +<h3> + Her Open-Door Policy. +</h3> +<p> + Wherever Germany has made her influence felt on the globe she has stood + for the principle of the open door. Wherever she has engaged in colonial + enterprises, she has been willing to make compromises with other nations + and to accept their co-operation, notably so in the Bagdad railway + undertaking. And yet, the colonial expansion of every other nation is + hailed by England as "beneficial to mankind," as "work for + civilization"; the slightest attempt of Germany to take part in this + expansion is denounced as "intolerable aggression," as evidence of the + "bullying tendencies of the War Lord." +</p> +<p> + What is the reason for this singular unfairness of England toward + Germany, of this incessant attempt to check her and hem her in? Not so + much the existence of a large German Navy as the encroachment upon + English commerce by the rapidly growing commerce of Germany has made + Germany hateful to England. The navy has simply added to this hate of + Germany the dread of Germany. But if there had been no German Navy, and + consequently no dread of Germany, this hate of Germany might have come + to an explosion before now. For the history of the last 300 years proves + that England has habitually considered as her mortal enemy any nation + which dared to contest her commercial and industrial supremacy—first + Spain, then Holland, then France, and now Germany. As long as German + firms, by the manufacture of artificial indigo, keep on ruining the + English importation of indigo from India, and as long as the German + steamship lines keep on outstripping the prestige of the English boats, + there can be no real friendship between England and Germany. Although + England has repeatedly proposed to Germany naval agreements, these + agreements were avowedly meant to perpetuate the overwhelming + preponderance of England's fighting power, so that she would at any + moment be in a position to crush German commercial rivalry for all time. + She apparently thinks that this moment has now come. +</p> +<p> + That Germany's third implacable enemy, Russia, is clearly the aggressor, + and not the defender of her own national existence, need hardly be + demonstrated. She poses as the guardian of the Balkan States. But is + there any case on record where Russia has really protected the + independence of smaller neighboring countries? Has she not crushed out + provincial and racial individuality wherever she has extended her power? + Is it not the sole aim of her national policy to Russianize forcibly + every nationality under her sway? +</p> +<p> + In Finland she has gone back on her solemnly pledged word to maintain + the Finnish Constitution, and is ruthlessly reducing one of her most + highly developed provinces to the dead level of autocratic rule. In her + Baltic provinces she is trying to destroy, root and branch, whatever + there is left of German culture. Wherever the Russian Church holds + dominion intellectual blight is sure to follow. +</p> +<p> + To think, therefore, that Russia would promote the free development of a + number of independent Balkan States under her protectorate is to shut + one's eyes to the whole history of Russian expansion. No, Russian + expansion in the Balkans means nothing less than the extinction of all + local independence and the establishment of Russian despotism from the + Black Sea to the Adriatic. +</p> +<h3> + Why Germany Supports Austria. +</h3> +<p> + Not Russia, but Austria, is the natural protector of the equilibrium + between the existing States on the Balkan Peninsula and their natural + guardian against Russian domination. Austria is their nearest neighbor; + indeed, the possession of Bosnia and Herzegovina makes her a Balkan + State herself. +</p> +<p> + Being herself more than half of Slavic stock, she has every reason for + living on good terms with the various Slav kingdoms south of her. Being + herself forced, through the conglomerateness of her population, to + constant compromises in her internal affairs between conflicting + nationalities within her borders, she could not possibly absorb a large + additional amount of foreign territory. She is bound to respect the + existing lines of political demarkation in the Balkans, and her sole + object can be through commercial treaties and tariff legislation to open + up what used to be European Turkey to her trade and her civilizing + influence. +</p> +<p> + In this she must clearly be supported by Germany. For only if Austria is + left free to exercise her natural protectorate over the Balkan States + can the passage between Germany and the Near Orient, one of the most + important routes of German commerce, be kept open. +</p> +<p> + Russia's unwillingness, then, to allow Austria a free hand in her + dealings with Servia was an open menace to Germany, a challenge which + had to be accepted unless Germany was prepared to abdicate all her + influence in the Near Orient and to allow Russia to override the + legitimate claims and aspirations of her only firm and faithful ally. +</p> +<p> + This formidable coalition of the three greatest European powers, + threatening the very existence of Germany, has now been joined by Japan, + openly and boldly for the purpose of snatching from Germany her one + Asiatic possession. +</p> +<p> + If any additional proof had been needed to make it clear that, if + Germany wanted to retain the slightest chance of extricating herself + from this worldwide conspiracy against her, she had to strike the first + blow, even at the risk of offending against international good manners, + this stab in the back by Japan would furnish such proof. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0044"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Dr. Sanderson Replies +</h2> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + Although I hate to enter into a controversy with Prof. Kuno Francke, who + was once my excellent friend, I cannot refrain from answering his + article which appeared in last Sunday's NEW YORK TIMES. +</p> +<p> + How can any one say, in all fairness, that Germany's policy toward + France during the last forty-three years has been one of the utmost + restraint and forbearance, and has been dictated by the one desire to + make her forget the loss of the two provinces? What are the facts? We + know that not once, but again and again, since 1878, Germany has tried + to provoke France into war. We know that on one occasion Queen Victoria + herself threatened the Kaiser with Great Britain's intervention if he + did not desist from his intended attack on France. And to cite only the + two most recent instances, the Agadir affair and the enforced + resignation of the French Premier, Delcassé! Would Germany have + swallowed such insults? +</p> +<p> + This may be the German conception of "utmost restraint and forbearance," + but it appeared to the French, as it did to the rest of the world, that + it required their utmost restraint and forbearance to remain calm under + the affronts. +</p> +<p> + The fact that Alsace-Lorraine was German up to the seventeenth century, + and inhabited by German stock, cannot be brought forward today, after + more than 200 years, to justify the retaking of those provinces by the + Germans. The whole world would be in a state of continual warfare if + nations claimed provinces or States that belonged to them once upon a + time. Richelieu's idea was that the Rhine was the natural and + geographical frontier between France and Germany, and the war was + undertaken to carry out that plan. Since then the inhabitants have + become French, and the attempts to re-Germanize them have proved futile. + Prof. Francke may well doubt if the acquisition of these provinces was a + fortunate thing for Germany. It was undoubtedly the most unfortunate + thing not only for Germany but for France and the rest of Europe, for it + kept open a wound which might have been healed either by a return of the + lost provinces, with or without compensation, or by granting them + autonomy, or, better still, by leaving it to the inhabitants to choose + for themselves, as France did with Nice and Savoy. +</p> +<p> + The ruthless methods of a Bismarck are no longer of this age. They are + too odious, and the human conscience revolts at them. What a + preposterous idea, in this twentieth century, to compel by force + millions of people to renounce their traditions and even their + language! If Great Britain had followed the same method in dealing with + the French Canadians, instead of loyal subjects she would have made + rebels of them all. +</p> +<p> + It is neither right nor just nor truthful to say that Germany has done + her best during the last four decades to heal the wounds struck by her + to French national pride. On the contrary, Germany's attitude has been + all along one of studied provocation; and if the instances already + mentioned are not sufficient, many others could be added. +</p> +<p> + Germany abetted French colonial expansion. Well, by what right should + she have opposed it? And if she yielded to France in Morocco, it was + only after France had given Germany part of her African possessions + rather than go to war with her. +</p> +<p> + It will be news to the world to be informed that there can be no + reasonable doubt that the people of Alsace-Lorraine have been gradually + settling down to willing co-operation with the German administration. + Certainly such a statement is in violent contradiction with all we hear + and read and know of the state of mind, the feelings, and aspirations of + the inhabitants of those two provinces. +</p> +<p> + To argue that the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine is not a vital + necessity to France; that without these provinces she has recovered her + prosperity and her prestige, and that it is mere illusion to think that + the reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine would add to her glory is pure + sophistry. It is just as if you said to a man whom you had robbed of + some valuable property: "What does it matter? You are just as well off + without it." Yes, Prof. Larson did voice the sentiment of the vast + majority of his countrymen when he stated that France could not and + would not recognize the treaty of Frankfurt. If I have an enemy who + takes me by surprise and with revolver leveled at my head compels me to + sign a paper by which I despoil myself to his advantage, what is the + validity of such a document? +</p> +<p> + That is the way that all Frenchmen of all classes look upon the treaty + of Frankfurt, wrung from them under duress. +</p> +<p> + The term "revanche" is a slogan. It simply typifies in one word the + reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine; but it does not carry with it the idea of + willfully laying waste the enemy's country, burning and pillaging, + shooting inoffensive non-combatants, and cleaning banks of all the gold + they contain. +</p> +<p> + Another statement which is misleading in Prof. Francke's article is the + one which refers to the "growing menace from France," in which he speaks + of the increasing armament that has been going on in that country since + 1912. But what is called in Germany "the menace from France" is called + in the latter country "the menace from Germany." Who started these + enormous armaments? Each time Germany increased her army France was + forced to do the same; and when France recently increased from two to + three years the duration of military service, it was her only way of + meeting Germany's increase of 500,000 men. +</p> +<p> + The attempt to change the rôles and present France to the world as the + aggressor, or even as premeditating an attack upon Germany, is futile. + It is a strange and yet not uncommon psychological fact that the hate of + the conqueror is often greater than that of the conquered; and it is + German, not French, hate which has forced Germany into this savage war. + France had recovered too rapidly from her disasters; she was too rich; + her colonies were too vast and too prosperous; she must be crushed. What + right had she to have large colonies when Germany, the superior nation, + had none worth mentioning? There you have the key to the Kaiser's + repeated provocations and to his final attack. +</p> +<p> + In regard to England and Russia, the writer will simply confine himself + to the statement that if the German Imperial Government can produce as + clean a bill of health as the "White Paper" of the British Foreign + Office, just published, it will do more to convince American public + opinion of the justice of its cause than anything that has yet been + written in the press by Germans and their sympathizers. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + R.L. SANDERSON. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Yale University, New Haven, Conn., Sept. 5, 1914. +</p> +<a name="2H_4_0045"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h2> + In Defense of Austria +</h2> +<h3> + By Baron L. Hengelmuller. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> Late Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to the United States. +</p> +<br> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>The following letter was written by Baron Hengelmuller to Col. Theodore + Roosevelt.</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + ABBAZIA, Sept. 25, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: +</p> +<p> + Our correspondence has suffered a long interruption. Your last letter + was from July of last year. I do not know whether you ever received my + answer, by which I thanked you for your preface to my book. You were in + Arizona when I wrote it, and soon after your return you started for + Brazil. At the occasion of your son's wedding I sent him a telegram to + Madrid, but I had no chance to write to you because I had no information + with regard to the length of your stay and your whereabouts in Europe. +</p> +<p> + Now I write to you at the time of a most momentous crisis in the world's + history, and I do so impelled by the desire to talk with you about my + country's cause and to win your just and fair appreciation for the same. + I wish I could address my appeal to the American people, but having no + standing and no opportunity to do so, I address it to you as to one of + America's most illustrious citizens with whom it has been my privilege + to entertain during many years the most friendly relations. +</p> +<p> + Since the outbreak of the war our communications with America are slow + and irregular. In the beginning they were nil. From the end of July to + the middle of August we received neither letters, telegrams, nor papers. + I suppose it was the same with you concerning direct news from us. Our + adversaries had the field all for themselves and they seem to have made + the most of it. To judge from what I have learned since and from what I + could glean in our papers, the New York press seem to have written about + us and Germany very much in the same tone and spirit as they did about + you during your last Presidential campaign. I have seen it stated that + The Outlook published an article in which Austro-Hungary was accused of + having brought about the war through her greed of conquest and the + overbearing arrogance of her behavior toward Servia. I do not know + whether I cite correctly, as I have not seen the article, and I am aware + that you have severed your connection with The Outlook after your return + from Brazil. I only mention the statement as an illustration of what I + have said above, for if a review of the standing of The Outlook opens + its columns to such a glaringly false accusation the daily papers have + certainly not lagged behind. +</p> +<p> + It is natural that our adversaries should be anxious to win the + sympathies of the American people. So are we. But it is not for this + purpose that I now write to you. Sympathy is a sentiment and, as a rule, + not to be won by argument. What I want to discuss with you are the + causes of this war and the issues at stake. +</p> +<h3> + The Cause of the War. +</h3> +<p> + Undoubtedly the war broke out over our conflict with Servia, but this + conflict was not of our seeking. We had no wish of aggrandizement or + extension of power at the expense of Servia, but Servia covets territory + which belongs to us, and for years has pursued her ends by the most + nefarious and criminal means. The assassination of our heir to the crown + and his consort was not an isolated fact, but only the most glaring + link in a long chain of plotting and agitating against us. This + attitude of Servia toward us dates back to the day when the gang of + officers who murdered their own King came to power, and when it became + their policy to keep a hold over their own people by exciting their + ambitions against us. This policy reached its first climax when we + declared the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which we had occupied + and developed for thirty years. You were in office then, and the events + of the time are familiar to you. The crisis ended then by Servia's + formal acknowledgment that our annexation violated none of her rights, + and by her promise to cultivate henceforth correct and friendly + relations with us. This promise was not kept. The plotting continued, + lies were disseminated about a pretended oppression of our South Slav + population, and associations were formed for the purpose of stirring + them to discontent and if possible to treason. +</p> +<p> + Things came to a second climax with the murder of Archduke Francis + Ferdinand. The plot for this crime was hatched in Servia, the bombs and + revolvers for its execution were furnished there, and Servian officers + instructed the murder candidates in their use. At last we could stand it + no longer. What we wanted from Servia was the punishment of the plotters + and accomplices and a guarantee for normal relations in the future. This + was the object of our ultimatum. Servia made a show of complying with + some of our demands, but in reality her answer was evasive. +</p> +<p> + These facts are exposed and authenticated in the note which we sent to + the powers after having presented our ultimatum in Belgrade and in the + memorandum which accompanied it. I do not know whether the American + papers published these documents at the time. Today they are outstripped + by greater events, but for the just appreciation of our proceedings in + regard to Servia they are indispensable. +</p> +<p> + In reality, however, our conflict with Servia was not the cause of the + great war now raging, but only the spark which brought the overloaded + powder barrel to explosion. Who talks of Servia today, and who believes + that France, England, and Japan are making war on Germany and on us + because of Servia? The war broke out because Russia decided to shield + Servia against the consequences of her provocations and because, owing + to preconcerted arrangements, the situation in Europe was such that the + action of one great power was bound to bring all or nearly all the + others into the field. And again those preconcerted arrangements were + the outcome of a mass of pent-up passions, of hatred, envy, and + jealousy, the like of which—all Hague conferences and pacific unions + notwithstanding—the world has never seen before. +</p> +<p> + We are fully aware of the danger which threatened us from Russia when we + formulated our demands in Belgrade. Russia's population is three times + as large as ours and it was not with a light heart that our Emperor-King + took his final resolution. But our national honor and our very existence + as a self-respecting power were at stake. We could not hesitate. Now we + are in a struggle for life or death and we mean to carry it through with + full confidence in the rightfulness of our cause and in the force of our + arms. In one respect events have already belied the calculations of our + enemies, who counted on internal dissensions within our own borders. I + am happy to say that Croatians, Slovenes, and a large majority of our + own Servians are fighting in our ranks with the same valor and + enthusiasm as Czechs, Rumanians, Poles, Magyars, and Germans. +</p> +<p> + But why did Russia decide to assail us? During the whole nineteenth + century she has shown herself a very shifty and unreliable protectress + of Servia. She made use of the smaller country when it suited her own + aggressive purposes against others, and she dropped it whenever it + served her ends. It was so at the time of the Turkish war of 1877 and of + the Berlin Congress, and it remained so until with the advent of the + present dynasty Servia offered a sure prospect of becoming and remaining + a permanent tool in Russia's hands and a thorn in our flesh. +</p> +<p> + Russia is an aggressive power. For 200 years she has extended her + dominions at the cost of Sweden first, of Poland and Turkey afterward. + Now she thinks our turn has come. Finding us to be in the way of her + ultimate aims in the Balkan Peninsula, she began to regard us as her + enemy. For years the propaganda for undermining the bases of our empire + has been carried on in the name of Pan-Slavism. It seems that she judged + that now the time had come to draw the consequences and to bring things + to a final issue. With what result remains to be seen. +</p> +<h3> + Germany Bound to Aid Austria. +</h3> +<p> + By the terms of our treaty of alliance Germany was bound to come to our + assistance if we were attacked by Russia. There was no secrecy about + that treaty. Its text had been made public long ago and its purely + defensive character brought to the knowledge of the world. No more than + we did Germany entertain hostile intentions or nourish hostile feelings + against Russia. There were no clashing interests to excite the first, no + historical reminiscences to justify the second. If it is otherwise in + Russia, it is because her present leaders find German power in the way + of their conquering aspirations against us. Germany, true to her + obligations, hastened to our side when she saw us menaced, and when she + declared war she did it because she had positive information that in + spite of formal and solemn assurances to the contrary Russia + mobilization was proceeding. +</p> +<p> + The terms of the Franco-Russian alliance have never been made public. + Whether it was concluded merely for defensive or also for offensive + purposes, and whether France was obliged by her treaty to draw the sword + in the present case, remains therefore a matter of surmise. But there is + no mystery about the feelings of France with regard to Germany, and no + doubt about the greed for revenge which during the last forty-four years + has swayed the overwhelming majority of her people and been the + dominant factor of her foreign policy. It was for this object that she + entered into her alliances and agreements, and it is for this cause that + she is fighting now. +</p> +<p> + It is simple hypocrisy to talk about German aggressiveness against + France. France stood in no danger of being attacked by Germany if she + had chosen to remain neutral in the latter's war with Russia. Asked + whether she would do so, she replied that her actions would be guided by + her interests. The meaning of this reply was clear, and left Germany no + choice. The formal declaration of war became then a mere matter of + political and military convenience, and has no bearing on the moral + issue of the case. +</p> +<p> + But why has England plunged into this war? Officially and to the world + at large she has explained her resolution by Germany's violation of + Belgian neutrality, and in the royal message to Parliament it was + solemnly declared that England could not stand by and passively tolerate + such a breach of international law and obligations. +</p> +<p> + No Austrian can read this declaration otherwise than with a mournful + smile. Its futility has been exposed by the question which Englishmen of + standing and renown have put to their Government, viz., whether they + would equally have declared war on France if that violation of + neutrality had first come from her side. In face of this question having + remained unanswered, and in face of what has come to light since about + French preparations in Belgium, there is no need to expiate on this + subject. All that there is to be said about it has been said by the + German Chancellor in open session of the Reichstag, and all that may be + added is the remark that, considering England's history and what she did + before Copenhagen in 1807, she of all nations should be the last to put + on airs of moral indignation over the application of the principle that + in time of war "salus reipublicae suprema lex est." +</p> +<p> + The existence of a convention binding England to France in case of war + has—as far as I know—never been admitted officially by England. As I + see now from manifestations of Englishmen disapproving of their + country's participation in the war, the belief exists nevertheless that + such a convention had been concluded. But whether England's declaration + of war was the consequence of previously entered obligations or the + outcome of present free initiative, the main fact remains that in the + last resort it sprang from jealousy of Germany's growing sea power and + commercial prosperity. This feeling was the dominant factor in English + foreign policy, just as greed for revenge was in France. It was the + propelling power for the agreements which England has made and for + others which she endeavored but did not succeed in bringing about. +</p> +<p> + England claims the dominion over the seas as her native right, and, what + is more, she holds it. Her title is no better and no worse than that of + the Romans when they conquered the world, or of the Turkish Sultans in + the days of their power. Like them, she has succeeded in making good her + claim. For three centuries the nations of Continental Europe have been + hating, fighting, and devastating each other for the sake of strips of + frontier land and a shadowy balance of power. These centuries were + England's opportunity, and she has made the most of it. That she should + mean to keep what she has and hold to her maritime supremacy as to the + apple of her eye is natural. Whether it is for the benefit of mankind + that it should be so, and whether the world in general would not be + better off if there existed a balance of power on sea as well as on + land, does not enter into the present discussion. What is more to the + purpose is that in reality England's sea power stood in no danger at + all. To any thinking and fair-minded observer it must be clear that + Germany, hemmed in by hostile neighbors in the east and west, and + obliged, therefore, to keep up her armaments on land, would not have + been able to threaten England's maritime superiority for generations to + come. If the issue has been thrown into the balance, it has been done so + by England's own doing. +</p> +<p> + But it is not only the nascent German Navy that excited the distrust + and envy of England. German colonies and every trading German vessel + seem equally to have become thorns in English eyes. The wish to sweep + those vessels from off the seas, to destroy all German ports, in one + word, to down Germany, has long been nourished and lately openly avowed + in England. Norman Angell's theories about the great illusion of the + profitability of modern warfare seem to have made mighty small + impression on his countrymen. +</p> +<p> + Russian lust of conquest, French greed of revenge, and English envy were + the forces at work in the European powder magazine. The Servian spark + ignited it, but the explosion was bound to come sooner or later. What + alone could have stopped it would have been England's stepping out of + the conspiracy. That she did not do so, in fact became its really + directing power, will forever remain a blot on her history. +</p> +<p> + About Japan's motives and methods I do not think it necessary to write. + American public opinion will hardly need any enlightenment on this + subject. America forced Japan out of the isolation in which she had + lived during centuries. I hope the day may not come when she will wish + that she had not done so. +</p> +<p> + The issues of the war stand in relation to its causes and the same + attempts have been made to distort and falsify them in the eyes of the + American public. I have seen it stated in a New York paper that this war + is a fight between civilization and barbarism, and I have seen a member + of the present English Cabinet quoted as having said that the issue was + one between militarism and freedom, civilization and freedom standing, + of course, in both cases on the side of our enemies. +</p> +<h3> + Not a War for Civilization. +</h3> +<p> + More idiotic rot—excuse the expression—I have never read in my life. + What has civilization to do with Servia's murderous plotting against us? + What with Russia's desire to shield her from the consequences of her + aggressions and to demonstrate to the world that we are of no account + in the Balkans and to establish her own—more or less + veiled—protectorate there? And if the case of civilization is advanced + by Japan's ousting Germany from Kiao-Chau, why should it not be equally + furthered if Japan did the same to England in Hongkong, Singapore, or, + if the opportunity offered, in India itself? And a person must be indeed + at his wits' end for arguments to proclaim Russia as a standard bearer + of freedom in her war against us. Compare her treatment of Poles, Finns, + Ukrainanians (small Russians) and Hebrews with the freedom which the + different nationalities enjoy in our empire! And England herself. Is it + for freedom's sake that she holds Gibraltar and that she subjugated the + Boers? +</p> +<p> + No! Civilization and freedom have nothing to do with the issues at stake + now, least of all in the sense that our enemies have drawn the sword for + their cause. It is a war for conquest and supremacy stirred up by all + the hateful passions in human nature, fully as much as any war that has + ever been waged before. But we did not stir it up. We are fighting for + our existence, right and justice are on our side, and so we trust will + victory be. +</p> +<p> + The causes of the war are clear. To make its issues still clearer, + imagine for a moment and merely for argument's sake the consequences of + our adversaries being successful. Russia, England, and Japan would + remain masters of the field. Is this a consummation any thinking + American can wish for? +</p> +<p> + These are the considerations I wished to lay before you, and I ask your + assistance to bring them before the American people. I ask for no reply, + no manifestation of feelings or opinion from you. What I ask you is to + publish this letter as an open letter addressed by me to you, signed + with my full name. How to do this I leave entirely to you. It goes + without saying that your private reply, if you favor me with one, will + be treated as such. +</p> +<p> + Hoping to meet you in better times, and sending our kindest regards to + Mrs. Roosevelt, believe me, yours most sincerely, +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + BARON L. HENGELMULLER. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Abbazia, Sept. 25, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0046"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Russian Atrocities +</h2> +<h3> + By George Haven Putnam. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> Publisher, Director of the Knickerbocker Press, Secretary + American Copyright League; decorated with the Cross of the + Legion of Honor, France. +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + It is possible that the letter presented herewith from a German neighbor + (who is a stranger to me) may be of interest to your readers as an + example of a curious confusion of thought into which have fallen Germans + on both sides of the Atlantic in regard to the issues of the present + struggle and the conduct and the actions of the German Army. I am + inclosing a copy of my reply to Mr. Thienes. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Nov. 4, 1914. +</p> +<center> + THE LETTER. +</center> +<p style="text-align: right"> + NEW YORK, Oct. 28, 1914. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Mr. George Haven Putnam. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + DEAR SIR:</p> +<p> + Now that you have shown your "true" spirit of neutrality toward Germany, + would you not be kind enough to give us a similar piece of your wisdom and + describe in detail the way the Russians acted in East Prussia during their + short stay there, and how they murdered, tortured, and assaulted women and + girls, and cut children and infants to pieces without even the provocation + of "sniping"? +</p> +<p> + This, your new article in THE TIMES, I anticipate with the greatest + interest. +</p> +<p align="right" style="text-align: right">RUDOLF F. THIENES. </p> +<center> + THE REPLY. +</center> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Rudolf F. Thienes, Esq. +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + MY DEAR SIR:</p> +<p> + Your letter of the 28th inst., intended as a rejoinder to a letter recently + printed by me in THE TIMES, is written under a misapprehension in regard to + one important matter. +</p> +<p> + The Americans, who are in a position to judge impartially in regard to + the issues of the war, have criticised the official acts which have + attended the devastation of Belgium, not because these acts were + committed by Germans, but because they were in themselves abominable and + contrary to precedents and to civilized standards. +</p> +<p> + If the Russians had, under official order, burned Lemburg, including the + university and the library, and executed the Burgomaster, they would + have come under the same condemnation from Americans that has been given + to Germans for the burning of Louvain and Aerschot and the shooting of + the Aerschot Burgomaster. I am myself familiar with Germany. I am an + old-time German student, and I have German friends on both sides of the + Atlantic, and I am in a position to sympathize with legitimate + aspirations and ideals of these German friends. +</p> +<p> + I am convinced, however, that no nation can secure in this twentieth + century its rightful development unless its national conduct is + regulated with a "decent respect to the opinions of mankind." The + references made in my TIMES letters were restricted to official actions; + things done under the direction of the military commanders acting in + accord with the instructions or the general policy of the Imperial + Government. +</p> +<p> + The misdeeds of individual soldiers are difficult to verify. While these + are always exaggerated, it remains the sad truth that every big army + contains a certain percentage of ruffians, and that when these ruffians + are let loose in a community, with weapons and with military power + behind them, bad things are done. It is my own belief that the material + in the German Army (which is the best fighting machine that the world + has ever seen) will compare favorably with that of any army in the + world, and that the percentage of wrongful acts on the part of the + German soldiers has been small. Such misdeeds, sometimes to be + characterized as atrocities, are the inevitable result of war, and they + bring a grave responsibility upon a Government which (to accept as well + founded the frank utterances of the leaders of opinion in Germany) has + initiated this war for the purpose of "crushing France and of breaking + up the British Empire." +</p> +<p> + You appear to think that it is in order for Germany to visit upon + unoffending Belgians reprisal for the misdeeds (as far as such misdeeds + may be in evidence) committed by Russians in East Prussia. I cannot see + that this contention is in accord with justice or with common sense. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 28, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0047"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + "The United States of Europe" +</h2> +<h3> + INTERVIEW WITH NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> Dr. Butler is President of Columbia University; received + Republican electoral vote for Vice President of the United + States, 1913; President of American Branch of Conciliation + Internationale; President American Historical Association; + Trustee Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Commander + Order of the Red Eagle (with Star) of Prussia; Commandeur de + Legion d'Honneur of France. +</p> + </blockquote> +<h3> + By Edward Marshall. +</h3> +<br> +<p> + The United States of Europe. +</p> +<p> + Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, firmly + believes that the organization of such a federation will be the outcome, + soon or late, of a situation built up through years of European failure + to adjust government to the growth of civilization. +</p> +<p> + He thinks it possible that the ending of the present war may see the + rising of the new sun of democracy to light a day of freedom for our + transatlantic neighbors. +</p> +<p> + He tells me that thinking men in all the contending nations are + beginning vividly to consider such a contingency, to argue for it or + against it; in other words, to regard it as an undoubted possibility. +</p> +<p> + Dr. Butler's acquaintance among those thinking men of all shades of + political belief is probably wider than that of any other American, and + it is significant of the startling importance of what he says that by + far the greater number of his European friends, the men upon whose views + he has largely, directly or indirectly, based his conclusions, are not + of the socialistic or of any other revolutionary or semi-revolutionary + groups, but are among the most conservative and most important figures + in European political, literary, and educational fields. +</p> +<p> + This being unquestionably true, it is by no means improbable that in the + interview which follows, fruit of two evenings in Dr. Butler's library, + may be found the most important speculative utterance yet to appear in + relation to the general European war. +</p> +<p> + Dr. Butler's estimate of the place which the United States now holds + upon the stage of the theatre of world progress and his forecast of the + tremendously momentous rôle which she is destined to play there must + make every American's heart first swell with pride and then thrill with + a realization of responsibility. +</p> +<p> + The United States of Europe, modeled after and instructed by the United + States of America! The thought is stimulating. +</p> +<p> + Said Dr. Butler: +</p> +<p> + "The European cataclysm puts the people of the United States in a unique + and tremendously important position. As neutrals we are able to observe + events and to learn the lesson that they teach. If we learn rightly we + shall gain for ourselves and be able to confer upon others benefits far + more important than any of the material advantages which may come to us + through a shrewd handling of the new possibilities in international + trade. +</p> +<p> + "I hesitate to discuss any phase of the great conflict now raging in + Europe. By today's mail, for example, I received long, personal letters + from Lord Haldane, from Lord Morley, from Lord Weardale, and from Lord + Bryce. Another has just come from Prof. Schiemann of Berlin, perhaps the + Emperor's most intimate adviser; another from Prof. Lamasch of Austria, + who was the Presiding Judge of the British-American arbitration in + relation to the Newfoundland fisheries a few years ago, and is a member + of the Austrian House of Peers. Still others are from M. Ribot, Minister + of Finance in France, and M. d'Estournelles de Constant. These + confidential letters give a wealth of information as to the intellectual + and political forces that are behind the conflict. +</p> +<p> + "You will understand, then, that without disloyalty to my many friends + in Europe, I could not discuss with freedom the causes or the progress + of the war, or speculate in detail about the future of the European + problem. My friends in Germany, France, and England all write to me with + the utmost freedom and not for the public eye; so you see that my great + difficulty, when you ask me to talk about the meaning of the struggle, + arises from the obligation that I am under to preserve a proper personal + reserve regarding the great figures behind the vast intellectual and + political changes which really are in the background of the war. +</p> +<p> + "If such reserve is necessary in my case, it seems to me that it also is + necessary for the country as a whole. The attitude of the President has + been impeccable. That of the whole American press and people should be + the same. +</p> +<p> + "Especially is it true that all Americans who hope to have influence, as + individuals, in shaping the events which will follow the war, must avoid + any expression which even might be tortured into an avowal of + partisanship or final judgment. +</p> +<p> + "Even the free expression of views criticising particular details of the + war, which might, in fact, deserve criticism, might destroy one's chance + of future possible usefulness. A statement which might be unquestionably + true might also be remembered to the damage of some important cause + later on. +</p> +<p> + "There are reasons why my position is, perhaps, more difficult than that + of some others. Talking is often a hazardous practice, and never more so + than now. +</p> +<p> + "The World is at crossroads, and everything may depend upon the United + States, which has been thrust by events into a unique position of moral + leadership. Whether the march of the future is to be to the right or to + the left, uphill or down, after the war is over, may well depend upon + the course this nation shall then take, and upon the influence which it + shall exercise. +</p> +<p> + "If we keep our heads clear there are two things that we can bring + insistently to the attention of Europe—each of vast import at such a + time as that which will follow the ending of this war. +</p> +<p> + "The first of these is the fact that race antagonisms die away and + disappear under the influence of liberal and enlightened political + institutions. This has been proved in the United States. +</p> +<p> + "We have huge Celtic, Latin, Teutonic and Slavic populations all living + here at peace and in harmony; and, as years pass, they tend to merge, + creating new and homogeneous types. The Old World antagonisms have + become memories. This proves that such antagonisms are not mysterious + attributes of geography or climate, but that they are the outgrowth + principally of social and political conditions. Here a man can do about + what he likes, so long as he does not violate the law; he may pray as he + pleases or not at all, and he may speak any language that he chooses. +</p> +<p> + "The United States is itself proof that most of the contentions of + Europeans as to race antagonisms are ill-founded. We have demonstrated + that racial antagonisms need not necessarily become the basis of + permanent hatreds and an excuse for war." +</p> +<h3> + Hyphens Are Going. +</h3> +<p> + "If human beings are given the chance they will make the most of + themselves, and, by living happily—which means by living at peace—they + will avoid conflict. The hyphen tends to disappear from American + terminology. The German-American, the Italio-American, the + Irish-American all become Americans. +</p> +<p> + "So, by and large, our institutions have proved their capacity to + amalgamate and to set free every type of human being which thus far has + come under our flag. There is in this a lesson which may well be taken + seriously to heart by the leaders of opinion in Europe when this war + ends. +</p> +<p> + "The second thing which we may press, with propriety, upon the attention + of the people of Europe after peace comes to them is the fact that we + are not only the great exponents but the great example of the success of + the principle of federation in its application to unity of political + life regardless of local, economic, and racial differences. +</p> +<p> + "If our fathers had attempted to organize this country upon the basis of + a single, closely unified State, it would have gone to smash almost at + the outset, wrecked by clashing economic and personal interests. Indeed, + this nearly happened in the civil war, which was more economic than + political in its origin. +</p> +<p> + "But, though we had our difficulties, we did find a way to make a + unified nation of a hundred million people and forty-eight + Commonwealths, all bound together in unity and in loyalty to a common + political ideal and a common political purpose. +</p> +<p> + "Just as certainly as we sit here this must and will be the future of + Europe. There will be a federation into the United States of Europe. +</p> +<p> + "When one nation sets out to assert itself by force against the will, or + even the wish, of its neighbors, disaster must inevitably come. Disaster + would have come here if, in 1789, New York had endeavored to assert + itself against New England or Pennsylvania. +</p> +<p> + "As a matter of fact, certain inhabitants of Rhode Island and + Pennsylvania did try something of the sort after the Federal Government + had been formed, but, fortunately, their effort was a failure. +</p> +<p> + "The leaders of our national life had established such a flexible and + admirable plan of government that it was soon apparent that each State + could retain its identity, forming its own ideals and shaping its own + progress, and still remain a loyal part of the whole; that each State + could make a place for itself in the new federated nation and not be + destroyed thereby. +</p> +<p> + "There is no reason why each nation in Europe should not make a place + for itself in the sun of unity which I am sure is rising there behind + the war clouds. Europe's stupendous economic loss, which already has + been appalling and will soon be incalculable, will give us an + opportunity to press this argument home. +</p> +<p> + "True internationalism is not the enemy of the nationalistic principle. +</p> +<p> + "On the contrary, it helps true nationalism to thrive. The Vermonter is + more a Vermonter because he is an American, and there is no reason why + Hungary, for example, should not be more than ever before Hungarian + after she becomes a member of the United States of Europe. +</p> +<p> + "Europe, of course, is not without examples of the successful + application of the principle of federation within itself. It so happens + that the federated State next greatest to our own is the German Empire. + It is only forty-three years old, but their federation has been notably + successful. So the idea of federation is familiar to German publicists. +</p> +<p> + "It is familiar, also, to the English, and has lately been pressed there + as the probable final solution of the Irish question. +</p> +<p> + "It has insistently suggested itself as the solution of the Balkan + problem. +</p> +<p> + "In a lesser way it already is represented in the structure of + Austria-Hungary." +</p> +<h3> + America's Great Work. +</h3> +<p> + "This principle of nation building, of international building through + federation, certainly has in it the seeds of the world's next great + development—and we Americans are in a position both to expand the + theory and to illustrate the practice. It seems to me that this is the + greatest work which America will have to do at the end of this war. +</p> +<p> + "These are the things which I am writing to my European correspondents + in the several belligerent countries by every mail. +</p> +<p> + "The cataclysm is so awful that it is quite within the bounds of truth + to say that on July 31 the curtain went down upon a world which never + will be seen again. +</p> +<p> + "This conflict is the birth-throe of a new European order of things. The + man who attempts to judge the future by the old standards or to force + the future back to them will be found to be hopelessly out of date. The + world will have no use for him. The world has left behind forever the + international policies of Palmerston and of Beaconsfield and even those + of Bismarck, which were far more powerful. +</p> +<p> + "When the war ends conditions will be such that a new kind of + imagination and a new kind of statesmanship will be required. This war + will prove to be the most effective education of 500,000,000 people + which possibly could have been thought of, although it is the most + costly and most terrible means which could have been chosen. The results + of this education will be shown, I think, in the process of general + reconstruction which will follow. +</p> +<p> + "All the talk of which we hear so much about, the peril from the Slav or + from the Teuton or from the Celt, is unworthy of serious attention. It + would be quite as reasonable to discuss seriously the red-headed peril + or the six-footer peril. +</p> +<p> + "There is no peril to the world in the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt, or + any other race, provided the people of that race have an opportunity to + develop as social and economic units, and are not bottled up so that an + explosion must come. +</p> +<p> + "It is my firm belief that nowhere in the world, from this time on, will + any form of government be tolerated which does not set men free to + develop in this fashion." +</p> +<p> + I asked Dr. Butler to make some prognostication of what the United + States of Europe, which he so confidently expects, will be. He answered: +</p> +<h3> + Has Advanced Much. +</h3> +<p> + "I can say only this: The international organization of the world + already has progressed much further than is ordinarily understood. Ever + since the Franco-Prussian war and the Geneva Arbitration, both + landmarks in modern history, this has advanced inconspicuously, but by + leaps and bounds. +</p> +<p> + "The postal service of the world has been internationalized in its + control for years. The several Postal Conventions have been evidences of + an international organization of the highest order. +</p> +<p> + "Europe abounds in illustrations of the international administration of + large things. The very laws of war, which are at present the subject of + so much and such bitter discussion, are the result of international + organization. +</p> +<p> + "They were not adopted by a Congress, a Parliament, or a Reichstag. They + were agreed to by many and divergent peoples, who sent representatives + to meet for their discussion and determination." +</p> +<h3> + One of the Examples. +</h3> +<p> + "In the admiralty law we have a most striking example of uniformity of + practice in all parts of the world. If a ship is captured or harmed in + the Far East and taken into Yokohama or Nagasaki, damages will be + assessed and collected precisely as they would be in New York or + Liverpool. +</p> +<p> + "The world is gradually developing a code for international legal + procedure. Special arbitral tribunals have tended to merge and grow into + the international court at The Hague, and that, in turn, will develop + until it becomes a real supreme judicial tribunal. +</p> +<p> + "Of course the analogy with the federated State fails at some points, + but I believe the time will come when each nation will deposit in a + world federation some portion of its sovereignty. +</p> +<p> + "When this occurs we shall be able to establish an international + executive and an international police, both devised for the especial + purpose of enforcing the decisions of the international court. +</p> +<p> + "Here, again, we offer a perfect object lesson. Our Central Government + is one of limited and defined powers. Our history can show Europe how + such limitations and definitions can be established and interpreted, and + how they can be modified and amended when necessary to meet new + conditions. +</p> +<p> + "My colleague, Prof. John Bassett Moore, is now preparing and publishing + a series of annotated reports of the international arbitration + tribunals, in order that the Governments and jurists of the world may + have at hand, as they have in the United States Supreme Court, reports, + a record of decided cases which, when the time comes, may be referred to + as precedents. +</p> +<p> + "It will be through graded processes such as this that the great end + will be accomplished. Beginning with such annotated reports as a basis + for precedents, each new case tried before this tribunal will add a + further precedent, and presently a complete international code will be + in existence. It was in this way that the English common law was built, + and such has been the admirable history of the work done by our own + judicial system. +</p> +<p> + "The study of such problems is at this time infinitely more important + than the consideration of how large a fine shall be inflicted by the + victors upon the vanquished." +</p> +<h3> + The Chief Result. +</h3> +<p> + "There is the probability of some dislocation of territory and some + shiftings of sovereignty after the war ends, but these will be of + comparatively minor importance. The important result of this great war + will be the stimulation of international organization along some such + lines as I have suggested. +</p> +<p> + "Dislocation of territory and the shifting of sovereigns as the result + of international disagreements are mediaeval practices. After this war + the world will want to solve its problems in terms of the future, not in + those of the outgrown past. +</p> +<p> + "Conventional diplomacy and conventional statesmanship have very + evidently broken down in Europe. They have made a disastrous failure of + the work with which they were intrusted. They did not and could not + prevent the war because they knew and used only the old formulas. They + had no tools for a job like this. +</p> +<p> + "A new type of international statesman is certain to arise, who will + have a grasp of new tendencies, a new outlook upon life. Bismarck used + to say that it would pay any nation to wear the clean linen of a + civilized State. The truth of this must be taught to those nations of + the world which are weakest in morale, and it can only be done, I + suppose, as similar work is accomplished with individuals. Courts, not + killings, have accomplished it with individuals. +</p> +<p> + "One more point ought to be remembered. We sometimes hear it said that + nationalism, the desire for national expression by each individual + nation, makes the permanent peace and good order of the world + impossible. +</p> +<p> + "To me it seems absurd to believe that this is any truer of nations than + it is of individuals. It is not each nation's desire for national + oppression which makes peace impossible; it is the fact that thus far in + the world's history such desire has been bound up with militarism. +</p> +<p> + "The nation whose frontier bristles with bayonets and with forts is like + the individual with a magazine pistol in his pocket. Both make for + murder. Both in their hearts really mean murder. +</p> +<p> + "The world will be better when the nations invite the judgment of their + neighbors and are influenced by it. +</p> +<p> + "When John Hay said that the Golden Rule and the open door should guide + our new diplomacy he said something which should be applicable to the + new diplomacy of the whole world. The Golden Rule and a free chance are + all that any man ought to want or ought to have, and they are all that + any nation ought to want or ought to have. +</p> +<p> + "One of the controlling principles of a democratic State is that its + military and naval establishments must be completely subservient to the + civil power. They should form the police, and not be the dominant factor + of any national life. +</p> +<p> + "As soon as they go beyond this simple function in any nation, then that + nation is afflicted with militarism. +</p> +<p> + "It is difficult to make predictions of the war's effect on us. As I see + it, our position will depend a good deal upon the outcome of the + conflict, and what that will be no one at present knows. +</p> +<p> + "If a new map of Europe follows the war, its permanence will depend upon + whether or not the changes are such as will permit nationalities to + organize as nations. +</p> +<p> + "The world should have learned through the lessons of the past that it + is impossible permanently and peacefully to submerge large bodies of + aliens if they are treated as aliens. That is the opposite of the mixing + process which is so successfully building a nation out of varied + nationalities in the United States. +</p> +<p> + "The old Romans understood this. They permitted their outlying vassal + nations to speak any language they chose and to worship whatever god + they chose, so long as they recognized the sovereignty of Rome. When a + conquering nation goes beyond that, and begins to suppress religions, + languages, and customs, it begins at that very moment to sow the seeds + of insurrection and revolution. +</p> +<p> + "My old teacher and colleague, Prof. Burgess, once defined a nation as + an ethnographic unit inhabiting a geographic unit. That is an + illuminating definition. If a nation is not an ethnographic unit, it + tries to become one by oppressing or amalgamating the weaker portions of + its people. If it is not a geographic unit, it tries to become one by + reaching out to a mountain chain or to the sea—to something which will + serve as a real dividing line between it and its next neighbors. +</p> +<p> + "The accuracy of this definition can hardly be denied, and we all know + what the violations of this principle have been in Europe. It is + unnecessary for me to point them out. +</p> +<p> + "Races rarely have been successfully mixed by conquest. The military + winner of a war is not always the real conqueror in the long run. The + Normans conquered Saxon England, but Saxon law and Saxon institutions + worked up through the new power and have dominated England's later + history. The Teutonic tribes conquered Rome, but Roman civilization, by + a sort of capillary attraction, went up into the mass above and + presently dominated the Teutons. +</p> +<p> + "The persistency of a civilization may well be superior in tenacity to + mere military conquest and control. +</p> +<p> + "The smallness of the number of instances in which conquering nations + have been able successfully to deal with alien peoples is extraordinary. + The Romans were unusually successful, and England has been successful + with all but the Irish, but perhaps no other peoples have been + successful in high degree in an effort to hold alien populations as + vassals and to make them really happy and comfortable as such. +</p> +<p> + "One of the war's chief effects on us will be to change our point of + view. Europe will be more vivid to us from now on. There are many public + men who have never thought much about Europe, and who have been far from + a realization of its actual importance to us. It has been a place to + which to go for a Summer holiday. +</p> +<p> + "But, suddenly, they find they cannot sell their cotton there or their + copper, that they cannot market their stocks and bonds there, that they + cannot send money to their families who are traveling there, because + there is a war. To such men the war must have made it apparent that + interdependence among nations is more than a mere phrase. +</p> +<p> + "All our trade and all our economic and social policies must recognize + this. The world has discovered that cash without credit means little. + One cannot use cash if one cannot use one's credit to draw it whenever + and wherever needed. Credit is intangible and volatile, and may be + destroyed over night. +</p> +<p> + "I saw this in Venice. +</p> +<p> + "On July 31 I could have drawn every cent that my letter of credit + called for up to the time the banks closed. At 10 in the morning on the + 1st of August I could not draw the value of a postage stamp. +</p> +<p> + "Yet the banker in New York who issued my letter of credit had not + failed. His standing was as good as ever it had been. But the world's + system of international exchange of credit had suffered a stroke of + paralysis over night. +</p> +<p> + "This realization of international interdependence, I hope, will + elevate and refine our patriotism by teaching men a wider sympathy and a + deeper understanding of other peoples, nations, and languages. I + sincerely hope it will educate us up to what I have called 'The + International Mind.' +</p> +<p> + "When Joseph Chamberlain began his campaign after returning from South + Africa his keynote was, 'Learn to think imperially.' I think ours should + be, 'Learn to think internationally,' to see ourselves not in + competition with the other peoples of the world, but working with them + toward a common end, the advance of civilization." +</p> +<h3> + A Note of Optimism. +</h3> +<p> + "There are hopeful signs, even in the midst of the gloom that hangs over + us. Think what it has meant for the great nations of Europe to have come + to us, as they have done, asking our favorable public opinion. We have + no army and navy worthy of their fears. They can have been induced by + nothing save their conviction that we are the possessors of sound + political ideals and a great moral force. +</p> +<p> + "In other words, they do not want us to fight for them, but they do want + us to approve of them. They want us to pass judgment upon the humanity + and the legality of their acts, because they feel that our judgment + will be the judgment of history. There is a lesson in this. +</p> +<p> + "If we had not repealed the Panama Canal Tolls Exemption act last June + they would not have come to us as they are doing now. Who would have + cared for our opinion in the matter of a treaty violation if, for mere + financial interest or from sheer vanity, we ourselves had violated a + solemn treaty? +</p> +<p> + "When Congress repealed the Panama Canal Tolls Exemption act it marked + an epoch in the history of the United States. This did more than the + Spanish war, than the building of the Panama Canal, or than anything + else I think of, to make us a true world power. +</p> +<p> + "As a nation we have kept our word when sorely tempted to break it. We + made Cuba independent, we have not exploited the Philippines, we have + stood by our word as to Panama Canal tolls. +</p> +<p> + "In consequence we are the first moral power in the world today. Others + may be first with armies, still others first with navies. But we have + made good our right to be appealed to on questions of national and + international morality. That Europe is seeking our favor is the tribute + of the European nations to this fact." +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0048"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + A New World Map +</h2> +<h3> + By Wilhelm Ostwald. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> Late Visiting Professor to Harvard and Columbia Universities + from the University of Leipsic. +</p> +<br> + <blockquote> +<p> + <i>The following article is extracted from a letter written by Prof. + Ostwald to Edwin D. Mead, Director of the World Peace Foundation.</i> +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + The war is the result of a deliberate onslaught upon Germany and Austria + by the powers of the Triple Entente—Russia, France, and England. Its + object is on the part of Russia an extension of Russian supremacy over + the Balkans, on the side of France revenge, and on the side of England + annihilation of the German Navy and German commerce. In England + especially it has been for several centuries a constant policy to + destroy upon favoring occasion every navy of every other country which + threatened to become equal to the English Navy. +</p> +<p> + Germany has proved its love of peace for forty-four years under the most + trying circumstances. While all other States have expanded themselves + by conquest, Russia in Manchuria, England in the Transvaal, France in + Morocco, Italy in Tripoli, Austria in Bosnia, Japan in Korea, Germany + alone has contented itself with the borders fixed in 1871. It is purely + a war of defense which is now forced upon us. +</p> +<p> + In the face of these attacks Germany has until now (the end of August) + proved its military superiority, which rests upon the fact that the + entire German military force is scientifically organized and honestly + administered. +</p> +<p> + The violation of Belgian neutrality was an act of military necessity, + since it is now proved that Belgian neutrality was to be violated by + France and England. A proof of this is the accumulation of English + munitions in Maubeuge, aside from many other facts. +</p> +<p> + According to the course of the war up to the present time, European + peace seems to me nearer than ever before. We pacificists must only + understand that unhappily the time was not yet sufficiently developed to + establish peace by the peaceful way. If Germany, as everything now seems + to make probable, is victorious in the struggle not only with Russia and + France but attains the further end of destroying the source from which + for two or three centuries all European strifes have been nourished and + intensified, namely, the English policy of world dominion, then will + Germany, fortified on one side by its military superiority, on the other + side by the eminently peaceful sentiment of the greatest part of its + people, and especially of the German Emperor, dictate peace to the rest + of Europe, I hope especially that the future treaty of peace will in + the first place provide effectually that a European war such as the + present can never again break out. +</p> +<p> + I hope, moreover, that the Russian people, after the conquest of their + armies, will free themselves from Czarism through an internal movement + by which the present political Russia will be resolved into its natural + units, namely, Great Russia, the Caucasus, Little Russia, Poland, + Siberia, and Finland, to which probably the Baltic provinces would join + themselves. These, I trust, would unite themselves with Finland and + Sweden, and perhaps with Norway and Denmark, into a Baltic federation, + which in close connection with Germany would insure European peace, and + especially form a bulwark against any disposition to war which might + remain in Great Britain. +</p> +<p> + For the other side of the earth I predict a similar development under + the leadership of the United States. I assume that the English dominion + will suffer a downfall similar to that which I have predicted for + Russia, and that under these circumstances Canada would join the United + States, the expanded republic assuming a certain leadership with + reference to the South American republics. +</p> +<p> + The principle of the absolute sovereignty of the individual nations, + which in the present European tumult has proved itself so inadequate and + baneful, must be given up and replaced by a system conforming to the + world's actual conditions and especially to those political and economic + relations which determine industrial and cultural progress and the + common welfare. +</p> +<p> + </p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <img border="0" src="images/deco5.jpg" alt="decoration" width="300" height="49"></p> +<br> +<a name="image-0017"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/butler.jpg" width="141" height="225" +alt="Nicholas Murray Butler"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0047"> + <i>See Page 565</i> </a> +</p> +<br> +<a name="image-0018"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/briesen.jpg" width="133" height="225" +alt="Arthur von Briesen"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center">ARTHUR VON BRIESEN</p> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <a href="#2H_4_0041"> + <i>See Page 548</i> </a> +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0049"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + The Verdict of the American People +</h2> +<h3> + By Newell Dwight Hillis. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> <i>Dr. Hillis, who occupies the pulpit of Plymouth Church, + Brooklyn, made famous by the pastorate of the late Henry Ward + Beecher, delivered the following remarkable sermon on the + European War on Sunday, Dec. 20, 1914, choosing as his text + the words: "From whence come wars? Come they not from your own + lusts?"</i> +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p> + Nearly five months have now passed by since the German Army invaded + Belgium and France. These 140 days have been packed with thrilling and + momentous events. While from their safe vantage ground the American + people have surveyed the scene, an old régime has literally crumbled + under our very eyes. Europe is a loom on whose earthen framework + demiurgic forces like Frederick the Great, Bismarck, and Napoleon once + wove the texture of European civilization. Now the demon of war has, + with hot knife, shorn away the texture, and a modern Czar and Kaiser, + King and President, with Generals and Admirals, are weaving the warp and + woof of a new world. One hundred years ago the forces that bred wars + were political forces; today the collision between nations is born of + economic interests. The twentieth century influences are chiefly the + force of wealth and the force of public opinion. These are the giant + steeds, though the reins of the horses may be in the hands of Kings and + Kaisers. In Napoleon's day antagonism grew out of the natural hatred of + autocracy for democracy, of German imperialism for French radicalism. + Today Germany is not even interested in France's republican form of + Government, nor is France concerned with Germany's imperial autocrat. + But all Europe is intensely concerned with the question of economic + supremacy or financial subordination. +</p> +<p> + Ever since Oliver Cromwell's day England has been the mistress of the + seas, and Germany is envious and believes that she has a right to + supplant England in this naval leadership. France has long been the + banker of Europe, and Germany covets financial leadership. From whence + come wars? Come they not from men's lusts? Now that long time has + passed, it is quite certain that neither Napoleon nor Bismarck nor + William II. understood the future. It is a proverb that yesterday is a + seed, today the stalk, and tomorrow is the full corn in the ear. + Napoleon was a practical man, but he could not see the shock in the + seed. When Napoleon said, "One hundred years from now Europe will be all + republican or all Cossack"—Napoleon was quite wrong. Forty years ago + Bismarck said that he had reduced France to the level of a fourth-class + nation, and that henceforth France did not count; while as for the + Balkan States, "the whole Eastern question is not worth the bones of a + Pomeranian grenadier"—Bismarck was quite wrong. The present Kaiser has + no imagination. A man of any prevision of the future might have foreseen + that any attack upon England would settle the Irish question; that any + treaty with Turkey would force Italy, as Turkey's enemy in the late + Italian-Turkish war, to break with Germany; any man with the least + instinct for diplomacy might have known that the twentieth century man + is so incensed by an enemy's trespass upon his property, that Belgium + would have resisted encroachment, and so cost Germany the best three + weeks of the entire war. If the history of great wars tells us anything, + it tells us that the first qualification of the statesman and diplomat + is an intuitive knowledge of a future that is the certain outcome of the + present. There has been no foresight on the part of the makers and + advisers of this war. Years ago, when the Austrian Emperor visited + Innsbruck, the Burgomaster ordered foresters to go up on the mountain + sides and cut certain swaths of brush. At the moment the man with his + axe did not know what he was doing, but when the night fell, and the + torch was lifted on the boughs, the people in the city below read these + words written in letters of fire, "Welcome to our Emperor." Today the + demon of war has been writing with blazing letters certain lessons upon + the hills and valleys of Europe, and fortunate is that youth who can + read the writing and interpret aright the lessons of the times. +</p> +<p> + The people of the republic now realize for the first time what are the + inevitable fruits of imperialism and militarism. One of the perils of + America's distance from the scenes of autocracy is that our people have + come to think that the forms of government are of little importance. We + hear it said that climate determines government and that one nation + likes autocracy and another limited monarchy, that we like democracy + self-government, and that the people are about as happy under one form + of control as another. This misconception is based upon a failure to + understand foreign imperialism. Superficially, the fruits of autocracy + are efficiency, industrial wealth, and military power. But now, after + nearly five months of constant discussion, our people understand + thoroughly the other side of imperialism. The 6,000,000 of + German-Americans living in this country, with their high type of + character, millions who have left their native land to escape service in + the army, the burdens of taxation involved in militarism, and the law of + lčse majesté, should have opened our eyes long ago. During the last five + years I have lectured in more than one hundred cities on the New Germany + and the lessons derived from her industrial efficiency, with the + application of science to the production of wealth, but I did not + appreciate fully the far-off harvest of militarism. And, lest an + American overstate the meaning of militarism, let me condense + Treitschke's view. He holds that the nation should be looked upon as a + vast military engine; that its ruler should be the commander of the + army; that his Cabinet should be under Generals; that the whole nation + should march with the force of an armed regiment; that the real "sin + against the Holy Ghost was the sin of military impotence; that such an + army should take all it wants and the territory it needs and explain + afterward." Manufacturers are essentially inventors of cannons and guns + and dreadnoughts, incidentally self-supporting men. Bankers are here to + finance the army and incidentally to make money. Physicians are here to + heal the wounded soldiers. Gymnasiums are founded to train soldiers. + Women are here to breed soldiers, and militarism is the path that will + bring Germany to her place in the sun. The youth is first of all to be a + soldier and incidentally to be a man. No one has indicted Germany's + militarism in stronger language than the distinguished German-American, + Carl Schurz. In words that burn the great statesman expressed his hatred + of the imperialism and militarism against which he helped to organize a + revolution that led to his flight to this country. Of late Americans + have been asking themselves certain questions. +</p> +<h3> + The American Ideal vs. the German. +</h3> +<p> + What will be the result if Germany is allowed to seize any smaller State + whose territory and property she covets? Is all Europe to become an + armed camp? What is the meaning of this German professor's article in + The North American Review, written two or three years ago, in which he + says that once she is victorious the Monroe Doctrine will go and the + United States will receive the "thrashing she so richly deserves"? Must + we then go over to the military ideal? If Germany supports 8,000,000 + soldiers out of 66,000,000, must we withdraw from productive industry + 12,000,000 men for at least two or three of the best years of their + young life? Must we start in on a programme of ten dreadnoughts a year + instead of building ten colleges and universities for the same sum of + money? Of late Americans who love their country have been searching + their own hearts. Merchants hitherto busied with commerce are asking + themselves whither this country is drifting. Is Germany to compel us to + become a vast military machine? This military question is a subject of + discussion on the street cars and in the stores, at the dining room + table. No articles in paper and magazine are so eagerly read and + analyzed. The American ideal is not a military machine, but a high + quality of manhood. To make men free, with the gift of self-expression; + to make men wise through the public school and the free press; to make + men self-sufficing and happy in their homes, through freedom of + industrial contracts; to make men sound in their manhood through + religious liberty for Jew and Gentile and Catholic and Protestant—these + are our national ideals. America stands at the other pole of the + universe from imperialism and militarism. So far from being willing to + desert the political faith of the fathers, this war has confirmed our + confidence in self-government. Liberty to grow, freedom to climb as high + as industry and ability will permit, liberty to analyze and discuss the + views of President, Congress, Governor—these are our rights. In a + military autocracy there can be no liberty of the printing press. If a + man criticises the Kaiser, he goes to jail; in this republic, if Horace + Greeley criticises Abraham Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln does not send the + great editor to jail, but writes the latter, "My paramount object is to + save the Union," and vindicates himself at the bar of the nation. An + American editor or citizen would choke to death in Germany. He could not + breathe because of the mephitic gases of imperialism and militarism. For + a long time some of us did not realize what was involved, but now we do + realize the difference between the fruits of democratic self-government + and the fruits of military imperialism. +</p> +<p> + The last five months have brought a new realization to American citizens + as to the rights and liberties of small States. In the republic the sin + of trespass is one of the blackest of sins. Here we hold to the + sanctity of property. A man's home is his castle, a citadel that cannot + be invaded even by the power of the State. So deep is the American + hatred of trespass against property rights that imperialism finds it + impossible to understand this. Here the individual is a king of kings in + his native right, and takes out an injunction against the city that + wishes to trespass upon his property. This antagonism manifests itself + in the laws that safeguard the small shopkeeper against the big firm, + and the small manufacturer against any company with its billion dollars + of capital. This antagonism to the sin of trespass has lent a peculiar + sanctity to treaties between Canada and the United States. We have one + hundred millions of people, and Canada nine millions. We need many + things that Canada has, but it is intellectually unthinkable that "we + should take what we want and explain afterward," or that we should + violate our treaty guaranteeing neutrality to Canada. Our frontier line + is three thousand miles long. There is not a fort from Maine to + Victoria. If we adopted Germany's position we would have to build one + thousand forts, withdraw two million young men from the farm, factory, + store and bank, and load the working people with taxes to support them. + In a free land, and in God's world, there should be a place for the poor + man and for the small nation. In the olden time there was a king who had + herds and flocks, and a poor man who had one pet lamb. It came to pass + that a stranger claimed the right of hospitality at the rich man's + palace, and the king sent out and took the poor man's one lamb and gave + it for food to the stranger. And, soon or late, the time will come when + history will tell the story of Germany's taking little Belgium, and + conscience, like a prophet, will indict the militarism that seized the + one lamb that belonged to the poor man. This episode is not closed. The + German representative who says that Belgium is a part of Germany may be + right in terms of future government and war, but the incident has just + begun in the memory of the soldiers who never can forget that they first + broke their sacred treaty, and then, when the Belgian defended his home + as his castle, butchered the man, who died with a sacred treaty in his + hand. Why, all over this land, teachers, fathers, editors, authors, have + found it necessary to say to the young men and women of the republic, + "Do not sign your name to an obligation unless you intend to keep it." + Keep your faith. Remember that your word given should be as good as your + bond. "Swear to your own hurt, and change not." All this is inevitable, + as the result of Germany's trespass upon the property and the homes of + Belgium. In some European lands the State is everything and the + individual nothing. In this republic the individual is first, and the + State is here to safeguard his rights and see to it that no one + trespasses upon his property. The time will come when the nation that + breaks its treaties and sows to the wind shall of that wind reap the + whirlwind. It is an awful thing for a nation to make it inevitable that + hereafter when other people sign a treaty with that country, that our + representatives shall say: "Before we sign this treaty with you, we wish + to ask one question. Later, if it is to your interest to break this + treaty, is this document to be sneered at as a scrap of paper? Or does + this treaty mean the faith of a nation that will die rather than break + its word, given before the tribunal of civilized States?" +</p> +<h3> + The Death of the Tribal God Idea. +</h3> +<p> + This great war and one or two of the leaders thereof have killed the old + tribal idea of God. In the twentieth century it seems almost ludicrous + to find that the conception of the ancient Hebrews is still held by some + rulers. Be the reasons what they may, of late there has been a strange + recrudescence of the tribal God idea. This is the twentieth century, not + the tenth! Think of a man sending his soldiers into Belgium, saying, + "Make yourselves as terrible as the Huns of Attila, and the Lord our God + will give you victory." Just as if God were not the God of the whole + earth, a disinterested God, a God who makes His sun to shine and His + rain to fall upon all His children, without regard to race or clime or + color. Why, it is as artless as the way the old Hebrew peasant called on + God to blast his enemy's field, and drown his children with floods, and + smite his herds with the plague. The tribal idea of God belongs with the + ox cart, the medicine man, the cave dweller. This is an era of science. + Whatever is true is universal, not racial. If the heart beats and the + blood circulates in a German soldier's veins, the blood flows in the + veins of the people of England and France. If the earth goes around the + sun in Berlin, the earth goes around the sun in Petrograd and Edinburgh. + If there are seven rays in the sunbeam, why, the discussion is closed, + and it is a universal fact. And if Jesus was right when He said, "God is + our Father, and all the races are our brothers, and the world has been + fitted up by God as an Eden garden for His children," then no man or + ruler should ever adopt the view of the peasant and the cave man, and + try to make the Eternal God a tribal God. The unconscious humor in the + statements of one or two men as to their tribal God idea has added to + the gayety of nations. But when any view is laughed at, it is doomed. + From the very moment that the doctrine of election, that made God love a + few aristocrats and pass the non-elect by, became a matter of joke in + the comic papers, that theory was dead. Not otherwise is it with this + idea of a tribal God. When Barry Paine begins to say, +</p> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Led by William, as you tell,<br> + God has done extremely well, +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + the tribal idea has been relegated to the theological scrap-heap. The + peasant's view must go. In this age men must be citizens of all + countries and of the universe. God is a sun Who shines for the poor + man's hut as truly as for the rich man's palace. The Judge of all the + earth is also the Father of all the races, and He will do men good and + not evil. +</p> +<p> + In view of the events of the last few months, all Americans now realize + as never before the futility of war as a means of settling disputes. + Indeed, it may be doubted whether any war has ever settled any question. + Defeat did not convince the South that they were wrong in their idea of + State rights or slavery. If the South has given up both ideas today it + is because time, events, and social progress have changed their view, + not because the sword convinced them. Bismarck's victory at Versailles + and von Moltke's at Sedan did not settle the dispute with France. To + keep one billion dollars of indemnity Germany must have spent five + billions on forts and armies in the government of Alsace and Lorraine. + Germany's apparent victory simply put Germany's trouble with France out + at compound interest, and left the next generation of Germans to pay + several billions of dollars of accrued debt through hatred. Plainly it + is folly not to reconstitute the map of Europe. The frontier lines of + the geographer should exactly coincide with the racial lines. The German + race, with their peculiar ideals, ought not to try to govern the French + race. It is an expensive experiment. It is an impossible experiment. The + plan is doomed to failure in advance. And when the day of payment comes + it is quite certain that the questions at issue will not have been + settled by regiments of soldiers. They must finally be settled by an + appeal to some court of arbitration that will do justice and love mercy; + that will insist upon the rights of the smaller States, and make it + impossible for the great ones of the earth to trespass upon the property + and the liberties of brave little peoples. +</p> +<h3> + Imperialism Confuses Men's Judgments.</h3> +<p> + Out of the smoke of battle another lesson is written for all who have + eyes to read. In view of the mistakes made by men who have absolute + power it is now certain that exemption from criticism is a bad thing for + any man, and that endless adoration destroys the ruler's power to think + in straight lines. There never lived a man who was not injured by + perpetual compliments. Strong men are willing to pay cash for criticism. + Flattery will conceal the weakness, and they know that pitiless + criticism will expose the danger and perhaps save them. No man is so + unfortunate as the man who is put on a throne lifted up beyond the + reach of plain truth telling. It is doubtful if so many blunders were + ever made by statesmen and diplomats as were made at the beginning of + this war. Just think of one Government being wrong in all these + particulars at the same time! Lincoln said, "You can't fool all of the + people all of the time." Yes, that may be true in a republic, but you + certainly can fool all the diplomats and Generals and do it all the + time—during July and August, in any event. Call the roll of the + diplomatic blunders, and the list is long. First, England will be + neutral and Ireland will keep her from going to war; second, Italy will + be our ally; third, Belgium will be neutral and allow us to trespass + upon her property and her homes; fourth, France is unprepared and Paris + will fall within three weeks; fifth, an alliance with Turkey, despite + her polygamy and butcheries in Armenia and the civilized world's hatred + for her cruelties, will help us; sixth, Japan will hold Russia in check; + seventh, the Czar will be attacked by Bulgaria, Italy, and China. It + seems incredible that any ruler and group of diplomats could be so + entirely wrong, all the time, on every question, for a whole Summer! Was + there no man as diplomat who had the wisdom to see that an attack upon + England would end the disputes in Ireland? And bind together Canada, + Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, India into a new United States of + Great Britain? Was there no statesman with enough prevision of the + future, and with courage to tell the people in Wilhelmstrasse that the + certain result would be the United States of Balkany, to stand + henceforth as a barrier between Germany and the Bosphorus? Was there no + one to remind Berlin that Italy had just completed a war with Turkey and + that any treaty with Turkey meant inevitably the breaking of friendship + with Italy? Alas! for the man who is elevated to a throne, in whose + presence men burn incense, pour forth flattery that he may breathe its + perfume, sing songs of praise that he may slumber! +</p> +<p> + In concluding our survey of the nations and the stake of each country + in the war, there is one reflection that must be obvious to all thinking + men. This little fire of last August has become a world conflagration. + The nation that first sent out her armies was Germany. There is a + high-water mark of battle in every war, and after that, the invading + waves begin their retreat. The high-water mark of Napoleon's was + Austerlitz and the waves ebbed away at Waterloo. The high-water mark of + the civil war was Gettysburg, and the tide ebbed out at Appomattox. + Belgium's defense cost Germany the three most important weeks of the + war, and her high-water mark was when she was within twenty miles of + Paris. Occasional eddies and returns of the tide there may be, but + nothing is more certain than that there are ten nations and six hundred + millions of men that had rather die than have militarism imposed upon + themselves and their children. Americans who admire German efficiency, + the German people, and want to see German science preserved, and feel an + immeasurable debt to Martin Luther, do not want Germany destroyed. But + Germany will not listen to England, nor France, nor America. There is + only one voice that can reach Germany—it is the voice of the + German-Americans in this country. They are six million strong. They are + among the most honored and esteemed folk in American life. Their + achievements are beyond all praise. The Germans have built Milwaukee and + have done much for St. Louis. The Germans have been great forces in + Cincinnati and Chicago and New York. What wealth among their bankers! + What prosperity among German manufacturers! What solidity of manhood in + these German Lutherans! Was there ever a finer body of farming folk than + the German landowners of the Middle West? The republic owes the + German-American a great debt as to liberty through men like Carl Schurz. + Take Martin Luther and German liberty of thought out of the republic and + this land would suffer an immeasurable loss. Many of these + German-Americans own great estates and have investments in the + Fatherland. Today these six million German-Americans have the centre of + the world's stage. This war is a conflagration that will probably burn + itself out. But if the six million German-Americans organize themselves + and hold great meetings of protest in New York and Brooklyn and Chicago + and Milwaukee, in St. Louis and Cincinnati; if German-American editors + and bankers and business men united their voice, they would be heard. +</p> +<h3> + German-American Man of the Hour. +</h3> +<p> + And do they not owe something to this republic? Having come to the + kingdom for such a crisis as this, should they not use their influence + with the Fatherland? Having escaped conscription and years of military + service, with heavy taxation and enjoyed the liberty of the press; + having become convinced that militarism does not promote the prosperity + and manhood of the people, why should they not as one man ask the + Fatherland now to present their cause to arbitrators? To no body of + American citizens has there ever come a more strategic opportunity, or a + responsibility so heavy. Some of the most thoughtful men in this land + believe that the destiny of Germany rests now largely with the leaders + of the 6,000,000 German-Americans in our country. But no matter what the + outcome, let no man think that God and justice are not fully equal to + this emergency. The great vine of Liberty was planted by Divine hands in + the Eden garden. Just now men are feeding the blossoms of the tree of + life to their war horses and splitting the boughs of that tree into + shafts for their spears. The storm roars through the branches, but the + storm will die out. Better days are coming. It may be that the + convulsion of war will do for Europe what the earthquake did for the + rude folk of Greece—cracked the solid rock and exposed the silver veins + that gave the wealth with which rude men built Athens, with its art, its + literature, its law and its liberty. Take no counsel of crouching fear, + God is abroad in the world. With Him a thousand years are as one day. + When a long time has passed let us believe that self-government will be + found to be the most stable form of government, and that these golden + words, Liberty, Opportunity, Intelligence, and Integrity, will be the + watch-words not only of the republic, but of all the nations of the + earth. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0050"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Interview With Dr. Hillis +</h2> +<h3> + <i>From the Brooklyn Eagle.</i> +</h3> +<br> +<p> + A frank declaration that he was opposed to Germany in the present great + war was the answer returned today [Dec. 21, 1914] by the Rev. Dr. Newell + Dwight Hillis to the protests against his sermon at Plymouth Church last + night, in which he scored militarism and the Kaiser. +</p> +<p> + Not only did Dr. Hillis come out with the statement that he had said and + meant all to which exception was taken in his sermon, but, in an + interview today in his study, in the Arbuckle Institute, he asserted as + well that he had told but little of what he had come to believe about + Germany. This position, he said, was that America and all the world must + hope for German defeat, and must see that Germany was in the wrong. +</p> +<p> + "I was for Germany five months ago," said Dr. Hillis. "I have been + lecturing for five years about the lessons we might learn from Germany. + Five months ago, it may be remembered, I gave an interview, in which I + praised Germany and in which I took the part of the German people in the + dreadful war that had come. +</p> +<p> + "But I have changed my mind. I have seen that I was mistaken. Several + months ago I gave instructions to my lecture bureau to withdraw my + lecture, 'The New Germany,' from my list. That was about the middle of + September, and it was only then that I realized what a German success + would mean to the world—how there could be nothing else but a world of + armed camps, how we in this country, too, would have to adopt militarism + in order to live. +</p> +<p> + "Just prior to that time, in the first of my Sunday evening sermons in + this course, I had praised the Kaiser. I believed in the German ideals, + I believed in German progress, German inventions, German principles. But + I was wrong. I have now become convinced of what I never imagined + before—that in the German viewpoint the only sin against the Holy Ghost + is military impotency, and, to use Treitschke's words again, the only + virtue is militarism." +</p> +<p> + The pastor of Plymouth uttered this attack upon Germany with a + scornfulness which the printed word can hardly indicate. He was as + strongly against Germany—more strongly against Germany now than he had + before been in favor of Germany, he said. It was a position, he said, to + which everybody in the United States was turning, and it was inevitable + that Germany should find the world against her. +</p> +<p> + In his frank avowal of his position regarding Germany and the Kaiser, + Dr. Hillis admitted, too, that his sermon last night had contained more + than appeared on the surface. When he stated in the sermon that no man + or ruler should ever adopt the view of the peasant and the cave man, and + try to make the Eternal God a tribal God, he had the Kaiser in mind, + said Dr. Hillis. The sermon is published in full in today's sermon pages + of The Eagle. +</p> +<p> + In addition, Dr. Hillis said that while he believed that his sermon + could not be considered in any way a violation of President Wilson's + appeal for neutrality, yet, indirectly, the passages to which exception + had been taken could be rightly construed as an attack upon Germany and + the Kaiser. +</p> +<p> + "You believe that it is right for a minister to use the pulpit to + express his own views upon a subject like this?" was asked. +</p> +<p> + "I do not believe that it is right for a minister to air his peculiar + political views upon any subject—personal, social, or economic," + answered Dr. Hillis, emphatically. "The church is a conservatory where a + warm, genial atmosphere should be created. My conception of the work of + a minister is that he is to create an atmosphere in the church on Sunday + so that the Republican with the tariff, the Democrat who believes in + free trade, and the Single Taxer can all grow and express their judgment + during the week. +</p> +<p> + "The sun and the Summer shine for all kinds of seeds and roots, and the + minister and the church should create an atmosphere in which all + temperaments and races and faiths can grow. It is quite true that there + were some of my German friends and members who rather protested against + my view last night. But they had the same right and liberty to protest + that I have. A German physician told me plainly that he thought that + within six months I would change my view, and with the new light go over + to the position of his native land, and even thought that I might + retract all my studies, that are apparently prejudiced in favor of the + republic and self-government and the liberty of the press. Well, if I do + change my views and am converted to his viewpoint, I certainly will + retract my statements. But I think this improbable. The task of + converting me should be let out as a Government contract—in piecemeal." +</p> +<p> + Dr. Hillis was reminded here that a number of people were said to have + left the church last night in the course of his sermon as a sign of + protest against the expression of his views. Asked if it were true, Dr. + Hillis answered: +</p> +<p> + "I did not see many leave," and then declared that it was impossible to + imagine that war should not be discussed in the churches as it was being + discussed everywhere else. He continued with the assertion that he + believed it was his duty as the minister of Plymouth Church to say what + he had, and then made this assertion with a vehemence that was almost + startling: +</p> +<p> + "Whenever the time comes that I have to add God and the devil together + and divide by two in the name of neutrality, I'll withdraw. I'm not + going to sacrifice my manhood for what some people call neutrality." +</p> +<p> + It was on this score that Dr. Hillis came out with his unequivocal + declaration that he was against Germany and against the Kaiser. He + asserted that the viewpoint of the German people would have to be + changed if they were to take the place in the world he had thought their + due, five months ago, and he stated there could be no doubt but that the + war was occasioned by Germany's lust for power—political, industrial, + economic. +</p> +<p> + "I believe that the real issue of this war is largely industrial," + continued Dr. Hillis. "It is an industrial war and not a political war. + Some days ago I said that the real fight between Germany and the nations + opposed to her was a fight for the possession of the iron fields + recently discovered in Northern France. That statement regarding + Germany's iron deposits and the whole economic situation has been + challenged. +</p> +<p> + "Instead of modifying my position, I wish to reaffirm it. This is an age + of steel. Without hematite iron deposits Germany cannot build her + steamships, her cannon, her railways, her factories. German engineers + have been saying for five years that another five years will exhaust her + present iron supply. On Page 221 of the volume 'Problems of Power,' the + author says that within a generation 20,000,000 of Germany's people will + have to leave their native land. The pressure of iron and the call of + steel led to Germany's development of the Morocco situation, where there + are valuable iron mines. A short time ago French engineers discovered + the largest and richest body of iron ore in Europe. Fullerton, in his + book on the subject, expresses the judgment that one province has enough + hematite iron ore to last Europe for the next 150 years. +</p> +<p> + "This diplomat and author said plainly two years ago, in one of his + review articles, that Germany would go to war to obtain the iron + deposits in Northern France, and that if she loses the war, she will + fall behind in the manufacturing race, and that the French bankers and + French engineers will make France the great manufacturing force and the + richest people in Europe. The Napoleonic wars were wars between + political ideas. The collision was between autocracy and bureaucracy and + French democracy and radicalism. The new antagonism grows out of + economic conditions. Germany wants to supersede England upon the seas, + and Germany wants the iron mines of France, and this is the whole + situation in a nutshell. +</p> +<p> + "No, I am not sinning against the law of neutrality. I am trying to + freshen the old American ideals of self-government for the young men and + women in Plymouth Church. If the whole-hearted support of America's free + institutions involves indirectly a dissent from imperialism and + militarism, I am not responsible. I admit there is a necessary + condemnation of autocracy involved in the mere publication of the + Declaration of Independence. Ours is a Government of laws and not of + men, and I have been discussing the principles of self-government and + not rulers who represent imperialism. +</p> +<p> + "Neutrality does not mean the wiping out of conviction. There are some + men who think that neutrality means adding God and the devil together + and dividing by two. And there are some statesmen who seem to think that + neutrality means adding together autocracy and democracy, and halving + the result. I do not share that view. I believe it is the first duty of + the German-American and the native-born American to uphold the + fundamental principles of self-government, and of an industrial + civilization as opposed to a military machine, and if this means protest + and criticism, then that protest must be accepted." +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0051"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + TIPPERARY. +</h2> +<h3> + By JOHN B. KENNEDY. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center">(At the other end of the long, long road.)</p> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Who is it stands at the full o' the door?<br> + Mary O'Fay, Mother O'Fay.<br> + An' what is she watching an' waiting for?<br> + Och, none but her soul can say.<br> +<br> + There's a list in the Post Office long an' black,<br> + With tidings bad, and woeful sad;<br> + The names of the boys who'll ne'er come back,<br> + An' one is her darling lad.<br> +<br> + We showed her the list; but she cannot read,<br> + So we told her true, yes, we told her true.<br> + Her old eyes stared till they'd almost bleed,<br> + An' she swore that none of us knew.<br> +<br> + She's waiting now for Father O'Toole,<br> + Till he goes her way at the noon of day.<br> + She's simperin' white—the poor old fool,<br> + For she knows what the priest'll say.</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + + * * * * * * *<br> +</p> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> Who is it sprawls upon the sod<br> + At the break o' day? It's Mickey O'Fay;<br> + His eyes glare up to the walls of God,<br> + And half of his head is blown away.<br> +<br> + What is he doing in that strange place,<br> + Torn and shred, and murdered dead?<br> + He's singin' the psalm of the fighting race<br> + As his soul soars wide o'erhead.<br> +<br> + He killed three foemen before he fell<br> + (Och, the toll he'd take and the skulls he'd break!)<br> + And he shrieked like a soul escaped from Hell<br> + As he died for the Sassenach's sake.<br> +<br> + Who shall we blame for the awful thing—<br> + For the blood that flows and the heart-wrung throes?<br> + Kaiser or Czar; statesman or King?<br> + Och, leave it to Him Who Knows!<br> +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0052"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + As America Sees the War +</h2> +<h3> + By Harold Begbie. +</h3> +<br> + <h3>I. </h3> + <blockquote> +<p> <i>In order to determine how American public opinion concerning + the war is running, The London Daily Chronicle sent Mr. Begbie + to this country. The two articles printed below appeared in + The Chronicle</i>. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + Every day of my sojourn in this country deepens the desire in my mind to + see an increasing unity of understanding between America and England. I + feel that the audacity of America, its passion for the Right Thing, and + its impatience with the spirit of muddling through are the finest + incentives for modern England, England at this dawn of her political + renascence. I feel, too, as Americans themselves most willingly + acknowledge, that Great Britain has something to give to America out of + the ancient treasury of her domestic experience. Finally, I like + Americans so heartily that I want to be the best of friends with them. +</p> +<p> + But it was only last night in this old and mighty city of Philadelphia + that the greatest of reasons for an alliance was brought sharply home to + my mind. I had thought, loosely enough, that since we speak the same + language, share many of the same traditions, and equally desire peace + for the prosperity of our trade, surely some alliance between us was + natural, and with a little effort might be made inevitable. The deeper, + more political, and far grander reason for this comradeship between the + two nations had never definitely shaped itself to my consciousness. +</p> +<p> + Enlightenment came to me in the course of conversation with two + thoughtful Philadelphians whose minds are centred on something which + transcends patriotism and who work with fine courage and remarkable + ability for the triumph of their idea. +</p> +<p> + One of these men said to me: "You speak of an alliance between England + and America; do you mind telling us what you mean by that term + alliance?" +</p> +<p> + I explained that I had no thought in my mind of treaties and tariffs; + that the word "alliance" meant nothing more to me than conscious + friendship, and that such a disposition between two nations thinking in + the same language, speaking and writing the same language, must result, + I thought, in an ever-multiplying volume of trade, to the great + advantage of both parties. +</p> +<h3> + Thinks Little of Blood Ties. +</h3> +<p> + Out of this explanation came the following statement, made by the second + Philadelphian: "I am as desirous as you are for such an understanding. I + desire it so greatly that I venture to offer you a warning on the + subject. It would be a mistake on your part, I am convinced, to advocate + any such friendship, any such understanding, any such alliance, if you + prefer that word, on the score of blood ties or a common speech. Believe + me, the American, to speak generally, thinks very little of such + matters. When America was far more English in its population than it is + now scarcely any country was more unpopular with us than your country. +</p> +<p> + "I can remember when hatred for England was a kind of gospel with + Americans. The Irish fanned that hatred. Your country had behaved badly + toward us, war had left its scar on our memories, we rejoiced that we + had thrown off a yoke which we felt to be definitely tyrannous. What, + then, has produced the change in America—America, whose population is + now made up from nearly all the nations of the earth? Have your people + thought why we are on their side in this present war? Have they asked + themselves that question? If so, and they have answered it with such a + phrase as 'blood is thicker than water,' I can assure you they give not + only a false answer but an answer which betrays amazing ignorance, if + you will forgive the word, of this country's population. Blood thicker + than water! Why, look at our names; our blood is world's blood. +</p> +<p> + "We're a nation of all the nations. The English element is only one + element. Our ancestors were French, Dutch, German, Spanish, Norwegian, + Russian, Danish, Irish, Greek, and Italian. The modern American citizen + is no more English than the Boers of South Africa are English. And yet + in overwhelming figures the American population is on the side of the + Allies, and particularly on the side of England. Why?" +</p> +<h3> + England Stands for Democracy. +</h3> +<p> + "It is," he continued, "because England of all the nations on the earth + stands for the democratic ideals which are the very breath of life to + America. Modern England is for us the greatest of democracies. You lead + the way to the rest of the world, if not in science and art, at any rate + here in the great business of humanity's social existence. We see that + the old England of privilege and obstinate prerogatives and bull-headed + conservatism is dead. All your best qualities, straight dealing, + honesty, fearless justice, and faith in the goodness of human nature are + devoted now to the only ideals which can save progress from rot and + decay. Your democracy is master. It has no overlords. And, from what we + can gather since this war broke out, it would seem that your aristocracy + is coming more and more into line with the democracy, making great + sacrifices, showing a deeper appreciation of the democracy and shedding + the worst of its prejudices in the common love of liberty and right. +</p> +<p> + "We hope that your aristocracy may render as great a service to the + extravagant plutocracy of this country as your democracy has rendered to + our democracy. To make life better, that's the work of all intelligent + people. That's what our democracy is after, and, because your democracy + is after the same thing, that's why we are on your side in this war. + Under all the sentiment on the subject this is the bedrock fact. We're + for England because we're for the ideals of democracy. That we speak the + same language is only an accident. It's your spirit we desire to share, + the spirit which desires to make life kinder, sweeter, better, more + beautiful, and more righteous. America believes in civilization. It + doesn't want culture in bearskin and top boots. It wants civilization, + and civilization means a culture that takes in the whole of a man's + being—his body, his mind, his spirit. Well, we think you're after the + same ideal; we believe that you're as conscious of humanity as we are, + and we begin to realize pretty acutely that in a world rather barbarous + on the whole, come to think of it, we can't afford to lose England." +</p> +<p> + The other man added: "Germany stands for nearly everything we Americans + are opposed to, tooth and nail. We just loathe militarism. + Conscription's a thing we abominate. And feudalism is more dead over + here than in any country in the world." +</p> +<p> + "But bear in mind," said the first, "we have few people in America + better than the Germans. The Germans are almost the most efficient of + our immigrants. They've taught us a lot. We owe them a mighty big debt. + Before their coming we were prodigals. We used up our natural resources + with a ruthless disregard for the future. We leveled our forests for + timber, and just scratched the top soil of the land for corn. Now we're + learning to farm scientifically and to conserve our wealth. And this is + due in no small degree to the Germans. The German, emancipated from + feudalism and kaiserism, is a pretty good citizen. In fact, among the + men who have most helped modern America we reckon Germans and Irishmen." +</p> +<p> + I told them this story: A man in New York was speaking the other day to + Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador. Count von Bernstorff was + endeavoring to prove to this important personage that England had forced + the war upon Germany out of jealousy of her trade competition. "Sir," + said the American, "you really must not tell me that, and I advise you + not to tell such a tale to other Americans. For we know very well that + we are greater trade rivals of England than you are, and that, in spite + of that fact, here on this continent of America we have got 3,000 miles + of British frontier without a fort or a gun." He then said to the + Ambassador: "No, Sir; your mistake all through has been in making an + enemy of England when your best interest was to make friends with her. + If you had made friends with England, you would have got all you + wanted." To this accusation, I understand, the Ambassador made answer + that Germany had endeavored to make friends with England, but had been + repulsed. We have a different record in England. The American quietly + reminded the Ambassador of the fact that England admits German goods + free of tariff charges. +</p> +<h3> + Germany Represents Autocracy. +</h3> +<p> + The two Philadelphians perfectly agreed with the justice of this + accusation, and declared again that it was because Germany represented + all the perils and slavishness of autocracy, and because England + represented the freedom, the justice, and the passion for social welfare + which inspire all living democracies, that America was so absolutely on + the English side. +</p> +<p> + They spoke of Ireland, and expressed the hope that the Conservative + Party would do nothing to hinder that great settlement which has done so + much to increase American respect for England. +</p> +<p> + "We recognize over here," said one, "that the Liberal Party, in going to + the rescue of Belgium, sacrificed some of its greatest ideals on the + altar of national righteousness. War must have been a bitter draught for + Lloyd George. Your social programme will be checked for many years. But + if the Conservatives attempt to spoil the Irish settlement, that will be + worse than anything else. It will mean confusion for you at home and + loss of reputation abroad." +</p> +<p> + I spoke of what I had heard on this subject from Irish-Americans, and + they confirmed everything recorded in my former article. The three great + things, outside of increasing opportunities for intercourse, which have + drawn modern America toward England, they told me, are the social + legislation of the Liberal Party, the triumph of home rule, and + England's keeping her word to Belgium. By these three things, I was + assured, the old animosities against England have been destroyed, and a + spirit of enthusiasm for English ideals has been born among Americans. +</p> +<p> + I should like to say that, while many American women love England for + the beauty and repose of her social life, and most eloquently base their + affection on the assertion that blood is thicker than water, the men of + America are sometimes inclined, and not unnaturally, to disapprove of + this pleasing sentimentalism. I now begin to perceive that the men of + America are not jealous of England's social life, but anxious to put + their friendship on a more substantial foundation. +</p> +<p> + Liberalism not only uplifts democracy; it establishes England in the + affection of all vital democracies. If the Conservatives, so liberal and + charming in their private lives, combine with the Liberals after this + hideous war to reconstruct our national life and to consolidate the + empire, how great will be the harvest reaped by our children! +</p> +<p> + It is in the high and lofty name of civilization that the American + people are anxious to make friends with the people of Great Britain. We + have both got something to live for greater than patriotism and + imperialism, greater because it includes them both. +</p> + <h3>II. </h3> +<h3> + Irish-American Feeling +</h3> +<p> + Until I came to America I had not the least idea of the depth of hatred + which has existed among Irish-Americans toward England. Nothing that I + ever encountered in Ireland itself is comparable with this transatlantic + fury of unforgiving hate. +</p> +<p> + An Irishman who had held very high office in America, a well-educated, a + kindly, and a judicious man, told me that when war with Germany was in + the air he could not prevent himself from hailing this opportunity for + declaring his hatred, his undying hatred, of England. His father had + suffered frightfully in the great famine; every story he ever heard at + his mother's knee was a story of English tyranny, English brutality, + English rapacity; England, for him, stood at the rack centre, the + lustful and bestial slave driver, the cruel and merciless extortioner. +</p> +<p> + This man's good judgment, however, would not suffer him to approve of + German militarism, and as events moved forward he gave his support more + and more to the cause of the Allies. +</p> +<p> + "But I want you to know," he told me, striking the table with his hand + and watching me carefully, "that I was dead against John Redmond for + saying that Ireland must go to the aid of England. Ireland's call was to + go to the aid of civilization. If Germany had stood for civilization, I + should have been on Germany's side and dead against England. +</p> +<p> + "I tell you, at the beginning of this business I longed to see England + defeated, humiliated, broken to the dust. But civilization is of such + enormous consequence that I put my natural hatred of England on one + side. The violation of Belgium made me an anti-German. And with the vast + majority of Irishmen in America it was the same thing. The menace of + German militarism forced us into your camp. +</p> +<p> + "I am perfectly certain that but for the violation of Belgium there + would have been in this country among Irish-Americans an open movement + publicly proclaimed in favor of Germany. That is my fixed opinion. And I + happen to know what I am talking about." +</p> +<h3> + No Hatred of England. +</h3> +<p> + I gathered in the course of his conversation that Irish friendliness + toward England is a final manifestation of a change in the feeling of + all America toward England. It was not very long ago that President + Cleveland wanted war with England. Hatred of England was at one time as + fiercely handed down from generation to generation by Americans as by + Irish-Americans. We have to thank our English stars that America has + outgrown this historic hate and that Irish-Americans now show the new + and happier feeling of their compatriots. +</p> +<p> + I asked this Irishman, no one better able throughout America to express + a just opinion on the subject, what difference had been made in the + feeling toward England by the passing of the Home Rule bill. +</p> +<p> + "It was the passing of that bill," he replied, "which finished the work + begun by German militarism. Home rule has softened our feelings toward + England, particularly among the thousands of Irish-Americans who are + born over here and whose fathers have become too Americanized to + remember the sufferings of their ancestors. +</p> +<p> + "There is still some hatred of England, but not very much. It is a + sentimental, a poetic hatred, not a political hatred. One finds it among + a few individuals. What agitation is now going on is secret and + underground, a sure proof that it is unrepresentative. We ignore it. It + means nothing. No; the passing of the Home Rule bill has given balance + to the Irish mind. +</p> +<p> + "It has helped Irish-Americans to realize that the dreadful sins of + England are sins of a dead and gone England, and it has helped them to + see that the present England, so far as its democracy is concerned, + sincerely desires to make reparation for the past. In fact, the war and + the Home Rule bill together have produced such a transformation in the + Irish-American nature as I, for one, never expected and never hoped to + see." +</p> +<p> + He then warned me that this great change might suffer a dangerous + reaction if England allows the religious bigotry of Ulster to split + Ireland into two camps. To the Irish-American Ireland is a country, a + home, and a shrine, one and indivisible. +</p> +<p> + "Such a surrender," said my friend, "would not only be fatal to Ireland + but fatal to something even greater than Ireland, and that is the cause + of religion in an age of increasing paganism. For the world can only be + saved from the ruin of paganism, as we are beginning to see very clearly + in America, by a union of religious forces. +</p> +<p> + "I am a Catholic, but I say that any man who says 'Only through my door + can you enter into heaven' is a bad Christian. There are many doors into + heaven. What we have all got to do, Catholics and non-Catholics, is to + insist together that there is a heaven, that there is a life after + death, that there is a God. The more doors the better. No one has a + monopoly of heaven. +</p> +<p> + "And to Ireland is offered the opportunity, greater than politicians + appear to perceive, of presenting to the world an example of tolerance + and compromise in the supreme interests of religion which may have + incalculable results for the whole world. But what will happen if + England bows before the worst and the stupidest bigotry the modern world + can show? Not only will you strike a blow at Ireland and a blow at + Irish-American sympathy, but a blow at the vitals of religion. +</p> +<p> + "For it is only by sinking religious differences and making a common + advance against this universal paganism that religion can save the soul + of civilization. If you do not see the truth of that fact in England I + think you must be blind. The fullness of civilization hangs upon + religious union; religious dissension is the enemy." +</p> +<h3> + Change in Ulster. +</h3> +<p> + Another Irish-American who was present on this occasion, an accomplished + man of letters and a traveler, asked me what England felt about Ulster's + share in the responsibility for the present war. +</p> +<p> + "I myself have seen two letters from Ulster," he said, "in which the + phrase occurs, 'Rather the Kaiser than the Pope.' These letters were + written before the war. Ulster, no doubt, has now changed her tune. But + it was that spirit, surely, and the reports sent to Berlin by German + officers who visited Ulster and inquired into the military character of + Carsonism which persuaded Germany that England would not fight." +</p> +<p> + Irish-Americans are persuaded that Sir Edward Carson is in very great + measure responsible for all the ruin and death and bitter suffering of + the enormous catastrophe. He boasted that he would make civil war, and + such were his preparations that in any other country in the world civil + war would have been inevitable. +</p> +<p> + Germany counted on that civil war. The British Army was said to be + completely under the influence of Carsonism. The real catastrophe for + the diplomacy of Berlin was not India's loyalty and the vigorous + uprising of the young dominions, but the dying down of Ulster mutiny. +</p> +<p> + These Irish-Americans have hated the ruling classes in England, not only + for sins of the past but for the unworthy and most cruel opposition + offered by those ruling classes, in the name of religious intolerance, + to the ideals of the Irish Nation. +</p> +<p> + When Unionist politicians sneer at the subscriptions sent by Irish + servant girls in America to help the cause of Ireland they should + reflect that not only do they fail to make a good joke, not only do they + exhibit a horribly bad taste, but they spread hatred of England through + the thousands and thousands of people. For it is the loyalty of the + poorest of these Irish-Americans, the sacrifices perpetually made by + the humblest of them, which should move us to see, as it has certainly + moved the American people to see, that the cause of Irish liberty is + noble and undying. +</p> +<h3> + Religious Education. +</h3> +<p> + With all my heart I would beg Unionists in England to reflect + conscientiously upon this very significant state of affairs in America: +</p> +<p> + A non-Catholic Bible used to be read in the public schools of America + down to the year 1888. A Catholic agitation against this Bible reading + was begun in 1885, and in 1888 the custom was finally abolished. From + that date to this there has been no religious instruction of any kind in + the public schools of America. +</p> +<p> + Bigotry and intolerance won that victory. The Catholic Church, in its + folly, destroyed religious teaching in the schools of the country. + Catholics themselves are now looking back on that agitation with + religious repentance and political regret. +</p> +<p> + The result of this abolition is that Catholics and non-Catholics who + believe in the importance of religious instruction, and who see the + pagan effect of purely secular instruction, do not send their children + to the public schools. +</p> +<p> + "These schools, for which Christians are heavily taxed, are in the + possession of the Hebrews. If nothing is done to alter the existing + state of things Americans themselves assure me that in five-and-twenty + years America will be a pagan country. But a fight is to be made to + avert this disaster at the Constitutional Convention to be held next + month. +</p> +<p> + "What we have to do," my Irish friend told me, "Catholics and + non-Catholics alike, is to appeal for schools representing Catholic and + non-Catholic teaching. Instead of the various churches fighting against + each other they must fight together, helping one another to get the + schools they demand. Only in this way can we save civilization." +</p> +<p> + This is how the Irishman, breathing the free air of America, and in + America rising to positions of extraordinary power and responsibility, + views the foundational question of religion; while England allows + herself to be dragged at the heels of the frothing fanatic who has + actually dared to raise the unholy battle cry of "Rather the Kaiser than + the Pope." +</p> +<p> + Let the Unionist Party hesitate before it seeks to revive this hideous, + utterly irrational and most unchristianlike spirit at the very heart of + the British Empire. The sower of hate is the reaper of death. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0053"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + TO MELOS, POMEGRANATE ISLE. +</h2> +<h3> + By GRACE HARRIET MACURDY. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> (Destroyed by Athens, 416 B.C., because of her refusal to + break neutrality.—Thucydides V., 84-116; Euripides, "Trojan + Women.") +</p> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> O thou Pomegranate of the Sea,<br> + Sweet Melian isle, across the years<br> + Thy Belgian sister calls to thee<br> + In anguished sweat of blood and tears.<br> +<br> + Her fate like thine—a ruthless band<br> + Hath ravaged all her loveliness.<br> + How Athens spoiled thy prosperous land<br> + Athenian lips with shame confess.<br> +<br> + Thou, too, a land of lovely arts,<br> + Of potter's and of sculptor's skill—<br> + Thy folk of high undaunted hearts<br> + As those that throb in Belgium still.<br> +<br> + Within thy harbor's circling rim<br> + The warships long, with banners bright,<br> + Sailed bearing Athens' message grim—<br> + "God hates the weak. Respect our Might."<br> +<br> + The flame within thy fanes grew cold,<br> + Stilled by the foeman's swarming hordes.<br> + Thy sons were slain, thy daughters sold<br> + To serve the lusts of stranger lords.<br> +<br> + For Attic might thou didst defy<br> + Thy folk the foeman slew as sheep,<br> + Across the years hear Belgium's cry—<br> + "O Sister, of the Wine-Dark Deep,<br> +<br> + "Whose cliffs gleam seaward roseate.<br> + Not one of all my martyr roll<br> + But keeps his faith inviolate,<br> + Man kills our body, not our soul." +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0054"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + What America Can Do +</h2> +<h3> + By Lord Channing of Wellingborough. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p><i>Lord Channing, who makes the following suggestion to American +statesmen, was born in the United States of the well-known +Channings of Boston. His father was the Rev. W.H. Channing, +Chaplain of the House of Representatives during the civil war +and a close friend of President Lincoln. Lord Channing has +been for twenty-five years a member of the British Parliament, +and for the last three years a member of the House of Lords, +having been created first Baron of Wellingborough in 1912. He +is President of the British National Peace Congress.</i> +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + As a member of the British Legislature for a generation, and a lifelong + Liberal, and having also the closest ties of blood with America, and a + proud reverence for her ideals, I would wish, with the utmost respect, + to offer some comments on one specific aspect of present affairs, as + they affect America, which does not seem to have been marked off with + the distinctness its importance calls for. +</p> +<p> + This is the greatest crisis in the history of the world, and attention + concentrates itself on the attitude of the greatest neutral State. +</p> +<p> + It is unthinkable that America can divest herself of responsibility for + the final outcome. This seems as clearly recognized in America as in + Europe. +</p> +<p> + To us in England this war is a life or death struggle between two + principles—Pan-Germanism on the one side, with its avowed purpose to + impose its hegemony and its rigid system of ideas and organization on + the rest of the world, not by consent, but by irresistible military + force; on the other side the claim of the other nations, large and + small, to maintain inviolate their freedom and individuality, and to + think and work out for themselves their own political and economic + future in their own way. +</p> +<p> + The one principle would seem the flat contradiction of all that America + stands for, the other principle would seem to be precisely the essential + idea of free self-government and democratic evolution, in which are + rooted the very life and being of America. +</p> +<p> + For this reason there is instinctive and profound sympathy on the part + of the great majority of native Americans with the cause of England and + her allies. +</p> +<p> + This sympathy is not merely the tie of blood or the unity of ideals. + Reason has convinced Americans that the supreme principles and highest + interests of America will be best safeguarded if the Allies win. +</p> +<p> + They dread instinctively what might happen if Pan-Germanism absorbed the + smaller nationalities, crushed the great free countries like France and + England, and dominated the whole world with the "mailed fist," not only + Europe and the Far East, but South America and the Pacific. Perhaps the + hint of Count Bernstorff that Canada may be treated like Belgium, and + the Monroe Doctrine like other "scraps of paper," may also have thrown + some light for Americans on a "Germanized" future! And a cast-iron + system of commercial and industrial monopoly dictated by German needs + cannot attract. +</p> +<h3> + America Can't Stand Apart. +</h3> +<p> + That is one side that American statesmen have to consider. There is, of + course, another. +</p> +<p> + The United States visibly form the greatest force the world has yet seen + to bring together, to unite, to assimilate, in the development of their + vast territories, measureless resources, and complicated industries, all + that is best from all the other great nations, welding slowly but + surely, through free institutions, these new elements into instruments + for the fuller realization of the generous and noble ideals for which + America stands. Perhaps an eighteenth or even fifteenth part of the + population is of German origin, a percentage not far from equal to that + contributed by the United Kingdom and Canada. +</p> +<p> + There is thus not only the broad question of avoiding war with Germany, + whose people have so large a share in the life of America, a war doubly + unwelcome at all times because of the innumerable links of science, + invention, professional training, of commerce, and of personal + friendship; but there is also the local question of peace and good-will + in the daily work of America as between huge sections of her population. + These visible facts not unnaturally give great weight to the argument + for neutrality. No wise man on this side of the Atlantic will try to + ignore them, or take exception to the dignity and correctness with which + the American Executive has dealt with the grave problem before it. +</p> +<p> + Neutrality has, of course, its limits and conditions, logical and moral. + Those limits and conditions, the possibility of their infringement in + such a way as to make some change of policy imperative, are matters + solely for the United States. +</p> +<p> + The point the present writer wishes to press is on a different plane, + and is precisely this: +</p> +<p> + America does not and can not stand wholly apart from supreme European + decisions. +</p> +<p> + America is as responsible as Europe for the great extensions, + definitions, the strengthening and modification of international law. + America stands forth as the apostle of arbitration, to widen the area + within which disputed points may be determined amicably. America stands + also as the chief signatory of the great world conventions which have + settled new rules for the conduct of war, to mitigate its horrors, + especially for non-combatants. +</p> +<p> + America has taken a noble part in framing machinery for securing peace + and justice, and in moving forward the landmarks of civilization as + against savagery, and of human mercy as against cruel terrorism. +</p> +<p> + Can America safely or wisely divest herself of the duty thus placed upon + her, logically and morally, by her participation in this, the noblest + work of our age? +</p> +<p> + And is it wise or is it safe to indefinitely postpone the discharge of + this duty? +</p> +<p> + By the events of the last three months the whole of this new charter of + humanity has been challenged and is at stake. +</p> +<p> + Is it not sound policy as well as an imperative duty to take some step + here and now to "stop the rot" and to make good here and now as much as + we can of what we have won and wish to keep? +</p> +<h3> + Belgium's Wrongs. +</h3> +<p> + Admittedly a "guiltless and unoffending nation,"<a href="#note-1"><small>1</small></a> whose neutrality and + independence had been solemnly guaranteed by treaty, to which the powers + concerned in the war were parties, has had her treaty rights violated by + one of these powers on the cynical plea that there is no right or wrong + as against national interest, that necessity obeys no law, and treaties + are "scraps of paper." This is not matter for inquiry or judicial + decision at some later date. It has been frankly avowed by the German + Government from the outset of this war. +</p> +<p> + Again, this admitted wrong is not the sudden and unavoidable outcome of + events unforeseen and uncontrollable. It has been deliberately planned + years ahead, with elaborate preparation of railway and other facilities, + and with every invention and contrivance, to rush in irresistible + forces; to subvert and destroy the independent State that Germany was + herself pledged to defend. +</p> +<p> + Thirdly, this policy of absolute annihilation of Belgium, of its right + to live its own life, its right even to preserve those monuments of its + noble and beautiful history which had become treasured heirlooms of the + whole world, has been carried out with a ruthless barbarity to the + people, and especially the non-combatants, for which it is hard to find + a parallel in the worst incidents of the Thirty Years' War or of the + devastation of the Palatinate. To bring the actual guilt home to those + who actually did or ordered these deeds to be done in individual cases + is one thing. The broad fact that these barbarous deeds were done stands + manifest and insistent, and demands such instant action as can be taken + by a great and responsible people. +</p> +<p> + And, lastly, there is the undisguised adoption of the policy of + terrorizing non-combatants to submission by such acts as forcing women + and children to walk before the advancing enemy, the wholesale burning + of houses, shooting of hostages and other non-combatants, and the + dropping of bombs from aeroplanes not on forts or troops, but on places + where women and children can be killed or injured. +</p> +<p> + And all this tragic sweeping away of such good things as had been won + with worldwide consent, at the instance of the Czar in initiating The + Hague policy, has gone on, so far as it could go on, with equal horror, + throughout Northern France. Rheims and Senlis have suffered the fate of + Louvain and Termonde and Malines, and Paris has had her quota of women + and children wantonly slain by bombs, exactly like Antwerp. +</p> +<h3> + The Threat to England. +</h3> +<p> + And America knows, as we here in England know, from the open menace of + the German press, writing of England as the <i>one supreme enemy</i>, that it + is the full intention of Germans, if they can, to carry through England, + too, even more ruthlessly, the same policy. +</p> +<p> + We are fighting here, and are confident that we shall fight with + success, not only to protect our English homes and to guard the historic + buildings of this land but to make an end of this Prussian terrorism of + the world; to secure no national aggrandizement, but to secure a + permanent and solid peace, based on guaranteed liberties, and a rational + settlement of the question of armaments. +</p> +<p> + These questions touch us all the more because many of us have been the + most persistent friends of international peace and have specially + labored to promote happy and friendly relations with the German people. + The present writer, who was honored by election as President of this + year's National Peace Congress, has been associated with the work of men + like Lord Brassey, Sir John Lubbock, (later Lord Avebury,) as a member + of the Anglo-German Friendship League, and has repeatedly in Parliament + argued against any hostile or provocative attitude toward Germany. This + war is our answer and our reward! +</p> +<h3> + America in the Settlement. +</h3> +<p> + So far as can be judged from authoritative words of President Wilson and + ex-President Roosevelt, America does and will claim a right to share in + the final settlement of the terms of a permanent and stable peace. +</p> +<p> + If that claim is sound, if the efforts of America to create better + machinery for securing peace and for generously and humanely vindicating + the liberties and happiness of nations and of the individuals who make + them up do entitle America to a voice, and a potent voice, in the work + of mending and remaking the world after this terrific catastrophe, then + I would submit with all respect that it is really idle to wait till all + the recognized principles of what has been held to be right or wrong as + between nations, and what has been held to be right or wrong in the + methods of conducting war have gone overboard, without one word of + protest; we must save the world first, if we are to have a real chance + of remaking it on lines which are worth having. +</p> +<p> + Nothing but good could come from immediate action by the American + Executive to assert as they, best of all nations, could assert, now and + at once in terms uncompromising, unanswerable, that the ground taken up + by international consent in the past generation must be held now and + hereafter, and accepted as an essential basis of the final settlement. +</p> +<p> + Such a pronouncement now by America would make a landmark in + history—would render a measureless service to the whole world in + emancipation from the persistent degradation of the twin doctrines that + might makes right, and that necessity knows no law, and would bring to + America herself imperishable honor and glory in the fearless assertion + and eternal consecration of her own noblest ideals. +</p> +<p> + I would submit further that such a national declaration by America + involves no violation of neutrality, and is in no sense inconsistent + with the spirit of official utterances already made. +</p> +<p> + To take the latter first—we have had notable utterances from the + President and from the ex-President. +</p> +<p> + President Wilson seems to have given a sympathetic hearing to the + mission which laid the case of Belgium before him, both as to the + violation of Belgium's neutrality and as to the cruel treatment of the + non-combatant population and the wanton destruction of towns and + villages and of precious historical monuments. He is understood to have + promised an investigation, and it is gathered from the Indépendance + Belge this week that this investigation has been, and is being, carried + out by American Military Attachés in Belgium, and also at the London + Embassy of the United States. +</p> +<p> + Again, President Wilson's recent letter to the Kaiser, while confirming + neutrality in precise terms, went on to intimate that there must be a + "day of settlement" and that "where injustices have found a place + results are sure to follow, and all those who have been found at fault + will have to answer for them." If the "general settlement" does not + sufficiently determine this, there is the ultimate sanction of "the + opinion of mankind" which will "in such cases interfere." He would + apparently reserve judgment until the end of the war, but in no way + disclaims or surrenders American responsibility. +</p> +<p> + Mr. Roosevelt is not tied by official responsibility, and can speak with + less restraint and more freedom. In The Outlook he has substantially + accepted and indorsed all that is material in the Belgian case. +</p> +<p> + America should help in securing a peace which will not mean the + "crushing the liberty and life of just and inoffending peoples or + consecrate the rule of militarism," but which "will, by international + agreement, minimize the chances of the recurrence of such worldwide + disaster," and "will, in the interests of civilization, create + conditions which will make such action" as the violation of Belgian + treaty rights "impossible in the future." +</p> +<p> + Like President Wilson, he seems to think that the time for judicial + pronouncement on acts presumably guilty and wrongful will come at the + conclusion of the war. At the same time he surrenders no part of + America's responsibility, but reaffirms it with all the force of his + trenchant style. +</p> +<p> + But elsewhere, and later, he has insisted on the "helplessness"—the + "humiliating impotence created by the fact that our neutrality can only + be preserved by failure to help to right what is wrong." +</p> +<h3> + Mr. Roosevelt's Remedy. +</h3> +<p> + And he has gone on to adumbrate his practical remedy—"a world league" + with "an amplified Hague Court," made strong by joint agreement of the + powers, to secure "peace and righteousness," and to vindicate the just + decisions of such a court by "a union of forces to enforce the decree." + He adds that this might help to obtain a "limitation of armaments that + would be real and effective." +</p> +<p> + That so happy a plan may be capable of realization would be the hope of + all wise men. +</p> +<p> + But where I take exception with Col. Roosevelt is as to America's + present "impotence"—that nothing effectual can be done by America + without breaking her own neutrality. +</p> +<p> + That view I wholly traverse. It might conceivably be felt by America, + under certain grave eventualities, that neutrality must be broken. +</p> +<p> + But it is clear that the articles of The Hague Convention of 1907 amply + provide for the type of action here and now by the United States which + I have ventured to lay before American statesmen in this paper. And, in + my opinion, it is conceivable that more good might be achieved by + America taking that action, while maintaining her neutrality. +</p> +<p> + It goes without saying, it really needs no demonstration, that nearly + every international agreement embodied in The Hague Convention has been + broken, wholly or in part, in the letter and in the spirit, in the + proceedings of this unhappy year. +</p> +<p> + The violation of the territory of a neutral State by the transit of + belligerent troops and other acts of war is forbidden, (Articles 1, 2, + 3, 4, &c.) It is the duty of the neutral State not to tolerate, (Article + 5,) but to resist such acts, and her forcible resistance is not to be + regarded as an act of war, (Article 10.) +</p> +<h3> + Interference with Neutrals. +</h3> +<p> + That, of course, covers the case of Belgium completely and establishes + absolutely that there is, and need be, no breach of neutrality in + resistance thus legally sanctioned to illegal interference with neutral + rights. +</p> +<p> + It is hardly necessary to recapitulate the articles that have been torn + up. To refer to the most striking, there is the repeated bombardment of + undefended towns, pillage incessant throughout Belgium and Northern + France, (Articles 28 and 47;) the levying of illegal contributions, + (Articles 49 and 52;) the seizure of cash and securities belonging to + private persons, banks, and local authorities, (Articles 52 and 56;) + collective penalties for individual acts for which the community as a + whole are not responsible, (Article 50.) Articles 50 and 43 should have + made impossible the punitive destruction of Visé, Aerschot, Dinant, and + Louvain, and numberless villages; Article 56 should have preserved from + destruction institutions and buildings dedicated to religion, education, + charity, hospitals, &c. All these wrongful acts, committed everywhere, + have been prohibited by these articles. +</p> +<p> + The gradual introduction of the policy of terrorism has been ably traced + by perhaps the highest French authority on international law, Prof. + Edouard Clunet, formerly President of the Institute of International + Law, in a recent address. +</p> +<p> + "Bombardment par intimidation" was adopted by the Germans in 1870 and + used at Strassburg, Paris, Péronne, &c., shells being directed and + conflagrations spread in the inhabited parts of towns apart from the + fortifications. Germany herself assented to serious mitigations of this + practice at the Conference of Brussels in 1874 and at The Hague in 1907. +</p> +<p> + The worst evolution of the policy of terrorism has been in the throwing + from aeroplanes of bombs, explosive or incendiary. M. Clunet lays down + that, by the most recent decision of the institute, bomb throwing from + aeroplanes must follow the rules of bombardment by artillery. This would + prohibit such bombs without formal notice. But in Antwerp bombs were + dropped without notice over the Royal Palace, to the peril of the Queen + and her young children, and the number of peaceable inhabitants killed + or injured was thirty-eight, three children being mutilated in their + beds. In Paris, besides the bombs dropped on Notre Dame, bombs were + deliberately dropped in the public streets and a number of peaceable + victims killed or wounded. The dropping of bombs as an act of war on + fortresses, ammunition depots, Zeppelin sheds, &c., is, of course, + legal. But the bomb dropping adopted in Belgium and France, and + threatened in England, if the opportunity arises, is undisguised + terrorism, and not war. +</p> +<p> + It is important to note also that at Brussels in 1874 Antwerp addressed + a petition to the conference praying that any bombardment should be + limited to fortifications only. The commission of the conference, which + included three well-known German Generals and two professors, recognized + the justice of this plea and recommended Generals to conform to it. +</p> +<p> + But the one point that should appeal most strongly to the patriotism as + well as the idealism of America is the fact that the instructions of + 1863 for armies in campaign, drawn up by the United States Government + in the height of the civil war, first codified the laws for the conduct + of war, and have been the source and starting point of all these later + international agreements. +</p> +<p> + And it should be remembered that both Germany and America signed the + Fourth Convention of The Hague with its annexed regulations as to sieges + and bombardments (Articles 22 to 28) and the further provision which may + even yet be applied punitively to the proceedings of the present war. + "The belligerent who shall have violated the provisions of the said + regulation shall be held liable for an indemnity." +</p> +<p> + And if it be thought that America can render no help in such a position + as the present without violating her neutrality, the answer is that by + Article 3 of Convention 1 of The Hague, 1907, neutral powers have the + right to offer their suggestions (bons offices) or their mediation, even + during the course of hostilities. And further: "The exercise of this + right must never be considered by one or the other of the parties to + the conflict as an unfriendly act." +</p> +<p> + With all submission, I earnestly urge on the leaders of American thought + to support this attempted interpretation of the supreme duty and the + noble opportunity the present position places before their country. +</p> +<p> + One more word. I referred to the possible benefit of neutrality being + maintained while this protest against wrong and appeal for right is at + the same time advanced. +</p> +<p> + Is it not more than probable that there is an immense section of + moderate though patriotic opinion in the great German people which at + heart deprecates the extreme doctrines of conquest and world supremacy + in pursuit of which the great, the wonderful achievements of the German + race in science, in industry, in the extension of commerce, are being + rashly risked? +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + CHANNING OF WELLINGBOROUGH. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + 40 Eaton Place, London S.W., Oct. 29, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0055"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + TO A COUSIN GERMAN. +</h2> +<h3> + By Adeline Adams. +</h3> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em">My Hans, you say, with self-applausive jest,<br> +"When Albert gave his Belgians Caesar's name—<br> +'Bravest of all the Gauls'—surely 'twere shame<br> +The King, unthorough man, forgot the rest:<br> +<br> +"'Bravest because most far from all the best<br> +Provincial culture.'"<a href="#note-2"><small>2</small></a> Friend, if now your aim<br> +Be that fine thoroughness your people claim,<br> +Read on: "Such culture's wares, it stands confest,<br> +<br> +"Oft weaken minds." And Caesar's word was just.<br> +If men, bedeviled under culture's star,<br> +Have left Louvain a void where flames still hiss,<br> +Speared babes, and stamped the world's own Rose to dust,<br> +God grant that Belgium's soul may dwell afar<br> +Forever, from a culture such as this! +</p> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> + </blockquote> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0056"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + What the Economic Effects May Be +</h2> +<h3> + By Irving Fisher. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center">Professor of Political Economy at Yale University; member of +many scientific societies. +</p> +<br> +<p> + When the future historian chronicles the facts of the present great + world struggle and attempts to analyze its causes and effects the + economic losses, gains, shiftings, and dislocations will form an + important part of the story. It is, of course, quite impossible at this + time to know, in any detail, what all the economic results will be. Much + will depend on how long the war lasts, how many people and how much + property are destroyed, what financial devices are resorted to in order + to finance it, and which side is finally victorious. +</p> +<p> + The most palpable and the most fundamental effects will be a partial + stoppage of earnings in the nations directly concerned, i.e., a + reduction in the "real income," which consists of enjoyable goods. All + the other important results follow from this. +</p> +<p> + The cost, however reckoned, is sure to be stupendous. Prof. Richet is + quoted as reckoning it at $50,000,000 a day. This is probably more than + half the total income of all the inhabitants of the warring countries. + The highest estimates of the total income of the United Kingdom, France, + and Germany, estimates of Bowley, Laverge, and Buchel, respectively, + total up less than $70,000,000 a day. Russia and Austria are poor + countries per capita, and would scarcely bring the grand total to + $100,000,000 a day. Moreover, the loss of real income to Europe is, I + imagine, in reality much greater than Richet's estimate, chiefly because + he takes little account of the indirect costs, which may well be the + greatest of all. The cost to the fiscal departments of Government is + probably only a small part of the total cost which the people will have + to bear. The killing and disabling of the men engaged will cut off the + financial support of European families to the tune of hundreds of + millions of dollars per year. The physical destruction of capital + through the devastation of crops, the burning and demolishing of + merchant ships and buildings, the crippling of industry through the + sudden withdrawal of labor and raw materials, the introduction of new + trade risks, and the cutting off of transportation, both internal and + foreign, make up a sum of items which cannot be measured, but which may + exceed those which can. Last, but not least, is the impairment of that + subtle but vital basis of business, commercial credit. +</p> +<p> + In short, the central effect is a vast impairment of Europe's current + income and of the capital from which her future income will flow. It + means a veritable impoverishment of vast populations. The great burden + will bear heaviest, of course, on the poor. It will impinge very + unequally and will cause a great redistribution of wealth. As always + happens, some people, mostly lucky speculators, will come out of the + męlée wealthier than before. This fact will not serve to lessen the + discontent of the masses, which their impoverishment is sure to create. + Food prices will be high, the earnings of labor will be low, and after + the war unemployment will be great, due to the impossibility of quick + absorption into the industrial system of returned soldiers, as well as + other maladjustments which the war is sure to bring. +</p> +<p> + The victor may secure indemnity for part of the loss, but not for all; + he will, in spite of himself, be a net loser. Taxes will be a crushing + burden, merely to secure funds with which to pay high interest on vast + new war debts, to say nothing of funds with which to purchase new + armaments—if again the nations are forced, by lack of international + control, to resume the stupendous folly of racing each other in military + equipments. +</p> +<h3> + Bankruptcy and Revolution. +</h3> +<p> + It may well be that among the economic consequences of the war there + will be some national bankruptcies, and that among the political + consequences will be revolutions. High prices, high taxes, low wages, + and unemployment make an ominous combination. We may be sure that + discontent will be profound and widespread. This discontent is pretty + sure to lead, especially in the defeated nations where there is no + compensating "glory," to strong revolutionary movements just as was the + case in Russia after her defeat by Japan. Whether or to what extent + these movements, in which "Socialism" in the various meanings of that + word is sure to play a part, will succeed, depends on the relative + strength of opposing tendencies which cannot yet be measured. One + possible if not probable result may be, as I suggested in THE TIMES two + weeks ago, some international device to secure disarmament and to + safeguard peace. +</p> +<p> + Though part of the losses to Europe will be permanent, her chief loss + will be coterminous with the war. She will, therefore, seek ways and + means to fill in this immediate hole in her income in order to "get by." + To do this she must borrow; that is, she must secure her present bread + and butter from us and other nations and arrange to repay later out of + the fruits of peace. She can stint herself, but not enough to meet the + situation. She must borrow. And in one way and another she will satisfy + this necessity by borrowing in the United States. +</p> +<p> + Most of the strange and unprecedented phenomena which we have witnessed + in the last month, in rapid succession, are due to this pressing + necessity of the belligerent peoples to cash in now and trust to good + fortune to pay later. As soon as the war became even probable Europe + tried to cash in on our securities. The pressure for our gold pushed it + toward Europe faster than it could move. Exchange jumped to the + gold-shipping point of $4.89 per pound sterling, and did not stop. In + some cases it reached $7. This was partly due to the desire to get our + gold and bolster up a credit structure, tottering before the deadly blow + of war; but it was also partly due to the need of ready money for + supplies of all kinds. This need applies not only to the Governments, + but to the individual people. To obtain this ready money they threw back + on us the securities they had purchased of us in former years. They + wanted us to take back these titles to future income and give them + instead titles to present income. Had they secured our gold their next + step would have been to spend part of it for supplies, and this would + have caused any foreign dealers to whom they applied to place orders + with us. The gold then might have turned the exchanges and have been + brought back to us in return for our wheat and other products. +</p> +<p> + This double transaction is in essence one—a barter of present income in + the form of our wheat to Europe for future income in the form of + investment securities. It was interfered with by the refusal of the + insurance companies to insure the gold and by the closing of Stock + Exchanges against the inundating flood of securities. The first + difficulty, as to transporting gold, has been largely removed by + arranging for drafts against stocks of it kept on both sides of the + Atlantic. This will save the need of sending it on risky voyages back + and forth, and any final net balances can be liquidated after the war. + The second obstacle, the closure of the Stock Exchanges, is more + formidable, but cannot completely or permanently prevent the + transactions which so many people on both sides are anxious to + consummate. Curb markets and limited cash sales on the Exchanges + themselves are doing some of this business, and, sooner or later, much + more will be done, whether the Exchanges are open or not. Europe needs + our wheat and cannot pay for it except with securities, partly because + her own industry is paralyzed, partly because ocean transportation is + difficult. +</p> +<h3> + What Dumping Securities Means. +</h3> +<p> + Few people seem to realize that the dumping of securities on our shores + and the efforts of foreign Governments, such as France and Switzerland, + to borrow money in our markets are at the bottom very much the same + thing. They are simply two forms of securing present supplies from + America in return for future supplies, the dividends and interest on + securities from Europe. +</p> +<p> + It does not much matter whether we buy Government bonds or other + securities. If we buy of French capitalists their holdings in American + railway securities we simply provide them with the wherewithal to take + the French Government loans themselves. They virtually become, without + our knowledge, the go-between through which we lend, as it were, to the + French Government, in spite of ourselves. It is doubtless well, as a + matter of policy, to refuse to loan directly to France, but we must not + for a moment conclude that France or any other nation will have to + finance the war without our aid. We shall not be consciously helping any + particular nation, but we shall be actually helping any nation which can + trade with us. Evidently England will get more of our help than any + other nation because her shores are more accessible. Germany is more + isolated. Unless she possesses a larger food stock than commercial + statistics indicate she will be pressing for our food supplies, which + may reach her indirectly, we selling to Holland and Holland to Germany; + also reversely, via Holland or via Austria and Italy, Germany may sell a + stream of securities the other end of which we receive. Whether directly + or by devious routes there will inevitably be, so far as I can see, a + vast exchange of commodities passing to Europe for securities coming + from Europe. In this interchange will be found the dominant economic + effect of the war on the United States. +</p> +<p> + Foreign nations will get their much-needed loans on better terms, even + if less promptly, by the circuitous process mentioned than if they + could borrow directly in our markets; for their own citizens will pay + higher prices than we would, even if, to get the money, they have to + sell their other investment securities to us at a considerable + sacrifice. England has sold Treasury bills for seventy-five millions of + dollars on as low a "basis" as 3-3/4 per cent. +</p> +<p> + In this virtual trade of this year's crops for titles to future years' + crops we shall get a high price for the former and pay a low price (in + present valuation) for the latter. Investment securities are, and will + be, a drug on the market. In other words, the rate of return to the + investor will be high; the rate of interest on long-time loans will be + high and stay high, that on short-time loans may fluctuate greatly. The + rise in the rate of interest on long-time investments is one of the most + vital and far-reaching effects of the war. At bottom, interest always + arises from the exchange of present and future goods. The rate of + interest, as I have tried to show in my book of that title, is simply + the crystallization, in a market rate, of the impatience of the human + race for its bread and butter. War has now produced such impatience in + populations of hundreds of millions. It is this impatience which dumps + the securities upon us, sends down their price, and sends up the rate of + interest. As Byron W. Holt has said, there is no moratorium for hunger. + The fall of securities in Europe produces the like fall in this and + other countries. +</p> +<p> + One of the consequences to America of being forced to play the rôle of + money lender and one of the consequences of the rise in the rate of + interest here, or what amounts to the same thing, the fall in the prices + of bonds, will be an increased difficulty of financing our own + enterprises. Only the most promising enterprises will be able to sell + their securities. This means that we shall be neglecting, to some + extent, our own enterprises, to finance the European war instead. +</p> +<p> + This general depreciation of investment securities will doubtless lead + to many bankruptcies, if not to a genuine crisis. It will also give + tempting opportunities to investors. The likelihood of a genuine panic + is lessened by the fact that every one recognizes the real cause of the + disturbance and that insolvency is not suspected. According to the best + commercial observers, the previous liquidation had been fairly well + completed. Unless they are mistaken, disaster will not be likely to + follow. +</p> +<p> + We repeat that since the necessities of Europe have forced her to buy + our food in return for her investments, it is evident that during the + war food prices will be high and security prices, especially bonds, will + be low. These are the two facts of greatest economic significance to us. + To the country as a whole they defer some of our pleasures till after + the war. Uncle Sam will cut down for the present on his eating and + drinking, his clothes, shelter, and amusements in order to share his + rations with Europe. Instead of the pleasures foregone he will + invest—not in new enterprises at home, but in old ones—American and + possibly European also—purchased of Europe. We can never have our cake + and eat it too. In this case we shall let Europe eat some of it on + condition that she in turn shares hers with us after the war. Moreover, + we shall trade off a relatively small piece of our present cake for a + relatively large piece of Europe's future cake. In other words, Europe + will fill up the great breach in her income now impending by inducing us + to make a small breach in ours. The result will be that the course of + our real income, that is, economic satisfaction or enjoyable + consumption, will imitate in some degree that of Europe. This is, + reduced to its lowest terms, the chief economic result of the war. +</p> +<p> + But to many the question is, do we gain or lose, as compared with what + might have been the case if there had been no war? I do not think any + one can answer that question with certainty. Europe is willing to + mortgage its future to us on terms very advantageous to us; but when the + future comes, the purchasing power of money will probably be so much + lessened as to have absorbed all our advantage. Probably we shall lose + slightly on the whole. But it is not economically impossible that there + will be a net gain. In either case the net effect will, I believe, be + small. +</p> +<p> + Of more importance will be the various effects on various classes. + Certain people will be greatly benefited by the rise in food prices and + the fall in security prices. The farming classes will profit by the + former; the investing classes by the latter. Those who have the good + fortune to belong to both classes will grow rich. The farmer who is in a + position to save money will both make more money to save and be able to + invest it more advantageously after he has saved it. If he lends to his + neighbors he will find the market rate of interest high. Even if he buys + more land the purchase price will be restrained from the great rise we + might expect from the prosperity of farming by the fact that the "number + of years purchase," as the phrase is in England, will be small, or, in + other words, that the interest basis, which enters into every land + price, will be high. +</p> +<h3> + Labor Will Not Suffer Much. +</h3> +<p> + On the other hand the general consumer of farm products will suffer from + another advance in that part of his cost of living, while the debtor + classes will suffer from the fall in bonds or rise in interest. Many + speculators on the Stock Exchange, those who have speculated for a rise, + are in effect undoubtedly ruined already, and many borrowers at banks on + collateral security will feel the pinch from the depreciation of their + property and the hard terms of renewing their loans. +</p> +<p> + And the laboring man, who forms the majority, what of him? It seems + improbable that he will be greatly affected, that is, on the average. He + will have to pay more for his food, and food constitutes more than a + third of his budget. But some articles he buys will probably fall and he + may secure higher wages because of the withdrawal of competing laborers. + Some labor may rise, especially in the industries benefited by the war, + such as, for instance, farming and other food industries, canning, flour + mills, sugar, &c., the automobile industry and perhaps ammunition and + steel. In other industries thrown out of gear for lack of foreign + markets or for lack of foreign raw material, the wage earner may lose in + wages and employment. In other words, labor will be dislocated in spots, + like the other parts of our industrial machinery. +</p> +<p> + Important dislocations will be felt in the fields of shipping and + banking. One consequence is that American enterprise has now the golden + opportunity to capture a good share of each. The outbreak of the war and + the simultaneous opening of the Panama Canal will tend to divert the + course of trade from Europe to South America. Probably our merchant + marine can be developed more successfully for this South American trade + than it could for the European trade. New York can largely take the + place of London as the world's exchange centre for Pan-American trade. + This opportunity is increased by the possibilities in the new Banking + act for the establishment of branch banks abroad. +</p> +<p> + With these opportunities and the rise of interest in Europe, the United + States will change to a great degree from a debtor to a creditor nation. +</p> +<p> + One of the dislocations of the war in the United States will be the + cutting off of imports of a large part of our dutiable commodities, and + therefore the loss of national revenue. There is an urgent need to + compensate for this loss by some other form of tax. +</p> +<p> + But it is well not to lose perspective, to remember that dislocations + are not necessarily losses, that, however loudly they are proclaimed in + news columns, they are small in extent, when considered in relation to + our whole trade, that this country of ours is a vast one, and that the + rank and file of Americans will be but slightly affected by the + war—especially by contrast with our friends, now fighting each other, + across the sea. +</p> +<p> + We are too nearly self-supporting to be prostrated. Our foreign trade is + and always has been a trifling matter compared with our internal + commerce. The internal commerce paid for by money and checks annually + in the United States amounts to nearly five hundred billions of dollars, + which is more than a hundred times as much as our combined exports and + imports. +</p> +<p> + Almost all of what has been said so far had grown out of the prospect + that the prices of foods and other materials needed in Europe will be + high, while the prices of securities which Europe does not need and + cannot afford will be low. Other prices will rise or fall according to + special circumstances. Like a bomb-shell, the effect of the war will be + to disperse or scatter prices at all angles of rises and falls. The + prices of luxuries will be lowered. The prices of chemicals will be + raised. The same article will fall in price in one country and rise in + another if the transportation from the former to the latter is + interfered with. This is true today of cotton. +</p> +<p> + There has already been a speculative movement to anticipate these + changes and arbitrarily to mark some prices up and some prices down. But + as this is guesswork, and will be subject to frequent revision, one of + the striking phenomena will doubtless be an increase in the variability + of prices. The general level of prices will tend to rise. The rise will + probably be greatest in little countries like Belgium, which are in the + war zone and largely dependent on foreign trade. The rise will be less + in England and in the United States than on the Continent. In fact, it + is conceivable that in England the hoarding of money and the shock to + credit, which is as predominant there as it is here, may actually lower + the general level of prices during the war, especially if we could + include in the index number the prices of securities, luxuries, and + articles of English internal trade. If any nation tries the old + experiment of paying its bills in irredeemable paper money, that + desperate expedient will have the same result that it did with us during + the civil war. Inflation of the currency will expel gold from that + country and raise its price level higher than elsewhere. +</p> +<p> + After the war is over prices will probably not retreat, but will move + upward even faster than before. There may then come the familiar "boom" + period, which may culminate in a commercial crisis in a few years after + the close of the war, as was true after the Crimean war, the American + civil war, and the Franco-Prussian war. The rebound will probably be + fastest in England. Statistical price curves of many nations usually + show an upward turn when war begins and another when it ends. The war + will thus aggravate a rise of prices already in prospect. +</p> +<p> + It would take considerable space to give, completely, the reasons for + these prognostications, but I have tried to justify them in a brief + addendum to a book to be issued this week on "Why Is the Dollar + Shrinking?" +</p> +<p> + The sudden lightning bolt of war produced as one of its first economic + effects a general dislocation of credit machinery in Europe and to some + extent in this country. We heard at once that letters of credit of + travelers in Europe were uncashable. Gold was hoarded everywhere. It is + estimated that about $30,000,000 in gold was hoarded in New York in the + first week in August. Runs on banks were frequent. Bank reserves were + depleted. +</p> +<p> + The moratorium was resorted to to avoid a general cataclysm of + bankruptcies which might have occurred—not from actual insolvency but + from mere insufficiency of cash. +</p> +<p> + To me one of the most striking phenomena was the promptness and + effectiveness of the co-operative actions by which, so far, any business + cataclysm has been avoided. The closure of Stock Exchanges perhaps saved + us from general financial panic. Most striking of all is the manner in + which the Governments of the world have come to the rescue of business. + Those of us who were brought up in the old laissez-faire school have to + rub our eyes. Had the world been guided by laissez-faire ideas, in this + emergency we should in all probability have witnessed by this time the + greatest collapse of credit the world has ever seen. Almost all the + large and effective measures to meet the many emergencies arising were + taken by Governments. The moratorium must be counted among the + Governmental acts which, so far at least, have saved the day for + business credits. In England the Government permitted suspension of the + Bank act, (not of the Bank, as many Americans seem to imagine.) +</p> +<h3> + Improvised Accounting Methods. +</h3> +<p> + The Bank of England has been enabled to rediscount a great mass of + acceptances by the guarantee of the British Government against loss in + so doing. These in the end will amount to several hundred millions of + dollars. Emergency notes were issued by Governmental authority on both + sides of the Atlantic, and in the arrangements made for special gold + funds in Canada and in France the Governments of England and France + played the important parts. Thus have been improvised methods of + international accounting by which the transportation of gold balances + may be deferred and largely dispensed with. Our own Government has + co-operated in the currency exchange and credit situation in many ways. + It made provision for sending gold to Europe for our stranded + countrymen. It promptly revised the banking and shipping laws. +</p> +<p> + Whether further instability will be found to need such bolstering we + cannot be sure. The present outlook is that business conditions are + fairly sound and stable. In which direction across the Atlantic the + title to gold will tend to change cannot as yet be foreseen. It will + depend largely on how much Europe wants our products and how large a + sacrifice she is willing to make in selling us her securities. It will + also depend on possible issues of paper money. Fortunately, we are the + happy possessors of over $1,500,000,000 in gold, and it is inconceivable + that any large part of this should flow out—unless we should be so + insensate as to inflate the currency. +</p> +<p> + If we keep our heads, we shall at the end of the war be in the proud + position of being the only great nation whose economic resources have + not even been strained. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0057"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Effects of War on America +</h2> +<h3> + By Roland G. Usher. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p>Head of Department of History at Washington University; author +of "Pan-Germanism," "The Rise of the American People," &c. +</p> + + </blockquote> + +<p style="text-align: center"><i>From The Boston Transcript, Sept. 2, 1914.</i> +</p> +<br> +<p> + The events of the last few days of July, 1914, showed the Americans the + far-reaching effects of a state of war. There are now few who would say, + as used to be so common, that a European war would make no difference to + us. The closing of the New York Stock Exchange, the great shipments of + gold and its consequent scarcity in the United States, the closing of + the New England cotton mills, the cessation of export to Europe and of + transatlantic communication with the Continent were instantaneous + effects of a war 3,000 miles away obvious even to the apathetic and the + heedless. With these we have not here to do; such are already past + history. There is, however, a legitimate field for speculation as to the + probable effects on the United States of the continuation of the state + of war in Europe for months or years. The permanent results of a war + naturally cannot be predicted in advance, but in the light of the + history of the past, certain changes and developments in the United + States appear so probable if the war continues as to reach almost the + realm of certainty. +</p> +<p> + Needless to say, the European war will not involve the United States in + actual hostilities. It is highly improbable that either our army or our + navy will see service. We are too distant from the seat of war; too + entirely devoid of interests the combatants might seriously injure which + a resort to war could remedy; too completely incapable of aiding or + abetting one or the other in arms to cause them to assail us. Even were + we not as a nation of a peaceable disposition, even had we not a + President blessed with a singularly clear head and able to keep his + temper, we should still stand little chance of going to war. One + eventuality alone might affect us—Japan might attempt some measures of + aggression in the Far East which would interest us as possessors of the + Philippines, but that is practically foreclosed by her official + announcement that she will side with England. The effects of the war + upon the United States will be indirect effects; they will be economic + in character, though far-reaching and significant for every man, woman, + and child in the country. +</p> +<p> + The economic structure of the United States rests today upon the + assumption of the interdependence of international trade, upon an + international division of labor, where England makes some things, + Germany others, and we still more, all of which are exchanged. In a + sense each country manufactures and produces for the whole world, and in + turn expects the rest of the world to buy its products and to + manufacture and produce things for its consumption. While something of + this sort has always been true in international trade, the process + reached during the nineteenth century an unprecedented development which + actually made countries interdependent, or, if you will, actually + dependent for the necessities of life upon each other's prosperity and + continued activity. Hand in hand went the expansion of the international + credit structure, based upon public confidence in the mutual honesty of + merchants, until finally personal checks have begun to be exchanged + (between the United States and England at least) at par and without + investigation or previous indorsement by the banks on which they were + drawn. +</p> +<p> + With the outbreak of war a striking and artificial change, a totally + uneconomic and unnatural factor, came to transform the situation and + leave the United States for all practical purposes in contact with only + two of her really large customers. We have no merchant marine and cannot + therefore avail ourselves of our neutral status to trade with the + belligerents. We shall be compelled (for a time at least) to ship in + English bottoms to such ports as English ships can make—which will + practically be limited to England, France, Portugal, Spain, and the + Mediterranean ports. The ordinary commercial roads to Russia through the + Baltic are automatically closed by the location of the German fleet, and + probably England and France, deprived of other outlets for their own + trade, will nearly monopolize the trade with Russia through the + Mediterranean and the Black Sea. +</p> +<p> + On the other hand, the mobilization of armies and fleets in Europe will + draw millions of men from the field and factories where they have been + accustomed to make what we have usually bought. The war will vastly + diminish and in many cases stop altogether the stream of imports to the + United States. These millions of men in the field and on the sea will + not possess most of the economic wants they had in time of peace and + will become conscious of many which they usually did not feel. The war + will diminish and in many cases entirely stop the stream of ordinary + American exports to Europe. Because of the stoppage of the European + supply of things we have usually bought of them, and the cessation of a + European demand for things we have usually sold to them, the conditions + of the home market, both in regard to what we must buy in it, and to + what we must sell in it, will be vitally changed. When our present + supplies of European importations are exhausted, we shall be obliged to + make for each other and buy from each other the things which we happen + to be no longer able to import or export. A great readjustment of the + economic fabric in the United States will take place if the war lasts + longer than a comparatively short time. +</p> +<p> + How long a time that must be will depend entirely upon the sharpness of + the break in the economic life of Europe, and the amount of supplies + they have on hand, which, as they will not now need them at home, they + will be anxious to sell in the United States. Indeed, it would not be + surprising if there was for a short time a glut of English and French + manufactured goods in the United States market. +</p> +<h3> + Europe May Depend On Us. +</h3> +<p> + Of late years the commercial relationship between the United States and + Europe has changed very greatly. For centuries we were a debtor + community, buying largely from Europe, possessed only of crude staple + products for export, and scarcely able by a series of expedients and + exchanges to pay for what we bought. Tobacco for many decades, then + cotton, were the only commodities of which much was exported direct to + Europe. Then came, during the European famines of 1846, 1861, and 1862, + an enormous demand for American grain. Yet only during the last few + decades have we been able to export largely manufactured products or + been able to deal with Europe on an equality of terms. We are no longer + a debtor nation; we are no longer dependent upon Europe; the United + States is an integral and essential part of the interdependent + international economic fabric. Indeed, if the war continues ten years, + Europe may be dependent upon us. +</p> +<p> + In a sense we are not ready to meet the crisis. During the last ten or + fifteen years the exports of foodstuffs have fallen off greatly, and the + supply in this country has actually declined in proportion to + population. There has been also a most marked increase in the exports of + manufactured goods and a decided increase in the importation of raw + materials, including foodstuffs. Now will come an enormous demand from + Europe for the very things of which we have not produced so much and + exported little or nothing—bacon, eggs, butter, beef. The demand will + also be greatly increased for woolen cloth, raw leather, shoes, steel + in all its forms, railroad equipment of all sorts, automobiles and + machinery, and, in particular, coal and gasoline. To supply this demand + old industries will be expanded and new ones created, and a shift of + capital and labor will inevitably take place to the industries for which + a demand becomes clear in Europe, as soon as it seems reasonably certain + that the war will last, beyond the present year. +</p> +<h3> + An American Merchant Marine. +</h3> +<p> + Above all, an American merchant marine is likely to be seen again upon + the seas. There will be German ships in plenty for sale, in all + probability, unless Germany wins an immediate victory on the sea, and + the advantage of an unquestioned neutral status, easily obtained by a + bona-fide purchase, will be so great that American capital will probably + invest largely in freight steamers and ocean liners. It seems entirely + unlikely that England, while she remains mistress of the seas, should + recognize as valid the registration in the United States of vessels + actually owned by belligerents or regard as anything more than + masquerading their appearance under the American flag. England has never + recognized any one's "right" to do anything at sea in time of war which + did not accrue directly to her own benefit. It is scarcely necessary to + say that she will not allow trade with Germany or Austria while she can + prevent it. The only refuge will be the sale of the ship by the foreign + owner to Americans who will trade with England, her allies, and strictly + neutral nations. As always in time of war, privateering and smuggling + will be profitable, and trade with Germany, unless she is immediately + victorious at sea, will offer to the adventurous plenty of risk and the + certainty of huge profits. During the Napoleonic wars the flats and bars + of the German coast along the North Sea offered light vessels a great + opportunity and the pursuing warships great obstacles. A modern + motor-driven light craft will now have an enormous advantage over + destroyers or cruisers. Here, as a century ago, many an American will + find an opportunity to make a fortune. +</p> +<p> + The preoccupation of Europe with the war and the opening of the Panama + Canal will afford the United States an unrivaled opportunity to develop + trade with Canada, South America, Australia, New Zealand, India, China, + and the Far East in general. We have never bulked large in the eyes of + these countries and there has been much speculation as to the reasons + why the German succeeded so well in South America and why the Englishman + did so much business in China. Whether from sentiment or from a national + habit that prefers English goods, the English colonies have bought more + largely of the mother country than they have of us. But now that the war + has closed the German factories, called German commercial agents home, + and sent German ships racing to neutral harbors; now that the Panama + Canal brings us some thousands of miles nearer to Australia and New + Zealand than they are to London via Suez; now that England will be busy + manufacturing for Europe and will have less to sell her colonies, these + particular parts of the world will probably be compelled to look for + their manufactured goods to the United States. Indeed, if one were not + afraid of being accused of gross exaggeration, he might take heart and + proclaim his conviction that a long and really inclusive European war + would give the United States a practical monopoly of the South American + and Pacific trade, provided always that the United States acquire by + purchase a merchant marine and that the Panama Canal becomes feasible in + January for large ships. +</p> +<h3> + Foreigners Leaving America +</h3> +<p> + One other effect of the war has already begun to reveal itself in the + emigration from America of thousands of Servians, Austrians, Russians, + Germans, Frenchmen, going home to take their places in the ranks. While + many of these men are brave and honorable citizens, the fact that they + respond to such a call proves them not yet Americans. The war will tend + to remove a goodly part of the distinctly foreign element in the + country, the part not yet amalgamated, and therefore the part most alien + to our institutions and the most difficult to place in our social + structure. If the war continues, Europe will draw every able-bodied man + who can be influenced to go. Far more important, immigration will + probably become negligible not only during the war, but for some time + after it. Usually the reason for leaving home lies in the crowded + population of European States and the lack of opportunity for + advancement, plus the glib tongue of some agent of a contractor or of a + steamship company. In recent years those who have come have not been + desirable additions to our population because they came from nations + alien in blood, language, religion and institutions, and were not + therefore easily knit into our national structure and absorbed. There + will be little, if any, further immigration. The men are wanted for the + army and will not be allowed to leave during the war. After peace is + restored, they will be imperatively needed in the fields and factories + and every effort will be made to retain them. In fact, it does not take + any wild stretch of the imagination for one acquainted with the results + of the Thirty Years' War and of the Napoleonic wars to conceive that, + from the view of economic opportunity and rewards, Europe might become a + more favorable scene for the truly capable and ambitious than America is + today. The tendency of a war is to absorb the best of a nation and to + leave the dregs. For the power of organization and the fire of + initiative Europe will at no distant date be ready to pay well. +</p> +<h3> + The Effect of Economic Readjustment. +</h3> +<p> + Unquestionably the economic readjustment which the war will force upon + the United States will have an immediate and serious effect on + individuals. Some will profit largely and promptly. All who at present + possess large stocks of food, leather, oil, woolen cloth will be able to + dispose of them at enormous profits. From the greater volume of freight + the railroads will benefit directly. But while the farmers and + cattle-men, the steel and oil kings are rejoicing in the opportunity, + all industries which depend chiefly upon exportation or which + manufacture an amount beyond the normal American demand, will be closing + the factories or curtailing the output. For a time certain individuals, + perhaps a relatively large number of individuals, will suffer + inconvenience, loss, anxiety, and even privation. But the vast demand + for labor in other industries, and the almost certain extensive demand + for relatively unskilled labor ought not to make the period of + transition long or the amount of suffering considerable. After all, the + vast majority of the people of the United States are connected with + farming, with the manufacture or production of the very things for which + there will most likely be a great demand, or with the transportation and + distribution of both imports and exports to the rest of the community. + In certain industries, like the manufacture of cotton cloth, which is + localized in New England to such an extent that whole districts are + dependent upon it for a livelihood, the distress will be great, for the + factories closed upon the declaration of war and the workers are a long + distance from the Western fields, where laborers are only too scarce. + The cheapening of transportation, the rapidity of communication, the + superior mobility of the population today over ten years ago, make it + probable that these people will soon find new places. +</p> +<p> + Concomitant with the war came a rise of prices. Foodstuffs especially + advanced sharply and will certainly continue to rise until some material + increase of the supply is assured beyond a peradventure. The tendency in + England and above all on the Continent for the cities to buy great + supplies to guard against possible want will increase this tendency. + But, without question, should the war last, a rise in the whole level of + prices of everything, including labor, will take place in the United + States. It will affect some individuals adversely, but for most will be + in the long run almost negligible. For those who actually produce or + handle goods which advance in price the result will be a profit, because + the price of the commodity they have to sell will almost certainly + advance sooner and faster than the prices of the commodities they + themselves are compelled to buy. In time the two will equalize and they + will be precisely where they were before the war; they will pay out with + one hand what they take in with the other. In nearly all cases where the + individual produces or shares in the production of an actual commodity a + general rise in prices, even to the extent which this war threatens to + produce, will be to him only a temporary advantage or disadvantage. + True, wages and salaries in industrial pursuits will not quite keep pace + with the rise in foodstuffs, and factory workers and clerks will not + benefit to the same extent nor as soon as the farmers will. People whose + incomes are derived from stocks in the businesses which prosper will + probably receive much more than they pay by reason of the increased + prices of other commodities, and certainly cannot be worse off than + before. +</p> +<h3> + America's Real Sufferers. +</h3> +<p> + The real sufferers in America will be those who hold stock in the + enterprises which fail or cease to operate, and that far larger class + who are dependent on a fixed salary. Professors and teachers of all + sorts and grades; people living on annuities or small incomes derived + from bonds or real estate; those dependent on the rent derived from + leases for a term of years of dwelling houses, office buildings and the + like, these will lose a material amount, exactly in proportion to the + rise in prices. To that extent, the purchasing power of the stated + number of dollars they receive will depreciate and that much they will + lose beyond a peradventure. In time, some relief will be afforded by a + tardy rise in salaries, by the expiration of leases and the payment of + bonds, but the actual losses of the intervening years have never been in + any way refunded in like cases in the past. +</p> +<p> + For some individuals, then, the European war will spell strict economy; + for a comparatively few, let us hope, ruin. For the country as a whole, + considered as a social and economic unit, a long war will introduce an + era of astounding prosperity. Never before has the country had, and + certainly it will never again have, almost a monopoly of the world's + trade thrust into its hands. The United States will have only one real + competitor, England, and, should the English Navy prove itself less + capable than is expected, or should England and her colonies be forced + to order a general mobilization of their armies, the United States might + conceivably remain the only great mercantile community to which the + world could look for supplies. No such eventuality need be predicated to + prove that the continuation of this war or a series of wars will create + a demand for manufactured goods such as our merchants have never dreamed + of. And they will command war prices. It means employment with rich + reward for capital and labor alike—a vastly increased foreign market, a + much greater domestic market, high prices, and a steadily voracious + demand for the entire output. The result will be the rapid + diversification of industry in the United States, the creation of + industries never before possible because of European competition, the + invention of machines to meet new needs. The normal economic development + will be accelerated decades. +</p> +<p> + After the close of the European war, when manufacturing and production + are resumed, America will find herself overproducing and face to face + with another economic readjustment necessary to meet the new situation. + Then will ensue a commercial crisis with all its attendant suffering and + trouble such as the United States has probably never seen and which will + be violent and serious in proportion to the length of the war. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0058"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Germany of the Future +</h2> +<h3> + AN INTERVIEW WITH M. DE LAPREDELLE. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> + Exchange Professor from the University of Paris at Columbia University. +</p> +<h3> + By Edward Marshall. +</h3> +<br> + +<p> + In the American press French views of the great war's significance have + been less common than British views and far less frequent than German + views. Therefore, this talk with M. de Lapredelle, Exchange Professor + from the University of Paris at Columbia, will have especial interest. +</p> +<p> + This very distinguished Frenchman, although but 43 years old, has won + high eminence in his native land, especially in the domain of + international law, which is his branch at the University of Paris. Also + he is Directeur de Recuel des Arbitrages Internacioneaux, he is the + editor of The International Law Review in Paris, he is a member of the + Committee on International Law for the French Department of Justice, he + is a member of the French Committee on Aerial Navigation, he is General + Secretary of the French Society of International Law, and he occupies + other important posts and bears other important scholastic honors. +</p> +<p> + He is a cautious conversationist, as might be expected of one who has so + deeply delved into the most cautious of all professions, but in the mind + of the thoughtful reader this should add to the value of his utterances, + which, as expressed in the following columns, were carefully revised by + him before going into type. +</p> +<p> + I asked M. de Lapredelle to estimate the great war's probable effect + upon education. +</p> +<p> + "Of course it is too early to guess intelligently," he replied, "for the + effect of the war will be dependent entirely upon the results of the + war, and, while we of the Allies have no doubt of our ultimate victory, + it is the fact that victory has not been won as yet by either side. +</p> +<p> + "In talking with you my impulse is to assume what I feel in my + heart—the certainty of German defeat, but I must not do that, although + all the letters which I get from the front and from Paris express a + growing confidence in the victory of the Allies. +</p> +<p> + "But it is too early to attempt intelligent detailed prophecy as to the + effect of the great struggle upon the world's philosophy, or upon any + other phase of its intellectual development. +</p> +<p> + "Almost certainly, however, a reaction against certain Germanic + influences will be apparent after the war ends, for the world will not + want ever to risk repetition of the horrors of this struggle, and it + will be plain that they were the inevitable fruit of Germany's attempt + at intellectual domination. +</p> +<p> + "This German assumption was due, largely, to their victory in 1870, but + it went far beyond the bounds of reason, far beyond the fields in which + German achievement really had established legitimate supremacy. +</p> +<p> + "The momentum of victory often has led humanity into excess. It led + Germany into excessive claims of social superiority and into an + excessive assumption of intellectual supremacy. Even in the eyes of + others it gave Germany an unwarranted intellectual prestige. +</p> +<p> + "Really, the German is not a big thinker; he is an immensely careful + thinker. +</p> +<p> + "Above everything, the German is an observer—a very diligent + observer—and his mental eyes are likely to be so close to the wall + that he sees only a single brick in it, wholly failing to get a + comprehensive view of the whole structure. +</p> +<p> + "Germans are very careful students. They attach a vast importance to + detail. I think it is not unfair to say that, with the German, the + smaller, the more minute the detail, the more it interests him. The + German loves to write a big book on a small subject, and, loving it, he + does it well. +</p> +<p> + "But there are more exalted tasks, as, for example, the writing of big + books upon big subjects, giving the world fresh visions of new and + far-flung vistas. The German loves to catalogue and catalogues almost + with genius; he loves to deliver long lectures upon microcosms. +</p> +<p> + "Cataloguing and the near-sightedness which may arise from intense study + of the atom, to the exclusion of the collective organism, whether that + collective organism be the human individual or the social mass, may + render immense service to the world, but it never will be the only + service necessary, and, if pursued to the exclusion of all other + investigations, such study is likely to produce an aggravated narrowness + of vision. Narrow vision is certain to eventuate in selfishness. +</p> +<p> + "The Germans became selfish after this fashion. The present struggle is + the war of selfishness against world advance. +</p> +<p> + "Innumerable, or at least many, individuals have furnished smaller + parallels to the course which Germany has taken as a nation. The + individual with the truly and exclusively scientific mind is likely to + go too far into abstractions, built from a possible misinterpretation of + minutiae. +</p> +<p> + "The ideal national intellectual development will combine both fact and + theory, will join rationalism to idealism, and will be far more like + that of certain nations which I shall not name than it will be like that + of Germany. These nations which I shall not name have both. +</p> +<p> + "In other words, it seems to be the fixed idea of the German that the + German civilization is the only civilization; but it is not the thought + of France or England that their civilizations are the only ones. +</p> +<p> + "This very lack of what may be defined as national egotism in France and + England enables these nations to work, as Germany does not, for world + science and world development—the growth of civilization as a whole. +</p> +<p> + "Germany's scientific work is for German science, she thinks of + civilization only as German civilization. The world's other great + nations—and may I say the world's great Latin nations + especially?—internationalize their science and their civilization." +</p> +<h3> + Why the Philosopher Is Important. +</h3> +<p> + "One must be struck by the fact that Germany's critical philosophy + formed the basis of her educational system and, therefore, the basis of + her social system, and that it had in it the basis of the war. +</p> +<p> + "It cannot be denied, I think, that her education, as well as her + politics and militarism, directly pointed to this great conflict. + Indeed, the industrialism, the politics, the philosophy of Germany all + find their logical expression in present events. +</p> +<p> + "Hegel was the first, in the beginning of the last century, to insist + upon the ideas which, already being paramount in him, quickly became + paramount in his followers, serving as the basis for the development of + Prussia. To him this represented all and everything; to him divinity on + earth was incarcerated in the State, and, therefore, the development of + the State, not justice, was, in his mind, the object of all law. +</p> +<p> + "Since this beginning that has been the consistent German viewpoint, and + increasingly so. The glorification of the State has included, of + necessity, the sacrifice of the individual, and this has been conducted + ruthlessly in Germany itself. +</p> +<p> + "Of course the State which considers it right to sacrifice the + individuals of its own citizenship will be sure to consider it right to + sacrifice the individuals of other nations' citizenships. +</p> +<p> + "That explains why international law never has been considered binding + by the German; it explains why international law was not considered + binding when Belgium stood in the path of Germany's march toward Paris. +</p> +<p> + "International law never has bound the German; it never will bind him + until he changes his national psychology. +</p> +<p> + "Ihering, one of Germany's greatest theoretical jurists and a scholar in + the matter of Roman law, declared, 'Right is the child of might.' He did + not say exactly that right is might, but he defined it as 'the child of + might.' +</p> +<p> + "That may be taken as the German keynote, for this man is of such great + influence in Germany that his utterances must have an enormous effect. +</p> +<p> + "Treitschke, the historian, in his teaching in Berlin, naturally drew + some of his inspiration from these two men. For him the State need + consider no law save that which will promote its own expansion. +</p> +<p> + "Moral law, he holds, need not and must not stand in the way of the + prosperity and growth of States, as it frequently must obstruct the + prosperity and growth of individuals. +</p> +<p> + "Under this theory the State has two functions—these are, inside the + country, to make law; outside the country, to make war. Germany denies + the right of an extraneous law to decide upon the details of right and + wrong within a country, and that is why Germany defies and even denies + international law. +</p> +<p> + "If it happens that a treaty which the State has entered into later + proves to be obstructive to some expansion which is thought to be a + necessity of the State's destiny, that treaty may be disregarded with + the full approval of Germany's national morality, although similar + conduct on the part of an individual in Germany would be considered + highly reprehensible. +</p> +<p> + "The State may bind itself to secure advantage, but, also, it may unbind + itself to secure advantage, and this without consultation with, or the + approval of, the other party or parties to the contract. +</p> +<p> + "This theory becomes confusing to the student reared in other nations + under different educational influences. It indicates beyond + contradiction that Germany feels no sense of duty toward other nations, + but only an obligation to further her own interests. +</p> +<p> + "Germany has immense patriotism but no humanitarianism. Her only duty is + to herself. Her national egotism can be characterized by no other word + than selfishness. +</p> +<p> + "It is a curious phenomenon that at a time when humanitarianism in its + broadest sense has become the keynote of all other of the great nations + it has not become at all the keynote of German civilization." +</p> +<h3> + Teutonic Superexcitation. +</h3> +<p> + "It is impossible that such pride, such a sense of arrogant national + superiority as that which marks Germany, should maintain among a + democratic people; it is possible only to a very aristocratic country. + What has happened is its logical outgrowth in the country which it has + infected. +</p> +<p> + "In Germany this sense of national pride, of intolerance of others, even + of contempt for others, has been developed until it amounts to + superexcitation. It not only affects Germany's relations to other + peoples, but it affects the relations of Germans to one another. +</p> +<p> + "Different classes of the German population continually exhibit it in + their dealings with one another. +</p> +<p> + "It is continually illustrated in those events which have been the + wonder of visiting foreigners—episodes of the contemptuous + ill-treatment of subordinate German soldiers by their superiors. It goes + beyond that, manifesting itself in the treatment of all civilians by the + lowest soldier, and, further still, in the attitude even of the lowest + civilian to all foreigners, even the highest. +</p> +<p> + "The German individual may not consider himself superior to all + individuals of other nationalities, but he will be sure to consider his + nation so far superior to every other that there can be no comparison + between it and them. His is a peculiar arrogance. It is not at all + personal; it is purely national; but none the less it is arrogance, and + all arrogance is dangerous. +</p> +<p> + "A hierarchy always exists in aristocratic countries; the hierarchical + idea has been developed further in Germany than elsewhere. +</p> +<p> + "This has given Germany an unfortunate impulse. If to this impulse we + add that other born of all her various victories since 1866, especially + those which were won while Germany was realizing Bismarck's dream of + triumph 'through fire and blood'—her industrial victories, her + scientific advance, her social progress—and consider the Germanic + tendency toward egotism, we do not find ourselves surprised when we + find, examine, and appraise exactly what we have today in Germany. +</p> +<p> + "The perversion of national sentiment into national arrogance has been + the definite, although, perhaps, unrealized and unintended, aim of every + educational influence which has been at work in Germany since 1870. It + has amounted to an unparalleled perversion of a nation's sentiment + toward all the outside world. +</p> +<p> + "This war marks the crisis of this German pride. +</p> +<p> + "Germany's course throughout has borne all the earmarks of a national + ego-mania. The whole German people, as a nation, not always, perhaps, as + individuals, have fallen victim to the most colossal attack of ego-mania + which the world ever has known. +</p> +<p> + "Combine this ego-mania with another delusion—the entirely unjustified + conclusion that Germany was the object of a worldwide persecution—and + it is unnecessary to search further for the causes of the war, just as + it is unnecessary to search further for reasons for the combination of + practically all other Europe against Germany. +</p> +<p> + "What would German victory mean to the world, if German victory came, + save the worldwide dominance of German egotism, imposed at the expense + of every other people? France would not escape, England would not + escape, and, I assure you, you, America, would not escape. German + victory would be far more than a European disaster—it would be a world + disaster. +</p> +<p> + "Of all the nations in the world perhaps the United States and France + have stood most notably for the ideas of international justice. This + really makes your interest in the outcome of the present war indirectly + as great as ours. +</p> +<p> + "I cannot see how the people of the United States can feel otherwise + than that not only their hearts but their reason demands victory for the + Allies, not because of any wish for the destruction of Germany, but + because of the wish for the preservation of the world. +</p> +<p> + "Indeed, it is inconceivable that victory for the Allies can mean + destruction for Germany. It can mean only the destruction of German + militarism, which has brought about the perversion of the German mind. +</p> +<p> + "No abler mind exists. Its release from the thralldom which has fettered + it would be a vast world service, would, indeed, be a vast benefit to + Germany herself. It is curious, but true, that I believe Germany's own + salvation depends upon her absolute defeat in this great war. +</p> +<p> + "A few weeks before the war began Prof. Schucking expressed regret that + Germany—that is, the German Government—should be so antagonistic to + international spirit. The fact that he made this expression shows that, + in spite of and beyond military Germany, the intellectual élite, the + cream of the élite in Germany, has remained faithful to the traditions + of the great philosopher, Kant. +</p> +<p> + "The intellectual élite—the cream of the élite—therefore may be + absolved from all responsibility. Loyalty to the teachings of Kant will + make it possible for the friends of humanity in all nations to join with + Germany for human advancement on the basis of universal justice. +</p> +<p> + "After the victory of the Allies a new Germany will appear; it will be a + liberal Germany, willing to renounce the narrow Prussian ideals, finding + again the old German ideal in its disinterested form, a Germany which + will be able to join hands with other nations, to help them in taking up + again the works of international civilization, which Prussian Germany + herself brutally brought to an end, with insolent scorn of right—an act + for which she is now paying and must pay the penalty." +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0059"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Germany the Aggressor +</h2> +<h3> + By Albert Sauveur. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> + Professor of Metallurgy at Harvard University. +</p> +<br> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Times:</i> +</p> +<p> + German professors and editors and other German sympathizers in the + present struggle of nations have attempted the difficult task of + convincing the American public, first, that Germany was not the + aggressor, and, second, that she is conducting a war of civilization + directed primarily against Russia, that Europe may not fall under + Muscovite domination. The German Chancellor has made similar claims, + while in the German "White Paper," published in full in THE NEW YORK + TIMES of Aug. 24, it is likewise attempted to fasten the responsibility + for this war on Germany's opponents. +</p> +<p> + A close and impartial study of both the English and German "White + Papers" must suffice to convince the reader that Germany clearly was the + aggressor and that England made every possible effort first to prevent a + war between Austria and Servia and later to localize the conflict. + Germany, on the contrary, by insisting from the start that there should + be no intervention in the settlement of the dispute between Servia and + her ally, Austria, made a European war inevitable. The sophistry, + inaccuracies, and unwarranted conclusions of the German professors and + editors have not helped their cause. The irrefutable facts remain, + first, that Austria with the knowledge and approval of Germany presented + to Servia an ultimatum so worded that she knew that the conditions + imposed could not be complied with by any nation retaining a spark of + self-respect; second, that after Servia had accepted Austria's ultimatum + with the single exception of the most offensive clause, which she + proposed to submit to arbitration, Austria, with Germany's consent, + proclaimed herself unsatisfied and immediately declared war on Servia; + third, that Germany and Austria knew that a war with Servia meant a war + with Russia, and that a war with Russia meant a general European + conflagration; fourth, that Germany declared war on Russia, started the + invasion of France before declaring war, and, by refusing to respect the + neutrality of Belgium, to which she was solemnly pledged, forced both + Belgium and England into the war. In the face of so flagrant a violation + of all sentiments making for peace no sophistry will avail in attempting + to protect Germany from the odium of being responsible for the greatest + calamity the civilized world has ever seen. +</p> +<p> + We are told that Germany is conducting this war in the interest of + civilization, that her chief purpose is to protect Europe from the + domination of the Slav. And to ward off this Muscovite danger Germany is + at present making desperate efforts to crush England and France, the + standard bearers of democracy in Europe! In her war for civilization she + is employing the methods of barbarian tribes, methods condemned by + civilized nations and which have already horrified the world. It is + hardly conceivable that Russia, which the German Chancellor describes as + a semi-Asiatic, slightly cultured barbaric nation, could have committed + in Belgium the atrocities imputed to the Germans had she conquered that + country in similar circumstances. +</p> +<p> + It is manifest that Germany's supreme desire is to fasten Teutonic rule + on Europe, to crush Russia, to be sure, but also to crush France and + French civilization and to reduce England to the rank of a second-class + nation. It is obvious that this is a struggle between militarism and its + evils as represented by the Hohenzollern dynasty and democracy as + represented by England and France. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + ALBERT SAUVEUR. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., Sept. 5, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0060"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Militarism and Christianity +</h2> +<h3> + By Lyman Abbott. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>A Letter to The New York Sun.</i> +</p> +<p style="text-align: center">Editor in Chief of The Outlook; author of numerous works on +theology, religion, and democracy. +</p> +<br> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + <i>To the Editor of The New York Sun:</i> +</p> +<p> + In answer to your request for a statement of the causes and meaning of + the European war I write with necessary brevity, both because of the + limits on my time and the limits on your crowded columns. +</p> +<p> + What is the cause of the explosion of a powder magazine? The gases + stored in the powder. The lighted match is the occasion, not the cause + of the explosion. The cause of the European war is the spirit of envy, + jealousy, selfishness and suspicion in the so-called Christian nations. + The assassination by a Servian of the Crown Prince of Austria was only + the lighted match which set the European combustibles in flame. +</p> +<p> + In the United States we recognize the truth that the interests of each + State are identical with the interests of the Union, and that no State + can permanently prosper by reason of the misfortune of its neighbor. In + the German Empire since its unification each principality similarly + recognizes that the interests of the German Empire and the interests of + the several principalities are essentially identical. But there is no + such recognition of the common interest binding the warring nations of + Europe together. +</p> +<p> + Each nation looks with envy on the prosperity of its neighbor and acts + upon the assumption that its neighbor is a rival, and that its own + commerce and wealth can be built up only at the expense of its rival. + New York is quite willing that the harbor of Boston should be improved. + Bremen is quite willing that the harbor of Hamburg should be improved. + The west coast of England does not object to harbor facilities on the + east coast of England. But Germany envies England's harbor facilities, + and England and Germany are both resolved to prevent if possible Russia + from getting harbor facilities on the Mediterranean Sea. Not every + individual German, Austrian, Frenchman, and Englishman holds this + opinion, but the policies of these nations are governed by this spirit + of international rivalry. +</p> +<p> + A striking illustration of this spirit, perhaps the most striking + illustration in modern international life, is furnished by the military + party in Prussia. Gen. Bernhardi, in a volume entitled "Germany and the + Next War," has given what may be regarded as a semi-official + interpretation of German militarism. He holds that life is a struggle + for existence, with a survival of the fittest, and the strongest is the + fittest; that a military organization constitutes the true strength of a + nation; that there is no higher power in human life, certainly none in + international life, than the power of physical force; that only the + strong nation has a right to exist, and he objects to international + arbitration because it recognizes the right to life of a small nation. + In this volume he calls on Germany to establish a "world sovereignty" by + force of arms, and he indicates what should be the twofold purpose of + Germany in the next war, namely, to crush France and to establish such + world sovereignty of Germany. +</p> +<h3> + Militarism to Blame. +</h3> +<p> + It was this spirit which led Germany into the present war; this spirit + which denied that Belgium had any rights which Germany was bound to + respect; this spirit which inspired the military party in Germany to + regard its treaty with France and England guaranteeing the neutrality of + Belgium as only a "scrap of paper," and this spirit which could not and + apparently still does not comprehend why Belgium should be bound in + honor to defend her neutrality, or why England, with no very direct and + immediate interests to protect, should feel herself bound to come to the + defense of her weaker neighbor. +</p> +<p> + The delay of the German Army, which is likely to prove disastrous to her + designs, has demonstrated in her own chosen field that there is a force + in national honor and national conscience which can put up a very + efficient resistance to Krupp guns. +</p> +<p> + It is a great mistake to suppose that all Germany is actuated by this + spirit of militarism. Frederick William Wile, for over seven years the + chief German correspondent of The London Daily Mail, in an article in + The Outlook recently said: "There are 66,000,000 Germans; 65,000,000 of + them did not want war; the other million are the war party." But he adds + that now Germany is absolutely united and that the Germans will not + stack arms "till the last among them capable of shouldering a rifle is + incapacitated, till the last copper pfennig capable of purchasing + ammunition of war has vanished from their impoverished grasp." +</p> +<p> + There is in this nothing extraordinary. Whoever is responsible for + bringing on the war, the interests, the welfare, and in some sense the + honor of Germany are apparently involved in it. And yet it may be true, + and I believe it is true, that the defeat of Germany will be its + salvation, for it will be the overthrow of the spirit of militarism + inherited from Frederick the Great, and this has been the bane of the + German Empire. +</p> +<p> + In our civil war there was at first only a minority in most of the + Southern States in favor of secession, but when the national troops + invaded Virginia the South was as united for State independence as the + North was for national union, and yet today it will be difficult to find + anywhere in the South an intelligent man who does not recognize the + truth that the defeat of secession and the emancipation of the slave + have been of inestimable benefit to the Southern States. +</p> +<p> + I make no attempt here to apportion the responsibility for this war + between the several powers engaged in it. However this responsibility + must be shared among them I can see but one meaning in the awful + campaign. The victory of Germany would mean the victory of Prussian + militarism. The defeat of Germany will mean the defeat of Prussian + militarism, the rehabilitation of Germany as a great industrial and + educational power in the world, and probably the practical overthrow of + military autocracy in all Western Europe. +</p> +<h3> + Divine Right of Kings Obsolete. +</h3> +<p> + The campaigns of Napoleon ended for Western Europe the Divine right of + Kings. The campaigns of the Allies will end for Western Europe the + Divine right of the armed man. The Russo-Japanese war gave to Russia its + first representative assembly, the Duma. It is not unreasonable to hope + that the present European war will result in greatly enlarging the + powers of the Duma and establishing true constitutional government in + Germany, a government in which the Ministry will be responsible not to + the Emperor but to the Reichstag; and the power both of the purse and + the sword will not be in the hands of an aristocratic oligarchy but in + the hands of the common people. +</p> +<p> + It is not strange that men should point to this, perhaps the greatest + war of history, as an evidence that Christianity is a failure. If + Christianity professed to be able by a miracle to transform human nature + at once, such a war would be fatal to its claim. But no such claim can + be made for Christianity. It is a great human movement, a phase of the + gradual evolution of man, governed by conscience and reason, out of the + brute, governed by appetite and passion. +</p> +<p> + Man as he is seen in the world to day is an unfinished product. He is in + the making. The best that can be said of a Christian is that he is + further along toward the goal of humanity than the barbarian. + Theological doctrines such as the Trinity, the Atonement, and the like + are not the essential doctrines of Christianity. The essential doctrine + is that life is a struggle for others as well as for self; that in this + struggle every one owes a duty to his neighbor, and the stronger he is + and the greater the need of his neighbor the more imperative is his + duty; that as the father and the mother care for, educate and govern + their child until he grows able to care for, educate and govern himself, + so always the strong men and women owe the duty of protection, + education, and, in some measure, government to the weaker of the human + race until they have outgrown the need for it. +</p> +<p> + In so far as autocracy is the rule of the few for the benefit of the few + it is paganism. In so far as democracy is the rule of the many for the + benefit of the many it is Christianity. He who believes this will + perhaps believe with me that in a true sense this is a religious war, + the war of conscience, honor, the moral sense against the rule of the + bayonet and the bullet. +</p> +<p> + The cynic who thinks this war demonstrates the failure of Christianity + should not forget such facts as the heroic struggle of Belgium to + maintain her neutrality, the resolve of England at every cost to + maintain her pledges to Belgium, the Red Cross following the armies in + the field and ministering to the sick, the wounded and the suffering, + regardless of their nationality, the general kind treatment to + prisoners, accentuated by some very horrible exceptions, and all this + contrasted with the enslaving, torturing, the crucifying, the flaying + alive of prisoners captured in war by barbaric nations before the dawn + of Christianity. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + LYMAN ABBOTT. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + Cornwall-on-Hudson, Sept. 17, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0061"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + VIGIL +</h2> +<h3> + By HORTENSE FLEXNER. +</h3> +<br> + + <blockquote> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em">I have waited with my mothers down the dim, uncertain ages,<br> + I have waited in the cave and hut and tower,<br> +From the first dawn's nameless fear<br> +To the death-list posted here<br> + I have slain my soul in waiting, hour by hour.<br> +<br> +Under pelt of beast, trap-taken, or the leaves by chance winds blow,<br> + Under tunic, peasant hemp, or cloth of gold,<br> +By the fire, in low flame burning,<br> +I have crouched in silence, yearning,<br> + And as now, my helpless heart has waited cold.<br> +<br> +Ancient is the part I play—like a cloak of heavy mourning,<br> + I take it, bending, from a million women's hands.<br> +They have worn it, they have torn it,<br> +Agonizing, they have borne it,<br> + And its folds are dark with heart-break of all lands.<br> +<br> +Oh, the woman figure standing, with the face toward the horizon,<br> + Oh, the hand above the eyes to ease the strain!<br> +Gaunt and barren, stricken, lonely,<br> +With the empty memories only,<br> + We have stood, the dry-eyed sentries of our pain.<br> +<br> +Nothing we can do to stop them, nothing we can say to hold them;<br> + Taking sunlight, laughter, youth, they swing away,<br> +And the things they leave grow strange,<br> +House and street and voices change,<br> + But the women and the burdened hours stay.<br> +<br> +I have waited with my mothers down the dim, uncertain ages,<br> + While my children die, I pray the centuries through,<br> +And I wonder in my fear<br> +At the death-list posted here<br> + If God has left the women waiting, too! +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0062"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Nietzsche and German Culture +</h2> +<h3> + By Abraham Solomon. +</h3> +<p style="text-align: center"> + <i>A Letter to The New York Evening Post.</i> +</p> +<br> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> + Sir:</p> + +<p> + Those who trace the German militaristic doctrines to Nietzsche's influence + commit Pastor Mander's sin when he told Mrs. Alving to bar from her library + a book which he had never read. Nietzsche was an inveterate enemy of + efficiency, astigmatic with regard to practical life, and he never worked + out a philosophy in the accepted sense of the term. He was a lyric poet who + wrote psychology when he failed to sustain the poetic mood. In the Engadine + and at Sils-Maria, brooding in a rocky void wherein he touched the sharp + edge of infinity, he sang a Dionysian hymn to life against the melancholy + products of German learning and against those Nihilistic snares which he + thought lurked in Christian doctrine. There he worked out the mystic idea of + "Eternal Recurrence" and his song of Zarathustra with the bell strokes of + noon. +</p> +<p> + What he knew of history he used for an analysis of values, and not for + State polity. He shrank from the irritations of reality, and he had + little patience with the national mania cultivated after Sedan, warning + his country that their victory was not one of a superior culture, that + Germany had no style but a barbaric mixture of many styles; and he + pointed out the essential difference between culture and erudition. +</p> +<p> + His unfinished work, "The Will to Power," was an attempt to house his + lyric passions in an architectural frame. The façade of the structure, + as posthumously revealed to us, is an indication that he was really + engaged in building a Tower of Babel. Power, Affirmation, Yea-Saying he + considered the attributes of life, and he found in them recompense for + his weakness and his lack of capacity for happiness. He was a master of + the exquisite nuances of vision, but since he touched real life at the + circumference, and not at the centre, his philosophical valuations are + bizarre, and have only a literary value. +</p> +<p> + It is superficial to make Treitschke and Bernhardi his disciples, as + some American writers have made Roosevelt his disciple. Treitschke is a + heavy-footed historian who raised the axiom of self-preservation into a + philosophy of force. Von Bernhardi's book, though extreme in its + expression, is based on the fundamental truth that if Germany desired a + just proportion of oversea territories (a proportion denied her by + England) she would have to gain it by force of arms. In the development + of this idea he makes many generalizations calculated to dazzle the + multitude and to imbue it with the courage to expansion. Treitschke + would have rested in obscurity but for the war; Bernhardi does not + pretend to talents as a philosopher. +</p> +<p> + The real origin of Germany's policy in the last forty years may be + derived from the eminently practical and direct mind of Bismarck. From + reading of history he learned that chicane and force had been utilized + as the roads to power, of which fact he found ample demonstration in the + histories of England and Russia. He proved himself a true adept by using + chicane and force to achieve German unity, after the theorists had + failed. +</p> +<p> + Those who glibly condemn a lyric philosopher in order to make out a case + against Germany reveal the weakness of their position. It is strange + that these lantern-eyed critics haven't cited Heine as an enemy of + democracy because he adored Napoleon. Was it because Heine lived for + years in Paris on the adulation of advanced feminines? +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + ABRAHAM SOLOMON. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + New York, Oct. 13, 1914. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0063"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + Belgium's Bitter Need +</h2> +<h3> + By Sir Gilbert Parker. +</h3> + <blockquote> +<p> + <i>Sir Gilbert Parker, M.P., went to Holland at the request of the + American Committee for the Relief of Belgium a week ago to inquire into + the work of the committee and the needs of the Belgians.</i> +</p> +<p> + <i>Sir Gilbert visited frontier towns and the camps of the refugees for + the purpose of making a personal investigation into the conditions. That + he is deeply impressed by the desperate need of the Belgians may be + gathered from the following graphic statement and appeal, dated Dec. 5, + 1914, to the American people:</i> +</p> + </blockquote> +<br> +<p> + Since the beginning of the war the hearts of all humane people have been + tortured by the sufferings of Belgium. For myself the martyrdom of + Belgium had been a nightmare since the fall of Ličge. Whoever or + whatever country is to blame for this war, Belgium is innocent. Her + hands are free from stain. She has kept the faith. She saw it with the + eyes of duty and honor. Her Government is carried on in another land. + Her King is in the trenches. Her army is decimated, but the last + decimals fight on. +</p> +<p> + Her people wander in foreign lands, the highest and lowest looking for + work and bread; they cannot look for homes. Those left behind huddle + near the ruins of their shattered villages or take refuge in towns which + cannot feed their own citizens. +</p> +<h3> + Abyss of Want and Woe. +</h3> +<p> + Many cities and towns have been completely destroyed; others, reduced or + shattered, struggle in vain to feed their poor and broken populations. + Stones and ashes mark the places where small communities lived their + peaceful lives before the invasion. The Belgian people live now in the + abyss of want and woe. +</p> +<p> + All this I knew in England, but knew it from the reports of others. I + did not, could not, know what the destitution, the desolation of Belgium + was, what were the imperative needs of this people, until I got to + Holland and to the borders of Belgian territory. Inside that territory I + could not pass because I was a Britisher, but there I could see German + soldiers, the Landwehr, keeping guard over what they call their new + German province. Belgium a German province! +</p> +<p> + There at Maastricht I saw fugitives crossing the frontier into Holland + with all their worldly goods on their shoulders or in their hands, or + with nothing at all, seeking hospitality of a little land which itself + feels, though it is neutral, the painful stress and cost of the war. + There, on the frontier, I was standing between Dutch soldiers and German + soldiers, so near the Germans that I could almost have touched them, so + near three German officers that their conversation as they saluted me + reached my ears. +</p> +<p> + I begin to understand what the sufferings and needs of Belgium are. They + are such that the horror of it almost paralyzes expression. I met at + Maastricht Belgians, representatives of municipalities, who said that + they had food for only a fortnight longer. And what was the food they + had? No meat, no vegetables, but only one-third of a soldier's rations + of bread for each person per day. At Ličge, as I write, there is food + for only three days. +</p> +<p> + What is it the people of Belgium ask for? They ask for bread and salt, + no more, and it is not forthcoming. They do not ask for meat; they + cannot get it. They have no fires for cooking, and they do not beg for + petrol. Money is of little use to them, because there is no food to be + bought with money. +</p> +<p> + Belgium under ordinary circumstances imports five-sixths of the food she + eats. The ordinary channels of sale and purchase are closed. They + cannot buy and sell if they would. Representatives of Belgian + communities told me at Maastricht yesterday that the crops were taken + from their fields—the wheat and potatoes—and were sent into Germany. +</p> +<h3> + No Work, but Taxes Continue. +</h3> +<p> + There is no work. The factories are closed because they have not raw + material, coal, or petrol, because they have no markets. +</p> +<p> + And yet war taxes are falling with hideous pressure upon a people whose + hands are empty, whose workshops are closed, whose fields are idle, + whose cattle have been taken, or compulsorily purchased without value + received. +</p> +<p> + In Belgium itself the misery of the populace is greater than the misery + of the Belgian fugitives in other countries, such as Holland, where + there have come since the fall of Ličge one and a half million of + fugitives. To gauge what that misery in Belgium is, think of what even + the fugitives suffer. I have seen in a room without fire, the walls + damp, the floor without covering, not even straw, a family of nine women + and eight children, one on an improvised bunk seriously ill. Their home + in Belgium was leveled with the ground, the father killed in battle. +</p> +<p> + Their food is coffee and bread for breakfast, potatoes for dinner, with + salt—and in having the salt they were lucky—bread and coffee for + supper. Insufficiently clothed, there by the North Sea, they watched the + bleak hours pass, with nothing to do except cling together in a vain + attempt to keep warm. +</p> +<p> + Multiply this case by hundreds of thousands and you will have some hint + of the people's sufferings. +</p> +<p> + In a lighter on the River Maas at Rotterdam, without windows, without + doors, with only an open hatchway from which a ladder descends, several + hundred fugitives spend their nights and the best parts of their days in + the iron hold, forever covered with moisture, leaky when rain comes, + with the floor never dry, and pervasive with a perpetual smell like the + smell of a cave which never gets the light of day. Here men, women, and + children were huddled together in a promiscuous communion of misery, + made infinitely more pathetic and heartrending because none complained. +</p> +<p> + At Rosendaal, at Scheveningen, Eysden, and Flushing, at a dozen other + places, these ghastly things are repeated in one form or another. + Holland has sheltered hundreds of thousands, but she could not in a + moment organize even adequate shelter, much less comforts. +</p> +<p> + In Bergen-op-Zoom, where I write these words, there have come since the + fall of Antwerp 300,000 hungry marchers, with no resources except what + they carry with them. This little town of 15,000 people did its best to + meet the terrible pressure, and its citizens went without bread + themselves to feed the refugees. How can a small municipality suddenly + deal with so vast a catastrophe? Yet slowly some sort of order was + organized out of chaos, and when the Government was able to establish + refugee camps through the military the worst conditions were moderated, + and now, in tents and in vans on a fortunately situated piece of land, + over 3,000 people live, so far as comforts are concerned, like Kaffirs + in Karoo or aborigines in a camp in the back blocks of Australia. The + tents are crammed with people, and life is reduced to its barest + elements. Straw, boards, and a few blankets and dishes for rations—that + constitutes the ménage. +</p> +<p> + Children are born in the hugger mugger of such conditions, but the good + Holland citizens see that the children are cared for and that the babies + have milk. Devoted priests teach the children, and the value of military + organization illuminates the whole panoply of misery. Yet the best of + the refugee camps would seem to American citizens like the dark and + dreadful life of an underworld, in which is neither work, purpose, nor + opportunity. It is a sight repugnant to civilization. +</p> +<p> + The saddest, most heartrending thing I have ever seen has been the + patience of every Belgian, whatever his state, I have met. Among the + thousands of refugees I have seen in Holland, in the long stream that + crossed the frontier at Maastricht and besieged the doors of the + Belgian Consul while I was there, no man, no woman railed or declaimed + against the horror of their situation. The pathos of lonely, staring, + apathetic endurance is tragic beyond words. So grateful, so simply + grateful, are they, every one, for whatever is done for them. +</p> +<h3> + None of the Refugees Begs. +</h3> +<p> + None begs, none asks for money, and yet on the faces of these frontier + refugees I saw stark hunger, the weakness come of long weeks of famine. + One man, one fortunate man from Verviers, told me he could purchase as + much as 2s. 8d. worth of food for himself, his wife, and child for a + week. +</p> +<p> + Think of it, American citizens! Sixty-six cents' worth of food for a + man, his wife, and child for a whole week, if he were permitted to + purchase that much! Sixty-six cents! That is what an average American + citizen pays for his dinner in his own home. He cannot get breakfast, he + can only get half a breakfast, for that at the Waldorf or the Plaza in + New York. +</p> +<p> + This man was only allowed to purchase that much food if he could, + because if he purchased more he would be taking from some one else, and + they were living on rations for the week which would represent the food + of an ordinary man for a day. A rich man can have no more than a poor + man. It is a democracy of famine. +</p> +<p> + There is enough food wasted in the average American household in one day + to keep a Belgian for a fortnight in health and strength. They want in + Belgium 300,000 tons of food a month. That is their normal requirement. + The American Relief Committee is asking for 8,000 tons a month, + one-quarter of the normal requirements, one-half of a soldier's rations + for each Belgian. The American Committee needs $5,000,000 a month until + next harvest. It is a huge sum, but it must be forthcoming. +</p> +<p> + Of all the great powers of the world the United States is the only one + not at war or in peril of war. Of all the foremost nations of the world + the United States is the only one that can save Belgium from starvation + if she will. She was the only nation that Germany would allow a foothold + for humanity's and for Christ's sake in Belgium. Such an opportunity, + such responsibility, no nation ever had before in the history of the + world. Spain and Italy join with her, but the initiative and resources + and organization are hers. +</p> +<p> + Around Belgium is a ring of steel. Within that ring of steel are a + disappearing and for ever disappearing population. Towns like + Dendermonde, that were of 10,000 people, have now 4,000, and in + Dendermonde 1,200 houses have fallen under the iron and fire of war. + Into that vast graveyard and camp of the desolate only the United States + enters with an adequate and responsible organization upon the mission of + humanity. +</p> +<p> + No such opportunity was ever given to a people, no such test ever came + to a Christian people in all the records of time. Will the American + Nation rise to the chance given to it to prove that its civilization is + a real thing and that its acts measure up with its inherent and + professed Christianity? +</p> +<p> + I am a profound believer in the great-heartedness of the United States, + and there is not an American of German origin who ought not gladly and + freely give to the relief of people who, unless the world feeds them, + must be the remnant of a nation; and the world in this case is the + United States. She can give most. +</p> +<p> + The price of one good meal a week for a family in an American home will + keep a Belgian alive for a fortnight. +</p> +<p> + Probably the United States has 18,000,000 homes. How many of them will + deny themselves a meal for martyred Belgium? The mass of the American + people do not need to deny themselves anything to give to Belgium. The + whole standard of living on the American Continent, in the United States + and Canada, is so much higher than the European standard that if they + lowered the scale by one-tenth just for one six months the Belgium + problem would be solved. +</p> +<p> + I say to the American people that they cannot conceive what this strain + upon the populations of Europe is at this moment, and, in the cruel + grip of Winter, hundreds of thousands will agonize till death or relief + comes. In Australia in drought times vast flocks of sheep go traveling + with shepherds looking for food and water, and no flock ever comes back + as it went forth. Not in flocks guided by shepherds, but lonely, + hopeless units, the Belgian people take flight, looking for food and + shelter, or remain paralyzed by the tragedy fallen upon them in their + own land. +</p> +<p> + Their sufferings are majestic in simple heroism and uncomplaining + endurance. So majestic in proportion ought the relief to be. The Belgian + people are wards of the world. In the circumstances the Belgian people + are special wards of the one great country that is secure in its peace + and that by its natural instincts of human sympathy and love of freedom + is best suited to do the work that should be done for Belgium. If every + millionaire would give a thousand, if every man with $100 a month would + give $10, the American Committee for the Relief of Belgium, with its + splendid organization, its unrivaled efficiency, through which flows a + tide of human sympathy, would be able to report at the end of the war + that a small nation in misfortune had been saved from famine and despair + by a great people far away, who had responded to the call, "Come over + and help us!" +</p> +<p style="text-align: right"> + GILBERT PARKER. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0064"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h2> + A CORRECTION. +</h2> +<br> + +<p> + Under the head of "Russia's 'Little Brother,'" on Page 364 of this + magazine history, in its issue of Dec. 26, 1914, appeared a statement + taken from The New York Sun of Oct. 12, 1914, and attributed to George + Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador at Washington. Our attention has been + called to the following editorial paragraph printed by The Sun on Oct. + 14, embodying the Russian Ambassador's denial of its authenticity: +</p> + <blockquote> +<p style="text-indent: 0em">The Sun on Monday printed in good faith what it believed to be +an authorized statement of the views and sentiments of Mr. +George Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador to the United States. +Ambassador Bakhmeteff telegraphs to us from Washington as +follows: +</p> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em"> +"I most emphatically deny having spoken one single word to the +reporter who published an interview with me in your paper. I +have not even seen one, and must insist on your publishing +this very categorical and direct statement." +</p> + +<p style="text-indent: 0em">Of course, we publish the Ambassador's denial not less in +justice to our readers and to ourselves than to him, at the +same time expressing our extreme regret that The Sun should +have been led to believe that it was presenting the Russian +case as viewed by Mr. Bakhmeteff with his full acquiescence. +</p> + </blockquote> +<p> + We add our cordial regret to that of The Sun that this repudiated + statement should have gained further circulation.—Editor. +</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_4_0065"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + +<h3> + [English Cartoon] +</h3> +<h2> + Certainly Not! +</h2> +<a name="image-0019"><!--IMG--></a> +<center> +<img src="images/cartoon.jpg" width="329" height="400" +alt="English Cartoon"> +</center> +<!--IMAGE END--> +<p style="text-align: center"> + TURKEY, THE OFFICE BOY (to his master): Please, Sir, can I have a day off?</p> +<br> +<hr> +<a name="2H_FOOT"><!-- H2 anchor --></a> + + +<h3> + FOOTNOTES +</h3> + +<a name="note-1"><!--Note--></a> +<p class="foot"> +<u>1</u> Theodore Roosevelt.</p> +<a name="note-2"><!--Note--></a> +<p class="foot"> +<u>2</u> "Propterea quod a cultu atque humanitute provinciae longissime absunt."</p> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<hr class="full" noshade> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY OF THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL. 1, JANUARY 9, 1915***</p> +<p>******* This file should be named 16702-h.txt or 16702-h.zip *******</p> +<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> +<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/0/16702">https://www.gutenberg.org/1/6/7/0/16702</a></p> +<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed.</p> + +<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 + What Americans Say to Europe + + +Author: Various + + + +Release Date: September 16, 2005 [eBook #16702] + +Language: en + +Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY +OF THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL. 1, JANUARY 9, 1915*** + + +E-text prepared by Juliet Sutherland, Linda Cantoni, and the Project +Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team + + + +Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this + file which includes the original illustrations. + See 16702-h.htm or 16702-h.zip: + (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/0/16702/16702-h/16702-h.htm) + or + (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/0/16702/16702-h.zip) + + + + + +The New York Times + +CURRENT HISTORY OF THE EUROPEAN WAR + +JANUARY 9, 1915. + +What Americans Say to Europe + + + + + + + +[Illustration: CHARLES W. ELIOT + +_(Photo (c) by Paul Thompson.)_ + +_See Page 473_] + +[Illustration: JAMES M. BECK + +_See Page 413_] + + + + +In the Supreme Court of Civilization + +Argued by James M. Beck. + + +THE NEW YORK TIMES _submitted the evidence contained in the official +"White Paper" of Great Britain, the "Orange Paper" of Russia, and the +"Gray Paper" of Belgium to James M. Beck, late Assistant Attorney +General of the United States and a leader of the New York bar, who has +argued many of the most important cases before the Supreme Court. On +this evidence Mr. Beck has argued in the following article the case of +Dual Alliance vs. Triple Entente. It has been widely circulated in +France and Great Britain._ + +Let us suppose that in this year of dis-Grace, Nineteen Hundred and +Fourteen, there had existed, as let us pray will one day exist, a +Supreme Court of Civilization, before which the sovereign nations could +litigate their differences without resort to the iniquitous and less +effective appeal to the arbitrament of arms. + +Let us further suppose that each of the contending nations had a +sufficient leaven of Christianity to have its grievances adjudged not by +the ethics of the cannon or the rifle, but by the eternal criterion of +justice. + +What would be the judgment of that august tribunal? + +Any discussion of the ethical merits of this great controversy must +start with the assumption that there is an international morality. + +This fundamental axiom, upon which the entire basis of civilization +necessarily rests, is challenged by a small class of intellectual +perverts. + +Some hold that moral considerations must be subordinated either to +military necessity or so-called manifest destiny. This is the Bernhardi +doctrine. + +Others teach that war is a beneficent fatality and that all nations +engaged in it are therefore equally justified. On this theory all of the +now contending nations are but victims of an irresistible current of +events, and the highest duty of the State is to prepare itself for the +systematic extermination, when necessary or expedient, of its neighbors. + +Notwithstanding the clever platitudes under which both these doctrines +are veiled, all morally sane minds are agreed that this war is a great +crime against civilization, and the only open question is, which of the +two contending groups of powers is morally responsible for that crime? + +Was Austria justified in declaring war against Servia? + +Was Germany justified in declaring war against Russia and France? + +Was England justified in declaring war against Germany? + +As the last of these questions is the most easily disposed of, it may be +considered first. + + +England's Justification. + +England's justification rests upon the solemn Treaty of 1839, whereby +Prussia, France, England, Austria, and Russia "became the guarantors" of +the "perpetual neutrality" of Belgium, as reaffirmed by Count Bismarck, +then Chancellor of the North German Confederation, on July 22, 1870, and +as even more recently reaffirmed in the striking fact disclosed in the +Belgian "Gray Book." + +In the Spring of 1913 a debate was in progress in the Budget Committee +of the Reichstag with reference to the Military Budget. In the course of +the debate the German Secretary of State said: + + "The neutrality of Belgium is determined by international + conventions, _and Germany is resolved to respect these + conventions_." + +To confirm this solemn assurance, the Minister of War added in the same +debate: + + "Belgium does not play any part in the justification of the + German scheme of military reorganization. The scheme is + justified by the position of matters in the East. _Germany + will not lose sight of the fact that Belgian neutrality is + guaranteed by international treaties._" + +A year later, on July 31, 1914, Herr von Below, the German Minister at +Brussels, assured the Belgian Department of State that he knew of a +declaration which the German Chancellor had made in 1911, to the effect +"that Germany had no intention of violating our neutrality," and "that +he was certain that the sentiments to which expression was given at that +time _had not changed_." (See Belgian "Gray Book," Nos. 11 and 12.) + +Apart from these treaty stipulations, which are only declaration of +Belgium's rights as sovereign nations, The Hague Conference, in which +forty-four nations (including Germany) participated, reaffirmed as an +axiom of international law the inherent right of a nation to the +sanctity of its territory. + +It seems unnecessary to discuss the wanton disregard of these solemn +obligations and protestations, when the present Chancellor of the German +Empire, in his speech to the Reichstag and to the world on Aug. 4, 1914, +frankly admitted that the action of the German military machine in +invading Belgium was a wrong. He said: + + "We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no + law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are + already on Belgian soil. _Gentlemen, that is contrary to the + dictates of international law._ It is true that the French + Government has declared at Brussels that France is willing to + respect the neutrality of Belgium, so long as her opponent + respects it. We knew, however, that France stood ready for + invasion. France could wait, but we could not wait. A French + movement upon our flank upon the lower Rhine might have been + disastrous. So we were compelled to override the just protest + of the Luxemburg and Belgian Governments. _The wrong--I speak + openly--that we are committing_ we will endeavor to make good + as soon as our military goal has been reached. Anybody who is + threatened as we are threatened, and is fighting for his + highest possessions, can only have one thought--how he is to + hack his way through." + +This defense is not even a plea of confession and avoidance. It is a +plea of "Guilty" at the bar of the world. It has one merit, that it +does not add to the crime the aggravation of hypocrisy. It virtually +rests the case of Germany upon the gospel of Treitschke and Bernhardi, +that each nation is justified in exerting its physical power to the +utmost in defense of its selfish interests and without any regard to +considerations of conventional morality. Might as between nations is the +sole criterion of right. There is no novelty in this gospel. Its only +surprising feature is its revival in the twentieth century. It was +taught far more effectively by Machiavelli in his treatise, "The +Prince," wherein he glorified the policy of Cesare Borgia in trampling +the weaker States of Italy under foot by ruthless terrorism, unbridled +ferocity, and the basest deception. Indeed, the wanton destruction of +Belgium is simply Borgiaism amplified ten-thousandfold by the mechanical +resources of modern war. + + +This Answer Cannot Satisfy. + +Unless our boasted civilization is the thinnest veneering of barbarism; +unless the law of the world is in fact only the ethics of the rifle and +the conscience of the cannon; unless mankind after uncounted centuries +has made no real advance in political morality beyond that of the cave +dweller, then this answer of Germany cannot satisfy the "decent respect +to the opinions of mankind." Germany's contention that a treaty of peace +is "a scrap of paper," to be disregarded at will when required by the +selfish interests of one contracting party, is the negation of all that +civilization stands for. + +Belgium has been crucified in the face of the world. Its innocence of +any offense, until it was attacked, is too clear for argument. Its +voluntary immolation to preserve its solemn guarantee of neutrality will +"plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against the deep damnation of its +taking off." On that issue the Supreme Court could have no ground for +doubt or hesitation. Its judgment would be speedy and inexorable. + +The remaining two issues, above referred to, are not so simple. +Primarily and perhaps exclusively, the ethical question turns upon the +issues raised by the communications which passed between the various +Chancelleries of Europe in the last week of July, for it is the amazing +feature of this greatest of all wars that it was precipitated by +diplomats and rulers, and, assuming that all these statesmen sincerely +desired a peaceful solution of the questions raised by the Austrian +ultimatum, (which is by no means clear,) it was the result of +ineffective diplomacy and clumsy diplomacy at that. + +I quite appreciate the distinction between the immediate causes of a war +and the anterior and more fundamental causes; nevertheless, with the +world in a state of Summer peace on July 23, 1914, an issue, gravely +affecting the integrity of nations and the balance of power in Europe, +is suddenly precipitated by the Austrian ultimatum, and thereafter and +for the space of about a week a series of diplomatic communications +passed between the Chancelleries of Europe, designed on their face to +prevent a war and yet so ineffective that the war is precipitated and +the fearful Rubicon crossed before the world knew, except imperfectly, +the nature of the differences between the Governments involved. The +ethical aspects of this great conflict must largely depend upon the +record that has been made up by the official communications which can, +therefore, be treated as documentary evidence in a litigated case. + +A substantial part of that record is already before the court of public +opinion in the British and German "White Papers," the Russian "Orange +Paper," and the Belgian "Gray Paper," and the purpose of this article is +to discuss what judgment an impartial and dispassionate court would +render upon the issues thus raised and the evidence thus submitted. + +Primarily such a court would be deeply impressed not only by what the +record as thus made up discloses, _but also by the significant omissions +of documents known to be in existence_. + +The official defense of England and Russia does not apparently show any +failure on the part of either to submit all of the documents in their +possession, _but the German "White Paper" on its face discloses the +suppression of documents of vital importance, while Austria has as yet +failed to submit any of the documentary evidence in its possession_. + +We know from the German "White Paper"--even if we did not conclude as a +matter of irresistible inference--that many important communications +passed in this crisis between Germany and Austria, and it is probable +that some communications must also have passed between those two +countries and Italy. Italy, despite its embarrassing position, owes to +the world the duty of a full disclosure. What such disclosure would +probably show is indicated by her deliberate conclusion that her allies +had commenced an _aggressive_ war, which released her from any +obligation under the Triple Alliance. + +The fact that communications passed between Berlin and Vienna, the text +of which has never been disclosed, is not a matter of conjecture. +Germany admits and asserts as part of her defense that she faithfully +exercised her mediatory influence with Austria, but not only is such +mediatory influence not disclosed by any practical results of such +mediation, but the text of these vital communications is still kept in +the secret archives of Berlin and Vienna. + +Thus in the official apology for Germany it is stated that, in spite of +the refusal of Austria to accept the proposition of Sir Edward Grey to +treat the Servian reply "as a basis for further conversations," + + "we [Germany] continued our mediatory efforts to the _utmost_ + and advised Vienna to make any possible compromise consistent + with the dignity of the Monarchy." + + [German "White Paper."] + +This would be more convincing if the German Foreign Office in giving +other diplomatic documents had only added the _text_ of the advice which +it thus gave Vienna. + +The same significant omission will be found when the same official +defense states that on July 29 the German Government advised Austria "to +begin the conversations with Mr. Sazonof." But here again _the text_ is +not found among the documents which the German Foreign Office has given +to the world. The communications, which passed between that office and +its Ambassadors in St. Petersburg, Paris, and London, are given _in +extenso_, but among the twenty-seven communications appended to the +German official defense it is most significant that not a single +communication is given of the many which passed from Berlin to Vienna +and only two that passed from Vienna to Berlin. + +This cannot be an accident. Germany has seen fit to throw the veil of +secrecy over the text of its communications to Vienna, although +professing to give the purport of a few of them. + +Until Germany is willing to put the most important documents in its +possession in evidence, it must not be surprised that the world, +remembering Bismarck's garbling of the Ems dispatch, which precipitated +the Franco-Prussian war, will be incredulous as to the sincerity of +Germany's mediatory efforts. + + +Austria's Case Against Servia. + +To discuss the justice of Austria's grievances against Servia would take +us outside the documentary record and into the realm of disputed facts +and would expand this discussion far beyond reasonable length. + +Let us therefore suppose _arguendo_ that our imaginary court would +commence its consideration with the assumption that Austria had a just +grievance against Servia, and that the murder of the Archduke on June +28, 1914, while in fact committed by Austrian citizens of Servian +sympathies on Austrian soil, had its inspiration and encouragement in +the political activities either of the Servian Government or of +political organizations of that country. + +The question for decision would then be not whether Austria had a just +grievance against Servia, but whether having regard to the obligations +which Austria, as well as every other country, owes to civilization, she +proceeded in the right manner to redress her grievance. + +On June 28, 1914, the Austrian Crown Prince was murdered at Serajevo. +For nearly a month there was no action by Austria, and no public +statement whatever of its intentions. The world profoundly sympathized +with Austria in its new trouble, and especially with its aged monarch, +who, like King Lear, was "as full of grief as years and wretched in +both." + +The Servian Government had formerly disclaimed any complicity with the +assassination and had pledged itself to punish any Servian citizen +implicated therein. + +From time to time, from June 28 to July 23, there came semi-inspired +intimations from Vienna that that country intended to act with great +self-restraint and in the most pacific manner. In his speech to the +French Chamber of Deputies, Viviani says that Europe had in the interval +preceding July 23 express assurances from Austria that its course would +be moderate and conciliatory. Never was it even hinted that Germany and +Austria were about to apply in a time of profound peace a match to the +powder magazine of Europe. + +This is strikingly shown by the first letter in the English "White +Paper" from Sir Edward Grey to Sir H. Rumbold, dated July 20, 1914. It +is one of the most significant documents in the entire correspondence. +At the time this letter was written it is altogether probable that +Austria's arrogant and most unreasonable ultimatum had already been +framed and approved in Vienna, and possibly in Berlin, and yet Sir +Edward Grey, the Foreign Minister of a great and friendly country, had +so little knowledge of Austria's policy that he + + "asked the German Ambassador today (July 20) if he had any + news of what was going on in Vienna with regard to Servia." + The German Ambassador replied "that he had not, but Austria + was certainly going to take some step." + +Sir Edward Grey adds that he told the German Ambassador that he had +learned that Count Berchtold, the Austrian Foreign Minister, + + "in speaking to the Italian Ambassador in Vienna, had + deprecated the suggestion that the situation was grave, but + had said that it should be cleared up." + +The German Minister then replied that it would be desirable "if Russia +could act as a mediator with regard to Servia," so that the first +suggestion of Russia playing the part of the peacemaker came from the +German Ambassador in London. Sir Edward Grey then adds that he told the +German Ambassador that he + + "assumed that the Austrian Government would not do anything + until they had first disclosed to the public their case + against Servia, founded presumably upon what they had + discovered at the trial," + +and the German Ambassador assented to this assumption. + +[English "White Paper," No. 1.] + +Either the German Ambassador was then deceiving Sir Edward Grey, on the +theory that the true function of an Ambassador is "to lie for his +country," or the thunderbolt was being launched with such secrecy that +even the German Ambassador in England did not know what was then in +progress. + +The British Ambassador at Vienna reports to Sir Edward Grey: + + "The delivery at Belgrade on the 23d July of the note to + Servia was preceded by a period of _absolute silence_ at the + Ballplatz." + +He proceeds to say that with the exception of the German Ambassador at +Vienna--note the significance of the exception--not a single member of +the Diplomatic Corps knew anything of the Austrian ultimatum and that +the French Ambassador when he visited the Austrian Foreign Office on +July 23 was not only kept in ignorance that the ultimatum had actually +been issued, but was given the impression that its tone was moderate. +Even the Italian Ambassador was not taken into Count Berchtold's +confidence. + +[Dispatch from Sir M. de Bunsen to Sir Edward Grey, dated Sept. 1, +1914.] + +No better proof of this sense of security need be adduced than that the +French President and her Foreign Minister were thousands of miles from +Paris, and the Russian Minister had, after the funeral of the Austrian +Archduke, left Vienna for his annual holiday. + +The interesting and important question here suggests itself whether +Germany had knowledge of and approved in advance the Austrian ultimatum. +If it did, it was guilty of duplicity, for the German Ambassador at St. +Petersburg gave to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs an express +assurance that + + "the German Government _had no knowledge of the text of the + Austrian note before it was handed in and has not exercised + any influence on its contents. It is a mistake to attribute to + Germany a threatening attitude_." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 18.] + +This statement is inherently improbable. Austria was the weaker of the +two allies and it was Germany's sabre that it was rattling in the face +of Europe. Obviously Austria could not have proceeded to extreme +measures, which it was recognized from the first would antagonize +Russia, unless it had the support of Germany, and there is a +probability, amounting to a moral certainty, that it would not have +committed itself and Germany to the possibility of a European war +without first consulting Germany. + +Moreover, we have the testimony of Sir M. de Bunsen, the English +Ambassador in Vienna, who advised Sir Edward Grey that he had "private +information that the German Ambassador (at Vienna) knew the text of the +Austrian ultimatum to Servia before it was dispatched and telegraphed it +to the German Emperor," and that the German Ambassador himself "indorses +every line of it." [English "White Paper," No. 95.] As he does not +disclose the source of his "private information," this testimony would +not by itself be convincing, but when we examine Germany's official +defense in the German "White Paper," _we find that the German Foreign +Office admits that it was consulted by Austria previous to the ultimatum +and not only approved of Austria's course but literally gave her a +carte blanche to proceed_. + +This point seems so important in determining the sincerity of Germany's +attitude and pacific protestations that we quote _in extenso_. After +referring to the previous friction between Austria and Servia, the +German "White Paper" says: + +"In view of these circumstances, Austria had to admit that it would not +be consistent either with the dignity or self-preservation of the +monarchy to look on longer at the operations on the other side of the +border without taking action. _The Austro-Hungarian Government advised +us of this view of the situation and asked our opinion in the matter. We +were able to assure our ally most heartily of our agreement with her +view of the situation and to assure her that any action that she might +consider it necessary to take in order to put an end to the movement in +Servia directed against the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy +would receive our approval._ We were fully aware in this connection that +warlike moves on the part of Austria-Hungary against Servia would bring +Russia into the question and might draw us into a war in accordance with +our duties as an ally." + +Sir M. de Bunsen's credible testimony is further confirmed by the fact +that the British Ambassador at Berlin, in his letter of July 22 to Sir +Edward Grey, states that _on the preceding night_ (July 21) he had met +the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and an allusion was +made to a possible action by Austria. + + "His Excellency was evidently of opinion that this step on + Austria's part would have been made ere this. He insisted that + the question at issue was one for settlement between Servia + and Austria alone, and that there should be no interference + from outside in the discussions between those two countries." + +He adds that while he had regarded it as inadvisable that his country +should approach Austria-Hungary in the matter, he had + + "on several occasions in conversation with the Servian + Minister emphasized the extreme importance that + Austro-Servian relations should be put on a proper footing." + +[English "White Paper," No. 2.] + +Here we have the first statement of Germany's position in the matter, a +position which subsequent events showed to be entirely untenable, but to +which Germany tenaciously adhered to the very end, and which did much to +precipitate the war. Forgetful of the solidarity of European +civilization and the fact that by policy and diplomatic intercourse +continuing through many centuries a United European State exists, even +though its organization be as yet inchoate, he took the ground that +Austria should be permitted to proceed to aggressive measures against +Servia without interference from any other power, even though, as was +inevitable, the humiliation of Servia would destroy the status of the +Balkan States and even threaten the European balance of power. + +No space need be taken in convincing any reasonable man that this +Austrian ultimatum to Servia was brutal in its tone and unreasonable in +its demands. It would be difficult to find in history a more offensive +document, and its iniquity was enhanced by the short shriving time which +it gave either Servia or Europe. Servia had forty-eight hours to answer +whether it would compromise its sovereignty, and virtually admit its +complicity in a crime which it had steadily disavowed. As the full text +of the ultimatum first reached the Foreign Chancelleries nearly +twenty-four hours after its service upon Servia, the other European +nations had barely a day to consider what could be done to preserve the +peace of Europe before that peace was fatally compromised. + +[English "White Paper," No. 5; Russian "Orange Paper," No. 3.] + +Further confirmation that the German Foreign Office did have advance +knowledge of at least the substance of the ultimatum is shown by the +fact that on the same day the ultimatum was issued the Chancellor of the +German Empire instructed the German Ambassadors in Paris, London, and +St. Petersburg to advise the English, French, and Russian Governments +that + + "the acts as well as _the demands_ of the Austro-Hungarian + Government cannot but be looked upon as justified." + +[German "White Paper," Annex 1B.] + +How could Germany thus indorse the "demands" if it did not know the +substance of the ultimatum? + +The hour when these instructions were sent is not given, so that it does +not follow that these significant instructions were necessarily prior to +the service of the ultimatum at Belgrade at 6 P.M. Nevertheless, as the +ultimatum did not reach the other capitals of Europe until the following +day, as the diplomatic correspondence clearly shows, it seems improbable +that the German Foreign Office would have issued this very carefully +prepared and formal warning to the other powers on July the 23d unless +it had not only knowledge of Austria's intention to serve the ultimatum +but also at least of the substance thereof. + +While it may be that Germany, while indorsing in blank the policy of +Austria, purposely refrained from examining the text of the +communication, so that it could thereafter claim that it was not +responsible for Austria's action--a policy which would not lessen the +discreditable character of the whole business--yet the more reasonable +assumption is that the simultaneous issuance of Austria's ultimatum at +Belgrade and Germany's warning to the powers were the result of a +concerted action and had a common purpose. No court or jury, reasoning +along the ordinary inferences of human life, would question this +conclusion for a moment. + +The communication for the German Foreign Office last referred to +anticipates that Servia "will refuse to comply with these demands"--why, +if they were justified?--and Germany suggests to France, England, and +Russia that if, as a result of such non-compliance, Austria has +"recourse to military measures," that "the choice of means must be left +to it." + +The German Ambassadors in the three capitals were instructed + + "to lay particular stress on the view that the above question + is one the settlement of which devolves solely upon + Austria-Hungary and Servia, and one which the powers should + earnestly strive to confine to the two countries concerned," + +and he added that Germany strongly desired + + "that the dispute be localized, since any intervention of + another power, on account of the various alliance obligations, + would bring consequences impossible to measure." + +This is one of the most significant documents in the whole +correspondence. If Germany were as ignorant as her Ambassador at London +affected to be of the Austrian policy and ultimatum, and if Germany was +not then instigating and supporting Austria in its perilous course, why +should the German Chancellor have served this threatening notice upon +England, France, and Russia, that Austria must be left free to make war +upon Servia, and that any attempt to intervene in behalf of the weaker +nation would "bring consequences impossible to measure"? + +[German "White Paper," Annex 1B.] + +A few days later the Imperial Chancellor sent to the Confederated +Governments of Germany a _confidential communication_ in which he +recognized the possibility that Russia might feel it a duty "to take the +part of Servia in her dispute with Austria-Hungary." Why, again, if +Austria's case was so clearly justified? The Imperial Chancellor added +that + + "if Russia feels constrained to take sides with Servia in this + conflict, she certainly has a right to do it," + +but added that if Russia did this it would in effect challenge the +integrity of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and that Russia would +therefore alone-- + + "bear the responsibility if a European war arises from the + Austro-Servian question, _which all the rest of the great + European powers wish to localize_." + +In this significant confidential communication the German Chancellor +declares the strong interest which Germany had in the punishment of +Servia by Austria. He says "_our closest interests therefore summon us +to the side of Austria-Hungary_," and he adds that + + "if contrary to hope, the trouble should spread, owing to the + intervention of Russia, then, true to our duty as an ally, we + should have to support the neighboring monarchy with the + entire might of the German Empire." + +[German "White Paper," Annex 2.] + +In reaching its conclusion our imaginary court would pay little +attention to mere professions of a desire for peace. A nation, like an +individual, can covertly stab the peace of another while saying, "Art +thou in health, my brother?" and even the peace of civilization can be +betrayed by a Judas kiss. Professions of peace belong to the cant of +diplomacy and have always characterized the most bellicose of nations. + +No war in modern times has been begun without the aggressor pretending +that his nation wished nothing but peace and invoking Divine aid for its +murderous policy. To paraphrase the words of Lady Teazle on a noted +occasion when Sir Joseph Surface talked much of "honor," it might be as +well in such instances to leave the name of God out of the question. + +Let us, then, analyze the record as already made up; and for the sake of +clearness the events which preceded the war will be considered +chronologically. + +Immediately upon the receipt of the ultimatum in St. Petersburg on July +24, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a formal communication +to Austria-Hungary, suggested that the abrupt time limit "leaves to the +powers a delay entirely insufficient to undertake any useful steps +whatever for the straightening out of the complications that have +arisen," and added: + + "To prevent the incalculable consequences, equally disastrous + for all the powers, which can follow the method of action of + the Austro-Hungarian Government, it seems indispensable to us + that, above all, the delay given to Servia to reply should be + extended." + +Sazonof further suggested that time should be given for the powers to +examine the results of the inquiry that the Austro-Hungarian Government +had made in the matter of the Serajevo assassination, and stated that if +the powers were convinced + + "of the well-groundedness of certain of the Austrian demands + they would find themselves in a position to send to the + Servian Government consequential advice." + +He justly observes that + + "a refusal to extend the terms of the ultimatum ... would be + in contradiction with the very bases of international + relations." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 4.] + +Could any court question the justice of this contention? The peace of +the world was at stake. Time only was asked to see what could be done to +preserve that peace and satisfy Austria's grievances to the uttermost +farthing. + +Concurrently with Sazonof's plea for a little time to preserve the peace +of the world, Sir Edward Grey had seen the German Ambassador on July 24 +and had suggested to him that the only method of preventing the +catastrophe was + + "that the four powers, Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves, + (England,) should work together simultaneously at Vienna and + St. Petersburg." + +[English "White Paper," No. 11.] + +Germany had only to intimate to Austria that "a decent respect to the +opinions of mankind," as well as common courtesy to great and friendly +nations, required that sufficient time be given not only to Servia, but +to the other nations, to concert for the common good, especially as the +period was one of Summer dullness and many of the leading rulers and +statesmen were absent from their respective capitals. + +Under these circumstances was it not natural that Russia should announce +on July 24 + + "that any action taken by Austria to humiliate Servia would + not leave Russia indifferent," + +and that on the same day the Russian Charge d'Affaires at Vienna +suggested to the Austrian Foreign Office + + "that the Austrian note was drawn up in a form rendering it + impossible of acceptance as it stood, and that it was both + unusual and peremptory in its terms"? + +To which the only reply of the Austrian Foreign Minister was that their +representative in Servia + + "was under instructions to leave Belgrade unless Austrian + demands were accepted in their integrity by 4 P.M. tomorrow." + +[English "White Paper," No. 7.] + +Austria's only concession then or subsequently to the cause of peace was +the assurance that Austria would not _after its conquest_ of Servia +demand any territory. + +The action of Germany on this day, July 24, is most significant. Its +Ambassador in England communicated a note to Sir Edward Grey in which it +justified Austro-Hungarian grievances and ultimatum by saying that + + "under these circumstances the course of procedure and demands + of the Austro-Hungarian Government can only be regarded as + equitable and moderate." + +The note added: + + "The Imperial Government [Germany] want to emphasize their + opinion that in the present case there is only question of a + matter to be settled exclusively between Austria-Hungary and + Servia, and that the great powers ought seriously to endeavor + to reserve it to those two immediately concerned." + +[English "White Paper," No. 9.] + +On July 25, probably to the great surprise of both Germany and Austria, +which had definitely calculated upon Servians non-compliance with the +ultimatum, the latter country, under the conciliatory advice of Russia +and England, made a reply in which, at some sacrifice of its +self-respect as a sovereign State, it substantially accepted all but one +of the demands of Austria, and as to that it did not, in terms, refuse +it, but expressed its willingness to refer it either to arbitration or +to a conference of the powers. + +[English "White Paper," No. 39.] + +No court would question for a moment the conclusion that the reply was a +substantial acquiescence in the extreme Austrian demands, nor indeed did +either Germany or Austria seriously contend that it was not. They +contented themselves with impeaching the sincerity of the assurances, +calling the concessions "shams," and of this it is enough to say that if +Germany and Austria had accepted Servians reply as sufficient, and +Servia had subsequently failed to fulfill its promises thus made in the +utmost good faith, there would have been little sympathy for Servia, and +no general war. Indeed, both Russia and England pledged their influence +to compel Servia, if necessary, to meet fully any reasonable demand of +Austria. The outstanding question, which Servia agreed to arbitrate or +leave to the powers, was the participation of Austrian officials in the +Servian courts. This did not present a difficult problem. Austria's +professed desire for an impartial investigation could have been easily +attained by having the neutral powers appoint a commission of jurists to +make such investigation. + +On July 24 Sir Edward Grey also had asked the German Ambassador to use +his good influences at Vienna to secure an extension of time. To this +most reasonable request the answer and action of the German Government +was disingenuous in the extreme. They agreed to "pass on" the +suggestion, but the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs added +that as the Austrian Prime Minister was away from Vienna there would be +delay and difficulty in getting the time limit extended, and + + "he admitted quite freely that the Austro-Hungarian Government + _wished to give the Servians a lesson and that they meant to + take military action. He also admitted that the Servian + Government could not swallow certain of the Austro-Hungarian + demands_." + +He added that Germany did not want a general war and "he would do all in +his power to prevent such a calamity." + +[English "White Paper," Nos. 11 and 18.] + +Immediately on the issuance of the ultimatum the Austrian Foreign +Minister, Count Berchtold, had most inopportunely taken himself to +Ischl, where he remained until after the expiration of the time limit. +Access to him proved difficult, and the Russian Charge at Vienna, having +lodged a pacific protest with the Acting Foreign Minister in order to +take no chances, telegraphed it to Berchtold at Ischl. Nevertheless, +Berchtold's apparently designed absence from the capital was Germany's +excuse for its failure to get the time limit extended. + +If Germany made any communication to Austria in the interests of peace +the text has yet to be disclosed to the world. A word from Berlin to +Vienna would have given the additional time which, with sincerely +pacific intentions, might have resulted in the preservation of peace. +Germany, so far as the record discloses, never spoke that word. + +Contrast this attitude with that of Russia, whose Foreign Minister on +the morning of July 25 offered + + "to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of + England, France, Germany, and Italy." + +[English "White Paper," No. 17.] + +As Russia was the member of the Triple Entente most interested in the +fate of Servia, what proposal could have been more conciliatory or +magnanimous? + +On July 25 Sir Edward Grey proposed that the four powers (including +Germany) should unite + + "in asking the Austrian and Russian Governments not to cross + the frontier and to give time for the four powers, acting at + Vienna and St. Petersburg, to try and arrange matters. If + Germany will adopt this view I feel strongly that France and + ourselves should act upon it. Italy would no doubt gladly + co-operate." + +[English "White Paper," Nos. 24 and 25.] + +To this reasonable request the Imperial German Chancellor replied: + + "First and last, we take the ground that this question must be + localized _by the abstention of all the powers from + intervention in it_," + +but added that Germany would, if an Austro-Russian dispute arose, + + "co-operate with the other great powers in mediation between + Russia and Austria." + +[German "White Paper," Annex 13.] + +This distinction is very hard to grasp. It attempts to measure the +difference between tweedledum and tweedledee. Russia's difference with +Austria was over the attempt of the latter to crush Servia. Germany +would not interfere in the latter, but would as an abstract proposition +mediate between Russia and Austria. For all practical purposes the two +things were indistinguishable. + +How she "co-operated" we shall presently see. + +All that Germany _did_ on July 25, so far as the record discloses, was +to "pass on" England's and Russia's requests for more time, but +subsequent events indicate that it was "passed on" without any +indorsement, for is it credible that Austria would have ignored its +ally's request for more time if it had ever been made? + +The Austrian Foreign Minister, having launched the ultimatum, absented +himself from the capital, but the Russian Minister at Vienna, as already +stated, succeeded in submitting this most reasonable request verbally to +the Acting Foreign Minister, who simply said that he would submit it to +Count Berchtold, _but that he could predict with assurance a categorical +refusal_. Later on that day (July 25) Russia was definitely advised that +no time extension would be granted. + +[Russian "Orange Paper," Nos. 11 and 12.] + +Was ever the peace of the world shattered upon so slight a pretext? A +little time, a few days, even a few hours, might have sufficed to +preserve the world from present horrors, but no time could be granted. +A colossal snap judgment was to be taken by these pettifogging +diplomats. A timely word from the German Chancellor would have saved the +flower of the youth of Germany and Austria from perishing. It would be +difficult to find in recorded history a greater discourtesy to a +friendly power, for Austria was not at war with Russia. + +Defeated in their effort to get an extension of time, England, France, +and Russia made further attempts to preserve peace by temporarily +arresting military proceedings until efforts toward conciliation could +be made. Sir Edward Grey proposed to Germany, France, Russia, and Italy +that they should unite in asking Austria and Servia not to cross the +frontier "until we had had time to try and arrange matters between +them," but the German Ambassador read Sir Edward Grey a telegram that he +had received from the German Foreign Office that "once she [Austria] had +launched that note [the ultimatum] Austria could not draw back." + +[English "White Paper," No. 25.] + +As we have seen, Germany never, so far as the record discloses, sought +in any way to influence Austria to make this or any concession. Its +attitude was shown by the declaration of its Ambassador at Paris to the +French Minister of Foreign Affairs, which, while disclaiming that +Germany had countenanced the Austrian ultimatum, yet added that Germany +approved its point of view, + + "and that certainly the arrow, once sent, Germany could not + allow herself to be guided except by her duty to her ally." + +This seemed to be the fatal fallacy of Germany, that its duties to +civilization were so slight that it should support its ally, Austria, +whether the latter were right or wrong. Such was its policy, and it +carried it out with fatal consistency. To support its ally in actual war +may be defensible, but to support it in times of peace in an iniquitous +demand and a policy of gross discourtesy offends every sense of +international morality. + +On the following day Russia proposed to Austria that they should enter +into an exchange of private views, with the object of an alteration in +common of some clauses of the Austrian note of July 23. _To this Austria +never even replied._ The Russian Minister communicated this suggestion +to the German Minister of Foreign Affairs and expressed the hope that he +would "find it possible to advise Vienna to meet our proposal," but this +did not accord with German policy, for on that day the German Ambassador +in Paris called upon the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, and in +reply to a similar suggestion that Germany should suggest to Vienna to +meet Servia in the same conciliatory spirit which Servia had shown, the +Ambassador answered that that "was not possible in view of the +resolution taken not to interfere in the Austro-Servian conflict." + +On the same day England asked France, Italy, and Germany to meet in +London for an immediate conference to preserve the peace of Europe, and +to this fruitful suggestion, which might have saved the peace of Europe, +the German Chancellor replied with the pitiful quibble that "it is +impossible to bring our ally before a European court in its difference +with Servia," although it affected to accept "in principle" the policy +of mediation. + +Germany's acceptance "in principle" of a policy which she in practice +thwarted suggests the law-abiding tendencies of that Maine statesman who +was "for the Maine prohibition liquor law, but against its enforcement." + +[English "White Paper," No. 46.] + +Germany's refusal to have Servia's case submitted to the powers even for +their consideration is the more striking when it is recalled that the +German Ambassador at London quoted to Sir Edward Grey the German +Secretary of State as saying + + "that there were some things in the Austrian note that Servia + could hardly be expected to accept," + +thus recognizing that Austria's ultimatum was, at least in part, unjust. +Sir Edward Grey then called the German Ambassador's attention to the +fact that if Austria refused the conciliatory reply of Servia and +marched into that country + + "it meant that she was determined to crush Servia at all + costs, being reckless of the consequences that might be + involved." + +He added that the Servian reply + + "should at least be treated as a basis for discussion and + pause," + +and asked that the German Government should urge this at Vienna, but the +German Secretary of State on July 27 replied that such a conference "was +not practicable," and that it "would practically amount to a court of +arbitration," and could not, in his opinion, be called together "except +at the request of Austria and Russia." + +[English "White Paper," Nos. 43 and 46.] + +That this was a mere evasion is perfectly plain. Germany already knew +that Austria would not ask for such a conference, for Austria had +already refused Russia's request for an extension of time and had +actually commenced its military operations. Germany's attitude is best +indicated by the letter of the Russian Minister in Germany to the +Russian Foreign Office in which he states that on July 27 he called at +the German Foreign Office and asked it + + "to urge upon Vienna in a more pressing fashion to take up + this line of conciliation. Jagow replied that he could not + advise Austria to yield." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 38.] + +Why not? Russia had advised Servia to yield, and Servia had conceded +nearly every claim. Why could not the German Foreign Office advise +Vienna to meet conciliation by conciliation, if its desire for peace +were sincere? All that Russia and England desired was that a little time +and consideration should be given, without prejudice to the rights or +claims of Austria, before the peace of the world was hopelessly +shattered. + +Before this interview took place the French Ambassador had called at the +German Foreign Office on a similar errand and urged the English +suggestion that action should at once be taken by England, Germany, +Russia, and France at St. Petersburg and Vienna, to the effect that +Austria and Servia + + "should abstain from any act which might aggravate the + situation at the present hour." + +By this was meant that there should be, pending further parleys, no +invasion of Servia by Austria and none of Austria by Russia. _To this +the German Foreign Minister opposed a categorical refusal._ + +On the same day the Russian Ambassador at Vienna had "a long and earnest +conversation" with the Austrian Under Secretary of State for Foreign +Affairs. He expressed the earnest hope that + + "something would be done before Servia was actually invaded. + Baron Machio replied that this would now be difficult, as a + skirmish had already taken place on the Danube, in which the + Servians had been aggressors." + +The Russian Ambassador then said that his country would do all it could +to keep the Servians quiet, + + "and even to fall back before an Austrian advance in order to + gain time." + +He urged that the Austrian Ambassador at St. Petersburg should be +furnished with full powers to continue discussions with the Russian +Minister for Foreign Affairs, + + "who was very willing to advise Servia to yield all that could + be fairly asked of her as an independent power." + +The only reply to this reasonable suggestion was that it would be +submitted to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. + +[English "White Paper," No. 56.] + +On the same day the German Ambassador at Paris called upon the French +Foreign Office and strongly insisted on the "_exclusion of all +possibility of mediation or of conference_," and yet contemporaneously +the Imperial German Chancellor was advising London that he had + + "started the efforts toward mediation in Vienna, immediately + in the way desired by Sir Edward Grey, and had further + communicated to the Austrian Foreign Minister the wish of the + Russian Foreign Minister for a direct talk in Vienna." + +What hypocrisy! In the formal German defense, the official apologist for +that country, after stating his conviction + + "that an act of mediation could not take into consideration + the Austro-Servian conflict, which was purely an + Austro-Hungarian affair," + +claimed that Germany had transmitted Sir Edward Grey's further +suggestion to Vienna, in which Austria-Hungary was urged + + "either to agree to accept the Servian answer as sufficient or + to look upon it as a basis for further conversations"; + +but the Austro-Hungarian Government--playing the role of the wicked +partner of the combination--"in full appreciation of our mediatory +activity," (so says the German "White Paper" with sardonic humor,) +replied to this proposition that, coming as it did after the opening of +hostilities, "_it was too late_." + +Does any reasonable man question for a moment that, if Germany had done +something more than merely "transmit" these wise and pacific +suggestions, Austria would have complied with the suggestions of its +powerful ally or that Austria would have suspended its military +operations if Germany had given any intimation of such a wish? + +On the following day, July 28, the door was further closed on any +possibility of compromise when the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs + + "said, quietly but firmly, _that no discussion could be + accepted on the basis of the Servian note_; that war would be + declared today, and that the well-known pacific character of + the Emperor, as well as, he might add, his own, might be + accepted as a guarantee that the war was both just and + inevitable; that this was a matter that must be settled + directly between the two parties immediately concerned." + +To this arrogant and unreasonable contention that Europe must accept the +guarantee of the Austrian Foreign Minister as to the righteousness of +Austria's quarrel the British Ambassador suggested "the larger aspect of +the question," namely, the peace of Europe, and to this "larger aspect," +which should have given any reasonable official some ground for pause, +the Austrian Foreign Minister replied that he + + "had it also in mind, but thought that Russia ought not to + oppose operations like those impending, which did not aim at + territorial aggrandizement, and which could no longer be + postponed." + +[English "White Paper," No. 62.] + +The private conversations between Russia and Austria having thus failed, +Russia returned to the proposition of a European conference to preserve +its peace. Its Ambassador in Vienna on July 28 had a conference with +Berchtold and pointed to the dangers to the peace of Europe and the +desirability of good relations between Austria-Hungary and Russia. + +To this Count Berchtold replied that he understood perfectly well the +seriousness of the situation and the advantages of a frank explanation +with the Cabinet at St. Petersburg. + + "He told me that, on the other hand, the Austro-Hungarian + Government, which had only reluctantly decided upon the + energetic measures which it had taken against Servia, _could + now neither withdraw nor enter upon any discussion of the + terms of the Austro-Hungarian note."_ + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 45.] + +On the same day, July 28, the German Imperial Chancellor sent for the +English Ambassador and excused his failure to accept the proposal of +conference of the neutral powers, on the ground that he did not think it +would be effective, + + "because such a conference would in his opinion have the + appearance of an 'Areopagus' consisting of two powers of each + group sitting in judgment upon the two remaining powers." + +After engaging in this pitiful and insincere quibble, and when reminded +of Servia's conciliatory reply, amounting to a virtual surrender, + + "his Excellency said that he did not wish to discuss the + Servian note, but that Austria's standpoint, and in this he + agreed, was that her quarrel with Servia was a purely Austrian + concern, _with which Russia had nothing to do_." + +[English "White Paper," No. 71.] + +At this point the rules of the countries intervened in the dispute. The +Kaiser, having returned from Norway, telegraphed the Czar, under date of +July 28, that he was + + "exerting all my influence to endeavor to make Austria-Hungary + come to an open and satisfying understanding with Russia," + +and invoked the Czar's aid. + +[German "White Paper," Annex 20.] + +If the Kaiser were sincere, and he may have been, _his attitude was not +that of his Foreign Office_. Upon the face of the record we have only +his own assurance that he was doing everything to preserve peace, but +the steps that he took or the communications he made to influence +Austria _are not found in the formal defense which the German Government +has given to the world_. The Kaiser can only convince the world of his +innocence of the crime of his Potsdam camarilla by giving the world _the +text_ of any advice he gave the Austrian officials. He has produced his +telegrams to the Czar. _Where are those he presumably sent to Francis +Joseph or Count Berchtold? Where are the instructions he gave his own +Ambassadors or Foreign Minister?_ + +It is significant that on the same day Sazonof telegraphed to Count +Benckendorff: + + "My conversations with the German Ambassador confirm my + impression that Germany is rather favorable to the + uncompromising attitude adopted by Austria," + +and he adds, and history will vindicate him in the conclusion, that + + "the Berlin Cabinet, which might have been able to arrest the + whole development of this crisis, seems to exercise no action + on its ally." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 43.] + +On July 29 Sir Edward Goschen telegraphed Sir Edward Grey that he had +that night seen the German Chancellor, who had "just returned from +Potsdam," where he had presumably seen the Kaiser. The German Chancellor +then showed clearly how the wind was blowing in making the suggestion to +Sir Edward Goschen that if England would remain neutral, Germany would +agree to guarantee that she would not take any French territory. When +asked about the French colonies, no assurance was given. + +[English "White Paper," No. 85.] + +Later in the day the German Chancellor again saw the English Ambassador, +and expressed regret + + "that events had marched too rapidly, and that it was + therefore too late to act upon your [Sir Edward Grey's] + suggestion that the Servian reply might form the basis of + discussion." + +[English "White Paper," No. 75.] + +On the same day the Ambassador for Germany at St. Petersburg called upon +Sazonof and expressed himself in favor of further explanations between +Vienna and St. Petersburg, to which Sazonof assented. [Russian "Orange +Paper," No. 49.] On the same day Sir Edward Grey asked the German +Government + + "_to suggest any form of procedure_ under which the idea of + mediation between Austria and Russia, already accepted by the + German Government in principle, _could be applied_." + +To which the German Foreign Office replied that it could not act for +fear that if they made to their ally any suggestion that looked like +pressure it might "_cause them [Austria] to precipitate matter and +present a fait accompli_." [See letter of Sir Edward Goschen to Sir +Edward Grey, July 29--English "White Paper," No. 70.] + +This was the last and worst of the quibbles put forth to gain time while +Austria was making progress toward Belgrade. It assumes that Austria +might not only fail to respect the wish in a matter of common concern of +its more powerful ally, but that it might act in disregard of Germany's +wish. This strains human credulity to the breaking point. Did the German +Secretary of State keep a straight face when he uttered this sardonic +pleasantry? It may be the duty of a diplomat to lie on occasion, but is +it ever necessary to utter such a stupid falsehood? The German Secretary +of State sardonically added in the same conversation that he was not +sure that the effort for peace had not hastened the declaration of war, +as though the declaration of war against Servia had not been planned and +expected from the first. + +As a final effort to meet quibbles, the British Ambassador at Berlin +then suggested that after Austria had satisfied her military prestige, +the moment might then be favorable for four disinterested powers to +discuss the situation and come forward with suggestions for preventing +graver complications. + +To this proposal the German Secretary of State seemingly acquiesced, +but, as usual, _nothing whatever was done_. [English "White Paper," No. +76.] It is true that on July 29 Sir Edward Grey was assured by the +German Ambassador that the German Foreign Office was + + "endeavoring to make Vienna explain in a satisfactory form at + St. Petersburg the scope and extension of Austrian proceedings + in Servia," + +but again the communications which the German Foreign Office sent to +Vienna on this point _have never yet been disclosed to the world_. + +[English "White Paper," No. 84.] + +In this same conference Sir Edward Grey + + "urged that the _German Government should suggest any method_ + by which the influence of the four powers could be used + together to prevent war between Austria and Russia. France + agreed, Italy agreed. The whole idea of mediation or mediating + influence was ready to be put into operation _by any method + that Germany could suggest_ if mine were not acceptable. In + fact, mediation was ready to come into operation by any method + that Germany thought possible, if only Germany would 'press + the button' in the interests of peace." + +[English "White Paper," No. 84.] + +The difficulty was, however, that Germany never "pressed the button," +although obviously it would have been easy for her to do so, as the +stronger and more influential member of the Double Alliance. + +On the same day the Austrian Government left a memorandum with Sir +Edward Grey to the effect that Count Mensdorff said that the war with +Servia must proceed. + +On the night of July 29 the British Ambassador at Berlin was informed +that the German Foreign Office "_had not had time to send an answer +yet_" to the proposal that Germany suggest the form of mediation, but +that the question had been referred to the Austro-Hungarian Government +with a request as to "what would satisfy them." + +[English "White Paper," No. 107.] + +On the following day the German Ambassador informed Sir Edward Grey that +the German Government would endeavor to influence Austria, after taking +Belgrade and Servian territory in the region of the frontier, to promise +not to advance further, while the powers endeavored to arrange that +Servia should give satisfaction sufficient to pacify Austria, but if +Germany ever exercised any such pressure upon Vienna, _no evidence of it +has ever been given to the world_. Certainly it was not very effective, +and for the reasons mentioned it is impossible to conclude that the +advice of Germany, if in good faith, would not have been followed by its +weaker ally. + +From all that appears in the record, Austria made no reply to this most +conciliatory suggestion of England, but, in the meantime, the +irrepressible Kaiser made the crisis more acute by cabling to the Czar +that the mobilization of Russia to meet the mobilization of Austria was +affecting his position of mediator, to which the Czar made a +conciliatory reply, stating that Russia's mobilization was only for a +defense against Austria. + +The Czar, to put at rest any anxiety of the Kaiser as to Russia's +intentions with respect to Germany, added: + + "I thank you cordially for your mediation which permits the + hope that everything may yet end peaceably. It is technically + impossible to discontinue our military preparations which have + been made necessary by the Austrian mobilization. It is far + from us to want war. _As long as the negotiations between + Austria and Servia continue, my troops will undertake no + provocative action. I give you my solemn word thereon._ I + confide with all my faith in the grace of God, and I hope for + the success of your mediation in Vienna for the welfare of our + countries and the peace of Europe." + +What more could Russia do? If Austria continued to mobilize, why not +Russia? + +On this day, July 30, the German Ambassador had two interviews at St. +Petersburg with Sazonof, and it was then that Sazonof drew up the +following formula as a basis for peace: + + "If Austria, recognizing that her conflict with Servia has + assumed character of question of European interest, declares + herself ready to eliminate from her ultimatum the points which + violate principle of sovereignty of Servia, _Russia engages to + stop all military preparations_." + +[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 60.] + +At this stage King George telegraphed Prince Henry of Prussia that + + "the English Government was doing its utmost, suggesting to + Russia and France to suspend further military preparations, if + Austria will consent to be satisfied with the occupation of + Belgrade and neighboring Servian territory as a hostage for + satisfactory settlement of her demands, other countries + meanwhile suspending their war preparation." + +The King adds a hope that the Kaiser + + "will use his great influence to induce Austria to accept + this proposal, thus proving that Germany and England are + working together to prevent what would be an international + catastrophe." + +[Second German "White Paper."] + +This last proposition, however, was never accepted or declined, for the +impetuous Kaiser gave his twelve-hour ultimatum to Russia to demobilize, +and this was an arrogant demand which no self-respecting power, much +less so great a one as Russia, could possibly accept. + +While this demand was in progress Sir Edward Grey was making his last +attempt to preserve peace by asking Germany to sound Vienna, as he would +sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be possible for the four +disinterested powers to offer to Austria that they would + + "undertake to see that she obtained full satisfaction of her + demands on Servia, provided they did not embarrass Servian + sovereignty and the integrity of Servian territory." + +Sir Edward Grey went so far as to tell the German Ambassador that if +this was not satisfactory, and if Germany would make any reasonable +proposals to preserve peace and Russia and France rejected it, that + + "his Majesty's Government would have nothing to do with the + consequences," + +which obviously meant either neutrality or actual intervention in behalf +of Germany and Austria. + +On the same day the British Ambassador at Berlin besought the German +Foreign Office to + + "put pressure on the authorities at Vienna to do something in + the general interest to reassure Russia and to show themselves + disposed to continue discussions on a friendly basis." + +And Sir Edward Goschen reports that the German Foreign Minister replied +that last night he had + + "begged Austria to reply to your last proposal, and that he + had received a reply to the effect that the Austrian Minister + for Foreign Affairs would take the wishes of the Emperor this + morning in the matter." + +_Again the text of the letter in which Germany "begged" Austria to be +conciliatory is not found in the record._ + +The excuse of Germany that the mobilization of Russia compelled it to +mobilize does not justify the war. Mobilization does not necessarily +mean aggression, but simply preparation. If Russia had the right to +mobilize because Austria mobilized, Germany equally had the right to +mobilize when Russia mobilized, but it does not follow that either of +the three nations could justify a war to compel the other parties to +demobilize. Mobilization is only a preparation against eventualities. It +is the right of the sovereign State and by no code of ethics a _casus +belli_. The demand of Germany that Russia could not arm to defend +itself, when Austria was preparing for a possible attack on Russia, has +few, if any, parallels in history for bullying effrontery. It treated +Russia as an inferior, almost a vassal, State. + +It must be observed that, while Germany insisted that Russia should +demobilize, the Kaiser offered no reciprocal promise. On his theory +Germany and Austria were to be left free to complete their preparations, +but Russia was to tie her own hands and leave herself "naked to her +enemies." This is shown by the last telegrams which passed between the +Czar and Kaiser. The Czar telegraphed: + + "I have received your telegram. I comprehend that you are + forced to mobilize, but I should like to have from you the + same guaranty which I have given you, viz., that these + measures do not mean war, and that we shall continue to + negotiate for the welfare of our two countries and the + universal peace which is so dear to our hearts. With the aid + of God it must be possible to our long-tried friendship to + prevent the shedding of blood. I expect with full confidence + your urgent reply." + +To this the Kaiser replied: + + "I thank you for your telegram. I have shown yesterday to your + Government the way through which alone war may yet be averted. + Although I asked for a reply by today noon, no telegram from + my Ambassador has reached me with the reply of your + Government. I therefore have been forced to mobilize my army. + An immediate, clear, and unmistakable reply of your Government + is the sole way to avoid endless misery. Until I receive this + reply I am unable, to my great grief, to enter upon the + subject of your telegram. I must ask most earnestly that you, + without delay, order your troops to commit, under no + circumstances, the slightest violation of our frontiers." + +This impetuous step of Germany to compel its great neighbor to desist +from military preparations to defend itself came most inopportunely, for +on Aug. 1 the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador _for the first time_ declared +to the Russian Government its willingness to discuss the terms of the +Austrian ultimatum to Servia, and it was then suggested that the form of +the ultimatum and the questions arising thereon should be discussed in +London. (Dispatch from British Ambassador at Vienna to Sir Edward Grey, +dated Sept. 1, 1914.) Sir Edward Grey at once advised the English +Ambassador in Berlin of the fact, and urged that it was still possible +to maintain peace + + "if only a little respite in time can be gained before any + great power begins war," + + [English "White Paper," No. 131.] + +but the Kaiser, having issued the arrogant ultimatum to Russia to +demobilize in twelve hours, had gone too far for retreat, and, spurred +on by the arrogant Potsdam military party, he "let slip the dogs of +war." After the fatal Rubicon had been crossed and the die was cast the +Czar telegraphed King George: + +"In this solemn hour I wish to assure you once more I have done all in +my power to avert war." + +Such will be the verdict of history. + + +The Judgment. + +These are _the facts_ as shown by the record, and upon them, in my +judgment, an impartial court would not hesitate to pass the following +judgment: + +1--_That Germany and Austria in a time of profound peace secretly +concerted together to impose their will upon Europe and upon Servia in a +matter affecting the balance of power in Europe. Whether in so doing +they intended to precipitate a European war to determine the mastery of +Europe is not satisfactorily established, although their whole course of +conduct suggests this as a possibility. They made war almost inevitable +by (a) issuing an ultimatum that was grossly unreasonable and +disproportionate to any grievance that Austria had and (b) in giving to +Servia, and Europe, insufficient time to consider the rights and +obligations of all interested nations._ + +2--_That Germany had at all times the power to compel Austria to +preserve a reasonable and conciliatory course, but at no time +effectively exerted that influence. On the contrary, she certainly +abetted, and possibly instigated, Austria in its unreasonable course._ + +3--_That England, France, Italy, and Russia at all times sincerely +worked for peace, and for this purpose not only overlooked the original +misconduct of Austria but made every reasonable concession in the hope +of preserving peace._ + +4--_That Austria, having mobilized its army, Russia was reasonably +justified in mobilizing its forces. Such act of mobilization was the +right of any sovereign State, and as long as the Russian armies did not +cross the border or take any aggressive action no other nation had any +just right to complain, each having the same right to make similar +preparations._ + +5--_That Germany, in abruptly declaring war against Russia for failure +to demobilize when the other powers had offered to make any reasonable +concession and peace parleys were still in progress, precipitated the +war._ + +6--_That Belgium as a sovereign State has as an inherent right the power +to determine when and under what conditions an alien can cross her +frontiers. This right exists independently of treaties, but is, in the +case of Belgium, reinforced by the Treaty of 1839 and The Hague +Convention, whereby the leading European nations (including Germany) +guarantee its "perpetual neutrality." The invasion of Belgium by Germany +was in violation of these rights, and England only respected its own +solemn covenant when, in defense of that neutrality, it declared war +against Germany._ + + +In Conclusion. + +The writer of this article has reached these conclusions with +reluctance, as he has a feeling of deep affection for the German people +and equal admiration for their ideals and matchless progress. Even more +he admires the magnificent courage with which the German Nation, beset +on every hand by powerful antagonists, is now defending its prestige as +a nation. The whole-hearted devotion of this great nation to its flag is +worthy of the best traditions of the Teutonic race. Nevertheless, this +cannot alter the ethical truth, which stands apart from any +considerations of nationality; nor can it affect the conclusion that the +German Nation has been plunged into this abyss by its scheming statesmen +and its self-centred and highly neurotic Kaiser, who in the twentieth +century sincerely believes that he is the proxy of Almighty God on +earth, and therefore infallible. + +In visiting its condemnation, the Supreme Court of Civilization should +therefore distinguish between the military caste, headed by the Kaiser +and the Crown Prince, which precipitated this great calamity, and the +German people. + +The very secrecy of the plot against the peace of the world and the +failure to disclose to the German people the diplomatic communications +hereinbefore quoted, strongly suggest that this detestable war is not +merely a crime against civilization, _but also against the deceived and +misled German people_. They have a vision and are essentially +progressive and peace-loving in their national characteristics, while +the ideals of their military caste are those of the Dark Ages. + +One day the German people will know the full truth and then there will +be a dreadful reckoning for those who have plunged a noble and +peace-loving nation into this fathomless chasm of misfortune. + + "Though the mills of God grind slowly, + Yet they grind exceeding small, + Though with patience He stands waiting, + With exactness grinds He all." + + + + +Critics Dispute Mr. Beck + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It is regrettable that President Wilson's admirable policy of strict +neutrality is not more sincerely and carefully observed by the press and +public of this country. + +We are a cosmopolitan nation. Citizens of the five great warring +countries and their descendants, to a very great extent, constitute our +population. Partiality of any kind tends to destroy the elemental ties +which bind us together, to disrupt our Union, and to make us a house +divided against itself. James M. Beck's article in last Sunday's TIMES +is of the kind which, serving no good purpose, helps to loosen, if not +sever, our most vital domestic ties. While not for an instant doubting +Mr. Beck's sincerity, we must take issue with his inadvertently +ill-timed expression of opinion. + +The article in question is based on the following statement: "Any +discussion of the ethical merits of this great controversy must start +with the assumption that there is such a thing as international +morality." How does Mr. Beck define "international morality"? How can he +assume that to exist which each of the contending nations by their +diverse actions prove to be non-extant? How can he claim that there is +an "international morality" of accepted form when each nation claims +that its interpretation must be accepted by the others? + +Mr. Beck's allegation that the question "Was England justified in +declaring war against Germany?" is more easily disposed of than the +questions "Was Austria justified in declaring war against Servia?" and +"Was Germany justified in declaring war against Russia and France?" +proves two things--first, that his interest lies primarily in the +vindication of England; second, that he disregards the fundamental +causes and recognizes only the precipitating causes of the war. + +The precipitating cause of the war between England and Germany is +verbosely if inadequately covered by his article. We must admit that a +treaty was broken by Germany, yet we contend that this broken agreement +was a pretext for a war fomented and impelled by basic economic causes. +At the outset, let us distinguish between a contract and a treaty. A +contract is an agreement between individuals contemplating enforcement +by a court of law; punishment by money damages in the great majority of +cases, by a specific performance in a very few. A treaty is an agreement +between nations contemplating enforcement by a court of international +public opinion; punishment by money indemnity in the great majority of +cases, by specific performance (i.e., force of arms) in a very few. + + +Germany's Existence Threatened. + +Germany contends that her breach of treaty obligation is punishable by +the payment of money indemnity to the aggrieved party. This she has +offered to do in the case of Belgium, as she has already done in the +case of Luxemburg. Germany's existence was so seriously threatened that +her action seems justifiable, and there remains a sole moral obligation +to compensate any neutral country injured by her. + +The mere fact that Belgium had made an unfortunate alliance with England +is deplorable in that Belgium has suffered terribly; but this suffering +is not attributable to Germany. When Japan violated Chinese neutrality, +China protested. Though she was entitled to a money indemnity, there is +no valid reason under the sun why the United States as a guarantor of +the integrity of China should declare war against Japan. England's +justification, in so far as there can be any justification for adding to +the toll of death, is the same as that of Germany, the preservation of +national sovereignty. + +Further: "It seems unnecessary to discuss the wanton disregard of these +solemn obligations." There can be nothing wanton in a struggle for +existence, and that this European war is such a struggle is the only +possible explanation of its magnitude, ferocity, and vast possible +consequences. Then, too, though deplorable, treaty obligations are not +solemn, as Italy has proved to the complete satisfaction of so many. +Italy's contention that this is an aggressive war on the part of Germany +and Austria is as untenable as the German contention that it is an +aggressive war on the part of England. For this war was not an +aggressive war on the part of any nation, but an unavoidable war caused +by the simultaneous bursting of the long-gathering economic storm +clouds. + +Again: "The ethical aspects of this great conflict must largely depend +upon the record that has been made up by the official communications." +This is similar to a contention that the ethical rights in a case in +court must depend upon the astuteness of counsel in summing up to the +jury. "A court would be deeply impressed ... by the significant +omissions of documents known to be in existence." A court of law, as our +former Assistant Attorney General of the United States surely knows, +compels no one to give testimony that tends to incriminate, and, +furthermore, does not construe failure to testify on the grounds that it +will tend to incriminate against the defendant. In the law the defendant +is entitled to every reasonable doubt. It is also conceivable that a +reasonable time for the defense to present its case would be granted +before passing judgment. + +Passing on: "To discuss the justice of Austria's grievances against +Servia would take us ... into the realm of disputed facts." This seems a +delectable bit of humor. We respectfully submit that Mr. Beck's other +assertions might also be considered as "in the realm of disputed facts." +Mr. Beck admits that Austria had a just grievance against Servia, though +he questions her method of redress. Though we conceive that in the +unfortunate European tangle Austria relied on German support in the +event of international conflict, we submit that reliance on Russian +support was a bigger factor in encouraging little Servia to defy her big +neighbor than the remoter help that Germany would furnish Austria in the +event of the conflict spreading. + +Austria, in the exercise of her right to engage in a punitive expedition +against Servia, guaranteed that she would do nothing to generalize the +conflict by her assurances to Russia and to the world that there would +be no annexation of Servian territory or annihilation of the Servian +Kingdom. Whether these assurances were genuine or not is impossible of +determination. We have no right to constitute ourselves arbiters of +their sincerity. + + +No European Solidarity. + +Mr. Beck speaks of "the solidarity of European civilization and the fact +that by policy and diplomatic intercourse ... a United European State +exists, even though its organization be as yet inchoate." This +solidarity is conspicuous only by its utter non-existence. Whatever may +have been achieved by policy and diplomatic intercourse has been marred +and rendered useless by the lines of demarkation of the spheres of +influence of the great powers of Europe and by the racial and +temperamental incongruities of Europe's population. + +We read: "Servia had forty-eight hours to answer; ... the other European +nations had barely a day to consider what could be done to preserve the +peace of Europe. Why should an Austro-Servian war compromise the peace +of Europe?" Was it not because of the tangled web of international +diplomacy, the Triple Entente as well as the Triple Alliance? + +Referring to a German warning in regard to Austria's demands on Servia, +"the German Foreign Office anticipates that Servia 'will refuse to +comply with these demands'--why, if they were justified?" We grieve at +the shattered ideal of Mr. Beck, who, in the face of the international +calamity which has befallen the world, still can believe that all +justifiable demands are complied with. + +Again, quoting German "White Paper," Annex 1B, Germany desired "that +the dispute be localized, since any intervention of another power, on +account of the various alliance obligations, would bring consequences +impossible to measure." The explanation of this statement is not--an +aggressor threatens his adversary, but, rather, a prudent man begs +opposing factions to keep cool. + +Great space is devoted in the article in question to Germany's +unwillingness to place the Austro-Servian controversy in the hands of +France, England, Germany, and Italy. As Germany disavows all interest in +the controversy, if she speaks truly, it was not within her power to +dictate to her ally in a matter which she could in nowise control except +by force of arms. Furthermore, had she had the power, how could she be +expected to exert pressure on her ally to leave a vital controversy to a +court of four, two of whom were bound by alliances with Russia, +Austria's real antagonist, and a third, (Italy,) as subsequent events +have shown, Austria's natural, geographical, and hereditary enemy? At +best, had each power held to its treaty obligations, there would have +been a deadlock. + +Further: "The Russian Minister ... called at the German Foreign Office +and asked it 'to urge upon Vienna ... to take up this line of +conciliation. Jagow replied that he could not advise Austria to yield.'" +Elsewhere in the article a statement is made that the Austro-Servian and +Austro-Russian questions "for all practical purposes ... were +indistinguishable." This inconsistency of having Servia in the light of +a principal and then again in the light of an agent is the greatest +stumbling block to a clear analysis of the precipitating cause of the +war. The logical explanation of Servia's position is that of Russia's +agent. Hence Germany could not be expected to exert the same pressure on +an allied principal that Russia could exert on her agent. + +It is true that Germany engaged in many blundering diplomatic quibbles +in the final stages of preparation for the war; but it is also true that +England quibbled, though with greater diplomatic finesse; for instance, +"Sir Edward Grey went so far as to tell the German Ambassador that ... +if Germany would make any reasonable proposals to preserve peace, and +Russia and France rejected it, that 'his Majesty's Government would have +nothing to do with the consequences.'" Here it is apparent to every one +that the word "reasonable" begs the questions. + + +Slav and Teuton. + +The German people were encouraged to relish the idea of a war against +Russia once that war became likely, for sooner or later it seemed +inevitable that Slav and Teuton would clash, and Germany felt confident +that at the present time she outmatched her enemy. The Russians, too, +were encouraged to desire the Slav provinces of Austria, which racially +are a part of the Russian domain. The English people were made to relish +this opportunity to strike their great commercial competitor, especially +when they could do so with little likelihood of unfavorable criticisms. +Finally, the impressionable French people were stirred to thoughts of +revenge and recovery of their lost provinces. + +Sympathy with any country in this most disgraceful yet most inevitable +of wars brands the sympathizer as a party to the material and lustful +purposes of at least one of the combatants. There is no ethical +justification of this war from any standpoint. There is no justification +of this war from any standpoint. There is only an explanation of the war +from an economic standpoint. All these specious arguments on the +precipitating causes of the war can be but for the display of brilliant +forensic oratory and matchless diction. Let us thrust aside in these +dark moments of peril and horror all subterfuge. + +England, overburdened with taxation, was on the verge of civil war. +Russia, whose masses were overridden roughshod by a bureaucracy +weighting down the peasants with onerous national burdens, expected +sooner or later the cataclysmic upheaval with which the Nihilistic +societies have long been threatening its tyrannical Government. France, +seriously financially embarrassed because of crop impoverishment and +bad foreign investments in Brazil, Russia, and the Balkans, was subject +to continued internal political upheavals, with ever-changing Ministries +and a growing Socialist Party. + +Austria, "the ramshackle empire," was in danger of disintegrating from a +variety of causes, not the least of which was the infusibility of its +racially different elements. Germany, in a blind race for commercial +supremacy, suffered from industrial overproduction, thus creating an +unhealthy financial condition which fortified the Socialist Party to an +extent which threatened her imperialistic form of government itself. + +So these monarchies whose days were numbered, because of dissatisfaction +at the waste and extravagance of a world gone mad with national excesses +committed in the name of civilization, in reality the price of our +modernization, in a final desperate effort to rally their waning +fortunes stampeded their awakening masses into a ruinous interracial war +in order to stave off the torch and the guillotine. + +GEORGE E. BERNHEIMER. + +New York, Oct. 30, 1914. + + + + +Russia to Blame + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Allow me to submit the following in answer to the article of James M. +Beck, entitled "Case of the Double Alliance vs. the Triple Entente," +published in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Oct. 25, 1914: + +The case of "Russian Mobilization vs. German Mediation." Q.--Upon whom +was the duty to yield? + +Mr. Beck has spent considerable time and effort to prove, at least by +inference, that Germany must have been informed beforehand of the +Austrian ultimatum to Servia. Personally, I am convinced that the +ultimatum in question was sent with the full knowledge and consent of +Germany; and, whether this is true or not, I maintain that it was +Austria's duty to inform her ally before taking a step which was likely +to endanger the peace of Europe. + +The concession of this point takes me immediately to the ultimatum +itself and to the question, "Was the tenor of the ultimatum justified?" +Mr. Beck, in his judgment, says: "The ultimatum is grossly unreasonable +and disappropriate to any grievance that Austria had." Perhaps Mr. Beck +is right, but I have good reasons to think that the tenor of the +ultimatum was fully justified, in view of Servia's former conduct. + +Austria was dealing here with a Government the real spirits of which had +come into power by the commission of one of the most dastardly crimes of +modern times. A crime which, at the time of its commission, sent a shock +of horror through the entire civilized world, to wit, "the outrageous +murder of the former King and Queen of Servia," outrageous because it +was perpetrated by the so-called aristocracy of Servia. The +long-continued agitation carried on by Servia against Austria, at the +instigation of Russia, which finally culminated in another no less +outrageous assassination, that of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his +consort, to my idea fully justified Austria in making demands which +under ordinary circumstances might have been termed "unreasonable." + +The question whether Austria was justified in going to war against +Servia is a debatable one, but I respectfully refer to the fact that our +own country, the United States, was only very recently on the verge of +precipitating war with a "much weaker" nation than ours, on account of +the latter's refusal to salute the American flag. Neither did we stop on +that occasion with the ultimatum, but we followed it up with dispatching +a fleet of warships, the landing of troops, and the seizure of Vera +Cruz. + +From the time Austria's ultimatum was sent all the great powers seemed +to have professed a great eagerness for the preservation of peace. Mr. +Beck asserts that Germany was not sincere in its desire for peace and +could have avoided the war if it had seriously tried to exert its +influence over Austria. This finding is based on the inference drawn +from the fact that Germany failed to achieve any results. + +To determine whether Mr. Beck is justified in finding as he does, it is +necessary, first of all, to examine the exact status of the powers at +the time the ultimatum was sent. We find that Austria had a just +grievance against Servia, for which it was seeking redress. An issue was +therefore raised between Austria and Servia. Germany, although Austria's +ally, immediately defined its attitude by declaring emphatically that +"the question at issue was one for settlement between Servia and Austria +alone." + + +Why Did Russia Mobilize? + +I beg to ask Mr. Beck to answer the following question: By what +right--moral, legal, or equitable--did Russia make Servia's cause its +own? Did Russia have any alliance with Servia? I further ask: What +privity existed between Austria, Servia, and Russia? + +Suppose Mr. Beck can justify the action of Russia, although a "rank +outsider," in taking Servia's part, how can he possibly justify the +positively unreasonable and, under the circumstances, most dangerous +step of "actual mobilization" on the part of Russia? + +Mr. Beck has tried to justify the mobilization by quoting the Russian +excuse "that Russia's mobilization was only for a defense against +Austria." On close examination what does this amount to? It resolves +itself into a situation somewhat like this: A sends an ultimatum to B +seeking redress for a wrong committed by B upon A, whereupon C mobilizes +"for defense against A." I leave it to the average American of ordinary +intelligence to find a reason for C's mobilization "for defense against +A." Mr. Beck might as well try to justify a mobilization on the part of +Japan if the United States was preparing to invade Mexico for the +purpose of redressing an insult to the American flag. Does Mr. Beck +realize the seriousness of actual mobilization by Russia at that +critical moment? Not one of the other powers dared to take this one step +which among nations is regarded as tantamount to a declaration of war. + +And what did the Kaiser do at this moment? He did the only thing he +could do, and, I dare say, the only thing our American Nation could have +done under the same circumstances. He wired the Czar and stated: "I am +willing to bring my influences to bear upon Austria, provided you agree +to cease mobilization." Was this demand unreasonable? What else could +Germany have done, I ask, with the Russian bear standing on the border +with the sword already drawn? This moment was the crucial and decisive +one in the prologue to this awful world drama. + +The only question therefore and the all-important one to be submitted to +the Court of Civilization, is, Whose duty was it to yield? Was it +Russia's, with the sword already drawn against a country which had not +attacked it, not even threatened it, or was it Germany's, with the sword +in the sheath? + +In his "conclusion," Mr. Beck speaks of Germany as "beset on every hand +by powerful antagonists." Does he really mean to deprive the German +Emperor of the right to demand as a condition precedent to mediation on +his part the discontinuance of mobilization by Russia? + +Mr. Beck in his "judgment" under Paragraph 4 says "that Austria, having +mobilized its army, Russia was reasonably justified in mobilizing its +forces." The use of the qualifying word "reasonably" seems to indicate +that even Mr. Beck is not quite certain that Russia was in fact +justified in mobilizing its forces. + +Is it reasonable, just, and fair of Mr. Beck to expect Germany, "beset +on every hand by powerful antagonists," to permit Russia to continue +mobilizing its 18,000,000 soldiers and have Germany believe that Russia +was sincere in its "peaceful intentions" in the face of actual +mobilization? At this moment the German Kaiser made a very reasonable +demand upon Russia to cease mobilization, and I ask every fair-minded +American, whether lawyer or layman, "whose duty it was to yield" at this +moment. The answer to this question will settle the much-disputed point +as to the actual cause of the war. + +In conclusion, I beg to ask Mr. Beck: Why expect so much of Germany and +nothing of Russia, when Germany had not merely professed her peaceful +intentions, but actually maintained peace for over forty years, during +which period not a foot of territory had been acquired by her through +conquest? This is a fact. + +Coming into a court of law supported by such a reputation, does Mr. Beck +really believe that the decision of the court would have been in favor +of Russia? Does Mr. Beck really believe that the decision would have +been against Germany, whose war lord was begging the Czar almost on his +knees to avoid the awful calamity by the discontinuance of mobilization? + +Picture the United States about to invade Mexico to redress an insult to +the American flag. Picture England as the ally of the United States, and +Japan supporting Mexico, without any alliance existing between the two +latter countries. To make this example conform to the actual facts under +discussion, we must, of course, assume that both Japan and England are +situated in the North American Continent, and across the border from the +United States and England. Japan, with an army of 18,000,000 soldiers, +(assumed for the purpose of argument,) mobilizes her army, professedly +for defense against the United States. Could any fair-minded American +possibly expect England to intercede with her ally, the United States, +without first demanding the demobilization of Japan? Whose duty was it +to yield? + +The actual fact is that Germany even then did not declare war against +Russia until Russian soldiers had actually crossed not the Austrian but +the German border. + +I may add that in writing the above I am prompted only by the very +natural desire, viz., to impress upon the jury composed of the American +people the one fact which should be given the most careful consideration +in order to enable it to arrive at a just verdict in the case submitted, +and this fact is "the mobilization of Russia." + +FRANK SEGGEBRUCH. + +New York, Oct. 29, 1914. + + + + +In Defense of Austria + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Referring to your editorial, "The Evidence Examined," in your Sunday +edition, I wish to protest emphatically against your assertion that a +"Court of Civilization" must inevitably come to the conclusion that +Germany precipitated the war. There are still millions of civilized +people who see these things quite differently. + +Mr. Beck makes out a case from the viewpoint of the accusing party--of +course, nobody will doubt the legal abilities of Mr. Beck--but before +the Supreme Court of Civilization there is also a law: audiatur et +altera pars. Mr. Beck, as he presents the case to the court, has not +mentioned very important points which, for the decision of the Supreme +Court, would be most vital ones. + +At first the breach of Belgian neutrality, admitted and regretted by the +German Government, has nothing to do with the question--who precipitated +the war? It constituted only an action of the war itself. On the other +hand, you call in your editorial the Austrian ultimatum a savage one +and take it for granted that this ultimatum started the stone rolling +and brought finally the general clash in Europe about. This presumption, +when presented to the court, will have to be thoroughly proved, because +there are many people, fair and just, as you consider yourself, who are +convinced of the ample justification of this ultimatum. + +It is hardly describable how many criminal acts have been committed by +Servians against the very existence of the Dual Monarchy for the last +six years, under the eyes of the Servian Government and approved by it, +by intriguing against Austria's right to cultivate her own territory, +Bosnia, spreading secret societies all over the empire, &c. + +The awful crime, the assassination of the heir to the throne, was only +the finish of a long chain of like acts. These facts, which immediately +lead up to the ultimatum, ought to be considered in the first place by +judging Austria's justification for sending this ultimatum to Servia. A +just Judge in the Court of Civilization will, I am convinced, carefully +study the ante-history and in all probability arrive at the conclusion +that the ultimatum was amply justified and Servia fully deserved the +severest punishment possible. + +Mr. Beck presents to the court the Russian interference with this +intended punishment and forgets to tell the Judge that Russia had not +the least right to this interference. No foreign power had. + +Therefore, Austria was entirely within her right to decline any +negotiations with Russia about this punishment before its completion. +Nevertheless, the German Government brought these negotiations about, +and, while these negotiations proceeded satisfactorily, Russia +mobilized, mobilized all along her western frontier against Austria and +Germany, notwithstanding the fact that she had promised not to do so and +officials in Petrograd had pledged their words to the contrary. + +Russia knew there could be no such thing as a war with Austria alone, as +well as Germany knew that a war with Russia meant a war with France. If +the laws of morality rule in the Court of Civilization, they should +above all be applied to the conduct of Servia and Russia. Austria was in +a state of self-defense, when she decided not to bear any longer +Servia's treacherous and murderous attacks against her existence; this +is entirely within the boundaries of the laws of morality. Russia, +however, without the slightest right, moral or legal, attacked Austria +from the back by interfering with Austria's own affairs. + +Therefore I wish to point out that a careful student of the papers, by +considering the ante-history of the war, which, as you will admit, is +very essential, may come to a quite different conclusion and Mr. Beck as +State's attorney will have a hard stand against the counsel of the +defendant. + +EDWARD PICK. + +New York, Oct. 27, 1914. + +[Illustration] + + + + +Defense of the Dual Alliance--A Reply + +By Dr. Edmund von Mach. + + Instructor of Fine Arts, Harvard, 1899-1903; Instructor in + History of Art, Wellesley College, 1899-1902; Lecturer in + History of Art, Bradford Academy, Cambridge, Mass. Author of + many books on Greek and Roman sculpture and the history of + painting. Served in the German Army, 1889-91. + + +Hon. James M. Beck has eloquently argued the case of the Allies against +Germany and Austria-Hungary, and submitted his findings with confident +assurance of their acceptance by the Supreme Court of Civilization. +Carried away by his zeal he has at times used terms not warranted by the +evidence, such as "the irrepressible Kaiser," "stupid falsehood," +"duplicity," and the like, but since the court can be trusted to +disregard such expressions no further attention will be paid to them. + +To a certain extent this article is not a reply but a continuation of +Mr. Beck's argument, for, wherever our personal sympathies may lie, we +are all equally interested in discovering the truth. In the final +settlement of peace American public opinion may, nay, will, have a +prominent voice. If it is exerted on the strength of a true +understanding of European events, it will contribute to the +establishment of a lasting peace. + +As to the evidence submitted Mr. Beck seems to err in believing that +Governments are accustomed to publish in their various white, gray, or +orange papers "the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." +This is nowhere done, for there are many bits of information which come +to a Government through its diplomatic connections which it would be +indelicate, discourteous, or unwise to give to the public. The official +documents on American foreign relations and all white, gray, or orange +papers are "edited." They are understood to be so by Congress, +Parliament, the Reichstag, the Duma, &c., and no charge of dishonesty +can be maintained against the respective Governments on that score. + +If the Chancellor says that Germany was using her good offices in +Vienna, this is as valuable a bit of evidence as the reprint of a +dispatch in the "White Paper," unless we wish to impugn his veracity, +and in that case the copy of a dispatch would be valueless, for he might +have forged it. The entire argument, therefore, against Germany and +Austria, based on what Mr. Beck calls the "suppression of vitally +important documents," is void, unless you will apply it equally to Great +Britain and the other countries. + +In Sir Edward Grey's "White Paper" Mr. Beck has missed no important +documents because he looked at England's well-prepared case through +sympathetic eyes, and it did not occur to him to ask, "Where are all the +documents bearing on Italian neutrality?" Does he believe that England +was so little interested in the question whether she would have to fight +two or three foes, and whether her way to Egypt and India would be safe +or threatened? There are many dispatches to and from Rome included in +the "White Paper," but not a mention of Italy's position. + +The first paper contains a letter to the British Ambassador in Berlin +concerning the Austro-Servian relations. Is it not probable that Sir +Edward Grey's attention was called to this question by his Ambassador in +Vienna? Where is his letter? Or, if Sir Edward thought of it himself, +why did he not mention his conversation also to Sir M. de Bunsen in +Vienna? Where is this note? Are we to assume that Sir M. de Bunsen made +his first report on July 23, although Sir Edward Goschen in Berlin had +an interesting report to make a day earlier? + +We can thus go through the whole British "White Paper" and discover the +omission of many interesting documents. + +No. 38 is a letter from Sir Rennell Rodd in Rome, dated on July 23 and +received on July 27. He had no doubt sent also a telegram. What did it +contain, and why was it not published under the date of its arrival +instead of the letter which had been delayed in transit? + + +Where Is No. 28? + +In No. 29 Sir Edward Grey refers in a telegram to Sir R. Rodd to what "I +had said to the German Ambassador." Such a reference could have a +meaning for Sir R. Rodd only if he had been informed of this +conversation. There is no dispatch printed in the "White Paper" +containing this information. Possibly it was so entwined with other +instructions, which Sir Edward Grey did not care to have known, that it +could not be published. Was it perhaps sent to the printer first as No. +28, and removed at the last moment when it was too late to change the +subsequent numbers? Or, if this assumption is wrong, what was printed +originally as No. 28? Where is No. 28? There are other omissions, and +one especially noteworthy one between Nos. 80 and 106 which will be +discussed later. + +Viewed in this light, the English "White Paper" loses much of the value +of a complete record, which it has had in the eyes of many. There is +absolutely no reason to doubt the accuracy of those dispatches which +have been printed, but it becomes incumbent upon the searcher after the +truth to inquire whether the existence of unprinted (in the case of the +German "White Paper" Mr. Beck uses the term "suppressed") papers may not +at times alter the interpretation which should be given to those that +are printed. + +Since we have no published records anywhere concerning the advice given +to Italy by the Allies, and the gradual steps leading up to Italy's +decision to remain neutral; nor any hint as to the day when her decision +was communicated to England and the other powers, it would be futile to +speculate on this subject. Since, however, the Queen of Italy and the +wife of the Commander in Chief of the Russian forces are sisters, and +since it was in the interest of the Allies to keep Italy neutral, it is +not unreasonable to assume that an exchange of opinion took place +between Italy and the Allies concerning the conditions under which Italy +would remain neutral. + +If the actual opening of hostilities could be so managed that Germany +could be called the aggressor, then Italy probably declared that she +would not enter the war. This is a very important phase of the case, and +the omission from Sir Edward Grey's "White Paper" of all dispatches +dealing with Italian neutrality is much to be regretted. + +Since we are dealing with the Italian dispatches here, it may be +advisable to consider at once all the communications which are published +as having passed between Sir Edward Grey and the British Ambassador, Sir +Rennell Rodd, in Rome. They are numbered 19, (perhaps 28,) 29, 35, 36, +38, 49, 57, 63, 64, 80, 81, 86, 92, 100, and 106, of which the important +numbers are 38, 57, 64, 80, and 86. + +On July 23 Sir Edward Grey was informed that "the gravity of the +situation lay in the conviction of the Austro-Hungarian Government that +it was absolutely necessary for their prestige, after the many +disillusions which the turn of events in the Balkans has occasioned, to +score a definite success." (No. 38.) + +Austria, in other words, believed that to let the murder of her +heir-apparent pass unpunished would have meant a deathblow to her +prestige, and consequently, as any one familiar with her conditions will +agree, to her existence. Russia, on the other hand, on July 25 said (see +No. 17, report from Sir G. Buchanan) that she could not "allow (note the +word) Austria to crush Servia and become the predominant power in the +Balkans, and if she feels secure of the support of France, she will face +all the risks of war." + +These two dispatches to Sir Edward Grey tell the whole story in a +nutshell. Austria believed, rightly or wrongly, that it was a question +of life or death for her, while Russia claimed the right of preventing +Austria from becoming the predominate power in the Balkans, and actually +threatened war. Russia did not claim to be concerned with the justice of +Austria's demands on Servia. + +No such definite word of Russia's intention was sent to Germany, for on +July 26 Sir M. de Bunsen reported Germany's confident belief that +"Russia will keep quiet during the chastisement of Servia." (No. 32.) + +On the next day Sir Rennell Rodd reports from Rome (No. 57) that the +Minister of Foreign Affairs believes that "if Servia will even now +accept it (the Austrian note) Austria will be satisfied" and refrain +from a punitive war. He, moreover, believes--and this is very +important--that Servia may be induced to accept the note in its entirety +on the advice of the four powers invited to the conference, and this +would enable her to say that she had yielded to Europe and not to +Austria-Hungary alone. Since Italy was to be one of the four powers, the +Minister's belief was doubtless based on accurate information. There is +then as late as July 27 no claim made by Servia that Austria's demands +are unreasonable. She only hates to yield to Austria alone. Austria, in +the meanwhile, (No. 57,) repeats her assurance that she demands no +territorial sacrifices from Servia. + +On the next day, July 28, Sir Rennell Rodd reports (No. 64) that "Servia +might still accept the whole Austrian note, if some explanation were +given regarding mode in which Austrian agents would require to +intervene." Austria, on her part, had explained that "the co-operation +of the Austrian agents in Servia was to be only in investigation, not in +judicial or administrative measures. Servia was said to have willfully +misinterpreted this." (No. 64.) + +From these reports it appears that the differences between Austria and +Servia were on the way to a solution. Austria claimed that her demands +were just, and Servia did not deny this. Austria further claimed that +her prestige, her very existence, demanded the prompt compliance with +her requests by Servia. She explained in a satisfactory way the one +point on which Servia had taken exceptions, and Servia was on the point +of complying, and would have complied, if the powers had been willing to +let her do so. Such a conclusion of the incident would have strengthened +Austria's prestige and assured the punishment of the murderers of +Serajevo. + + +Russia's Remark About Austria. + +The reason why Servia was not allowed to submit was Russia's remark, +quoted above, that she would not "allow" Austria to become the +predominant power in the Balkans. It was, therefore, Russia's task to +prevent Servia from accepting Austria's note. Since war was her +alternative, baldly stated to England from the first, she had to do +three things--first, to secure as many allies as possible; secondly, to +weaken her enemies, preferably by detaching from them Italy, and, +thirdly, to get as much of a start in her mobilization as possible. + +The treaties between Russia, France, and Great Britain, unlike those +between Germany, Austria, and Italy, have never been published. Whatever +their wording may be, Russia was at first apparently not absolutely sure +of the support of France, (No. 17,) and France, it would seem, was +unwilling to tempt fate without the help of England. That England should +be willing to join such a combination for such a cause seemed so +preposterous to Germany that she did not believe it. Without England no +France, without France no war, for alone Russia could not measure +herself against Austria. Austria would not have attacked her of her own +free will, but if Russia had attacked Austria, the whole world knew from +the published treaties that Germany was bound to come to the assistance +of her ally. It would have been two against one, and the two could have +waited until Russia had finished her cumbersome mobilization. For even +if she had her whole army of many million men on the frontier, Austria +and Germany together were strong enough to stem her advance. + +Russia's only chance, therefore, when Servia was on the point of +yielding, and Austria had almost re-established her prestige, was to +secure the help of France, but this meant also the promise of England. + +The demands made on England by Russia, some of which are quoted in the +"White Paper," are too well known to deserve repetition. This was the +chief thing that counted, to get England's promise. The next was to +detach Italy from her allies, (but of this there are no documents +available,) and the third to gain time for her mobilization. All the +other suggestions and counter-suggestions which fill the English "White +Paper" are insignificant, as soon as the fundamental positions of +Austria and Russia are understood. + +Germany has claimed that England promised her support to Russia and +France on July 30, or in the night of July 29, and, to prove it, has +published the letter from the Belgian Minister in St. Petersburg to his +Minister of Foreign Affairs, printed in translation in THE NEW YORK +TIMES on Oct. 7. This letter, which has not been officially denied by +the Allies, states that the promise of England's support gave the +Russian war party the upper hand and resulted in the order of complete +mobilization. + + +English "White Paper's" Testimony. + +Strangely enough, and doubtless by an oversight, the English "White +Paper" contains two dispatches (Nos. 80 and 106) which seem to confirm +the accuracy of M. de l'Escaille's statement, viz., that England +promised the Russian-French combination her support. + +On July 29 Sir Rennell Rodd wrote to Sir Edward Grey (No. 80) that the +Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs had told him "there seemed to be a +difficulty in making Germany believe that Russia was in earnest. As +Germany, however, was really anxious for good relations with ourselves, +if she believed that Great Britain would act with Russia and France, he +thought it would have a great effect." + +In a later dispatch of the same day (No. 86) he deprecates Russia's +partial mobilization, which he fears has spoiled the chances of +Germany's exerting any pressure on Austria. + +But on the next day, July 30, these remarkable words occur: "He [the +Italian Minister] had reason to believe that Germany was now disposed to +give more conciliatory advice to Austria, as she seemed convinced that +we should act with France and Russia, and was most anxious to avoid +issue with us." (No. 106.) + +Readers of the "White Paper" will look in vain for an explanation of +such a change of heart on Germany's part. What does "now" mean in the +last letter? And why does Germany seem "convinced" that England will act +with Russia--if not that she has heard of the promise mentioned by M. de +l'Escaille, as given early on July 30 or late the 29th? The dates agree, +and unless Sir Edward Grey publishes further papers to explain the +change that had taken place between July 29 and July 30 one seems forced +to accept this explanation. + +What is Germany's attitude? Does she rush into war? Not at all, for she +is "most anxious to avoid issue" with England. (No. 106.) Germany knew +that Russia had begun to mobilize. Every day, every hour counted; for +against the masses of Russia she had only her greater speed to match. +She knew that England had gone over to Russia, although she was probably +hoping that the alliance between the Saxon and the Slav was not yet +irrefragable. Still, the prospects were dark. But in spite of this the +efforts were renewed to see what could be done in Vienna. + +The famous exchange of telegrams between royalty began in the evening of +July 29; and here it is wise to halt for a moment. On July 30 the Czar +telegraphed to the Emperor in reply to the Emperor's expression of +regret that Russia should be mobilizing, as follows: "The military +measures in force now were decreed five days ago." That is, according to +the Czar, the Russian mobilization had begun on July 25. On July 27, +however, the Russian Minister of War, M. Suchomlinow, had declared to +the German Military Attache "on his word of honor" that no mobilization +order had been issued. July 25, however, it will be remembered, was the +day on which Sir G. Buchanan had reported from St. Petersburg that +Russia will "face all risks of war" if she can feel sure of the support +of France. + +On July 31 Russia mobilized her entire army, which led to Germany's +ultimatum that Russia demobilize within twelve hours. No reply was +received to the request, and orders for the mobilization of the German +Army were issued at 5:15 P.M., Aug. 1, after the German Ambassador in +St. Petersburg had been instructed to declare that, owing to the +continued mobilization of the Russian Army, a state of war existed +between the two countries. + + +Kaiser Tried to Keep Peace. + +In order to understand this step one should read the book "La France +Victorieuse dans la Guerre de Demain," ("France Victorious in the Next +War,") by Col. Arthur Boucher, published in 1911. Col. Boucher has +stated the case baldly and so simply that every one can understand it. +In substance his argument is this: "Alone France has no chance, but +together with Russia she will win against Germany. Suppose the three +countries are beginning mobilization on the same day. Germany finishes +first, France second, and Russia last. Germany must leave some of her +troops on her eastern frontier, the rest she throws against France. All +France has to do is to hold them for a few days. [Col. Boucher mentions +the exact number of days. This book is not at hand, and the writer +prefers not to quote from memory.] Then Russia comes into play, more +German troops will be needed in the East, the French proceed to an +attack on their weakened enemy, and La France sera victorieuse." + +Everything hinges on just a couple of days or so. A couple of days! And +how much of a start had Russia? She had begun on July 25; on July 27 +definite news of the Russian mobilization was reported in Berlin, +although the Minister of War denied it "on his honor." On July 30 +England was understood to have promised her support to Russia, and the +Czar acknowledged that Russia had been mobilizing for the past five +days. Five days! And Col. Boucher, expressing the opinion of military +experts, had counted on victory on a much smaller margin! + +Do the Judges of the Supreme Court of Civilization realize the almost +super-human efforts in the interest of peace made by the German Emperor? +Russia has a start of five days, and on July 31 a start of six days. Can +we not hear all the military leaders imploring the Emperor not to +hesitate any longer? But in the interest of peace the Emperor delays. He +has kept the peace for Germany through the almost thirty years of his +reign. He prays to his God, in Whom he has placed his trust through all +his upright life, with a fervor which has often brought him ridicule. +Also, he still believes in England, and hopes through her efforts to be +able to keep the peace. He waits another day. A start of seven days for +Russia! The odds against Germany have grown tremendously. At last he +orders mobilization. For a longer delay he would not have been able to +answer to his country. As it is, there are many people who blame him +severely for having waited so long. + +But William II. was right, for when the world will begin to realize the +agonies through which he must have passed during these days of waiting, +and the sacrifices he made in his effort to preserve peace, it will +judge Germany rightly, and call the Emperor the great prince of peace +that he is. + +But, it has been said, why did he not avoid war, either by forcing +Austria to yield to Russia, or, if she refused, by withdrawing from her? +In common with the whole of Germany, he probably felt that Austria's +position was right. Servia herself, as has been seen above, did not +claim that she was unjustly treated, whatever outsiders thought of +Austria's demands; and Austria was fully justified by past events in +believing that it was with her a question of life and death. Should +Germany sacrifice her faithful friend under such circumstances, and for +what? For the arrogance of Russia, who would not "allow" her to +re-establish her prestige in a righteous cause? The word "righteous" is +used advisedly, because in the early stages of the controversy nobody, +not even Russia nor Servia herself, denied the justice of Austria's +demands. The writer is informed that even the liberal English press +found no fault with the course taken by Austria, although it commented +adversely on the language used in the note. + +What would have been the result of peace bought by Germany at such a +cost? It would have alienated her only faithful friend without laying +the foundations for a lasting friendship with her opponents. This at +least was Germany's honest belief. She may have been wrong. History more +probably will call her right. To desert Austria might have postponed the +war, but when it would have come Germany would have stood alone, and, +worse, she would have lost her self-respect. + +This claim may sound strange in the ears of those who have just +witnessed and will never forget the suffering of that beautiful little +country, Belgium. They hold that, since Germany invaded Belgium, it is +Germany who broke a treaty and who is to blame. + +Mr. Beck considers this to be so self-evident that he deems it +unnecessary to advance any proof. He quotes the Chancellor's speech, +and, moving for a quick verdict, declares his motion of guilty carried. +The matter, however, is not quite so simple for the man who is seeking +for the whole truth. Let us look at the facts. + +Belgium was a neutral country, just as any country has the right to +declare itself neutral, with this difference: that in 1839 she had +promised to five powers--Great Britain, France, Russia, Austria, and +Prussia--that she would remain perpetually neutral. These five powers in +their turn had promised to guarantee her neutrality. She was, however, a +sovereign State, and as such had the undoubted right to cease being +neutral whenever she chose by abrogating the Treaty of 1839. If the +other high contracting parties did not agree with her, it was their +right to try to coerce Belgium to keep to her pledges, although this +would undoubtedly have been an infringement of her sovereignty. + +The Treaty of 1839 contains the word "perpetual," but so does the treaty +between France and Germany, in which Alsace and Lorraine are ceded by +France to be perpetually an integral part of the German Empire. Does +this mean that France, if the Allies should win, could not retake these +provinces? Nobody probably will believe this. + +The Treaty of 1839 was a treaty just like the Treaty of 1871, with this +difference, that the latter treaty was concluded between two powers, and +the earlier one between five powers on one side and Belgium and Holland +on the other. This gave certain rights to all the signatory powers, any +one of whom had the right to feel itself sufficiently aggrieved to go to +war if any other power disregarded the treaty. + + +Rights of Neutrals. + +There was once another neutral State, the city and district of Cracow, +also established by a treaty to which Great Britain was a signatory. +Three of the signers considered the conditions developing in Cracow to +be so threatening that they abolished Cracow as an independent State. +Great Britain sent a polite note of protest, and dropped the matter. + +Since that time, however, two Hague Conferences have been held and +certain rules agreed upon concerning the rights and duties of neutrals. +The Belgian status of inviolability rests on these rules, called +conventions, rather than on the Treaty of 1839. During the +Franco-Prussian War of 1870 Mr. Gladstone very clearly stated that he +did not consider the Treaty of 1839 enforceable. Great Britain, +therefore, made two new treaties, one with France and one with Prussia +(quoted and discussed in Boston Evening Transcript, Oct. 14, 1914) in +which she promised to defend Belgian neutrality, by the side of either +France or Prussia, against that one of them who should infringe the +neutrality. + +These treaties were to terminate one year after peace had been +concluded between the contestants. A treaty, like the one of 1839, +however, which was considered unenforceable in 1870, can hardly be +claimed to have gained new rights in 1914. In calm moments nobody will +claim that a greater sanctity attaches to it than to the treaty in which +Alsace and Lorraine are ceded forever to Germany. + +No, it is The Hague Conventions to which we must look. The first +convention (1899) contained no rules forbidding belligerents from +entering neutral territory. In the second conference it was thought +desirable to formulate such rules, because it was felt that in war +belligerents are at liberty to do what is not expressly forbidden. At +the request of France, therefore, a new set of rules was suggested, to +which Great Britain and Belgium offered valuable amendments. The rules +were finally accepted, and are today parts of international law. They +read; "Article I. The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. Article +II. Belligerents are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either +munitions of war or supplies across the territory of a neutral power." + +These articles, together with the whole convention called "Rights and +duties of neutral powers and persons in case of war on land," have been +ratified and therefore accepted as law by the United States of America, +Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Japan, and Russia and other minor +powers. Great Britain experienced a change of heart, and, although her +own delegates had moved these articles, she refused to ratify them, when +she ratified most of the other conventions on Nov. 27, 1909. (A table +showing the ratifications of conventions has been published by The World +Peace Foundation, Boston.) + + +The Case of Belgium. + +Since Great Britain did not accept these articles as law, she was not +bound by them, for the principle of The Hague Conferences is that a +nation is bound only by those laws which it accepts. The remarkable +fact, therefore, appears that the only one of the big nations which had +refused to accept these articles, and which, therefore, might have moved +her troops across a neutral country and have claimed that she could do +so with a clear conscience because she broke no law which was binding on +her, was Great Britain. And the world now sees the spectacle of Great +Britain claiming to have gone to war because another power did what she +herself could have done, according to her own interpretation, with +impunity. Japan has broken the international law by infringing the +neutrality of China, but Great Britain can claim that she did not break +a law by doing exactly what Japan did. + +It is not asserted here that the citizens of Great Britain are not +absolutely sincere in their belief of the causes which have allied them +with the Russians and the Japanese, and the Indians and the Zouaves, and +the negroes and the French and the Belgians against Germany. Their +Government, however, should have known that the presumption of +insincerity exists when one charges against others a crime which one +would have felt at liberty to commit one's self. Yet, more, the British +Government knew better than anybody else that Germany had not even +committed this crime; for, according to all laws of justice, no person +or nation can claim the inviolability of a neutral when he has committed +"hostile acts against a belligerent, or acts in favor of a belligerent." +(Article XVII. of The Hague Conference of 1907.) + +The question, therefore, arises, "Did Belgium commit acts in favor of +one of Germany's opponents, if not actually hostile acts against +Germany?" In order to understand Germany's charge that Belgium had +committed such acts, attention must be directed to one of the most +unfortunate stipulations of the Treaty of 1839, which compelled Belgium +to maintain several fortresses. This meant that a small neutral people, +sandwiched in between two great powers, had to keep itself informed on +military affairs. Instead of being able to foster a peaceful state of +mind, which is the surest guarantee of neutrality, the Belgians were +forced to think military thoughts. + +[Illustration: ANDREW CARNEGIE + +_(Photo (c) by Underwood & Underwood.)_ + +_See Page 415_] + +[Illustration: JACOB H. SCHIFF + +_(Photo by American Press Assn.)_ + +_See Page 459_] + +In the eighties and early nineties they suspected France of designs on +their integrity. Since then a change in the popular feeling has taken +place and in recent years the instruction of the Belgian artillery, for +instance, was intrusted to French officers in active service. These +officers were constantly at home and very properly concerned with +solving military problems such as a future war with Germany might +present. What was more natural than that these same officers, when they +were detached for a few months or years to Liege or Namur or Huy, taught +their Belgian charges to prepare against a German attack, and to look +upon the French as their friends and the Germans as their enemies? If +conditions had been different, and German officers had been in charge of +Belgian fortresses, the Belgian guns in practice would always have been +trained on imaginary French invaders. + + +French Officers in Belgian Forts. + +If this is understood it will be seen that in the case of war the actual +neutrality of the Belgian garrisons would naturally be determined by the +position taken by that nation whose officers had been in charge of the +Belgian fortresses. And this might be entirely independent of the +professed wishes of the Belgian people or their Government. If French +officers in active service remained in the several fortresses, or even +only in one after the beginning of hostilities, and if the French +campaign plans contemplated an attack through Belgium, then Belgium had +committed an "act in favor of France" by not forcing the French officers +to leave, and had forfeited the rights and privileges granted by The +Hague Convention of 1907 to a neutral State. + +Did French officers remain in Liege or in any other Belgian fortress +after hostilities had begun, and did France plan to go through Belgium? +Germany has officially made both claims. The first can easily be +substantiated by the Supreme Court of Civilization by an investigation +of the prisoners of war taken in Belgium. Until an impartial +investigation becomes possible no further proof than the claim made by +the German Government can be produced. + +The second charge is contained in No. 157 of the English "White Paper" +in these words of instruction from the German Foreign Secretary to the +German Ambassador in London: "Please impress upon Sir Edward Grey that +German Army could not be exposed to French attack across Belgium, which +was planned according to absolutely unimpeachable information." + +Sir Edward Grey has attacked Germany for invading Belgium, but has +nowhere denied that Germany had the unimpeachable evidence she said she +had, and which of course nullified any previous assurance from France. + +It is not known whether Sir Edward Grey was shown this evidence or not, +but if the preservation of Belgian neutrality was Great Britain's chief +concern, why did she not offer to negotiate treaties with Germany and +France as she had done in 1870? It will be remembered that then she +bound herself to join with either of the contestants in defending +Belgian neutrality against the attacks of the other. + +As the case stands today, on the evidence of Sir Edward Grey's own +"White Paper" and speeches, Great Britain is making war on Germany +because: + +1. She broke the Treaty of 1839, although her own Gladstone had declared +this treaty to be without force, and although the status of neutral +States had been removed by The Hague Convention from the uncertainty of +treaties to the security of international law. + +2. Great Britain makes war against Germany because Germany has broken +Articles I. and II. of Chapter 1 of The Hague Convention referring to +neutrals, although Great Britain herself has refused to recognize these +articles as binding upon her own conduct. + +3. She makes war on Germany although she has never denied the +correctness of Germany's assertion that she had unimpeachable proof of +France's intentions of going through Belgium, which, together with the +sojourn of French officers in Belgium, constitutes the offense which, +according to The Hague Convention, deprives a so-called neutral State of +the privileges granted in Articles I. and II. + +It is impossible to say here exactly what these proofs are which Germany +possesses, and which for military reasons she has not yet been able to +divulge. She has published some of them, namely, the proof of the +continued presence of French officers on Belgian soil, and has given the +names and numbers of the several army corps which France had planned to +push through Belgium. + +The case then stands as follows: + +1. Was the inviolability of Belgium guaranteed by Articles I. and II. of +The Hague Convention? Yes. + +2. Had Germany ratified these articles? Yes. + +3. Had Great Britain ratified these articles? No. + +4. Would Belgium have forfeited the right of having her country held +inviolable if she had committed "acts in favor of France," even if these +acts were not actually hostile acts? Yes, according to Article XVII. of +The Hague Convention. + +5. Did Belgium commit "acts in favor of France," and was Germany, +therefore, justified in disregarding the inviolability of her territory? + + +The Main Question. + +This is the important question, and the answer must be left to the +Supreme Court of Civilization. The weight of the evidence would seem to +point to a justification of Germany. Yet no friend of Germany can find +fault with those who would wish to defer a verdict until such a time +when Germany can present her complete proof to the world, and this may +be when the war is over. + +Throughout this argument the famous passage of the Chancellor's speech +in the Reichstag has been disregarded. It reads: + + Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are already on + Belgian soil. Gentlemen, that is contrary to the dictates of + international law. It is true that the French Government has + declared at Brussels that France is willing to respect the + neutrality of Belgium so long as her opponents respect it. We + knew, however, that France stood ready for invasion. The + wrong--I speak openly--that we are committing we will endeavor + to make good. + +This has been understood to mean that the Chancellor acknowledged that +Germany was breaking the Treaty of 1839 without warrant, and that +Germany, therefore, deserved the contempt of the world. May it not bear +another interpretation? Thus: + +The Chancellor, like Gladstone in 1870, did not consider the 1839 Treaty +enforceable, but saw the guarantee for Belgium in The Hague Convention. +He did not wish to offend Belgium by announcing to the world that she +had lost her rights as a neutral because of her acts favorable to +France, for when he spoke he was still of the opinion that she would +accept the German offer which guaranteed to her both her independence +and integrity. + +And just as Servia would have accepted Austria's note if Russia had +permitted her, so Belgium would not have resisted the German demand if +it had not been for England. + +This can be proved by the British "White Paper," Nos. 153 and 155. In +the former the King of the Belgians appeals "to the diplomatic +intervention of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of +Belgium," being apparently of the impression that Germany wished to +annex parts, if not the whole, of his country. The London reply advises +the Belgians "to resist by any means in their power, and that his +Majesty's Government will support them in offering such resistance, and +that his Majesty's Government in this event are prepared to join Russia +and France, if desired, in offering to the Belgian Government at once +common action for the purpose of resisting use of force by Germany +against them, and a guarantee to maintain their independence and +integrity in future years." + +Has Mr. Beck really not noticed in this promise the omission of the word +neutrality? By the Treaty of 1839 Belgium enjoyed not only independence +and integrity, but also perpetual neutrality. Does Great Britain offer +to fight Germany for the enforcement of the Treaty of 1839? No! Because +hereafter the word neutrality is dropped from her guarantee, and since +she alone of all the great powers has not ratified the articles of The +Hague Convention concerning neutrals she alone will be able to disregard +the inviolability of Belgian soil, even though Belgium kept strictly +neutral in a future war. + +And what, finally, does she guarantee her? Independence and integrity! +That is exactly the same that Germany had promised her. For this Belgium +had to be dragged through the horrors of war, and the good name of +Germany as that of an honest nation had to be dragged through the mire, +and hatred and murder had to be started, that Belgium might get on the +battlefield, from the insufficient support of Russia and France and +England, what Germany had freely offered her--independence and +integrity. + +Casual readers would not miss the word neutrality from Sir Edward Grey's +guarantee, because they do not differentiate between the words +integrity, independence, and neutrality. Great Britain and her ally +Japan, marching through China into Kiao-Chau, may be said to have +violated China's neutrality, but not her independence, nor, so long as +they refrain from annexing any Chinese territory, her integrity. + + +Fixing the Blame. + +Nobody familiar with the careful work of Sir Edward Grey can for one +moment believe that Sir Edward inadvertently dropped the word, just as +little as J. Ramsay Macdonald and other British leaders believe that he +inadvertently dropped one of the two remaining words, integrity and +independence, when he told Parliament of Germany's guarantee, and why +Great Britain should not accept it, but go to war. + +When the blame for the horrors committed in Belgium are assessed these +facts must be remembered: + +1. Belgium was by treaty bound to maintain fortresses. + +2. France tempted her to commit "acts friendly" to herself, by which +Belgium forfeited her rights to the protection of The Hague articles +governing the rights and duties of neutrals. + +3. England urged her to take up arms, when she had only asked to have +her integrity guaranteed by diplomatic intervention. (Nos. 153, 155.) + +4. Germany promised her independence and integrity and peace, while +England, quietly dropping her guarantee of neutrality "in future years," +promised her independence and integrity and war. + +5. And Sir Edward Grey was able to sway Parliament, according to one of +the leaders of Parliament himself, only because he misrepresented +Germany's guarantee, and, having dropped, in his note to Belgium, the +word "neutrality," dropped yet another of the two remaining words, +integrity and independence. + +This is the case as it appears on the evidence contained in the various +"White Papers." Austria was attending properly to her own affairs; +Servia was willing to yield; Russia, however, was determined to +humiliate Austria or to go to war. Germany proved a loyal friend to her +ally, Austria; she trusted in the British professions of friendship to +the last, and sacrificed seven valuable days in the interest of peace. +France was willing to do "what might be required by her interests," +while Great Britain yielded to Russia and France, promising them their +support without which France, and therefore Russia, would not have +decided on war. + +As to Belgium, Germany told Sir Edward Grey that she had unimpeachable +evidence that France was planning to go through Belgium, and she +published her evidence concerning the French officers who remained in +Belgium. Although Belgium had thus lost any rights attaching to her +state of neutrality, Germany promised to respect her integrity and +independence, and to pay for any damage done. She preferred, however, to +listen to Great Britain, who promised exactly the same except pay for +any damage done. + +Unlike Mr. Beck, who in the same article pleads his case as the counsel +for the Allies and casts his verdict as the Supreme Court of +Civilization, the present writer prefers to leave the judgment to his +readers as a whole, and further still, to the whole American +people--yea, to all the peoples of the world. Nor is he in a hurry, for +he is willing to wait and have the Judges weigh the evidence and call +for more, if they consider insufficient what has already been submitted. + +Snap judgments are ever unsatisfactory. They have often to be reversed. +The present case, however, is too important to warrant a hasty decision. +The final judgment, if it is based on truth, will very strongly +influence the nature of the peace, which will either establish good-will +and stable conditions in the world, or lead to another and even more +complete breakdown of civilization. + + + + +What Gladstone Said About Belgium + +By George Louis Beer. + + Historian; winner of the first Loubat Prize, 1913, for his + book on the origins of the British Colonial system. + + +In the course of his solemn speech of Aug. 8, 1914, in the House of +Commons Sir Edward Grey quoted some remarks made by Gladstone in 1870 on +the extent of the obligation incurred by the signatory powers to the +Quintuple Treaty of 1839 guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. Shorn +from their context as they were, these sentences are by no means +illuminating, and it cannot be said that their citation in this form by +Sir Edward Grey was a very felicitous one. During the paper polemics of +the past months these detached words of Gladstone have been freely used +by Germany's defenders and apologists to maintain that Great Britain of +1870 would not have deemed the events of 1914 a casus belli, and that +its entrance into the present war on account of the violation of +Belgium's neutrality was merely a pretext. During the course of this +controversy Gladstone's attitude has in various ways been grossly +misrepresented, Dr. von Mach of Harvard even stating in the columns of +THE NEW YORK TIMES that Gladstone had declared the Treaty of 1839 "to be +without force." But, apart from such patent distortions, Gladstone's +real position is apparently not clearly defined in the mind of the +general public, which is merely seeking for the unadulterated truth, +regardless of its effect upon the case of any one of the belligerents. + +Shortly after the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war in 1870 the +Prussian Ambassador in London informed Gladstone, then Prime Minister, +that some time prior to the existing war France had asked Prussia to +consent to the former country's absorption of Belgium, and that there +was in the possession of the Prussian Government the draft of a treaty +to this effect in the handwriting of M. Benedetti, then French +Ambassador at Berlin. This communication was obviously made, as Lord +Morley tells us, with the object of prompting Gladstone to be the agent +in making the evil news public and thus of prejudicing France in the +judgment of Europe. Gladstone thought this "no part of his duty," and +very shortly thereafter, at the direct instance of Bismarck, this draft +treaty of 1866-7 was communicated by Baron Krause of the Prussian +Embassy in London to Delane, the editor of The Times. On July 25, 1870, +it was published in the columns of that paper and aroused considerable +anxiety in England. + +It immediately became imperative upon the British Government to take +some action. As Gladstone wrote to Bright, the publication of this +treaty + + has thrown upon us the necessity of doing something fresh to + secure Belgium, or else of saying that under no circumstances + would we take any step to secure her from absorption. This + publication has wholly altered the feeling of the House of + Commons, and no Government could at this moment venture to + give utterance to such an intention about Belgium. But neither + do we think it would be right, even if it were safe, to + announce that we would in any case stand by with folded arms + and see actions done which would amount to a total extinction + of the public right in Europe. + + +The Special Identical Treaties. + +A simple declaration of Great Britain's intention to defend the +neutrality of Belgium by arms in case it were infringed seemed to +Gladstone not to meet the special requirements of the case as revealed +by the proposed Treaty of 1866-7 between Prussia and France. His main +object was to prevent the actual execution of such an agreement, by +means of which the two belligerent powers would settle their quarrels +and satisfy their ambitions at the expense of helpless Belgium. Hence, +on July 30, the British Government opened negotiations with France and +Prussia and within a fortnight had concluded separate but identical +treaties with each of these powers. According to these treaties, in case +the neutrality of Belgium were violated by either France or Germany, +Great Britain agreed to co-operate with the other in its defense. The +preamble of these treaties states that the contracting powers + + being desirous at the present time of recording in a solemn + act their fixed determination to maintain the independence and + neutrality of Belgium, + +as provided in the Treaty of 1839, have concluded this separate treaty, +which, + + without impairing or invalidating the conditions of the said + Quintuple Treaty, shall be subsidiary and accessory to it. + +Article III. further provided that these Treaties of 1870 were to expire +twelve months after the conclusion of the existing war, and that +thereafter the independence and neutrality of Belgium would "continue to +rest, as heretofore," on the Treaty of 1839. + +These documents tell a plain tale, which is amply confirmed by the +proceedings in Parliament in connection with this matter. On Aug. 5, +1870, while the negotiations leading to the above-mentioned treaties +were still pending, questions were raised in the House of Commons about +the recently published abortive Treaty of 1866-7 between Prussia and +France. In reply Gladstone stated that + + the Treaty of 1839 is that under which the relations of the + contracting powers with Belgium are at present regulated; + +and that, while he could not explain the intentions of the Government +"in a matter of this very grave character in answer to a question," he +hoped to be able to communicate some further information in an authentic +manner. Three days later, as these treaties with France and Prussia had +been virtually concluded, Gladstone was able to satisfy the anxiety of +the House and outlined their terms. He explicitly stated that, after +their expiration, + + the respective parties, being parties to the Treaty of 1839, + shall fall back upon the obligations they took upon themselves + under that treaty. + +After Gladstone had finished speaking the leader of the opposition, +Disraeli, took the floor and pointed out that, as a general proposition, + + when there is a treaty guarantee so explicit as that expressed + in the Treaty of 1839, I think the wisdom of founding on that + another treaty which involves us in engagements may be open to + doubt. + +But he accepted Gladstone's statement + + as the declaration of the Cabinet, that they are resolved to + maintain the neutrality and independence of Belgium, I accept + it as a wise and spirited policy, and a policy, in my opinion, + not the less wise because it is spirited. + +Gladstone then replied, saying that the reason the Government had not +made a general declaration of its intentions regarding Belgium was that +much danger might arise from such a declaration and that inadvertently +they might have given utterance to words + + that might be held to import obligations almost unlimited and + almost irrespectively of circumstances. + +We had made up our minds, he continued, that we had a duty to perform, +and we thought a specific declaration of what we thought the obligations +of this country better than any general declaration. Referring to the +two treaties in process of ratification, he concluded: + + We thought that by contracting a joint engagement we might + remove the difficulty and prevent Belgium from being + sacrificed. + +The policy of the Government continued, however, to be criticised, +mainly on the ground that the Treaty of 1839 amply covered the case. On +Aug. 10 Gladstone defended his policy in the House of Commons in a +speech pitched on a high moral plane, in which he dilated upon Belgium's +historic past and splendid present and on Great Britain's duty to this +little nation irrespective of all questions of its own self-interest. +With genuine fervor, he exclaimed: + + If, in order to satisfy a greedy appetite for aggrandisement, + coming whence it may, Belgium were absorbed, the day that + witnessed that absorption would hear the knell of public right + and public law in Europe.... We have an interest in the + independence of Belgium which is wider than that which we may + have in the literal operation of the guarantee. It is found in + answer to the question whether under the circumstance of the + case this country, endowed as it is with influence and power, + would quietly stand by and witness the perpetration of the + direst crime that ever stained the pages of history, and thus + become participators in the sin. + + +What Gladstone Had in Mind. + +What Gladstone had in mind was the scheme of 1866-7, by which France was +to absorb Belgium, with Prussia's consent and aid. He distinctly stated +that the Treaties of 1870 were devised to meet the new state of affairs +disclosed by the publication of this incomplete treaty. It was in order +to prevent the revival of such a conspiracy that Gladstone made separate +and identical treaties in 1870 with France and Prussia. They were a +practical device to secure an effectual enforcement of the Treaty of +1839 under unforeseen and difficult circumstances. The agreement of 1870 +was, as Gladstone said, a cumulative treaty added to that of 1839, and +the latter treaty + + loses nothing of its force, even during the existence of this + present treaty. + +During the course of this speech defending the Government's action +against those critics who claimed that the Treaty of 1839 adequately met +the situation, Gladstone made some general remarks about the extent of +the obligation incurred by the signatories to the Treaty of 1839: + + It is not necessary, nor would time permit me, to enter into + the complicated question of the nature of the obligations of + that treaty, but I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of + those who have held in this House what plainly amounts to an + assertion that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee + is binding on every party to it, irrespectively altogether of + the particular position in which it may find itself at the + time when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises. + +It is, of course, impossible to state precisely what were those +unuttered thoughts that passed through Gladstone's mind as he spoke +these characteristically cautious words, but what in general they were +can be satisfactorily gleaned from a letter that he had written six days +before this to John Bright: + + That we should simply declare _we_ will defend the neutrality + of Belgium by arms in case it should be attacked. Now, the + sole or single-handed defense of Belgium would be an + enterprise which we incline to think quixotic; if these two + great military powers [France and Prussia] combined against + it--that combination is the only serious danger; and this it + is which by our proposed engagements we should, I hope, render + improbable to the very last degree. I add for myself this + confession of faith: If the Belgian people desire, on their + own account, to join France or any other country, I for one + will be no party to taking up arms to prevent it. But that the + Belgians, whether they would or not, should go "plump" down + the maw of another country to satisfy dynastic greed is + another matter. The accomplishment of such a crime as this + implies would come near to an extinction of public right in + Europe, and I do not think we could look on while the + sacrifice of freedom and independence was in course of + consummation. + + + + +Fight to the Bitter End + +AN INTERVIEW WITH ANDREW CARNEGIE. + + Retired ironmaster and philanthropist; builder of the Peace + Temple at The Hague; founder of the Carnegie Institution at + Washington; founder and patron of a chain of libraries in the + United States and Great Britain, and benefactor of many + societies and institutions. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +Here is the report of a truly remarkable statement by Mr. Carnegie. He +is the world's most notable peace advocate, and in this interview he +voices the reflections suggested to him by the great European war. + +They are unusual, and make this interview especially worthy of a place +upon the pages of the Christmas issue of THE TIMES, although it +principally deals with war, and Christmas is the festival of peace. + +"Has war ever settled anything which might not have been settled better +by arbitration?" I asked Mr. Carnegie. + +"No; never," he replied. "No truer inference was ever made than may be +found in Milton's query, penned three centuries ago and never answered: +'What can war but wars breed?' + +"War can breed only war. Of course, peace inevitably must follow war, +but, truly, no peace ever was born of war. We all revere the memory of +him who voiced the warning: 'In time of peace prepare for war'; but, as +a matter of fact, we all know that when one nation prepares for war +others inevitably must follow its dangerous lead. + +"Hence, and hence only, the huge armaments which have oppressed the +world, making its most peaceful years a spectacle of sadness--a +spectacle of men preparing and prepared to fight with one another. +Sooner or later men prepared to fight will fight; huge armaments and +armies mean huge battles; huge battles mean huge tragedies. + +"This never has been otherwise, and never can be. Peace can come only +when mankind abandons warful preparation. And so I seem to have replied +to your inquiry with an answer with a tail to it; and the tail is more +important than the answer, for the answer merely says that war never +settled anything which might not have been settled better by +arbitration, while the tail proclaims the folly of a world prepared for +war." + + +How to Prevent War. + +"Armament must mean the use of armament, and that is war. If we are to +prevent war we must prevent preparation for war, just as if we are to +prevent burglary we must prevent preparation for burglary by prohibiting +the carrying of the instruments of burglary. The only cure for war" [Mr. +Carnegie in speaking italicized the word "cure"] "is war which defeats +some one; but two men who are unarmed are certain not to shoot at one +another. Here, as in medicine, prevention is much better than cure. + +"Plainly it must be through such prevention, not through such a cure as +victory sometimes is supposed to represent, that warfare can be stopped. +Warfare means some one's defeat, of course, and that implies his +temporary incapacity for further war, but it goes without saying that +all conquered nations must be embittered by their defeat. + +"Few nations ever have fought wars in which the majority of at least +their fighting men did not believe the side they fought for to be in the +right. Defeat by force of arms, therefore, always has meant the general +conviction throughout conquered nations that injustice has been done." + + +Nations Like Individuals. + +"In such circumstances nations must be like individuals under similar +conditions. The individual believing himself to have been in the right, +yet finding himself beaten in his efforts to maintain it, will not +accept the situation philosophically; he will be angry and rebellious; +he will nurse what he believes to be his wrong. + +"To nurse a wrong, whether it be real or fancied, is to help it grow in +the imagination, and that must mean at least the wish to find some +future means of righting it, either by strategy or increased strength. + +"There are two things which humanity does not forget--one is an injury, +and, no matter how strongly some may argue against the truth of this +contention, the other is a kindness. + +"In the long run both will be repaid. And nations, like individuals, +prefer the coin which pays the latter debt. Military force never has +accomplished kindness. Kindness means industrial armies decked with the +garlands of peace; military armies, armed and epauletted, must mean +minds obsessed with the spirit of revenge or conquest, hands clenched to +strike, hearts eager to invade. + +"Every military implement is designed to cut or crush, to wound and +kill. Nations at peace help one another with humanity's normal +tenderness of heart at times of pestilence, of famine, of disaster. +Nations at war exert their every ounce of strength to force upon their +adversaries hunger, destruction, and death. Starvation of the enemy +becomes a detail of what is considered good military strategy in war +time, just as world-embracing charity has become a characteristic of +all civilization during times of peace. Must we not admit flotillas +carrying grain to famine-stricken peoples to be more admirable than +fleets which carry death to lands in which prosperity might reign if +undisturbed by war?" + +"But do you not admit that wars sometimes have helped the forces of +civilization in their conquest against barbarism?" + +"War has not been the chief force of civilization against barbarism," +Mr. Carnegie replied with emphasis. Then he continued more thoughtfully: + +"That is one way of saying it. Another is, no effort of the forces of +civilization against barbarism is war in the true sense of the word. + +"Such an armed effort is a part of the force pushing barbarism backward, +and therefore, in the last analysis, tends toward kindness and peace; +while, in the sense in which we use the word, war means the +retrogression of civilization into barbarism. It is usually born of +greed--greed for territory or for power. + +"Such war as that of which we all are thinking in these days is war +between civilized men. One civilized man cannot improve another +civilized man by killing him, although it is not inconceivable that a +civilized man may do humanity a service by destroying human savages, for +with the savages he must destroy their savagery. + +"But a war in civilized Europe destroys no savagery; it breeds it, so +that it and its spawn may defile future generations. + +"There has been much balderdash in talk about unselfish motives as the +origin of warfare. It is safe to say that 99 per cent of all the +slaughter wrought by civilization under the cloak of a desire to better +bad conditions really has been evil. It is impossible to conceive of +general betterment through general slaughter. There have been few +altruistic wars." + +"But how about our Spanish war?" I asked. "Surely it was not greed which +sent our men and ships to Cuba." + +"No," said Mr. Carnegie, "that was not war, but world-police work. + +"Our skirmish with Spain was a most unusual international episode. We +harmed none of the people of the land wherein we fought, but taught them +what we could of wise self-government and gave them independence. To +battle for the liberation of the slave is worthy work, and this of ours +was such a battle. + +"Our Spanish war was not the outgrowth of our rivalry with any one or +any one's with us; it was the manifestation of our high sense of +responsibility as strong and healthy human beings for the welfare of the +weak and oppressed." + + +That Was Police Work. + +"It did not make toward militarism on this continent, but the reverse; +in a few months it established permanent peace where peace had been a +stranger. It was police work on the highest plane, substituting order +for disorder." + +"But did it not emphasize the need for the maintenance, even here, of a +competent and efficient naval and military force?" I asked. + +Mr. Carnegie shook his head emphatically. + +"That is the old, old argument cropping up again," said he, "the +argument that a provocative is a preventive. For us to maintain a great +army for the purpose of preventing war thereby would be as sensible as +for each of us to be afraid to walk about except with a lightning rod +down his back, since men have been struck by lightning. No nation wants +to fight us. We have friends throughout the world. + +"Millions now resident in military nations are hoping that some day they +may be able to become citizens of our beloved republic, principally +because it now is not, nor is it every likely to be, military. Humanity +loves peace. Here peace abides, and, if we follow reason, will remain +unbroken. + +"Note the advantages of our own position. Imagine what the task would be +of landing seventy thousand hostile soldiers on our shores! First they +would need to cross three thousand miles of the Atlantic or five +thousand miles of the Pacific. + +"And what if they should come? My plan of operation would be to bid them +welcome as our visitors, considering them as men, not soldiers; to take +them to our great interior, say, as far west as Chicago, and there to +say to them: + +"'Here we shall leave you. Make yourselves at home, if that thought +pleases you; fight us if it does not. If you think you can conquer us, +try it.' + +"They would make themselves at home and, learning the advantages of +staying with us, would become applicants for our citizenship, rather +than our opponents in warfare. + +"And if they tried to fight us, what would happen to them? Our nation is +unique in an important respect. Its individuals are the best armed in +the world. Not only, for example, are its farmers armed, but they can +shoot, which is far more than can be said of those of Britain or of any +other nation. + +"The Governments of Europe cannot afford to give their citizenry arms, +and, as for the European citizenry, it not only cannot afford to +purchase arms, but cannot afford even to pay the license fees which +Government demands of those possessing arms with the right to use them. + +"But ours? Most Americans can afford to and do own guns with which to +shoot, and, furthermore, most Americans, when they shoot, can hit the +things at which they shoot. + +"Combine this powerful protective influence with the fact that thousands +of any army coming to invade us would not want to fight when once they +got here, but would want to settle here and enjoy peace, and we find +that we thus are protected as no nation in the world ever has been +protected or can be. + +"Imagine the effect upon the European fighting man's psychology if he +found that an army transport had conveyed him to a land where one man's +privilege is every man's right! Learning this, it is not a joke to say, +but is a statement of the probable fact, that the invading soldiery +would not want to fire its first volleys, but would want to file its +first papers. They would not ask for cartridges, but for citizenship. + +"America is protected by a force incomparable, which I may call its +peaceful militia, and the man who, above all other men, I most should +wish to see appointed to its command would be Gen. Leonard Wood were it +not for the fact that there would be some danger that in such an +eventuation his professional training would carry him beyond the rule of +reason. + +"That is likely to be the most serious trouble with the trained soldier. +The doctor wants to dose, the parson to preach, and the soldier to +fight. Professional habit may make any of us dangerous. + +"But if it came to fighting I do not consider it within the bounds of +possibility that we could lose. I once asked Gen. Sherman how the troops +which he commanded during the civil war compared for efficiency with +European troops. His answer was: + +"'The world never has seen the army that I would be afraid to trust my +boys with, man for man.'" + + +Would Surprise the Enemy. + +"That thought of welcoming an invading army appeals strongly to me. The +hostile General would be amazed by the ease with which he got his forces +in, but he would be more startled by the difficulty he would find if he +tried to get them out. If they once learned the advantages of our +liberties they would find it hard not to get away, but to go away. I +restrain my temper with difficulty when I contemplate the foolishness of +the people who discuss with gravity the possibility of a successful +invasion of these United States by a foreign foe. The thought always +arises when I hear these cries from our army and naval officers for a +greater armament: 'Are these men cowards?' I don't believe it. It is +their profession which makes them alarmists. + +"Not only are the physical difficulties which would hamper an invasion +practically insuperable, but the reception enemies would get, if any of +them landed, would be wholly without parallel in the world's history. + +"If our liberties really were threatened, every man, and very nearly +every woman, in our vast population would rise to their defense as never +any people yet has risen to any national defense. Americans, young and +old, en masse, would sweep to the protection of what they know, and what +the world knows, would be the cause of right and human liberty. + +"I, myself, should wish to be invited to advance and meet invading +forces if they came. I would approach them without any weapons on my +person. I would not shoot at them. I would make a speech to them. + +"'Gentlemen,' I would say, 'here's the chance of your life to win life's +chief prize. Now you are peasant soldiers. You have the opportunity to +become citizen kings. We are all kings here. Here the least of you can +take a rank much higher than that of any General in your army. He can +become a sovereign in a republic.' + +"I think they would hurrah for me, not harm me, after they had heard my +speech. + +"Striving for peace, we shall become so powerful that if war comes we +shall be invincible. Peace, not war, makes riches; the rich nation is +the powerful nation. + +"Perhaps I was as much a peace man in my youth as I am now, but when I +was asked, during the civil war, to organize a corps of telegraph +operators and railroad conductors and engineers and take them to +Washington, I considered it the greatest of all privileges to obey the +order. + +"I was the last man to get on the last train leaving Burkes Station, +after Bull Run, and, now, if the country ever should be invaded, I would +be, I hope, one of the first to rush to meet the enemy--but I think my +haste would be to convert, not to kill, him. + +"The man who has done well in business, however, learns to abhor all +waste, and I must admit that it does pain me to see hundreds of millions +of our dollars spent on battleships which will but rust away, and +thousands of our able men vegetating on them or in an army. + +"The men who urge this vast waste of our money and men mean well, no +doubt, but they do not know the nation of which they have the good +fortune to be citizens--they do not realize how very potent a force we +have become in the wide world, nor the fact that one of the great +reasons why we have become a force lies in the circumstance that our +national development has not been hampered by the vast expense of +militarism." + +Mr. Carnegie paused. + +Some weeks ago, in an interview granted me for publication in THE NEW +YORK TIMES, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia +University, predicted that the present war would find its final outcome +in the establishment of the United States of Europe. I asked Mr. +Carnegie to express his view upon this subject. + +"Nothing else could occur which would be of such immense advantage to +Europe," he replied. + +"United we stand, and divided they fall. If the territory now occupied +by the homogeneous and co-operative federation known as the United +States of America were occupied instead by a large number of small, +independent competitive nations, that is, if each section of our +territory which now is a State were an independent country, America +would be constantly in turmoil. + +"Europe has been set back a century because she substituted the present +war of nations for the promotion of a federation plan. The latter would +have meant peace and prosperity, the former means ruin. + +"If in Europe this year such a federation as Dr. Butler regards as a +future probability had been a present actuality, 1914 would have left a +record very different from that which it is making. + +"For instance, it would have been as difficult for the State of Germany +to fight the State of Russia, or the State of France, or that of +England, or all of them, and to trample neutral Belgium, as it now +would be, here, for the State of Pennsylvania to declare war on the +States of New York and Connecticut and to wreck New Jersey as she sent +her troops to the invasion. + +"Originally we had thirteen States, and thirteen only, but there was +other territory here, and the attractive force of the successful union +of the thirteen States brought the other territory in as it was +organized. + +"Thus we started right. Europe had begun before men had become so wise, +and, having begun wrong, has found herself, through the centuries, +unable to correct old errors." + + +A Federation of Europe. + +"Certainly I hope that out of the great crime of this vast war some good +will come. The greatest good which could come would be a general +European federation. I do not believe that this will come at once; but +the world will be infinitely the better if it comes at length--if the +natural law of mutual attraction for mutual advantage draws these +nations now at war into a union which shall make such wars impossible in +future, as wars between our States, here, are impossible. + +"But before this can come peace must come, and before peace can come one +or the other of the nations now at war must at least ask for an +armistice. + +"If I were in the place of that great General, Lord Kitchener, and +should receive the news that such a request had been made by the +commander of the opposing forces, I should say: 'No armistice! +Surrender!' + +"But, then, if the surrender should be made, I should say, in effect: + +"'Gentlemen, we have made up our minds that these terrible explosions +must mark the end of war between our civilized nations. Our sacrifices +in this war have been too great to permit us to be satisfied with less +than this. + +"'If we now cannot feel assured of such a federation of nations as will +result in the settlement of all future disputes by peaceful arbitration +at The Hague, then we shall keep on fighting till the day comes when we +can achieve that end. + +"'Upon the other side of the Atlantic,' I should continue if I were Lord +Kitchener and should be confronted by such a situation, 'we see in the +United States of America an example which must satisfy us that world +peace now can be maintained. + +"'There,' I should go on, 'thirteen States were banded into union in +1776. Their total population was less than the present population of +their largest city and their area has spread until it links two oceans +and offers homes in forty-eight States to one hundred millions, and the +population still increases rapidly. An experiment of world significance +was tried, and is a success, for the aggregated nation has grown and now +is growing in power more rapidly than any other nation on the surface of +the earth.'" + + +Would Mean World Peace. + +"'It is plain to me and should be plain to all of us,' I should +continue, if I were Lord Kitchener, so placed, 'that we in Europe have +but to follow this example which America has set for us in order to +achieve an ultimate result as notably desirable. When we have +accomplished it world peace will be enthroned and all the peoples of the +earth will be able safely to go about the pleasant and progressive +business of their lives without apprehension of their neighbors. +Humanity, thus freed of its most dreadful burden, will be able to leap +forward toward the realization of its ultimate possibilities of +progress.'" + +"And do you really think there is the immediate possibility of an +effective European league for permanent peace and general disarmament?" +I asked Mr. Carnegie. + +"Naturally my mind has dwelt much on this problem," he replied. "The +culmination of the European situation in the present war is very +dreadful, but no good ever came out of crying over spilled milk. +However, it seems safe to conclude that a majority of the people of the +civilized world will presently decide that a step forward must be taken. + +"Everywhere in Europe, when the present conflict ends, this fact will be +emphasized by shell-wrecked, fire-blackened buildings; by the vacant +chairs of sons and fathers who have fallen victims; by innumerable +graves and by a general impoverishment, the inevitable result of war's +great waste, which will touch and punish every man, every woman, every +child. + +"In the face of such an emphasis no denial of the facts will be among +the possibilities, and I scarcely think that any even will be attempted. +If the federation Dr. Butler has predicted does not come about at once, +it will be admitted almost universally that future disputes occurring +between the Governments of Europe shall be settled, not by force of +fighting men, but by arbitration at The Hague. + +"And now a serious question obtrudes itself. Must there not be a +carefully considered and cautiously worked out understanding, which may +be considered the preliminary of peace? Later on the foremost men of +every nation can meet in conference to consider with an earnestness +hitherto unknown the great problems which will be involved in the +permanent abolition of war and establishment of peace; but for this the +way must be prepared. + +"Here, again, I think The Hague Tribunal is the proper body to assemble +for the purpose of devising means for the accomplishment of the great +end, which must be such legislation as will accomplish, at the end of +this war, the ending of all war among the nations. + +"An important duty of the conference would be some arrangement for a +union of the forces of the nations now at war, charged with and +qualified to perform the duty of maintaining peace pending the +completion of the final comprehensive plan." + + +For One Purpose Only. + +"It is possible and even probable that as a part of the accomplishment +of this it may be found to be desirable and even necessary to organize +and provide for the maintenance of a joint naval and military body of +strength sufficient to enforce world peace during the period necessary +for the preparation of a plan to be submitted to all powers. But if this +force is to be established, it must be done with the clear understanding +that it is designed for one thing only, the maintenance of peace, and +must not be used at any time for any other service. + +"In the selection of the commanding officer to be intrusted with this +task, it will be conceded that the victors in this war, or those who +have a notable advantage at the time of the beginning of the armistice, +shall have the right of his appointment. + +"No protest ever will arise from the mass of the people of Europe +against the abolishment of militarism. Even the people of Germany, as a +whole, have not found militarism attractive. It has been the influence +of the military aristocracy of Germany, the most powerful caste in the +world, which not only has encouraged the national tendency, but has +forced the Emperor, as I believe, to action against his will and +judgment. + +"But a change was notable in Germany before the war began, and will be +far more notable after it has ended. The socialistic movement waxes +strong throughout the nation, and the proceedings of the Reichstag show +us that the nation is marching steadily, though perhaps slowly, toward a +real democracy. + +"I believe the first election to follow peace will result in a demand by +the Reichstag that it, alone, shall be given power to declare war. It +will be argued, and it is evident that it then will be amply provable, +that it is the people who suffer most through war, and that, therefore, +their representatives should utterly control it. + +"That itself would be a most important step toward peace, and I feel +certain that it is among the probabilities. + +"As things stand in Germany, although the Reichstag has its powerful +influence in regard to war expenditure and might accomplish important +results by refusing to vote amounts demanded, the fact remains that +until it has been given the power of making or withholding declaration +of war the most important results cannot be accomplished." + +"In Fried's volume," I suggested to Mr. Carnegie, "you are credited with +saying that Emperor William, himself and by himself, might establish +peace. Granting that that might have been the fact before this war +began, is it your opinion that he, or any other one man, could now +control the situation to that extent?" + +"Assuming that the Germans should come out victorious," Mr. Carnegie +replied, "the Emperor would become a stronger power than ever toward the +maintenance of peace among the nations. At one time I believed him to be +the anointed of God for this purpose, and did not fail to tell him so. + +"Even if his forces should be defeated in this present carnage, I am +sure he would be welcomed by the conference I have suggested as the +proposer of the great world peace, thus fulfilling the glorious destiny +for which at one time I considered that he had been chosen from on +high." + +I asked Mr. Carnegie what part he thought this country, the United +States, should play in the great movement which he has in mind and +thoroughly believes is even now upon its way. + +"The United States," he answered, "although, happily, not a party to the +world crime which is now in progress, seems entitled to preference as +the one to call the nations of the world to the consideration of the +greatest of all blessings--universal, lasting peace." + + + + +Woman and War + +"SHOT. TELL HIS MOTHER." + +By W.E.P. French, Captain, U.S. Army. + + +What have I done to you, Brothers,--War-Lord and Land-Lord and Priest,-- +That my son should rot on the blood-smeared earth where the raven and + buzzard feast? +He was my baby, my man-child, that soldier with shell-torn breast, +Who was slain for your power and profit--aye, murdered at your behest. +I bore him, my boy and my manling, while the long months ebbed away; +He was part of me, part of my body, which nourished him day by day. +He was mine when the birth-pang tore me, mine when he lay on my heart, +When the sweet mouth mumbled my bosom and the milk-teeth made it smart, +Babyhood, boyhood, and manhood, and a glad mother proud of her son-- +See the carrion birds, too gorged to fly! Ah! Brothers, what have you + done? + +You prate of duty and honor, of a patriot's glorious death, +Of love of country, heroic deeds--nay, for shame's sake, spare your + breath! +Pray, what have you done for your country? Whose was the blood that was + shed +In the hellish warfare that served your ends? My boy was shot in your + stead. + +And for what were our children butchered, men makers of cruel law? +By the Christ, I am glad no woman made the Christless code of war! +Shirks and schemers, why don't you answer? Is the foul truth hard to + tell? +Then a mother will tell it for you, of a deed that shames fiends in + hell:-- +Our boys were killed that some faction or scoundrel might win mad race +For goals of stained gold, shamed honors, and the sly self-seeker's + place; +That money's hold on our country might be tightened and made more sure; +That the rich could inherit earth's fullness and their loot be quite + secure; +That the world-mart be wider opened to the product mulct from toil; +That the labor and land of our neighbors should become your war-won + spoil; +That the eyes of an outraged people might be turned from your graft and + greed +In the misruled, plundered home-land by lure of war's ghastly deed; +And that priests of the warring nations could pray to the selfsame God +For His blessing on battle and murder and corpse-strewn, blood-soaked + sod. +Oh, fools! if God were a woman, think you She would let kin slay +For gold-lust and craft of gamesters, or cripple that trade might pay? + +This quarrel was not the fighters':--the cheated, red pawns in your + game:-- +You stay-at-homes garnered the plunder, but the pawns,--wounds, death, + and "Fame"! +You paid them a beggarly pittance, your substitute prey-of-the-sword, +But, ye canny beasts of prey, they paid, in life and limb, for your + hoard. +And, behold! you have other victims: a widow sobs by my side, +Who clasps to her breast a girl-child. Men, she was my slain son's + bride! + +I can smell the stench of the shambles, where the mangled bodies lie; +I can hear the moans of the wounded; I can see the brave lads die; +And across the heaped, red trenches and the tortured, bleeding rows +I cry out a mother's pity to all mothers of dear, dead "foes." +In love and a common sorrow, I weep with them o'er our dead, +And invoke my sister woman for a curse on each scheming head. + +Nay, why should we mothers curse you? Lo! flesh of our flesh are ye; +But, by soul of Mary who bore the Christ-man murdered at Calvary, +Into our own shall the mothers come, and the glad day speed apace +When the law of peace shall be the law of the women that bear the race; +When a man shall stand by his mother, for the worldwide common good, +And not bring her tears and heart-break nor make mock of her motherhood. + + + + +The Way to Peace + +AN INTERVIEW WITH JACOB H. SCHIFF. + + One of the leading American financiers and noted + philanthropist; founder of Jewish Theological Seminary and of + Semitic Museum at Harvard University; a native of Germany and + member of the firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., bankers. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +American as I am in every fibre, and in accord as I feel with every +interest of the country of my adoption, I cannot find myself in +agreement with what appears to be, to a considerable extent, American +opinion as to the origin and responsibility for the deplorable conflict +in which almost all of Europe has become involved. + +For many reasons my personal sympathies are with Germany. I cannot feel +convinced that she has been the real aggressor; I believe that war was +forced upon her, almost as if by prearrangement among the nations with +whom she now contends; I cannot but believe that they had become jealous +and envious of her rapid and unprecedented peaceful development and had +concluded that the moment had arrived when all was favorable for a union +against her. + +Although I left Germany half a century ago, I would think as little of +arraying myself against her, the country of my birth, in this the moment +of her struggle for existence, as of arraying myself against my parents. + +But while I steadfastly believe this war to have been forced upon +Germany against her will, I also believe that circumstances which were +stronger than the Governments of England and France, her present +enemies, were necessary to overcome an equally definite reluctance upon +their part. + +In other words, I cannot wholly blame the English Government, or the +French Government, any more than I can wholly blame the German +Government. + +Let us see how the great tragedy came about. It is safe to pass rapidly +over the Servian-Bosnian-Herzegovinian-Austro-Hungarian complication +which served as the immediate precipitant of hostilities. It has been +detailed repeatedly in THE TIMES and other American publications. + +It had reached a point at which the Austro-Hungarian Government felt +compelled to take extreme measures by means of which to safeguard the +integrity of the empire. + +The firm but fatal ultimatum to Servia followed, the reply to which, +suffice it to say, was unsatisfactory to Austria, who could not accept +the suggestion of an investigation into the circumstances attending the +assassination of the Archduke Ferdinand through a commission or court on +which she was not represented. + + +Like Maine Case. + +The situation really was analogous to that which existed between the +United States and Spain when the Maine was blown up in Havana Harbor. In +order to fix the responsibility for this dastardly affair we then +similarly demanded an investigation by Spain, to be carried out with the +assistance of representatives of this Government. Spain, too, then +offered to conduct an investigation, but she peremptorily declined to +allow us to take part in it. + +This attitude on her part quickly brought about our declaration of war +against her. It is important that Americans should realize the +similarity in the two situations and the likeness of the Austrian action +of 1914 to that which our own Government took in 1898. + +As soon as Austria had rejected as unsatisfactory Servia's reply to her +ultimatum she prepared to undertake a punitive armed expedition against +Servia, and Russia at once declared that she would rank herself as +Servia's protector. + +Indeed, without any further parley, and to give effect to this threat, +Russia immediately mobilized her army. Since then it has been averred +that this mobilization had been in progress for several weeks previous +to Servia's rejection of the Austrian ultimatum. + +This made it obligatory upon Germany to go to Austria's aid, under the +provisions of their treaty of alliance, although she was well aware that +such an action would bring France into the conflict under the terms of +her alliance with Russia. Indeed, an unsatisfactory reply had been +received from France as to the latter's intentions, but Germany +endeavored to secure at least an assurance of England's neutrality. This +proved to be impossible. + +How the German Government could indulge for a moment in the hope that in +a war with Russia and France on the one side and Germany and Austria on +the other, England could be induced to remain neutral passes +comprehension, but that it did believe this seems a certainty. + +The English Government, no doubt, correctly felt that without the aid of +its immense resources, and particularly without the operations of its +great navy against Germany and Austria, the latter nations would find it +not so very difficult a task to dispose of both Russia and France. + +English statesmen very promptly must have become alive to the +probability that a Germany which had subdued Russia and France, and thus +had made itself master of the Continent, would be unlikely long to +tolerate a continuance of England's world leadership. + +So, even if the neutrality of Belgium had not been violated, other +reasons would have been found by England for joining France and Russia +in the war against Germany, for England would not risk, without any +effort to protect them, the loss of her continued domination of the +high seas and her undisputed possession of her vast colonial empire. + + +Germany Fighting for Life. + +I am not defending the violation of Belgian neutrality. This, +undeniably, was a most unjustifiable action, in spite of German claims +that she was forced into it by the necessities of the situation. But I +am explaining that, even had it not occurred, still England would have +gone to war. + +That was the situation. + +Germany is now fighting for her very existence, and I, who am not +without knowledge of German conditions, am convinced that never has +there been a war more wholly that of a whole people than is this present +conflict, as far as Germany is concerned. + +Any one who has been in even superficial touch with German public +opinion and individual feeling in any part of the empire, since the war +began, must know that there is hardly a man, woman, or child throughout +the empire who would hesitate if called upon to sacrifice possessions or +life in order to insure victory to the Fatherland. Seventy million +people who are animated by unanimous sentiment of this sort cannot be +crushed, probably not subdued. + +And England is confronted by the certainty that her world leadership is +the stake for which she is fighting; that her defeat would mean the end +of the vast dominance which she has exercised throughout the world, +since the time of the Armada, through the power of her great navy. + +Is it not apparent, therefore, that these nations, if left to +themselves, inevitably must continue the war until one side or the +other, or both, shall become exhausted--an eventuation which may be +postponed not for mere months but for years? + +In our own civil war Grant for almost two years stood within a hundred +or a hundred and fifty miles of Richmond, the heart of the Confederacy, +and was not able to sufficiently subdue Lee's forces to enable him to +get possession of the city until the complete exhaustion of the +Confederacy's resources in men and money had been accomplished. + +[Illustration: VISCOUNT JAMES BRYCE + +_(Photo from George G. Bain.)_ + +_See Page 477_] + +[Illustration: DR. BERNHARD DERNBURG + +_(Photo by Campbell Studios.)_ + +_See Page 487_] + +[Illustration: DAVID STARR JORDAN + +_See Page 502_] + +[Illustration: JOHN GRIER HIBBEN + +_(Photo by McManus.)_ + +_See Page 503_] + +While that situation may not offer a true parallel in all respects to +that in which we find the belligerent forces in the present European +war, it nevertheless may be taken as a precedent proving that frontal +encounters of powerful opponents generally do not yield final results +until actual exhaustion compels one side or the other to abandon hope. + +Such an exhaustion hardly can be expected within measurable time on the +part of either one or the other of the combatants in the existing +European conflict, and this means the probable continuation for a long +period of the merciless slaughter which has marked the last few months. +We hold up our hands in horror at the stories of human sacrifices in the +early ages when, after all, these were, perhaps, less brutal and less +appalling than the wholesale slaughter of the flower of these warring +peoples of which we now read almost daily. + +As I see the situation there really are only three contestants in the +war--England, Russia, and Germany. France, Belgium, and Austria are +important auxiliaries, but they are playing to a certain extent +secondary roles. + +England's real object is the utter defeat of Germany--nothing more nor +less than that--and if this is accomplished England will have control of +Europe. It must be remembered that the English Government and English +people frequently have asserted that they would not be satisfied with +mere defeat of Germany's armed forces, but that her power must be +permanently paralyzed. + +If England should accomplish this, with Germany, its army and its navy, +thus wholly out of the way, no one would be left for England to fear in +future upon the high seas. + +That might be the chief significance of England's complete victory, and +its complete significance would be that every nation in the world would +have to do the British bidding, for should any one refuse she could +completely destroy its commerce and shut off its overseas supplies. + +In the cases of most nations overseas supplies include material vital +to the continuance of life and happiness; to every nation, in these days +of a developed and habitual foreign trade, overseas supplies are +actually essential, even when they do not necessarily include meats and +wheat and other foodstuffs. + +The effect upon the United States of such an English victory would be +most disastrous. + +The alliance between England and Japan is likely to be permanent. That +is something which Americans cannot afford to forget for a moment. + +England needs Japan in the Far East, especially as an ally in case of +need, which at some time is certain to arrive, against Russia; and Japan +for many reasons needs the strength of English backing, without which +her financial and political situation soon would become most dangerous, +if not collapse. + +Such a permanent alliance would have this consequence upon us, that +without even the probability of difficulties with either England or +Japan--and, personally, I do not believe that such a probability need be +feared--we nevertheless year after year would be compelled to +increasingly prepare for what may be defined as the disagreeable +possibility of the eventuation of a disagreeable possibility. + +Certainly we should be under the necessity of notably and, therefore, +very expensively, increasing our naval armament; we should be under the +necessity of large expenditures for coast defense. + +Corollary military cost would be enormous and burdensome. The +preparation which would be imposed on us as a necessity by such a +permanent alliance would be sufficiently extensive and expensive to +burden our people heavily and handicap our national progress. + +It might involve, perhaps, even a greater hardship in our case than +militarism has involved in Germany. It is improbable that the average +American realizes the part which absence of such burdens has played in +our national development so far; it would be difficult for the average +American who has not studied the whole subject carefully to estimate +accurately the part which the imposition of such a burden would be sure +to play in our future. + +We have been measurably a free people. If we were under the necessity of +supporting vast military and naval establishments we should be that no +longer, no matter how completely we adhered to our democratic political +system and ideals. It is not Kings, but what they do, which burdens +countries, and the most burdensome, act of any King is to load his +country up with non-productive, threatening, and expensive war +machinery. + + +The Real Peril. + +I fear that the American people as a whole have visualized only +slightly, if at all, the real peril involved in this contingency; but I +cannot feel otherwise than sure that soon they must awake to the great +danger that militarism and navalism may be imposed upon them through no +fault of their own. + +American impulses trend away from armament toward peaceful development +along industrial lines, but even now political leaders in Washington +begin to see what may be coming. The propositions which already have +been made for considerable increases in our naval and military forces +may be regarded as only the forerunners of what is to be expected later. + +My sympathies and interests, in other words my patriotic sentiments, are +definitely American. I must repeat that I am of German origin, and that +as regards the present struggle I am pro-German, yet it would be +impossible for me to say that I am anti-English, although I am +anti-Russian for reasons that are obvious. + +I already have expressed the belief that the complete humiliation of +England would be disastrous to us. Now, it seems to me that if Germany +should be completely successful, if she should be able to wear out the +Allies, break down France, hold Russia in check, and cripple or even +invade England, (which many German leaders actually believe can be done, +incredible as it may seem to us,) Germany would acquire a position such +as never has been held by any nation since the beginning of history. Not +even the power of the Roman Empire would approach it. + +The advance which has marked the development of every means of +communication, transportation, manufacturing, &c., since Rome's day +would give Germany, in the case of such an eventuation, a power which +would have been inconceivable to the most ambitious Roman Emperor. It +would make her a menace not only to her immediate neighbors, but to the +entire globe. + +Could she be trusted with such power? Notwithstanding my personal +sympathies, which I have taken pains to clearly outline, I must admit +that I cannot think so. The German character is not only self-reliant, +which is admirable, but it readily becomes domineering, particularly +when in the ascendency. + +In the role of a world conqueror Germany would become a world +dictator--would indulge in a domination which would be almost unbearable +to every other nation. Particularly would this be the case in respect to +her relations with the United States, a nation with which she always has +had and always must have intimate trade and commercial relations. + +Should Germany make England impotent and France powerless we should +become more or less dependent upon German good-will, and it is highly +probable, indeed I regard it as a certainty, that before long, in such +an event, the Monroe Doctrine would cease to exercise any important +influence on world events. It would become a thing of the past--a "scrap +of paper." + +You see that while I am not neutral to the extreme, while I fervently +hope and pray that Germany may not be wrecked and that she may emerge +from the war with full ability to maintain her own, I cannot believe +that it would be good for her or good for the world in general if she +found herself absolutely and incontrovertibly victorious at the end of +the great struggle. In other words, I wish Germany to be victorious, but +I do not wish her to be too victorious. + +This brings us definitely to the question as to what can be done to stop +this war. Its continuance is infinitely costly of men and treasure; its +prosecution to the bitter end would mean complete disaster for one +contestant and only less complete destruction for the other, and it +would give to the victor, no matter what his sufferings and losses might +have been, a power dangerous to the entire world. + +How shall it end? We do not want its end to mean a new European map. +Anything of the sort would include the seed of another European war, to +be fought out later and at even greater probable cost, with all the +world-disturbance implied in such an eventuation. + +What the United States should desire and does desire is an understanding +between these nations, of just what they are fighting for, which I +almost believe they no longer know themselves, and a conference between +them now, a pause to think, which at least may help toward stimulating +each side to make concessions, before the ultimate of damage has been +done. + +Such a conference might be called even without any interval in warfare +and induced without definite outside intervention from ourselves or any +one else. I believe it not to be beyond the bounds of possibility that +if this course could be brought about importantly enough, a way out of +this brutal struggle and carnage might be discovered even now, and I +know I am not alone in this belief. + +The situation is unprecedented. No congress such as in former times more +than once has settled wars and brought about peace by the give-and-take +process could be of avail in the existing circumstances. Something far +higher than such a conference is needed. This peace must not be +temporary. It must mark not the ending of this war alone but the ending +of all war. + +Some means must be devised and generally agreed to which, after the +re-establishment of peace, will do away with jealousies among European +nations, so that the continual increase of armament on land and sea no +longer will be necessary, and humanity will be freed from its tremendous +burden. + +It is not at present possible to point out any concrete means by which +these things may be accomplished, but it is not impossible that, when +reason shall be returned to the Governments now at war, they themselves +may suggest to one another plans and ways and means how this may be +effectuated. + +Toward this end America may help tremendously, and herein lies, it seems +to me, the greatest opportunity ever offered by events to the American +press. + +Let the newspapers of America stop futile philosophizing upon the merits +and demerits of each case, let them measurably cease their comment upon +what each side has accomplished or failed to accomplish during the +tragic four months which have traced their bloody mark on history. + +Let them begin to stimulate public opinion in favor of a rational +adjustment of the points at issue--such an adjustment as will leave each +contestant unhumiliated and intact, such an adjustment as will avoid, as +far as may be possible, the complete defeat of any one, such an +adjustment as will do what can be done toward righting wrongs already +wrought, and such an adjustment as will let the world return as soon as +may be to the paths of peace, productiveness, prosperity, and happiness. + +In suggesting that America should regard this effort as an obligation I +am assuming for this country no rights which are not properly hers. We, +a nation of a hundred million people, laboring constantly for peace and +human progress, have a right to make our voice heard, and if we raise it +properly it will find listeners among those who can help toward the +accomplishment of what we seek. But if we would make it heard we must be +earnest, be honest, and be ceaseless in the reiteration of our demand. + +Have we not the right to insist that the interests of neutral nations, +of whom, with our South American cousins, (for the better intercourse +with whom we have just spent several hundred millions upon the +construction of the Panama Canal,) we form so large a percentage, shall +before long be given some consideration by the nations whose great +quarrel is harming us incalculably? + + +Americans Should Speak Out. + +The interruption of our economic development already has become marked +and the war's baneful influence upon moral conditions in our midst shows +itself through constantly increasing unemployment and, as a logical +consequence of that, the rapid filling of our eleemosynary and penal +institutions. May we not reasonably demand that this shall speedily be +brought to an end? + +It probably is true that under the rules of the game the President of +the United States cannot offer his good offices again to the +belligerents without first being invited by one or the other side to do +this, but the people of the United States have a voice even more +powerful than his; if that of the people of South America should be +joined with it, and if the combined sound should be made unquestionably +apparent to the warring nations, it could not pass unheeded. + +Public opinion in the United States should firmly seek to impress upon +the warring nations the conviction that nothing can secure a lasting +peace except assurance of conditions under which not mighty armies +and tremendous navies are held to be the factors through which +trade expansion and the conquest of the markets of the world are +to be obtained, but that this can be accomplished better and more +lastingly through rigid adherence to the qualities and methods which +generally make for success in commercial or any other peaceful +competition--fairness, thorough efficiency, and hard work. + +The concentrated power of the American press and people would be +tremendous. I am sure that, in this instance, it is possible to +concentrate it for righteousness and the future good of all humanity. + + + + +Prof. Mather on Mr. Schiff + + Professor of Art at Princeton University; editorial writer for + The New York Evening Post and Assistant Editor of The Nation, + 1901-06. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It seems to me that the Belgian previous question ought to be moved with +all candid pro-Germans. Mr. Schiff is plainly candid, so I have framed +an open letter to elicit his opinion: + +[_An Open Letter to Jacob H. Schiff._] + +Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, New York. + +My Dear Sir: The universal esteem which you enjoy in the country of your +adoption lends great weight to any utterance of yours on public matters. +Your interview on the war in THE TIMES of Nov. 22 will everywhere have +influence for its gravity and fineness of feeling. It is with +compunction that I call your attention to the fact that your statement +is ambiguous on precisely those issues of the conflict which your +fellow-citizens have nearest at heart. + +Your general position may be described as a desire for prompt peace and +restoration of the former balance of power. More specifically you wish +"Germany to be victorious, but not too victorious." If this be merely an +instinctive expression of the residual German in you, an expression made +with no practical implications of any sort, no American will do +otherwise than respect such a sentiment. But if you deliberately desire +a moderate victory for Germany, with all that such moderate victory +practically implies, it behooves your fellow-citizens to judge your +views in the light of what these really call for. + +An ever so slightly victorious Germany would presumably retain Belgium, +in whole or in part. Does such a conquest have your moral assent? + +Or suppose the rather improbable event of a Germany driven out of +Belgium, but otherwise slightly victorious. In such case not a pfennig +of indemnity would come to Belgium. Do you believe that no indemnity is +morally due Belgium? + +Knowing your reputation as a man and philanthropist, I can hardly +believe that your desire for a "not too victorious" Germany includes its +logical implication of a subjugated or uncompensated Belgium. But if +this be so, candor expects an avowal. Until you have made yourself clear +on the issue that most concerns your fellow-citizens they will remain in +doubt as to your whole moral attitude on the war. Does your pacificism +contemplate a German Belgium? I feel sure you will admit that no fairer +question could be set to any one who comments on the sequels of the war. +I am, most respectfully yours, + +FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. + +Princeton University, Oct. 23, 1914. + + + + +The Eliot-Schiff Letters + + _On Nov. 22_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _printed this interview with + Jacob H. Schiff on the European war reproduced above. Two days + later Dr. Charles W. Eliot, President Emeritus of Harvard, who + is an old friend of Mr. Schiff, wrote him a letter of comment + on THE TIMES interview. This letter resulted in considerable + correspondence between the two. At the time this + correspondence was penned there was not the least thought in + the mind of either of the writers of giving the letters to the + public. It was simply an interchange of ideas between men who + had long known each other. When they were convinced, however, + that publication might serve a useful purpose in shaping + public opinion, both Mr. Schiff and Dr. Eliot cordially + assented to their being printed._ + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Nov. 24, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: It was a great relief to me to read just now your +interview in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Nov. 22, for I have been afraid that +your judgment and mine, concerning the desirable outcome of this +horrible war, were very different. I now find that at many points they +coincide. + +One of my strongest hopes is that one result of the war may be the +acceptance by the leading nations of the world of the precept or +law--there shall be no world empire for any single nation. If I +understand you correctly, you hold the same opinion. You wish neither +Germany nor England to possess world empire. You also look forward, as I +do, to some contract or agreement among the leading nations which shall +prevent competitive armaments. I entirely agree with you that it is in +the highest degree undesirable that this war should be prolonged to the +exhaustion of either side. + +When, however, I come to your discussion of the means by which a good +result toward European order and peace may be brought out of the present +convulsion I do not find clear guidance to present action on your part +or mine, or on the part of our Government and people. Was it your +thought that a congress of the peoples of North and South America should +now be convened to bring to bear American opinion on the actual +combatants while the war is going on? Or is it your thought that the +American nations wait until there is a lull or pause in the indecisive +fighting? + +So far as I can judge from the very imperfect information which reaches +us from Germany, the confidence of the German Emperor and people in +their "invincible" army is not much abated, although it clearly ought to +be. It is obvious that American opinion has some weight in Germany; but +has it not enough weight to induce Germany to abandon her intense desire +for Belgium and Holland and extensive colonial possessions? To my +thinking, without the abandonment of that desire and ambition on the +part of Germany, there can be no lasting peace in Europe and no +reduction of armaments. Sincerely yours, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +NEW YORK, Nov. 25, 1914. + +My Dear Dr. Eliot: + +I am just in receipt of your thoughtful letter of yesterday, which it +has given me genuine pleasure to receive. While it is true that I have +not found myself in accord with many of the views to which you have +given public expression concerning the responsibility for this +deplorable conflict and the unfortunate conditions it has created, I +never doubted that as to its desirable outcome we would find ourselves +in accord, and I am very glad to have this confirmed by you, though as +to this our views could not have diverged. + +As to the means by which a desirable result toward European order and +peace may be brought about out of the chaos which has become created, it +is, I confess, difficult to give guidance at present. What needs first, +in my opinion, to be done is to bring forth a healthy and insistent +public opinion here for an early peace without either side becoming +first exhausted, and it was my purpose in the interview I have given to +set the American people thinking concerning this. I have no idea that I +shall have immediate success; but if men like you and others follow in +the same line, I am sure American public opinion can before long be made +to express itself emphatically and insistently in favor of an early +peace. Without this it is not unlikely that this horrible slaughter and +destruction may continue for a very, very long time. + +Yours most faithfully, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + +President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Nov. 28, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: + +I think, just as you do, that the thing which most needs to be done is +to induce Germany to modify its present opinion that the nation must +fight for its very life to its last mark and the last drop of its blood. +Now, every private letter that I have received from Germany, and every +printed circular, pamphlet, or book on the war which has come to me from +German sources insists on the view that, for Germany, it is a question +between world empire or utter downfall. There is no sense or reason in +this view, but the German philosophers, historians, and statesmen are +all maintaining it at this moment. + +England, France, and Russia have no such expectations or desires as +regards the fate of Germany. What they propose to do is to put a stop to +Germany's plan of attaining world empire by militarism. Have you any +means of getting into the minds of some of the present rulers of Germany +the idea that no such alternative as life or death is presented to +Germany in this war, and that the people need only abandon their +world-empire ambitions while securing safety in the heart of Europe and +a chance to develop all that is good in German civilization? Sincerely +yours, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +The Greenbrier, +WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, W. Va., +Dec. 1, 1914. + +Dear Dr. Eliot: + +I have received today your letter of the 28th ult., and I hasten to +reply to it, for I know of nought that is of more importance than the +discussion between earnest men of what might be done to bring to +cessation this horrible and senseless war. + +I believe you are mistaken--though in this I am stating nothing, +absolutely, but my personal opinion--that Germany would not listen to +the suggestion for a restoration of peace until it has either come into +a position to dictate the terms or until it is utterly crushed. Indeed, +I rather feel, and I have indications that such is the case, that +England is unwilling to stop short of crushing Germany, and it is now +using all the influence it can bring to bear in this country to prevent +public opinion being aroused in favor of the stoppage of hostilities and +re-establishment of peace. + +The same mail which brought your letter this morning brought me also a +letter from a leading semi-military man, whom I know by name, but not +personally. It is so fine and timely that I venture to inclose a copy +for your perusal. Why would not you, and perhaps Dr. Andrew D. White, +who--is it not a coincidence--has likewise written me today on the +subject of my recent TIMES interview, be the very men to carry out the +suggestion made by my correspondent? + +Perhaps no other two men in the entire country are so greatly looked up +to by its people for guidance as you--in the first instance--and Dr. +White. You could surely bestow no greater gift upon the entire civilized +world than if now, in the evening of a life which has been of such great +value to mankind, you would call around you a number of leading, earnest +Americans with the view of discussing and framing plans through which +American public opinion could be crystallized and aroused to the point +where it will insistently demand that these warring nations come +together and, with the experience they have made to their great cost, +make at least an attempt to find a way out. I cannot but believe that +the Governments of England, France, and Germany--if not Russia--will +have to listen, if the American people speak with no uncertain voice. +Do it, and you will deserve and receive the blessing of this and of +coming generations! Yours most faithfully, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Dec. 8, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: + +I thank you for your letter of Dec. 1 and its interesting inclosure. + +Although every thoughtful person must earnestly desire that the waste +and destruction of this greatest of wars should be stopped as soon as +possible, there is an overpowering feeling that the war should go on +until all the combatants, including Germany, have been brought to see +that the Governmental regime and the state of the public mind in Germany +which have made this war possible are not consistent with the security +and well-being of Europe in the future. + +Personally, I feel strongly that the war ought to go on so long as +Germany persists in its policies of world empire, dynastic rule, +autocratic bureaucracy, and the use of force in international dealings. +If the war stops before Germany sees that those policies cannot prevail +in twentieth-century Europe, the horrible wrongs and evils which we are +now witnessing will recur; and all the nations will have to continue the +destructive process of competitive armaments. If peace should be made +now, before the Allies have arrived at attacking Germany on her own +soil, there would result only a truce of moderate length, and then a +renewal of the present horrors. + +I cannot but think that Europe now has a chance to make a choice between +the German ideal of the State and the Anglo-American ideal. These two +ideals are very different; and the present conflict shows that they +cannot coexist longer in modern Europe. + +In regard to the suggestion which your correspondent made to you that a +conference of private persons should now be called in the hope of +arriving at an agreed-upon appeal to the combatants to desist from +fighting and consider terms of settlement, I cannot but feel (1) that +such a conference would have no assured status; (2) that the combatants +would not listen; and (3) that the effort would, therefore, be untimely +now, though perhaps useful later. + +One idea might possibly bring about peace, if it fructified in the mind +of the German Emperor--the idea, namely, that the chance of Germany's +obtaining dominating power in either Europe or the world having already +gone, the wise thing for him to do is to save United Germany within her +natural boundaries for secure development as a highly civilized strong +nation in the heart of Europe. Surplus population can always emigrate +happily in the future as in the past. + +The security of Germany would rest, however, on an international +agreement to be maintained by an international force; whereas, the +example which Germany has just given of the reckless violation of +international agreements is extremely discouraging in regard to the +possibility of securing the peace of Europe in the future. + +Although this war has already made quite impossible the domination of +Germany in Europe or in the world, the leaders of Germany do not yet see +or apprehend that impossibility. Hence, many earnest peace-seekers have +to confess that they do not see any means whatever available for +promoting peace in Europe now, or even procuring a short truce. + +I wish I could believe with you that the Governments of England, France, +Germany, and Russia would listen to the voice of the American people. +They all seem to desire the good opinion and moral support of America; +but I see no signs that they would take American advice or imitate +American example. President Wilson seems to think that this country will +be accepted as a kind of umpire in this formidable contest; but surely +we have no right to any such position. Our example in avoiding +aggression on other nations, and in declining to enter the contest for +world power, ought to have some effect in abating European ambitions in +that direction; but our exhortations to peace and good-will will, I +fear, have little influence. There is still a real contest on between +democracy and oligarchical methods. + +You see, my dear Mr. Schiff, that I regard this war as the result of +long-continuing causes which have been gathering force for more than +fifty years. In Germany all the forces of education, finance, commercial +development, a pagan philosophy, and Government have been preparing this +war since 1860. To stop it now, before these forces have been +overwhelmingly defeated, and before the whole German people is convinced +that they are defeated, would be to leave humanity exposed to the +certain recurrence of the fearful convulsions we are now witnessing. + +If anybody can show me any signs that the leaders of Germany are +convinced that there is to be no world empire for Germany or any other +nation, and no despotic Government in Europe, I shall be ready to take +part in any effectual advocacy of peace. Sincerely yours. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +NEW YORK, Dec. 5, 1914. + +President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. + +Dear Dr. Eliot: + +Your letter of Dec. 3 reached me this morning, and has given me much +food for thought. + +I wish I could follow you in the position you have taken, for I like +nothing better than to sit at the feet of a master like you and be +instructed. But, much as I have tried, even before our recent +correspondence was begun, to get at your viewpoint as from time to time +published, I have not been able to convince myself that you occupy a +correct position. Please accept this as expressed in all modesty, for I +know were you not thoroughly convinced of the justice of the position +you have taken from the start you would not be so determined in holding +to it. + +I am perfectly frank to say that I am amazed and chagrined when you say +that you feel strongly that the war ought to go on until the Allies +have arrived at attacking Germany on her own soil, which, if this is at +all likely to come, may take many months yet, and will mean sacrifice of +human life on both sides more appalling than anything we have seen yet +since the war began. So you are willing that, with all the human life +that has already perished, practically the entire flower of the warring +nations shall become exterminated before even an effort be made to see +whether these nations cannot be brought to reason, cannot be made to +stop and to consider whether, with the experience of the past four +months before them, it would not be better to even now make an effort to +find a way in which the causes that have led to this deplorable conflict +can be once and forever eradicated? + +That it will be possible to find at this time any method or basis +through the adoption of which the world would become entirely immune +against war I do not believe, even by the establishment of the +international police force such as you and others appear to have in +mind. + +The perpetual cessation of all war between the civilized nations of the +world can, as I see it, only be brought about in two ways, both Utopian +and likely impracticable, for many years to come. War could be made only +to cease entirely if all the nations of Europe could be organized into a +United States of Europe and if free trade were established throughout +the world. In the first instance, the extreme nationalism, which has +become so rampant during the past fifty years and which has been more or +less at the bottom of every war, would then cease to exist and prevail, +and in the second event, namely, if free trade became established +throughout the world the necessity for territorial expansion and +aggression would no longer be needed, for, with the entire world open on +equal terms to the commerce and industry of every nation, territorial +possession would not be much of a consideration to any peoples. + +You continually lay stress upon the danger of the domination of Germany +in Europe and in the world. I believe I have already made myself quite +clear in my recent NEW YORK TIMES interview, which has called forth this +correspondence between us, that neither would I wish to have Germany +come into a position where it might dominate Europe, and more or less +the world, nor do I believe that the German Nation, except perhaps a +handful of extremists, has any such desires. + +I believe I have also made myself quite clear in the interview to which +I have referred that my feelings are not anti-English, for I shall never +forget that liberal government and all forms of liberalism have had +their origin, ever since the Magna Charta, in that great nation whom we +so often love to call our cousins. But, with all of this, can you ignore +the fact that England even today, without the further power and prestige +victory in the present conflict would give her, practically dominates +the high seas, that she treats the ocean as her own and enforces her +dictates upon the waters even to our very shores? That this is true the +past four months have amply proved. I am not one of those who fear that +the United States, as far as can now be foreseen, will get into any +armed conflict with Great Britain or with Japan, her permanent ally, but +I can well understand that many in our country are of a different +opinion, and it takes no prophet to foresee that, with England coming +out of this war victorious and her and Japan's power on the high seas +increased, the demand from a large section of our people for the +acquisition and possession of the United States of an increased powerful +navy and for the erection of vast coast defenses, both on the Atlantic +and Pacific shores, will become so insistent that it cannot be +withstood. What this will mean to the American people in lavish +expenditures and in increased taxation I need not here further go into. + +Yes, my dear and revered friend, I can see nought but darkness if a way +cannot be soon found out of the present deplorable situation as it +exists in Europe. + +But even if the Allies are victorious it will mean, as I am convinced, +the beginning of the descent of England as the world's leader and the +hastened ascendency of Russia, who, not today or tomorrow, but in times +to come, is sure to crowd out England from the world's leadership. A +Russia that will have become democratic in its government, be it as a +republic or under a truly constitutional monarchy; a Russia in which +education will be as free as it is in our own country; a Russia in which +the people can move about and make homes in the vast territory she +possesses wherever they can find most happiness and prosperity; a Russia +with its vast natural resources of every kind fully developed, is bound +to be the greatest and most powerful nation on the earth. + +But I am going too far into the future and I must return to the sad and +deplorable present. I only wanted to show how England's alliance with +this present-day Russia and its despotic, autocratic, and inhuman +Government may, if the Allies shall be victorious, prove possibly in the +nearer future, but certainly in the long run, England's Nemesis. + +Before closing I want to correct the impression you appear to have +received that I have meant to suggest a conference of private persons +for the purpose of agreeing upon an appeal by them to the nations of +Europe to desist from fighting and consider terms of settlement. I know +this would be entirely impracticable and useless, but what I meant to +convey to you was my conviction that if you and men like you, of whom I +confess there are but too few, were to make the endeavor to rouse public +opinion in the United States to a point where it should insistently +demand that this terrific carnage of blood and destruction cease, it +would not be long before these warring Governments would take notice of +such sentiments on the part of the American people; and what should be +done at once is the stoppage of the furnishing of munitions of war to +any of the belligerents, as is unfortunately done to so great an extent +at present from this country. + +We freely and abundantly give to the Red Cross and the many other relief +societies, but we do this, even if indirectly, out of the very profits +we derive from the war material we sell to the belligerents, and with +which the wounds the Red Cross and other relief societies endeavor to +assuage are inflicted. Yours most faithfully, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + + +Dr. Eliot to Mr. Schiff. + +CAMBRIDGE, Mass., Dec. 8, 1914. + +Dear Mr. Schiff: + +Your letter of Dec. 5 tells me what the difference is between you and me +in respect to the outcome of the war--I am much more hopeful or sanguine +of the world's getting good out of it than you are. Since you do not +hope to get any good to speak of out of it, you want to stop it as soon +as possible. You look forward to future war from time to time between +the nations of Europe and to the maintenance of competitive armaments. +You think that the lust of dominion must continue to be felt and +gratified, now by one nation and now by another; that Great Britain can +gratify it now, but that she will be overpowered by Russia by and by. + +I am unwilling to accept these conditions for Europe, or for the world, +without urging the freer nations to make extraordinary efforts to reach +a better solution of the European international problem which, unsolved, +has led down to this horrible pit of general war. + +I have just finished another letter to THE NEW YORK TIMES, which will +probably be in print by the time you get back to New York, so I will not +trouble you with any exposition of the grounds of my hopefulness. It is +because I am hopeful that I want to see this war fought out until +Germany is persuaded that she cannot dominate Europe, or, indeed, make +her will prevail anywhere by force of arms. When that change of mind has +been effected I hope that Germany will become a member of a federation +firm enough and powerful enough to prevent any single nation from +aiming at world empire, or even pouncing on a smaller neighbor. + +There is another point on which I seem to differ from you: I do not +believe that any single nation has now, or can ever hereafter have, the +leadership of the world, whereas you look forward to the existence of +such leadership or domination in the hands of a single great power. Are +there not many signs already, both in the East and in the West, that the +time has past for world empire? Very sincerely and cordially yours, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Jacob H. Schiff, Esq. + + +Mr. Schiff to Dr. Eliot. + +NEW YORK, Dec. 14, 1914. + +Dear Dr. Eliot: + +I have delayed replying to your valued letter of the 8th inst. until +after the appearance of your further letter to THE NEW YORK TIMES, to +which you had made reference, and, like everything emanating from you, +the contents of your last TIMES letter have evoked my deepest interest. + +Had our recent correspondence not already become more extended than you +likely had intended it to become when you first wrote me on the subject +of my TIMES interview of some weeks ago, I should go into your latest +arguments at greater length. As it is, I shall only reiterate that I +find myself unable to follow you in your belief and hope, that world +empire and world leadership, as this now exists, is likely to cease as a +consequence of the present war, much as we all may desire this. + +England has taken up arms to retain her world dominion and leadership; +and to gain it, Germany is fighting. How can you, then, expect that +England, if victorious, would be willing to surrender her control of the +oceans and the dominion over the trade of the world she possesses in +consequence, and where is there, then, room for the hope you express +that world leadership may become a thing of the past with the +termination of the present conflict? + +I repeat, with all my attachment for my native land and its people, I +have no inimical feeling toward England, have warm sentiments for +France, and the greatest compassion for brave, stricken Belgium. + +Thus, "with malice toward none," and with the highest respect for your +expressed views, I am still of the opinion that there can be no greater +service rendered to mankind than to make the effort, either through the +force of public opinion of the two Americas, or otherwise, to bring +these warring Governments together at an early moment, even if this can +only be done without stopping their conflict, so that they may make the +endeavor, whether--with their costly experience of the last five months, +with the probability that they now know better what need be done to make +the extreme armaments on land and sea as unnecessary as they are +undesirable in the future--a basis cannot be found upon which +disarmament can be effectively and permanently brought about. + +This, at some time, they will have come to, in any event, and must there +first more human lives be sacrificed into the hundreds and hundreds of +thousands, and still greater havoc be wrought, before passions can be +made to cease and reason be made to return? + +If, as you seem to think, the war need go on until one country is beaten +into a condition where it must accept the terms the victor chooses to +impose, because it can no longer help itself to do else, the peace thus +obtained will only be the harbinger of another war in the near or +distant future, bloodier probably than the present sanguinary conflict, +and through no compact which might be entered into will it be possible +to actually prevent this. + +Twenty centuries ago Christianity came into the world with its lofty +message of "peace on earth and good-will to men," and now, after two +thousand years, and at the near approach of the season when Christianity +celebrates the birth of its founder, it is insisted that the merciless +slaughter of man by man we have been witnessing these last months must +be permitted to be continued into the infinite. Most faithfully yours, + +JACOB H. SCHIFF. + +President Emeritus Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. + + + + +LA CATHEDRALE. + +From Figaro. + +By EDMOND ROSTAND. + + + Ils n'ont fait que la rendre un peu plus immortelle. + L'Oeuvre ne perit pas, que mutile un gredin. + Demande a Phidias et demande a Rodin + Si, devant ses morceaux, on ne dit plus: "C'est Elle!" + + La Forteresse meurt quand on la demantele. + Mais le Temple, brise, vit plus noble; et soudain + Les yeux, se souvenant du toit avec dedain, + Preferent voir le ciel dans la pierre en dentelle. + + Rendons grace--attendu qu'il nous manquait encor + D'avoir ce qu'ont les Grecs sur la colline d'or; + Le Symbole du Beau consacre par l'insulte!-- + + Rendons grace aux pointeurs du stupide canon, + Puisque de leur adresse allemande il resulte + Une Honte pour eux, pour nous un Parthenon! + + * * * * * + +THE CATHEDRAL. + +A Free Translation of Rostand's Sonnet. + +By FRANCES C. FAY. + + "Deathless" is graven deeper on thy brow; + Ghouls have no power to end thy endless sway. + The Greek of old, the Frenchman of today, + Before thy riven shrine are bending now. + + A wounded fortress straightway lieth prone, + Not so the Temple dies; its roof may fall, + The sky its covering vault, an azure pall, + Doth droop to crown its wealth of lacework stone. + + Praise to you, Vandal guns of dull intent! + We lacked till now our Beauty's monument + Twice hallowed o'er by insult's brutal hand, + + As Pallas owns on Athens' golden hill, + We have it now, thanks to your far-flung brand! + Your shame--our gain, misguided German skill! + + + + +Probable Causes and Outcome of the War + +By Charles W. Eliot. + + President Emeritus of Harvard University; Officer Legion + d'Honneur (France); Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, first + class (Japan); Royal Prussian Order of the Crown, first class; + Grand Officer of the Crown of Italy; Member of the General + Education Board, and an original investigator for the cause of + international peace. + + _Following Is Reproduced a Series of Five Letters to_ THE NEW + YORK TIMES _from Dr. Eliot, Together with the Comments Thereon + by Eminent Critics._ + + +DR. ELIOT'S FIRST LETTER. + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The American people without distinction of party are highly content with +the action of their National Administration on all the grave problems +presented to the Government by the sudden outbreak of long-prepared war +in Europe--a war which already involves five great States and two small +ones. They heartily approve of the action of the Administration on +mediation, neutrality, aid to Americans in Europe, discouragement of +speculation in foods, and, with the exception of extreme protectionists, +admission to American registery of foreign-built ships; although the +legislation on the last subject, which has already passed Congress, is +manifestly inadequate. + +Our people cannot see that the war will necessarily be short, and they +cannot imagine how it can last long. They realize that history gives no +example of such a general interruption of trade and all other +international intercourse as has already taken place, or of such a +stoppage of the production and distribution of the necessaries of life +as this war threatens. They shudder at the floods of human woe which are +about to overwhelm Europe. + +Hence, thinking Americans cannot help reflecting on the causes of this +monstrous outbreak of primitive savagery--part of them come down from +the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and part developed in the +nineteenth--and wondering what good for mankind, if any, can possibly +come out of the present cataclysm. + +The whole people of the United States, without regard to racial origin, +are of one mind in hoping that mankind may gain out of this prodigious +physical combat, which uses for purposes of destruction and death all +the new forces of nineteenth-century applied science, some new liberties +and new securities in the pursuit of happiness; but at this moment they +can cherish only a remote hope of such an issue. The military force +which Austria-Hungary and Germany are now using on a prodigious scale, +and with long-studied skill, can only be met by similar military force, +and this resisting force is summoned more slowly than that of +Austria-Hungary and Germany, although the ultimate battalions will be +heavier. In this portentous physical contest the American people have no +part; their geographical position, their historical development, and +their political ideals combine to make them for the present mere +spectators, although their interests--commercial, industrial, and +political--are deeply involved. For the moment, the best thing our +Government can do is to utilize all existing neutrality rights, and, if +possible, to strengthen or develop those rights, for out of this war +ought to come more neutral States in Europe and greater security for +neutralized territory. + + +The Need for Discussion. + +The chances of getting some gains for mankind out of this gigantic +struggle will be somewhat increased if the American people, and all +other neutral peoples, arrive through public discussion at some clear +understanding of the causes and the possible and desirable issues of the +war, and the sooner this public discussion begins, and the more +thoroughly it is pursued, the sounder will probably be the tendencies of +public sentiment outside of the contending nations and the conclusions +which the peace negotiations will ultimately reach. + +When one begins, however, to reflect on the probable causes of the +sudden lapse of the most civilized parts of Europe into worse than +primitive savagery, he comes at once on two old and widespread evils in +Europe from which America has been exempt for at least 150 years. The +first is secret diplomacy with power to make issues and determine +events, and the second is autocratic national Executives who can swing +the whole physical force of the nation to this side or that without +consulting the people or their representatives. + +The actual catastrophe proves that secret negotiations like those +habitually conducted on behalf of the "concert of Europe," and alliances +between selected nations, the terms of which are secret, or at any rate +not publicly stated, cannot avert in the long run outrageous war, but +can only produce postponements of war, or short truces. Free +institutions, like those of the United States, take the public into +confidence, because all important movements of the Government must rest +on popular desires, needs, and volitions. Autocratic institutions have +no such necessity for publicity. This Government secrecy as to motives, +plans, and purposes must often be maintained by disregarding truth, fair +dealing, and honorable obligations, in order that, when the appeal to +force comes, one Government may secure the advantage of taking the other +by surprise. Duplicity during peace and the breaking of treaties during +war come to be regarded as obvious military necessities. + +The second great evil under which certain large nations of +Europe--notably Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary--have long suffered +and still suffer is the permanent national Executive, independent of +popular control through representative bodies, holding strong views +about rights of birth and religious sanctions of its authority, and +really controlling the national forces through some small council and a +strong bureaucracy. So long as Executives of this sort endure, so long +will civilization be liable to such explosions as have taken place this +August, though not always on so vast a scale. + +Americans now see these things more clearly than European lovers of +liberty, because Americans are detached from the actual conflicts by the +Atlantic, and because Americans have had no real contact with the feudal +or the imperial system for nearly 300 years. Pilgrim and Puritan, +Covenanter and Quaker, Lutheran and Catholic alike left the feudal +system and autocratic government behind them when they crossed the +Atlantic. Americans, therefore, cannot help hoping that two results of +the present war will be: (1) The abolition of secret diplomacy and +secret understandings, and the substitution therefor of treaties +publicly discussed and sanctioned, and (2) the creation of national +Executives--Emperors, Sultans, Kings, or Presidents--which cannot use +the national forces in fight until a thoroughly informed national +assembly, acting with deliberation, has agreed to that use. + + +Opposite Tendencies. + +The American student of history since the middle of the seventeenth +century sees clearly two strong though apparently opposite tendencies in +Europe: First, the tendency to the creation and maintenance of small +States such as those which the Peace of Westphalia (1648) recognized and +for two centuries secured in a fairly independent existence, and, +secondly, a tendency from the middle of the nineteenth century toward +larger national units, created by combining several kindred States +under one executive. This second tendency was illustrated strongly in +the case of both Germany and Italy, although the Prussian domination in +Germany has no parallel in Italy. Somewhat earlier in the nineteenth +century the doctrine of the neutralization of the territories of small +States was established as firmly as solemn treaties could do it. The +larger national units had a more or less federative quality, the +components yielding some of their functions to a central power, but +retaining numerous independent functions. This tendency to limited +unification is one which Americans easily understand and appreciate. We +believe in the federative principle, and must therefore hope that out of +the present European horror will come a new development of that +principle, and new security for small States which are capable of +guaranteeing to their citizens "life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness"--a security which no citizen of any European country seems +today to possess. + +Some of the underlying causes of the horrible catastrophe the American +people are now watching from afar are commercial and economic. Imperial +Germany's desire for colonies in other continents--such as Great Britain +and France secured earlier as a result of keen commercial ambitions--is +intense. Prussia's seizure of Schleswig in 1864-5 had the commercial +motive; and it is with visions of ports on the North Sea that Germany +justifies her present occupation of Belgium. The Russians have for +generations desired to extend their national territory southward to the +Aegean and the Bosphorus, and eastward to good harbors on the Pacific. +Later they pushed into Mongolia and Manchuria, but were resisted +successfully by Japan. Austria-Hungary has long been seeking ports on +the Adriatic, and lately seized without warrant Herzegovina and Bosnia +to promote her approach toward the Aegean, and is now trying to seize +Servia with the same ends in view. With similar motives Italy lately +descended on Tripoli, without any excuse except this intense desire for +colonies--profitable or unprofitable. On the other hand, the American +people, looking to the future as well as to the past, object to +acquisitions of new territory by force of arms; and since the twentieth +century opened they have twice illustrated in their own practice--first +in Cuba, and then in Mexico--this democratic objection. They believe +that extensions of national territory should be brought about only with +the indubitable consent of the majority of the people most nearly +concerned. They also believe that commerce should always be a means of +promoting good-will, and not ill-will, among men, and that all +legitimate and useful extensions of the commerce of a manufacturing and +commercial nation may be procured through the policy of the "open +door"--which means nothing more than that all nations should be allowed +to compete on equal terms for the trade of any foreign people, whether +backward or advanced in civilization. No American Administration has +accepted a "concession" of land in China. They also believe that +peaceable extensions of territory and trade will afford adequate relief +from the economic pressure on a population too large for the territory +it occupies, and that there is no need of forcible seizure of territory +to secure relief. It is inevitable, therefore, that the American people +should hope that one outcome of the present war should be--no +enlargement of a national territory by force or without the free consent +of the population to be annexed, and no colonization except by peaceable +commercial and industrial methods. + + +Aggressive Force a Failure. + +One of the most interesting and far-reaching effects of the present +outbreak of savagery is likely to be the conviction it carries to the +minds of thinking people that the whole process of competitive +armaments, the enlistment of the entire male population in national +armies, and the incessant planning of campaigns against neighbors, is +not a trustworthy method for preserving peace. It now appears that the +military preparations of the last fifty years in Europe have resulted +in the most terrific war of all time, and that a fierce ultimate +outbreak is the only probable result of the system. For the future of +civilization this is a lesson of high value. It teaches that if modern +civilization is to be preserved, national Executives--whether imperial +or republican--must not have at their disposal immense armaments and +drilled armies held ready in the leash; that armaments must be limited, +an international Supreme Court established, national armies changed to +the Swiss form, and an international force adequate to deal with any +nation that may suddenly become lawless agreed upon by treaty and held +always in readiness. The occasional use of force will continue to be +necessary even in the civilized world; but it must be made not an +aggressive but a protective force and used as such--just as protective +force has to be used sometimes in families, schools, cities, and +Commonwealths. + +At present Americans do not close their eyes to the plain fact that the +brute force which Germany and Austria-Hungary are now using can only be +overcome by brute force of the same sort in larger measure. It is only +when negotiations for peace begin that the great lesson of the futility +of huge preparations for fighting to preserve peace can be given effect. +Is it too much to expect that the whole civilized world will take to +heart the lessons of this terrible catastrophe and co-operate to prevent +the recurrence of such losses and woes? Should Germany and +Austria-Hungary succeed in their present undertakings, the whole +civilized world would be obliged to bear continuously, and to an +ever-increasing amount, the burdens of great armaments, and would live +in constant fear of sudden invasion, now here, now there--a terrible +fear, against which neither treaties nor professions of peaceable +intentions would offer the least security. + +It must be admitted, however, that the whole military organization, +which has long been compulsory on the nations of Continental Europe, is +inconsistent in the highest degree with American ideals of individual +liberty and social progress. Democracies can fight with ardor, and +sometimes with success, when the whole people is moved by a common +sentiment or passion; but the structure and discipline of a modern army +like that of Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia, has a despotic or +autocratic quality which is inconsistent with the fundamental principles +of democratic society. To make war in countries like France, Great +Britain, and the United States requires the widespread, simultaneous +stirring of the passions of the people on behalf of their own ideals. +This stirring requires publicity before and after the declaration of war +and public discussion; and the delays which discussion causes are +securities for peace. Out of the present struggle should come a check on +militarism--a strong revulsion against the use of force as means of +settling international disputes. + + +America Cannot Be Indifferent. + +It must also be admitted that it is impossible for the American people +to sympathize with the tone of the imperial and royal addresses which, +in summoning the people to war, use such phrases as "My monarchy," "My +loyal people," "My loyal subjects"; for there is implied in such phrases +a dynastic or personal ownership of peoples which shocks the average +American. Americans inevitably think that the right way for a ruler to +begin an exhortation to the people he rules is President Wilson's way: +"My fellow-countrymen." + +It follows from the very existence of these American instincts and hopes +that, although the people of the United States mean to maintain +faithfully a legal neutrality, they are not, and can not be, neutral or +indifferent as to the ultimate outcome of this titanic struggle. It +already seems to them that England, France, and Russia are fighting for +freedom and civilization. It does not follow that thinking Americans +will forget the immense services which Germany has rendered to +civilization during the last hundred years, or desire that her power to +serve letters, science, art, and education should be in the least +abridged in the outcome of this war upon which she has entered so +rashly and selfishly and in so barbarous a spirit. Most educated +Americans hope and believe that by defeating the German barbarousness +the Allies will only promote the noble German civilization. + +[Illustration: JOHN W. BURGESS + +_(Photo by Alman & Co.)_ + +_See Page 507_] + +[Illustration: WILLIAM M. SLOANE + +_(Photo by Pach.)_ + +_See Page 515_] + +The presence of Russia in the combination against Germany and +Austria-Hungary seems to the average American an abnormal phenomenon; +because Russia is itself a military monarchy with marked territorial +ambitions; and its civilization is at a more elementary stage than that +of France or England; but he resists present apprehension on this score +by recalling that Russia submitted to the "Concert of Europe" when her +victorious armies were within seventeen miles of Constantinople, that +she emancipated her serfs, proposed The Hague Conferences, initiated the +"Duma," and has lately offered--perhaps as war measures only--autonomy +to her Poles and equal rights of citizenship to her Jews. He also +cannot help believing that a nation which has produced such a literature +as Russia has produced during the last fifty years must hold within its +multitudinous population a large minority which is seething with high +aspirations and a fine idealism. + +For the clarification of the public mind on the issue involved, it is +important that the limits of American neutrality should be discussed and +understood. The action of the Government must be neutral in the best +sense; but American sympathies and hopes cannot possibly be neutral, for +the whole history and present state of American liberty forbids. For the +present, thinking Americans can only try to appreciate the scope and +real issues of this formidable convulsion, and so be ready to seize +every opportunity that may present itself to further the cause of human +freedom, and of peace at last. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Asticou, Me., Sept. 1, 1914. + + + + +Appreciation from Lord Bryce + + Late Ambassador at Washington from Great Britain; Chief + Secretary for Ireland, 1905-6; author of "The American + Commonwealth," and of studies in history and biography. + + +It has been a great pleasure to see from your published letter, which +has just reached us, that you so clearly understand the motive and +feelings with which Great Britain has entered on the present war. +Neither commercial rivalry nor any fancied jealousy of Germany's +greatness has led us into it, and to the German people our people bear +no ill-will whatever. Along with many others I have worked steadily +during long years for the maintenance of friendship with Germany, +admiring the splendid gifts of the German race, and recognizing their +enormous services to science, philosophy, and literature. We had hoped, +as some thoughtful statesmen in Germany had also hoped, that by a +cordial feeling between Germany and Britain the peace of Europe might be +secured and something done to bring about permanently better relations +between Germany and her two great neighbors with whom we found ourselves +on friendly terms; and we had confidently looked to the United States to +join with us in this task. But the action of the German Government in +violating the neutrality of Belgium when France had assured us that she +would respect it, the invasion of a small State whose neutrality and +independence she and England had joined in guaranteeing, evoked in this +country an almost unanimous sentiment that the faith of treaties and the +safety of small States must be protected. There has been no war for more +than a century--perhaps two centuries--into which the nation has entered +with so general a belief that its action is justified. We rejoice to be +assured that this is the general feeling of the people of the United +States, whose opinion we naturally value more than we do that of any +other people. + +Most persons in this country, including all those who work for peace, +agree with you in deploring the vast armaments which European States +have been piling up, and will hope with you that after this war they may +be reduced--and safely reduced--to slender dimensions. Their existence +is a constant menace to peace. They foster that spirit of militarism +which has brought these horrors on the world; for they create in the +great countries of the Continent a large and powerful military and naval +caste which lives for war, talks and writes incessantly of war, and +glorifies war as a thing good in itself. + +It is (as you say) to the peoples that we must henceforth look to +safeguard international concord. They bear the miseries of war, they +ought to have the power to arrest the action of those who are hurrying +them into it. + +To get rid of secret diplomacy is more difficult in Europe than in +America, whose relations with foreign States are fewer and simpler, but +what you say upon that subject also will find a sympathetic echo here +among the friends of freedom and of peace. I am always sincerely yours, + +JAMES BRYCE. + +Forest Row, Sussex, Sept. 17, 1914. + + + + +A Reply by Dr. Francke + + Professor of the History of German Culture at Harvard + University and Curator of the Germanic Museum; author of works + on German literature. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +In his letter of Sept. 1 President Eliot expresses the opinion that in +the present war "England, France, and Russia are fighting for freedom +and civilization." And he adds: + + It does not follow that thinking Americans will forget the + immense services which Germany has rendered to civilization + during the last hundred years, or desire that her power to + serve letters, science, art, and education should be in the + least abridged in the outcome of this war, upon which she has + entered so rashly and selfishly and in so barbarous a spirit. + Most educated Americans hope and believe that by defeating the + German barbarousness the Allies will only promote the noble + German civilization. + +In other words, German military and political power is to be crushed in +order to set free the German genius for science, literature, and art. It +is interesting to contrast with such views as these the following words +of Goethe, uttered in 1813: + + I have often felt a bitter grief at the thought of the German + people, which is so noble individually and so wretched as a + whole. A comparison of the German people with other nations + gives us painful feelings, which I try to overcome by all + possible means; and in science and art I have found the wings + which lift me above them. But the comfort which they afford + is, after all, only a miserable comfort, and does not make up + for the proud consciousness of belonging to a nation strong, + respected, and feared. However, I am comforted by the thought + of Germany's future. Yes, the German people has a future. The + destiny of the Germans is not yet fulfilled. The time, the + right time, no human eye can foresee, nor can human power + hasten it on. To us individuals, meanwhile, is it given, to + every one according to his talents, his inclinations, and his + position, to increase, to strengthen, and to spread national + culture. In order that in this respect, at least, Germany may + be ahead of other nations and that the national spirit, + instead of being stifled and discouraged, may be kept alive + and hopeful and ready to rise in all its might when the day of + glory dawns. + +If I am not mistaken, these words of Germany's greatest poet express +accurately what the German people during the last hundred years has been +striving for--national culture and national pre-eminence in every field +of human activity. To advocate the reduction of Germany to a land of +isolated scientists, poets, artists, and educators is tantamount to a +call for the destruction of the German Nation. + +KUNO FRANCKE. + +Harvard University, Sept. 5, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S SECOND LETTER + +The Stout and Warlike Breed + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +There is nothing new in the obsession of the principal European nations +that, in order to be great and successful in the world as it is, they +must possess military power available for instant aggression on weak +nations, as well as for effective defense against strong ones. + +When Sir Francis Bacon wrote his essay on "The True Greatness of +Kingdoms and Estates" he remarked that forts, arsenals, goodly races of +horses, armaments, and the like would all be useless "except the breed +and disposition of the people be stout and warlike." He denied that +money is the sinews of war, giving preference to the sinews of men's +arms, and quoted Solon's remark to Croesus, "Sir, if any other come that +hath better iron than you, he will be master of all this gold"--a truly +Bismarckian proposition. Indeed, Sir Francis Bacon says explicitly "that +the principal point of greatness in any State is to have a race of +military men." + +Goethe, reflecting on the wretchedness of the German people as a whole, +found no comfort in the German genius for science, literature, and art, +or only a miserable comfort which "does not make up for the proud +consciousness of belonging to a nation strong, respected, and feared." +Because Germany in his time was weak in the military sense, he could +write: "I have often felt a bitter grief at the thought of the German +people, which is so noble individually, and so wretched as a whole"; and +he longed for the day when the national spirit, kept alive and hopeful, +should be "ready to rise in all its might when the day of glory dawns." + +"The day of glory" was to be the day of military power. Carlyle said of +Germany and France in November, 1870, "that noble, patient, deep, pious, +and solid Germany should be at length welded into a nation, and become +Queen of the Continent, instead of vaporing, vainglorious, +gesticulating, quarrelsome, restless, and oversensitive France, seems to +me that hopefulest public fact that has occurred in my time." How did +Germany attain to this position of "Queen of the Continent"? By creating +and maintaining, with utmost intelligence and skill, the strongest army +in Europe--an army which within six years had been used successfully +against Denmark, Austria, and France. Germany became "Queen" by virtue +of her military power. + +In the same paper Carlyle said of the French Revolution, of which he was +himself the great portrayer: "I often call that a celestial infernal +phenomenon, the most memorable in our world for a thousand years; on the +whole, a transcendent revolt against the devil and his works, (since +shams are all and sundry of the devil, and poisonous and unendurable to +man.)" Now, the French Revolution was an extraordinary outbreak of +passionate feeling and physical violence on the part of the French +Nation, both at home and abroad; and it led on to the Napoleonic wars, +which were tremendous physical struggles for mastery in Europe. + +In a recent public statement two leading philosophical writers of modern +Germany, Profs. Eucken and Haeckel, denounce the "brutal national +egoism" of England, which they say "recognizes no rights on the part of +others, and, unconcerned about morality or unmorality, pursues only its +own advantage"; and they attribute to England the purpose to hinder at +any cost the further growth of German greatness. But what are the +elements of that German greatness which England is determined to arrest +by joining France and Russia in war against Germany and Austria-Hungary? +The three elements of recent German greatness are the extension of her +territory; contiguous territories in Europe and in other continents +colonial possessions; the enlargement of German commerce and wealth, and +to these ends the firm establishment of her military supremacy in +Europe. These are the ideas on the true greatness of nations which have +prevailed in the ruling oligarchy of Germany for at least sixty years, +and now seem to have been accepted, or acquiesced in, by the whole +German people. In this view, the foundation of national greatness is +fighting power. + +This conception of national greatness has prevailed at many different +epochs--Macedonian, Roman, Saracen, Spanish, English, and French--and, +indeed, has appeared from time to time in almost all the nations and +tribes of the earth; but the civilized world is now looking for better +foundations of national greatness than force and fighting. + +The partial successes of democracy in Europe have much increased the +evils of war. Sir Francis Bacon looked for a fighting class; under the +feudal system when a Baron went to war he took with him his vassals, or +that portion of them that could be spared from the fields at home. +Universal conscription is a modern invention, the horrors of which, as +now exhibited in Germany, Austria-Hungary, and France, much exceed those +of earlier martial methods. There has never been such an interruption of +agricultural and industrial production, or such a rending of family ties +in consequence of war as is now taking place in the greater part of +Europe. Moreover, mankind has never before had the use of such +destructive implements as the machine gun, the torpedo, and the dynamite +bomb. The progress of science has much increased the potential +destructiveness of warfare. + +Thinking people in all the civilized countries are asking themselves +what the fundamental trouble with civilization is, and where to look for +means of escape from the present intolerable conditions. Christianity in +nineteen centuries has afforded no relief. The so-called mitigations of +war are comparatively trivial. The recent Balkan wars were as ferocious +as those of Alexander. The German aviators drop aimless bombs at night +into cities occupied chiefly by non-combatants. The North Sea is strewn +with floating mines which may destroy fishing, freight, or passenger +vessels of any nation, neutral or belligerent, which have business on +that sea. The ruthless destruction of the Louvain Library by German +soldiers reminds people who have read history that the destroyers of the +Alexandria Library have ever since been called fanatics and barbarians. +The German Army tries to compel unfortified Belgian cities and towns to +pay huge ransoms to save themselves from destruction--a method which the +Barbary States, indeed, were accustomed to use against their Christian +neighbors, but which has long been held to be a method appropriate only +for brigands and pirates--Greek, Sicilian, Syrian, or Chinese. + + +What Is Wrong with Civilization? + +How can it be that the Government of a civilized State commits, or +permits in its agents, such barbarities? The fundamental reason seems to +be that most of the European nations still believe that national +greatness depends on the possession and brutal use of force, and is to +be maintained and magnified only by military and naval power. + +In North America there are two large communities--heretofore inspired +chiefly by ideals of English origin--which have never maintained +conscripted armies, and have never fortified against each other their +long frontier--Canada and the United States. Both may fairly be called +great peoples even now; and both give ample promise for the future. +Neither of these peoples lacks the "stout and warlike" quality of which +Sir Francis Bacon spoke; both have often exhibited it. The United States +suffered for four years from a civil war, characterized by determined +fighting, in indecisive battles, in which the losses, in proportion to +the number of men engaged, were often much heavier than any thus far +reported from the present battlefields in Belgium and France. There +being then no lack of martial spirit in these two peoples, it is an +instructive phenomenon that power to conquer is not their ideal of +national greatness. Much the same thing may be said of some other +self-governing constituents of the British Empire, such as Australia, +New Zealand, and South Africa. They, too, have a better ideal of +national greatness than that of military supremacy. + +What are the real ambitions and hopes of the people of the United States +and the people of Canada in regard to their own future? Their +expectations of greatness certainly are not based on any conception of +invincible military force, or desire for the physical means of enforcing +their own will on their neighbors. They both believe in the free +commonwealth, administered justly, and with the purpose of securing for +each individual all the freedom he can exercise without injury to his +neighbors and the collective well-being. They desire for themselves, +each for itself, a strong Government, equipped to perform its functions +with dignity, certainty, and efficiency; but they wish to have that +Government under the control of the deliberate public opinion of free +citizens, and not under the control of any Praetorian Guard, Oligarchic +Council, or General Staff, and they insist that the civil authority +should always control such military and police forces as it may be +necessary to maintain for protective purposes. + + +True National Greatness. + +They believe that the chief object of government should be the promotion +of the public welfare by legislative and administrative means; that the +processes of government should be open and visible, and their results be +incessantly published for approval or disapproval. They believe that a +nation becomes great through industrial productiveness and the resulting +internal and external commerce, through the gradual increase of comfort +and general well-being in the population, and through the advancement of +science, letters, and art. They believe that education, free intercourse +with other nations, and religious enthusiasm and toleration are means of +national greatness, and that in the development and use of these means +force has no place. They attribute national greatness in others, as well +as in themselves, not to the possession of military force, but to the +advance of the people in freedom, industry, righteousness, and +good-will. + +They believe that the ideals of fighting power and domination should be +replaced by the ideals of peaceful competition in production and trade, +of generous rivalry in education, scientific discovery, and the fine +arts, of co-operation for mutual benefit among nations different in +size, natural abilities, and material resources, and of federation among +nations associated geographically or historically, or united in the +pursuit of some common ends and in the cherishing of like hopes and +aspirations. They think that the peace of the world can be best promoted +by solemn public compacts between peoples--not Princes or +Cabinets--compacts made to be kept, strengthened by mutual services and +good offices, and watched over by a permanent International Judicial +Tribunal authorized to call on the affiliated nations for whatever force +may be necessary to induce obedience to its decrees. + +Will not the civilized world learn from this horrible European war--the +legitimate result of the policies of Bismarck and his associates and +disciples--that these democratic ideals constitute the rational +substitute for the imperialistic ideal of fighting force as the +foundation of national greatness? The new ideals will still need the +protection and support, both within and without each nation, of a +restrained public force, acting under law, national and international, +just as a sane mind needs as its agent a sound and strong body. Health +and vigor will continue to be the safeguards of morality, justice, and +mercy. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Asticou, Me., Sept. 14, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S THIRD LETTER. + +Why Is America Anti-German? + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The numerous pamphlets which German writers are now distributing in the +United States, and the many letters about the European war which +Americans are now receiving from German and German-American friends, are +convincing thoughtful people in this country that American public +opinion has some weight with the German Government and people, or, at +least, some interest for them; but that the reasons which determine +American sympathy with the Allies, rather than with Germany and +Austria-Hungary, are not understood in Germany, and are not always +appreciated by persons of German birth who have lived long in the United +States. + +It would be a serious mistake to suppose that Americans feel any +hostility or jealousy toward Germany, or fail to recognize the immense +obligations under which she has placed all the rest of the world, +although they now feel that the German Nation has been going wrong in +theoretical and practical politics for more than a hundred years, and is +today reaping the consequences of her own wrong-thinking and +wrong-doing. + +There are many important matters concerning which American sympathy is +strongly with Germany: (1) The unification of Germany, which Bismarck +and his co-workers accomplished, naturally commended itself to +Americans, whose own country is a firm federation of many more or less +different States, containing more or less different peoples; while most +Americans did not approve Bismarck's methods and means, they cordially +approved his accomplishment of German unification; (2) Americans have +felt unqualified admiration for the commercial and financial growth of +Germany during the past forty years, believing it to be primarily the +fruit of well-directed industry and enterprise; (3) all educated +Americans feel strong gratitude to the German Nation for its +extraordinary achievements in letters, science, and education within the +last hundred years. Jealousy of Germany in these matters is absolutely +foreign to American thought, and that any external power or influence +should undertake to restrict or impair German progress in these respects +would seem to all Americans intolerable, and, indeed incredible; (4) all +Americans who have had any experience in Governmental or educational +administration recognize the fact, that German administration--both in +peace and in war--is the most efficient in the world, and for that +efficiency they feel nothing but respect and admiration, unless the +efficiency requires an inexpedient suppression or restriction of +individual liberty; (5) Americans sympathize with a unanimous popular +sentiment in favor of a war which the people believe to be essential to +the greatness, and even the safety, of their country--a sentiment which +prompts to family and property sacrifices very distressing at the +moment, and irremediable in the future; and they believe that the German +people today are inspired by just such an overwhelming sentiment. + +How is it, then, that, with all these strong American feelings tending +to make them sympathize with the German people in good times or bad, in +peace or in war, the whole weight of American opinion is on the side of +the Allies in the present war? The reasons are to be found, of course, +in the political and social history of the American people, and in its +Governmental philosophy and practice today. These reasons have come out +of the past, and are intrenched in all the present ideals and practices +of the American Commonwealth. They inevitably lead Americans to object +strongly and irrevocably to certain German national practices of great +moment, practices which are outgrowths of Prussian theories, and +experiences that have come to prevail in Germany during the past hundred +years. In the hope that American public opinion about the European war +may be a little better understood abroad it seems worth while to +enumerate those German practices which do not conform to American +standards in the conduct of public affairs: + +(a) Americans object to the committal of a nation to grave measures of +foreign policy by a permanent Executive--Czar, Kaiser, or King--advised +in secret by professional diplomatists who consider themselves the +personal representatives of their respective sovereigns. The American +people have no permanent Executive, and the profession of diplomacy +hardly exists among them. In the conduct of their national affairs they +utterly distrust secrecy, and are accustomed to demand and secure the +utmost publicity. + +(b) They object to placing in any ruler's hands the power to order +mobilization or declare war in advance of deliberate consultation with a +representative assembly, and of co-operative action thereby. The fact +that German mobilization was ordered three days in advance of the +meeting of the Reichstag confounds all American ideas and practices +about the rights of the people and the proper limits of Executive +authority. + +(c) The secrecy of European diplomatic intercourse and of international +understandings and terms of alliance in Europe is in the view of +ordinary Americans not only inexpedient, but dangerous and +unjustifiable. Under the Constitution of the United States no treaty +negotiated by the President and his Cabinet is valid until it has been +publicly discussed and ratified by the Senate. During this discussion +the people can make their voice heard through the press, the telegraph, +and the telephone. + +(d) The reliance on military force as the foundation of true national +greatness seems to thinking Americans erroneous, and in the long run +degrading to a Christian nation. They conceive that the United States +may fairly be called a great nation; but that its greatness is due to +intellectual and moral forces acting through adequate material forces +and expressed in education, public health and order, agriculture, +manufacturing, and commerce, and the resulting general well-being of the +people. It has never in all its history organized what could be called a +standing or a conscripted army; and, until twenty years ago, its navy +was very small, considering the length of its sea coasts. There is +nothing in the history of the American people to make them believe that +the true greatness of nations depends on military power. + + +Object to Extension by Force. + +(e) They object to the extension of national territory by force, +contrary to the wishes of the population concerned. This objection is +the inevitable result of democratic institutions; and the American +people have been faithful to this democratic opinion under circumstances +of considerable difficulty--as, for example, in withdrawing from Cuba, +the rich island which had been occupied by American troops during the +short war with Spain, (1898,) and in the refusing to intervene by force +in Mexico for the protection of American investors, when that contiguous +country was distracted by factional fighting. This objection applies to +long-past acts of the German Government an well as to its proceedings in +the present war--as, for example, to the taking of Schleswig-Holstein +and Alsace-Lorraine, as well as to the projected occupation of Belgium. + +(f) Americans object strenuously to the violation of treaties between +nations on the allegation of military necessity or for any other reason +whatever. They believe that the progress of civilization will depend in +future on the general acceptance of the sanctity of contracts or solemn +agreements between nations and on the development by common consent of +international law. The neutralization treaties, the arbitration +treaties, The Hague Conferences, and some of the serious attempts at +mediation, although none of them go far enough, and many of them have +been rudely violated on occasion, illustrate a strong tendency in the +civilized parts of the world to prevent international wars by means of +agreements deliberately made in time of peace. The United States has +proposed and made more of these agreements than any other power, has +adhered to them, and profited by them. Under one such agreement, made +nearly a hundred years ago, Canada and the United States have avoided +forts and armaments against each other, although they have had serious +differences of opinion and clashes of interests, and the frontier is +3,000 miles long and for the most part without natural barriers. +Cherishing the hope that the peace of Europe and the rights of its +peoples may be secured through solemn compacts, (which should include +the establishment of a permanent international judicial tribunal, +supported by an international force,) Americans see, in the treatment by +the German Government of the Belgian neutralization treaty as nothing +but a piece of paper which might be torn up on the ground of military +necessity, evidence of the adoption by Germany of a retrograde policy of +the most alarming sort. That single act on the part of Germany--the +violation of the neutral territory of Belgium--would have determined +American opinion in favor of the Allies, if it had stood alone by +itself--the reason being that American hopes for the peace and order of +the world are based on the sanctity of treaties. + +(g) American public opinion, however, has been greatly shocked in other +ways by the German conduct of the war. The American common people see no +justification for the dropping of bombs, to which no specific aim can be +given, into cities and towns chiefly inhabited by non-combatants, the +burning or blowing up of large portions of unfortified towns and cities, +the destruction of precious monuments and treasuries of art, the +strewing of floating mines through the North Sea, the exacting of +ransoms from cities and towns under threat of destroying them, and the +holding of unarmed citizens as hostages for the peaceable behavior of a +large population under threat of summary execution of the hostages in +case of any disorder. All these seem to Americans unnecessary, +inexpedient, and unjustifiable methods of warfare, sure to breed hatred +and contempt toward the nation that uses them, and therefore to make it +difficult for future generations to maintain peace and order in Europe. +They cannot help imagining the losses civilization would suffer if the +Russians should ever carry into Western Europe the kind of war which the +Germans are now waging in Belgium and France. They have supposed that +war was to be waged in this century only against public, armed forces +and their supplies and shelters. + +These opinions and prepossessions on the part of the American people +have obviously grown out of the ideals which the early English colonists +carried with them to the American wilderness in the seventeenth century, +out of the long fighting and public discussion which preceded the +adoption of the Constitution of the United States in the eighteenth +century, and out of the peculiar experiences of the free Commonwealths +which make up the United States, as they have spread across the almost +uninhabited continent during the past 125 years. + +The experience and the situation of modern Germany have been utterly +different. Germany was divided for centuries into discordant parts, had +ambitious and martial neighbors, and often felt the weight of their +attacks. Out of war came accessions of territory for Prussia, and at +last German unity. The reliance of intelligent and patriotic Germany on +military force as the basis of national greatness is a natural result of +its experiences. Americans, however, believe that this reliance is +unsound both theoretically and practically. The wars in Europe since +1870-71, the many threatenings of war, and the present catastrophe seem +to Americans to demonstrate that no amount of military preparedness on +the part of the nations of Europe can possibly keep the peace of the +Continent, or indeed prevent frequent explosions of destructive warfare. +They think, too, that preparation for war on the part of Germany better +than any of her neighbors can make will not keep her at peace or protect +her from invasion, even if this better preparation include advantages of +detail which have been successfully kept secret. All the nations which +surround Germany are capable of developing a strong fighting spirit; and +all the countries of Europe, except England and Russia, possess the +means of quickly assembling and getting into action great bodies of men. +In other words, all the European States are capable of developing a +passionate patriotism, and all possess the railroads, roads, +conveyances, telegraphs, and telephones which make rapid mobilization +possible. No perfection of military forces, and no amount of previous +study of feasible campaigns against neighbors, can give peaceful +security to Germany in the present condition of the great European +States. In the actual development of weapons and munitions, and of the +art of quick intrenching, the attacking force in battle on land is at a +great disadvantage in comparison with the force on the defensive. That +means indecisive battles and ultimately an indecisive war, unless each +party is resolved to push the war to the utter exhaustion and +humiliation of the other--a long process which involves incalculable +losses and wastes and endless miseries. Americans have always before +them the memory of their four years' civil war, which, although +resolutely prosecuted on both sides, could not be brought to a close +until the resources of the Southern States in men and material were +exhausted. In that dreadful process the whole capital of the Southern +States was wiped out. + + +But One Possible Issue. + +Now that the sudden attack on Paris has failed, and adequate time has +been secured to summon the slower-moving forces of Russia and England, +and these two resolute and persistent peoples have decided to use all +their spiritual and material forces in co-operation with France against +Germany, thoughtful Americans can see but one possible issue of the +struggle, whether it be long or short, namely, the defeat of Germany and +Austria-Hungary in their present undertakings, and the abandonment by +both peoples of the doctrine that their salvation depends on militarism +and the maintenance of autocratic Executives intrusted with the power +and the means to make sudden war. They believe that no human being +should ever be trusted with such power. The alternative is, of course, +genuine constitutional government, with the military power subject to +the civil power. + +The American people grieve over the fruitless sacrifices of life, +property, and the natural human joys which the German people are making +to a wrong and impossible ideal of national power and welfare. The +sacrifices which Germany is imposing on the Allies are fearfully heavy, +but there is reason to hope that these will not be fruitless, for out of +them may come great gains for liberty and peace in Europe. + +All experienced readers on this side of the Atlantic are well aware that +nine-tenths of all the reports they get about the war come from English +and French sources, and this knowledge makes them careful not to form +judgments about details until the events and deeds tell their own story. +They cannot even tell to which side victory inclines in a long, +far-extended battle until recognizable changes in the positions of the +combatants show what the successes or failures must have been. The +English and French win some advantage so far as the formation of public +opinion in this country is concerned, because those two Governments send +hither official reports on current events more frequently than the +German Government does, and with more corroborative details. The amount +of secrecy with which the campaign is surrounded on both sides is, +however, a new and unwelcome experience for both the English and the +American public. + + +German Ignorance of Events. + +The pamphlets by German publicists and men of letters which are now +coming to this country, and the various similar publications written +here, seem to indicate that the German public is still kept by its +Government in ignorance about the real antecedents of the war and about +many of the incidents and aspects of the portentous combat. These +documents seem to Americans to contain a large amount of misinformation +about the attack of Austria-Hungary on Servia, the diplomatic +negotiations and the correspondence between the sovereigns which +immediately preceded the war, and the state of mind of the Belgian and +English peoples. American believers in the good sense and good feeling +of the common people naturally imagine, when an awful calamity befalls a +nation, that the people cannot have been warned of its approach, else +they would have avoided it. In this case they fear that the Emperor, the +Chancellery, and the General Staff have themselves been misinformed in +important respects, have made serious miscalculations which they are +proposing to conceal as long as possible, and are not taking the common +people into their confidence. American sympathies are with the German +people in their sufferings and losses, but not with their rulers, or +with the military class, or with the professors and men of letters who +have been teaching for more than a generation that might makes right. +That short phrase contains the fundamental fallacy which for fifty years +has been poisoning the springs of German thought and German policy on +public affairs. + +Dread of the Muscovite does not seem to Americans a reasonable +explanation of the present actions of Germany and Austria-Hungary, +except so far as irrational panic can be said to be an explanation. +Against possible, though not probable, Russian aggression, a firm +defensive alliance of all Western Europe would be a much better +protection than the single might of Germany. It were easy to imagine +also two new "buffer" States--a reconstructed Poland and a Balkan +Confederation. As to French "revenge," it is the inevitable and +praiseworthy consequence of Germany's treatment of France in 1870-71. +The great success of Germany in expanding her commerce during the last +thirty years makes it hard for Americans to understand the hot +indignation of the Germans against the British because of whatever +ineffective opposition Great Britain may have offered to that expansion. +No amount of commercial selfishness on the part of insular England can +justify Germany in attempting to seize supreme power in Europe and +thence, perhaps, in the world. + +Finally, Americans hope and expect that there will be no such fatal +issue of the present struggle as the destruction or ruin of the German +Nation. On the contrary, they believe that Germany will be freer, +happier, and greater than ever when once she has got rid of the +monstrous Bismarck policies and the Emperor's archaic conception of his +function, and has enjoyed twenty years of real peace. Your obedient +servant, + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Asticou, Me., Sept. 28, 1914. + + + + +Dr. Dernburg's Reply to the Third Letter + + Late German Secretary of State for the Colonies; lived for + several years in the United States as member of the banking + firm of Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co., New York. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Prof. Eliot is conferring a great favor on the exponents of the German +side in the present struggle in explaining to them what he thinks of the +so-called anti-German feeling in the United States. I am sure his views +will be read also in Germany with a great deal of attention, although he +will certainly not remain unchallenged in nearly all essential points. +The compliment that Prof. Eliot pays to the German people as a whole +must be specially appreciated, the more so as it comes from a scientist +whose great authority is equally recognized on both sides of the +Atlantic. + +The anti-German feeling, according to Prof. Eliot, takes its source from +the American objection to the committal of a nation to grave mistakes by +a permanent Executive. But then, with the exception of France, all the +warring nations have permanent Executives, professional diplomatists; +all their affairs are conducted in secret, and all their rulers have the +power, including the President of France, to embroil their nations in +war. The German Emperor is in this respect certainly more restricted +than the other heads of State, and I have not read that the declaration +of war has been expressly sanctioned by the English Parliament, and +certainly the mobilization of the English fleet that took place in July, +and the mobilization of the Russian Army that took place at the same +time, have not even been brought to the knowledge of the respective +Parliaments. When, therefore, the same conditions prevail in all the +warring States, how can they be made the reason for such an anti-German +feeling? + +The same objection holds good with the American antipathy against the +power of rulers to order mobilization or declare war in advance without +consultation of Parliament, to which I have only to say that the English +fleet was mobilized without consulting the English Parliament, while in +Germany the Bundesrat, the representatives of the Federal States, as +well as of the Federal Diets, has been duly consulted. I may add that +also the party leaders of the Reichstag, which could not be convoked +earlier than two days after the declaration of the war, have been +continuously informed and consulted. + +Against the next paragraph, where Prof. Eliot complains of the secrecy +of European diplomacy and of international treaties and understandings, +the same objection must be made. The state described here as particular +to Germany prevails in all European countries, and neither the treaty of +the Russian-French alliance, nor the arrangements of the Triple Entente +have ever been submitted to the French or British Parliaments. As +regards the American attitude toward armaments, I purposely refrain from +adducing the American example into my argument, much as I could show +that with a very large part of the American Nation the idea of defending +the American coast against any invader and the maintenance of a strong +Pan-American policy, if need be by arms, is just as fixed a tenet as the +German idea that the Fatherland should be held safe from invasion or +destruction by the will and the strength of its people. England has +always held the same, if not through her army so through her navy, and +so did the rest of Europe; and there is no argument to be gotten from +that for an anti-German feeling. + + +No Seizure of Schleswig-Holstein. + +Americans object to the extension of territory by force. Germany has +never done that, even if one goes back as far as Prof. Eliot wishes to +go. Mr. Eliot is absolutely mistaken as to the history of the +incorporation of Schleswig-Holstein into Prussia. Schleswig-Holstein was +a Dual-Dukedom that never belonged to Denmark, but having as its Duke +the King of Denmark as long as he belonged to the elder line of the +House of Oldenburg. This elder line was extinct when King Christian +VIII. died without male issue. His successor wanted to incorporate the +two German Dukedoms into Denmark. Then the people stood up and expressed +the desire to remain with the German Federation, to which it had always +belonged, and there it is now, of its own free will. The natural +dividing line between Denmark and Germany, however, is the River Eider. +There are about 30,000 Danes south of the Eider, who have been absorbed +against their will, a thing that can never be avoided, and that has +sometimes given Prussia a little trouble. + + +Alsace-Lorraine Originally German. + +As to Alsace-Lorraine, the facts are known to be that it had belonged to +Germany until it had been taken, against the will of the people, by +France under Louis XIV., and it was returned to Germany as a matter of +right, more than three-quarters of the population being of German +descent and speaking the German language. + +But let me ask in return, Mr. Eliot, when did ever in her political +career England consult the will of the people when she took a country? +Can he say that, when England tore the treaty of Majuba Hill, like a +"scrap of paper," and made war on the Boers? Did she consult the people +of Cyprus in 1878? Does he know of any plebiscite in India? Has she +consulted the Persians, or has France consulted the people of Morocco, +or of Indo-China, Italy the people of Tripoli? Since Germany has not +acted here in any other way forty years ago than all the other nations, +why does Dr. Eliot consider the American people justified in taking +anti-German views for reasons of such an old date, while he forgives the +nations of the party he favors for much more recent infringement of his +rule? + +"Americans object to the violation of treaties." So do the Germans. We +have always kept our treaties, and mean to do so in the future. The fact +with Belgium is that her neutrality was very one-sided; that, as can be +proved, as early as the 25th of June, Liege was full of French soldiers, +that Belgian fortifications were all directed against Germany, and that +for years past it was the Belgian press that outdid the French press in +attacks against Germany. But I can give Mr. Eliot here some authority +that he has so far not challenged. When Sir Edward Grey presented the +English case in the House of Commons on the 3d of August he declared +that the British attitude was laid down by the British Government in +1870, and he verbally cited Mr. Gladstone's speech, in which he said he +could not subscribe to the assertion that the simple fact of the +existence of a guarantee was binding on every party, irrespective +altogether of the particular position in which it may find itself at the +time when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises. He called +that assertion a "stringent and impracticable" view of the guarantee and +the whole treaty a "complicated question." So Mr. Gladstone, and with +him Sir Edward Grey, has held the Belgian neutrality treaty not binding +on every party, when it was against the interest which the particular +situation dictated, when the war broke out. It was the interest of Great +Britain to maintain the treaty, and that is why she acted. It was +against German interest to maintain the treaty, and that is why she +broke it. That is the British and not the German theory, and I could +very well rest my case here. My theory is with the German Chancellor, +that I greatly regret the necessity of violating the Belgian neutrality, +after Belgium had chosen to repel the German overtures for a free +passage. + +It is quite certain that the breach of the Belgian neutrality by Germany +was used in Great Britain as a powerful instrument to influence the +public sentiment. Every war must be borne by national unity, and it is +the duty of the nation's leaders to secure such unity by all practicable +means. But has it been forgotten that the attitude of Sir Edward Grey +caused such excellent men as Lord Morley, John Burns, and Sir John +Trevelyan to leave the Cabinet, where they were looked upon as the best +and most liberal members of the ruling combination? Bernard Shaw says of +Great Britain that she has never been at a loss for an effective moral +attitude. Such an attitude is a powerful weapon in diplomatical and +actual warfare, and it must be resorted to, if the necessity arises. But +that cannot blind us to the fact that the British Government allowed the +political interest to be the paramount consideration in this Belgian +neutrality matter. The German interest for not acting on the guarantee +was just as strong as the English to act for it. + +The proof is found in the English "White Paper." I cite the famous +reprint of THE TIMES, (Dispatch No. 148 of Aug. 2 to Paris.) Here Sir +Edward Grey says: "We were considering ... whether we should declare +violation of Belgian neutrality to be a casus belli." + + +"Treaties Must Not Be Overrated." + +I am an ardent believer in all international arrangements to prevent +difficulties and wars between nations, and I rejoice with the American +people in the signal success this policy is now having in this country. +But international treaties must not be overrated. There are questions +which cannot be settled by them. It is too difficult to explain just the +nature of such situations as arose in Europe, so I may be permitted for +once to ask this question: Does Prof. Eliot believe that the majority of +the American people think that the unwritten Monroe Doctrine could be +made the subject of arbitration, whether it had a right to exist or to +be enforced? I must emphatically say, No, it could not. It can be as +little arbitrated upon as a matter of religion or of personal morals. + +Mr. Eliot thinks a happy result of the war would be that American +institutions should prevail in Germany thereafter. Why should Germany +only become a representative republic? Does he not demand the same +regarding Russia, England, Italy, Austria, and Japan? And if not, why +not? + +From all this I fail to see the point in the reasons given by Prof. +Eliot why fair-minded Americans should side with the Allies because the +objections made against German procedure, down to the breach of the +Belgian neutrality, must be made against all other European States. +British history is just teeming with examples of broken treaties and +torn "scraps of paper." The chasing of German diplomatic representatives +out of neutral Egypt is a case in point. + +I must insist that whatever anti-German feeling there is is not fully +explained by Prof. Eliot, and his article cannot be made a code by which +German behavior could be regulated in the future. Prof. Eliot is a +scholar; business interests do not come very near him. So he is +especially concerned with the ethical aspect of the matter. He believes +the Germans think that "might is right." This is very unjust. Our +history proves that we have never acted on this principle. We have never +got or attempted to get a world empire such as England has won, all of +which, with a very few exceptions, by might, by war, and by conquest. +The German writers who have expounded this doctrine have only shown how +the large world empires of England and France were welded together, what +means have been adopted for that purpose, and against what sort of +political doctrines we must beware. + + +Our Sympathy for the Under Dog. + +As Dr. Eliot makes his remarks for the benefit of his German confreres, +may I be permitted to say to them what I consider the reason for the +American attitude? There is, in the first place, the ethical side. +Americans have a very strong sense of generosity, and are, as a rule, +very good sports. They think Belgium a small nation, brutally attacked +by a much bigger fellow; they feel that the little man stands up bravely +and gamely, and fights for all he is worth. Such a situation will always +command American sympathy and antagonism against the stronger. Then +there is the business side. Americans feel that this war is endangering +their political and commercial interests, so they are naturally angry +against the people who, they believe, have brought the war about. + +As Germany has not had an opportunity to make herself heard as amply as +her adversaries, they think that it was Germany which set the world +afire, and that is what they resent, and in which they were justified, +if it were true. But the question of the hour is not the question of the +past, but of the present and of the future, and the people on this side +who will give Germany fair play because it is just in them will examine +the situation in the light of their interests. Then they will find that +Belgium had been in league with the Allies long before the conflagration +broke out, only to be left to its own resources when the critical hour +arose. They will further find that it is not Germany but England and her +allies that are throttling commerce, maiming cables, stopping mails, +and breaking neutrality and other treaties to further their aims; that, +finally, today England has established a world rule on the sea to which +even America must submit. They will then soon come to the conclusion +that, no matter what happened in the past, the peace of the world can +only be assured by a good understanding between Germany and the United +States as a sort of counterbalance against the unmeasured aggrandizement +of English sea power. Then the feeling toward Germany will be +considerably better, and I may add that even now it is not so very bad +after all. + +I make these remarks with due respect to Prof. Eliot and his views, and +with great reluctance for being compelled to enter the field against a +personality whose undoubted superiority I wish to be the first to +acknowledge. + +BERNHARD DERNBURG. + +New York, Oct. 4, 1914. + + + + +Dr. Jordan's Reply to Dr. Dernburg + + Daniel Jordan is Assistant Professor of Roman Languages and + Literature at Columbia University. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +President Eliot is as fair a judge of the present European situation as +can be found anywhere, and is well qualified to explain the almost +unanimous attitude of thoughtful Americans in regard to Germany. Dr. +Dernburg, on the other hand, has been officially sent from Germany to +expound the German official version; both his point of view and his +treatment of facts are essentially un-American. + +He says: "Americans object to the extension of territory by force. +Germany has never done that." Apparently he believes that the Poles +asked Prussia to become her subjects. The facts are that they have +fought and begged for autonomy for nearly 150 years, and that at the +present time high German officials are members of the Anti-Polish +League. + +Dr. Dernburg, when he comes to Schleswig-Holstein, states that 30,000 +Danes south of the Eider River (this is in Holstein) have been absorbed +against their will, "a thing that can never be avoided, and that has +sometimes given Prussia a little trouble." But what about the Danes +north of the Eider River? Schleswig and Holstein are really two +provinces. Holstein is German, but the northern part of Schleswig, north +of Fiensburg, is inhabited by Danes who are longing to join Denmark and +who number about 200,000. Article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, signed on +Aug. 23, 1866, after Sadowa, between Prussia and Austria, states that +the inhabitants of Northern Schleswig shall be given a chance to join +Denmark, "if they should so express the desire by a free vote." Prussia +has not respected this solemn promise any more than former promises +concerning Schleswig. The frequently renewed protests of the annexed +Danes have remained unanswered. The best proof that Prussia's title to +Danish Schleswig was not considered as very substantial is that in +October, 1878, Prussia finally obtained from Austria the annulment of +Article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, which dealt with the taking of a +plebiscite in Danish Schleswig. + +To decide the fate of a province without consulting the inhabitants +seems perfectly natural to German Kultur, but to Americans it is not; +the days of slavery have gone, and wherever slavery still exists it is +time to make a change. + +As to Alsace-Lorraine, says Dr. Dernburg, "the facts are known that it +had belonged to Germany until it was taken by Louis XIV., against the +will of the people, and that it was returned to Germany as a matter of +right." Such an argument is mediaeval, and it might just as well be +argued that Germany should now belong to France, because Germany was +once conquered, civilized, and organized by inhabitants of France, led +by their Frankish King. And it is not sure that in 1648 Alsace was not +glad to become French, because Louis XIV., by the Treaty of Westphalia, +then granted perfect religious freedom to the Alsatians, who unlike +their neighbors, lived ever since without fear of religious +persecutions. Lorraine itself was not annexed by Louis XIV., nor by +force, as it was peacefully united to France at the death of Stanislas, +father of the Queen of France, Marie-Lesinzka. As for the inhabitants of +Metz, they were considered long ago as French. Metz was annexed to +France in 1552, with the full consent of the then allies of the French +King, Henri II., the German Princes, who recognized by the Treaty of +Cateau-Cambresis, (1559,) that Metz, Toul, and Verdun were French +cities, and could not be considered as a part of the German +Confederation. So there were at one time German Princes who accepted +the dogma of the consent of the governed! + +Attacking the record of England in order to defend the record of +Germany, as Dr. Dernburg does, is no justification for the necessary +German aggression of today. Even granting that the English record is +poor, which is a matter open to discussion, two wrongs would not make +things right. + +Dr. Dernburg also compares the policy of aggrandizement of Germany in +Schleswig, Alsace, &c., with that of other countries in Morocco, +Tripoli, &c. Even school children know that two things which are +entirely unlike must not be compared. Northern Africa had too long been +a den of pirates and brigands, and Latin Europe has rendered an immense +service to the world in establishing order there. Algeria has been +conquered in the same way as Morocco is now being conquered, and her +natives enjoy more genuine liberty than they ever did before; they are +even willing to fight as volunteers for the country they consider now as +their own. Neither Danish Schleswig nor Alsace-Lorraine, which were as +civilized as any other European country when they were last annexed, can +be compared to Morocco any more than to the Philippines. So this +comparison made by Dr. Dernburg also falls to pieces. + +The case of the German point of view is not entirely without hope. In +THE TIMES of Oct. 5 Dr. Dernburg approves the annexation of Holstein +because the Germans of Holstein wanted to belong to Germany. This is a +sound conclusion, and Dr. Dernburg will doubtless acknowledge +later--better late than never--that the Alsatians and the Danish of +Schleswig should have had their say, just like the Germans of Holstein. +It cannot be possible that to him the wish of the inhabitants of a +province is the voice of God when it suits Germany and the voice of the +devil when it suits somebody else. + +DANIEL JORDAN. + +Columbia University, Nov. 6, 1914. + + + + +Dr. Irene Sargent's Reply to Dr. Dernburg + + Professor of the History of Fine Arts, Syracuse University. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Contradicting Dr. Eliot, Dr. Bernhard Dernburg says: + + Schleswig-Holstein was a dual Dukedom that never belonged to + Denmark; but, having as its Duke the King of Denmark, as long + as he belonged to the elder line of the house of Oldenburg ... + Frederick VII. wanted to incorporate the two German Dukedoms + into Denmark.... Then the people stood up and expressed the + desire to remain with the German Federation. + +Such an assertion is a summary, inaccurate, and unfair manner of dealing +with perhaps the most complex series of diplomatic, legal, and racial +questions that arose in the nineteenth century. It would appear from the +best evidence that Schleswig was indissolubly united with the Crown of +Denmark. To maintain this principle Christian VIII. in 1846 issued +letters patent declaring that the royal line of succession (female) was +in full force, as far as Schleswig was concerned. As to Holstein, the +King stated that he was prevented from giving an equally clear decision, +and the reason of his hesitation lay in the assumption that the law of +the Salic Saxons excluding women from the throne would naturally prevail +in Holstein, where the Germans, their customs, and their language were +dominant. Two years later, Prussia sought to restore her prestige, lost +in the Revolution of 1848, by sending troops into the Duchies in order +to enforce the principle that this territory constituted two independent +and indivisible States, the government of which was hereditary in the +male line alone. The Prussian troops were afterward withdrawn by the +hesitating Frederic William, and there followed a succession of +protocols, constitutions, and compacts until the time of Bismarck, who, +in his "Reflections," Volume II., Page 10, in writing of the Duchies, +acknowledges: + +"From the beginning I kept annexation steadily before my eyes." + +The master of statecraft conquered. But did the people "stand up and +express their desire to remain with the German Federation," as Dr. +Dernburg asserts? + +If his assertion be true, why were the Danish "optants" subjected to +domiciliary visits, perquisitions, arrest, and expulsion? And why--only +to mention one instance of espionage--did the Prussian police confiscate +the issue of a Danish newspaper published in Schleswig because it +contained a reference to that Duchy under its historic name of South +Jutland? + +The truth stands that the whole Schleswig-Holstein question is one that +involves the modern principle of "nationality," and, as such, enters of +necessity into the present European crisis. It is broadly understood by +Dr. Eliot and willfully misapprehended by his critic. + +Passing on to consider Alsace-Lorraine, Dr. Dernburg declares that "it +had belonged to Germany until it was taken, against the will of the +people, under Louis XIV." + +In this statement, as in the treatment of the previous question, facts +are mutilated and wrong impressions are given. Alsace, it is well known, +was included within the confines of ancient Gaul, its original +population was Celtic, and it passed, late in the fifth Christian +century, under the rule of the Franks, one of whose chieftains, Clovis, +became the founder of the first French monarchy. In dealing with its +later history Dr. Dernburg confuses the Holy Roman (Germanic) Empire +with Germany, considered in its modern sense. He appears to forget that +the reign of Louis XIV. was an age of absolutism and not of plebiscites. + +He also ignores that the most strenuous efforts on the part of Germany +to strangle the French nationality and language in the imperial +territory (Alsace-Lorraine) have proved useless, although they have been +exerted constantly for almost a half century. + +IRENE SARGENT. + +Professor of the History of Fine Arts. + +Syracuse University, Nov. 3, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S FOURTH LETTER. + +Germany and World Empire + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Each one of the principal combatants in Europe seems to be anxious to +prove that it is not responsible for this cruelest, most extensive, and +most destructive of all wars. Each Government involved has published the +correspondence between its Chief Executive and other Chief Executives, +and between its Chancellery or Foreign Office and the equivalent bodies +in the other nations that have gone to war, and has been at pains to +give a wide circulation to these documents. To be sure, none of these +Government publications seems to be absolutely complete. There seems to +be in all of them suppressions or omissions which only the future +historian will be able to report--perhaps after many years. They reveal, +however, the dilapidated state of the Concert of Europe in July, 1914, +and the flurry in the European Chancelleries which the ultimatum sent by +Austria-Hungary to Servia produced. They also testify to the existence +of a new and influential public opinion, about war and peace, to which +nations that go to war think it desirable to appeal for justification or +moral support. + +These publications have been read with intense interest by impartial +observers in all parts of the world, and have in many cases determined +the direction of the readers' sympathy and good will; and yet none of +them discloses or deals with the real sources of the unprecedented +calamity. They relate chiefly to the question who struck the match, and +not to the questions who provided the magazine that exploded, and why +did he provide it. Grave responsibility, of course, attaches to the +person who gives the order to mobilize a national army or to invade a +neighbor's territory; but the real source of the resulting horrors is +not in such an order, but in the Governmental institutions, political +philosophy, and long-nurtured passions and purposes of the nation or +nations concerned. + + +German Desire for World Empire. + +The prime source of the present immense disaster in Europe is the desire +on the part of Germany for world empire, a desire which one European +nation after another has made its supreme motive, and none that has once +adopted it has ever completely eradicated. Germany arrived late at this +desire, being prevented until 1870 from indulging it, because of her +lack of unity, or rather because of being divided since the Thirty +Years' War into a large number of separate, more or less independent, +States. When this disease, which has attacked one nation after another +through all historic times, struck Germany it exhibited in her case a +remarkable malignity, moving her to expansion in Europe by force of +arms, and to the seizure of areas for colonization in many parts of the +world. Prussia, indeed, had long believed in making her way in Europe by +fighting, and had repeatedly acted on that belief. Shortly before the +achievement of German unity by Bismarck she had obtained by war in 1864 +and 1866 important accessions of territory and leadership in all +Germany. + +With this desire for world empire went the belief that it was only to +be obtained by force of arms. Therefore, united Germany has labored with +utmost intelligence and energy to prepare the most powerful army in the +world, and to equip it for instant action in the most perfect manner +which science and eager invasion could contrive. To develop this supreme +military machine universal conscription--an outgrowth of the conception +of the citizens' army of France during the Revolution--was necessary; so +that every young man in Germany physically competent to bear arms might +receive the training of a soldier, whether he wished it or not, and +remain at the call of the Government for military duty during all his +years of competency, even if he were the only son of a widow, or a +widower with little children, or the sole support of a family or other +dependents. In order to the completeness of this military ideal the army +became the nation and the nation became the army to a degree which had +never before been realized in either the savage or the civilized world. +This army could be summoned and put in play by the Chief Executive of +the German Nation with no preliminaries except the consent of the +hereditary heads of the several States which united to form the empire +in 1870-71 under the domination of Prussia, the Prussian King, become +German Emperor, being Commander in Chief of the German Army. At the word +of the Emperor this army can be summoned, collected, clothed, equipped +and armed, and set in motion toward any frontier in a day. The German +Army was thus made the largest in proportion to population, the best +equipped, and the most mobile in the world. The German General Staff +studied incessantly and thoroughly plans for campaigns against all the +other principal States of Europe, and promptly utilized--secretly, +whenever secrecy was possible--all promising inventions in explosives, +ordnance, munitions, transportation, and sanitation. At the opening of +1914 the General Staff believed that the German Army was ready for war +on the instant, and that it possessed some significant advantages in +fighting--such as better implements and better discipline--over the +armies of the neighboring nations. The army could do its part toward the +attainment of world empire. It would prove invincible. + + +A Great German Navy. + +The intense desire for colonies, and for the spread of German commerce +throughout the world, instigated the creation of a great German navy, +and started the race with England in navy building. The increase of +German wealth, and the rapid development of manufactures and commercial +sea power after 1870-71, made it possible for the empire to devote +immense sums of money to the quick construction of a powerful navy, in +which the experience and skill of all other shipbuilding nations would +be appropriated and improved on. In thus pushing her colonization and +sea-power policy Germany encountered the wide domination of Great +Britain on the oceans; and this encounter bred jealousy, suspicion, and +distrust on both sides. That Germany should have been belated in the +quest for foreign possessions was annoying; but that England and France +should have acquired early ample and rich territories on other +continents, and then should resist or obstruct Germany when she aspired +to make up for lost time, was intensely exasperating. Hence chronic +resentments, and--when the day came--probably war. In respect to its +navy, however, Germany was not ready for war at the opening of 1914; +and, therefore, she did not mean to get into war with Great Britain in +that year. Indeed, she believed--on incorrect information--that England +could not go to war in the Summer of 1914. Neither the Government nor +the educated class in Germany comprehends the peculiar features of party +government as it exists in England, France, and the United States; and, +therefore, the German leaders were surprised and grievously disappointed +at the sudden popular determination of Great Britain and Ireland to lay +aside party strife and take strenuous part in the general European +conflict. + +The complete preparation of the German Army for sudden war, the +authority to make war always ready in the hands of the German Emperor, +and the thorough studies of the German Staff into the most advantageous +plans of campaign against every neighbor, conspired to develop a new +doctrine of "military necessity" as the all-sufficient excuse for +disregarding and violating the contracts or agreements into which +Prussia or the new Germany had entered with other nations. To gain +quickly a military advantage in attacking a neighbor came to be regarded +as proper ground for violating any or all international treaties and +agreements, no matter how solemn and comprehensive, how old or how new. +The demonstration of the insignificance or worthlessness of +international agreements in German thought and practice was given in the +first days of the war by the invasion of Belgium, and has been continued +ever since by violation on the part of Germany of numerous agreements +concerning the conduct of war into which Germany entered with many other +nations at the Second Hague Conference. + + +Sanctity of National Contracts. + +This German view of the worthlessness of international agreements was +not a cause of the present war, because it was not fully evident to +Europe, although familiar and of long standing in Germany; but it is a +potent reason for the continuance of the war by the Allies until Germany +is defeated; because it is plain to all the nations of the world, except +Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey at the moment, that the hopes of +mankind for the gradual development of international order and peace +rest on the sanctity of contracts between nations, and on the +development of adequate sanctions in the administration of international +law. The new doctrine of military necessity affronts all law and is +completely and hopelessly barbarous. + +World empire now, as always, is to be won by force--that is, by conquest +and holding possession. So Assyria, Israel, Macedonia, Athens, Rome, +Islam, England, and France have successively believed and tried to +accomplish in practice. United Germany has for forty years been putting +into practice, at home and abroad, the doctrine of force as the source +of all personal and national greatness and all worthy human +achievements. In the support of this doctrine, educated Germany has +developed and accepted the religion of valor and the dogma that might +makes right. In so doing it has rejected with scorn the Christian +teachings concerning humility and meekness, justice and mercy, +brotherhood and love. The objects of its adoration have become Strength, +Courage, and ruthless Will-power; let the weak perish and help them to +perish; let the gentle, meek, and humble submit to the harsh and proud; +let the shiftless and incapable die; the world is for the strong, and +the strongest shall be ruler. This is a religion capable of inspiring +its followers with zeal and sustained enthusiasm in promoting the +national welfare at whatever cost to the individual of life, liberty, or +happiness, and also of lending a religious sanction to the extremes of +cruelty, greed, and hate. It were incredible that educated people who +have been brought up within earshot of Christian ethics and within sight +of gentle men and women should all be content with the religion-of-valor +plan. Accordingly, the finer German spirits have invented a supplement +to that Stone Age religion. They have set up for worship a mystical +conception of the State as a majestic and beneficent entity which +embraces all the noble activities of the nation and guides it to its +best achievements. To this ideal State every German owes duty, +obedience, and complete devotion. The trouble with this supplement to +the religion of valor is that it dwells too much on submission, +self-sacrifice, and discipline, and not enough on individual liberty and +self-control in liberty. Accordingly, when the valiant men got control +of the Government and carried the nation into a ferocious war, they +swept away with them all the devotees of this romantic and spiritual +State. The modern German is always a controlled, directed, and drilled +person, who aspires to control and discipline his inferiors; and in his +view pretty much all mankind are his inferiors. He is not a freeman in +the French, English, or American sense; and he prefers not to be. + + +What German Domination Would Mean. + +The present war is the inevitable result of lust of empire, autocratic +government, sudden wealth, and the religion of valor. What German +domination would mean to any that should resist it the experience of +Belgium and Northern France during the past three months aptly +demonstrates. The civilized world can now see where the new German +morality--be efficient, be virile, be hard, be bloody, be rulers--would +land it. To maintain that the power which has adopted in practice that +new morality, and in accordance with its precepts promised Austria its +support against Servia and invaded Belgium and France in hot haste, is +not the responsible author of the European war, is to throw away memory, +reason, and common sense in judging the human agencies in current +events. + +The real cause of the war is this gradually developed barbaric state of +the German mind and will. All other causes--such as the assassination of +the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, the sympathy of Russia with +the Balkan States, the French desire for the recovery of +Alsace-Lorraine, and Great Britain's jealousy of German +aggrandizement--are secondary and incidental causes, contributory, +indeed, but not primary and fundamental. If any one ask who brought the +ruling class in Germany to this barbaric frame of mind, the answer must +be Bismarck, Moltke, Treitschke, Nietzsche, Bernhardi, the German +Emperor, their like, their disciples, and the military caste. + + +Germany Never Dreaded Russia. + +Many German apologists for the war attribute it to German fear of +Russia. They say that, although Germany committed the first actual +aggression by invading Belgium and Luxemburg on the way to attack France +with the utmost speed and fierceness, the war is really a war of +defense against Russia, which might desirably pass over, after France +has been crushed, into a war against Great Britain, that perfidious and +insolent obstacle to Germany's world empire. The answer to this +explanation is that, as a matter of fact, Germany has never dreaded, or +even respected, the military strength of Russia, and that the recent +wars and threatenings of war by Germany have not been directed against +Russia, but against Denmark, Austria, France, and England. In her +colonization enterprises it is not Russia that Germany has encountered, +but England, France, and the United States. The friendly advances made +within the last twenty years by Germany to Turkey were not intended +primarily to strengthen Germany against Russia, but Germany against +Great Britain through access by land to British India. In short, +Germany's policies, at home and abroad, during the last forty years have +been inspired not by fear of Russia, or of any other invader, but by its +own aggressive ambition for world empire. In the present war it thinks +it has staked its all on "empire or downfall." + + +Germany Should Be Defeated. + +Those nations which value public liberty and believe that the primary +object of Government is to promote the general welfare by measures and +policies founded on justice, good-will, and respect for the freedom of +the individual cannot but hope that Germany will be completely defeated +in its present undertakings; but they do not believe that Germany is +compelled to choose between a life of domination in Europe and the world +and national death. They wish that all her humane culture and her genius +for patient and exact research may survive this hideous war and guide +another Germany to great achievements for humanity. + +If the causes of the present immense catastrophe have been have +correctly stated, the desirable outcomes of the war are, no world empire +for any race or nation, no more "subjects," no Executives, either +permanent or temporary, with power to throw their fellow-countrymen +into war, no secret diplomacy justifying the use for a profit of all the +lies, concealments, deceptions, and ambuscades which are an inevitable +part of war and assuming to commit nations on international questions, +and no conscription armies that can be launched in war by Executives +without consulting independent representative assemblies. There should +come out from this supreme convulsion, a federated Europe, or a league +of the freer nations, which should secure the smaller States against +attack, prevent the larger from attempting domination, make sure that +treaties and other international contracts shall be public and be +respected until modified by mutual consent, and provide a safe basis for +the limitation and reduction of armaments on land and sea, no basis to +be considered safe which could fail to secure the liberties of each and +all the federated States against the attacks of any outsider or +faithless member. No one can see at present how such a consummation is +to be brought about, but any one can see already that this consummation +is the only one which can satisfy the lovers of liberty under law, and +the believers in the progress of mankind through loving service each to +all and all to each. + +Extreme pacificists shrink from fighting evil with evil, hell with +hell, and advise submission to outrage, or at least taking the risk of +being forced into resigned submission. The believers in the religion of +valor, on the other hand, proclaim that war is a good thing in itself, +that it develops the best human virtues, invigorates a nation become +flaccid through ease and luxury, and puts in command the strong, +dominating spirit of a valid nation or race. What is the just mean +between these two extremes? Is it not that war is always a hideous and +hateful evil, but that a nation may sometimes find it to be the least of +two evils between which it has to choose? The justifiable and indeed +necessary war is the war against the ravager and destroyer, the enemy of +liberty, the claimant of world empire. More and more the thinkers of the +world see, and the common people more and more believe instinctively, +that the cause of righteous liberty is the cause of civilization. In the +conference which will one day meet to settle the terms of peace, and +therefore the future conditions of life in Europe, the example of the +American Republic in regard to armaments and war, the publicity of +treaties, and public liberty, security and prosperity may reasonably +have some influence. + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Cambridge, Mass., Nov. 14, 1914. + + + + +DR. ELIOT'S FIFTH LETTER. + +A Hopeful Road to Lasting Peace + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The great war has now been going on long enough to enable mankind to +form approximately correct views about its vast extent and scale of +operations, its sudden interference with commerce and all other helpful +international intercourse, its unprecedented wrecking of family +happiness and continuity, its wiping out, as it proceeds, of the +accumulated savings of many former generations in structures, objects of +art, and industrial capital, and the huge burdens it is likely to impose +on twentieth century Europe. From all these points of view, it is +evidently the most horrible calamity that has ever befallen the human +race and the most crucial trial to which civilization has been exposed. +It is, and is to be, the gigantic struggle of these times between the +forces which make for liberty and righteousness and those which make +for the subjection of the individual man, the exaltation of the State, +and the enthronement of physical force directed by a ruthless collective +will. It threatens a sweeping betrayal of the best hopes of mankind. + +Each of the nations involved, horrified at the immensity of the +disaster, maintains that it is not responsible for the war; and each +Government has issued a statement to prove that some other Government is +responsible for the outbreak. This discussion, however, relates almost +entirely to actions by monarchs and Cabinets between July 23 and Aug. +4--a short period of hurried messages between the Chancelleries of +Europe--actions which only prove that the monarchs and Ministers for +Foreign Affairs could not, or at least did not, prevent the +long-prepared general war from breaking out. The assassination of the +Archduke and Duchess of Hohenberg on the 28th of June was in no proper +sense a cause of the war, except as it was one of the consequences of +the persistent aggressions of Austria-Hungary against her southeastern +neighbors. Neither was Russian mobilization in four military districts +on July 29 a cause of the war; for that was only an external +manifestation of the Russian state of mind toward the Balkan peoples, a +state of mind well known to all publicists ever since the Treaty of +Berlin in 1878. No more was the invasion of Belgium by the German Army +on Aug. 4 a true cause of the war, or even the cause, as distinguished +from the occasion, of Great Britain's becoming involved in it. By that +action Germany was only taking the first step in carrying out a +long-cherished purpose and in executing a judicious plan of campaign +prepared for many years in advance. The artificial panic in Germany +about its exposed position between two powerful enemies, France and +Russia, was not a genuine cause of the war; for the General Staff knew +they had crushed France once, and were confident they could do it again +in a month. As to Russia, it was, in their view, a huge nation, but +very clumsy and dull in war. + +The real causes of the war are all of many years' standing; and all the +nations now involved in the fearful catastrophe have contributed to the +development of one or more of these effective causes. The fundamental +causes are: (1) The maintenance of monarchical Governments, each +sanctioned and supported by the national religion, and each furnished +with a Cabinet selected by the monarch--Governments which can make war +without any previous consultation of the peoples through their elected +representatives; (2) the constant maintenance of conscript armies, +through which the entire able-bodied male population is trained in youth +for service in the army or navy, and remains subject to the instant call +of the Government till late in life, the officering of these permanent +armies involving the creation of a large military class likely to become +powerful in political, industrial, and social administration; (3) the +creation of a strong, permanent bureaucracy within each nation for the +management of both foreign and domestic affairs, much of whose work is +kept secret from the public at large; and, finally, (4) the habitual use +of military and naval forces to acquire new territories, contiguous or +detached, without regard to the wishes of the people annexed or +controlled. This last cause of the war is the most potent of the four, +since it is strong in itself, and is apt to include one or more of the +other three. It is the gratification of the lust for world empire. + +Of all the nations taking part in the present war, Great Britain is the +only one which does not maintain a conscript army; but, on the other +hand, Great Britain is the earliest modern claimant of world empire by +force, with the single exception of Spain, which long since abandoned +that quest. Every one of these nations except little Servia has yielded +to the lust for empire. Every one has permitted its monarch or its +Cabinet to carry on secret negotiations liable at any time to commit the +nation to war, or to fail in maintaining the peace of Europe or of the +Near East. In the crowded diplomatic events of last July, no phenomenon +is more striking than the exhibition of the power which the British +people confide to the hands of their Foreign Secretary. In the interests +of public liberty and public welfare no official should possess such +powers as Sir Edward Grey used admirably--though in vain--last July. In +all three of the empires engaged in the war there has long existed a +large military caste which exerts a strong influence on the Government +and its policies, and on the daily life of the people. + +These being the real causes of the terrific convulsion now going on in +Europe, it cannot be questioned that the nation in which these complex +causes have taken strongest and most complete effect during the last +fifty years is Germany. Her form of government has been imperialistic +and autocratic in the highest degree. She has developed with great +intelligence and assiduity the most formidable conscript army in the +world, and the most influential and insolent military caste. Three times +since 1864 she has waged war in Europe, and each time she has added to +her territory without regard to the wishes of the annexed population. +For twenty-five years she has exhibited a keen desire to obtain colonial +possessions; and since 1896 she has been aggressive in this field. In +her schools and universities the children and youth have been taught for +generations that Germany is surrounded by hostile peoples, that her +expansion in Europe and in other continents is resisted by jealous +powers which started earlier in the race for foreign possessions, and +that the salvation of Germany has depended from the first, and will +depend till the last, on the efficiency of her army and navy and the +warlike spirit of her people. This instruction, given year after year by +teachers, publicists, and rulers, was first generally accepted in +Prussia, but now seems to be accepted by the entire empire as unified in +1871. + +The attention of the civilized world was first called to this state of +the German mind and will by the triumphant policies of Bismarck; but +during the reign of the present Emperor the external aggressiveness of +Germany and her passion for world empire have grown to much more +formidable proportions. Although the German Emperor has sometimes played +the part of a peacemaker, he has habitually acted the war lord in both +speech and bearing, and has supported the military caste whenever it has +been assailed. He is by inheritance, conviction, and practice a +Divine-right sovereign whose throne rests on an "invincible" army, an +army conterminous with the nation. In the present tremendous struggle he +carries his subjects with him in a rushing torrent of self-sacrificing +patriotism. Mass fanaticism and infectious enthusiasm seem to have +deprived the leading class in Germany, for the moment, of all power to +see, reason, and judge correctly--no new phenomenon in the world, but +instructive in this case because it points to the grave defect in German +education--the lack of liberty and, therefore, practice in self-control. + +The twentieth century educated German is, however, by no means given +over completely to material and physical aggrandizement and the worship +of might. He cherishes a partly new conception of the State as a +collective entity whose function is to develop and multiply, not the +free, healthy, and happy individual man and woman, but higher and more +effective types of humanity, made superior by a strenuous discipline +which takes much account of the strong and ambitious, and little of the +weak or meek. He rejects the ethics of the Beatitudes as unsound, but +accepts the religion of valor, which exalts strength, courage, +endurance, and the ready sacrifice by the individual of liberty, +happiness, and life itself for Germany's honor and greatness. A nation +of 60,000,000 holding these philosophical and religious views, and +proposing to act on them in winning by force the empire of the world, +threatens civilization with more formidable irruptions of a destroying +host than any that history has recorded. The rush of the German Army +into Belgium, France, and Russia and its consequences to those lands +have taught the rest of Europe to dread German domination, and--it is to +be hoped--to make it impossible. + +The real cause of the present convulsion is, then, the state of mind or +temper of Germany, including her conception of national greatness, her +theory of the State, and her intelligent and skillful use of all the +forces of nineteenth century applied science for the destructive +purposes of war. It is, therefore, apparent that Europe can escape from +the domination of Germany only by defeating her in her present +undertakings; and that this defeat can be brought about only by using +against her the same effective agencies of destruction and the same +martial spirit on which Germany itself relies. Horrible as are the +murderous and devastating effects of this war, there can be no lasting +peace until Europe as a whole is ready to make some serious and +far-reaching decisions in regard to Governmental structures and powers. +In all probability the sufferings and losses of this widespread war must +go further and cut deeper before Europe can be brought to the decisions +which alone can give securities for lasting peace against Germany on the +one hand and Russia on the other, or to either of these nations, or can +give security for the future to any of the smaller nations of +Continental Europe. There can, indeed, be no security for future peace +in Europe until every European nation recognizes the fact that there is +to be no such thing in the world as one dominating nation--no such thing +as world empire for any single nation--Great Britain, Germany, Russia, +Japan, or China. There can be no sense of security against sudden +invasion in Europe so long as all the able-bodied men are trained to be +soldiers and the best possible armies are kept constantly ready for +instant use. There can be no secure peace in Europe until a federation +of the European States is established, capable of making public +contracts intended to be kept, and backed by an overwhelming +international force subject to the orders of an international tribunal. +The present convulsion demonstrates the impotence toward permanent +peace of secret negotiations, of unpublished agreements, of treaties and +covenants that can be broken on grounds of military necessity, of +international law if without sanctions, of pious wishes, of economic and +biological predictions, and of public opinion unless expressed through a +firm international agreement, behind which stands an international +force. When that international force has been firmly established it will +be time to consider what proportionate reductions in national armaments +can be prudently recommended. Until that glorious day dawns, no patriot +and no lover of his kind can wisely advocate either peace in Europe or +any reduction of armaments. + +The hate-breeding and worse than brutal cruelties and devastations of +the war, with their inevitable moral and physical degradations, ought to +shock mankind into attempting a great step forward. Europe and America +should undertake to exterminate the real causes of the catastrophe. In +studying that problem the coming European conference can profit by the +experience of the three prosperous and valid countries in which public +liberty and the principle of federation have been most successfully +developed--Switzerland, Great Britain, and the United States. +Switzerland is a democratic federation which unites in a firm federal +bond three different racial stocks speaking three unlike languages, and +divided locally and irregularly between the Catholic Church and the +Protestant. The so-called British Empire tends strongly to become a +federation; and the methods of Government both in Great Britain itself +and in its affiliated Commonwealths are becoming more and more +democratic in substance. The war has brought this fact out in high +relief. As to the United States, it is a strong federation of +forty-eight heterogeneous States which has been proving for a hundred +years that freedom and democracy are safer and happier for mankind than +subjection to any sort of autocracy, and affords far the best training +for national character and national efficiency. Republican France has +not yet had time to give this demonstration, being incumbered with many +survivals of the Bourbon and Napoleonic regimes, and being forced to +maintain a conscript army. + +It is an encouraging fact that every one of the political or +Governmental changes needed is already illustrated in the practice of +one or more of the civilized nations. To exaggerate the necessary +changes is to postpone or prevent a satisfactory outcome from the +present calculated destructions and wrongs and the accompanying moral +and religious chaos. Ardent proposals to remake the map of Europe, +reconstruct European society, substitute republics for empires, and +abolish armaments are in fact obstructing the road toward peace and +good-will among men. That road is hard at best. + +The immediate duty of the United States is presumably to prepare, on the +basis of its present army and navy, to furnish an effective quota of the +international force, servant of an international tribunal, which will +make the ultimate issue of this most abominable of wars not a truce, but +a durable peace. + +In the meantime the American peoples cry with one voice to the German +people, like Ezekiel to the House of Israel: "Turn ye, turn ye from your +evil ways; for why will ye die?" + +CHARLES W. ELIOT. + +Cambridge, Mass., Dec. 8, 1914. + + + + +THE LORD OF HOSTS. + +By JOSEPH B. GILDER. + + +"He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh." + + The warring hosts that gather + To ravage, burn, and slay, + Turn first to that dread Father + To whom the nations pray: + + "O God, our hearts Thou knowest, + Our minds Thou readest clear; + Where we go, there Thou goest-- + With Thee we have no fear. + + "The folk that harm and hate us-- + Thy enemies, O Lord-- + Thou knowest how they bait us: + Make brittle their strong sword! + + "Against the foe that goaded + We heed Thy call to fight: + Our guns are primed and loaded, + Our swords, how keen and bright! + + "Make strong our hearts to serve Thee, + Uphold our lifted hands; + Let no petition swerve Thee + To succor alien bands. + + "So shall we burn and slaughter, + Spread desolation wide, + If still, by land and water, + Thou fightest on our side." + + The Lord of Hosts had listened-- + Had heard the rivals' prayer, + Upraised where bayonets glistened + And banners dyed the air; + + And as His people waited + An answer to their cry, + Two bolts with lightning freighted + Flashed from the angry sky. + + To left, to right they darted, + Impartially they fell: + The hosts in terror started + As they envisaged hell. + + For wide their ranks were riven, + Night blotted out the sky, + As prostrate, dazed or driven, + They caught their God's reply. + + Then, as the blinding levin's + Twin bolts were buried deep, + Who dwelleth in the heavens + Was heard to laugh--and weep! + + + + +A War of Dishonor + +By David Starr Jordan. + + Late President of Leland Stanford Junior University, now its + Chancellor; Chief Director of the World Peace Foundation since + 1910. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +In this war what of right and what of wrong? Not much of right, perhaps, +and very much of wrong. But there are degrees in wrong, and sometimes, +by comparison, wrong becomes almost right. + +The armed peace, the peace of guns and dreadnoughts and sabre rattlers, +has come to its predestined end. Its armaments were made for war. Its +war makers and war traders, the Pan-Germanists in the lead, have done +their worst for the last nine years. They have been foiled time after +time, but they have their way at last. Their last and most fatal weapon +was the ultimatum. If Servia had not given them their chance they would +have found their pretext somewhere else. When a nation or a continent +prepares for war it will get it soon or later. To prepare for war is to +breed a host of men who have no other business, and another host who +find their profits in blood. + +When the war began it had very little meaning. It was the third Balkan +war, brought on, as the others were, by intrigues of rival despotisms. +The peoples of Europe do not hate each other. The springs of war come +from a few men impelled by greed and glory. Diplomacy in Europe has been +for years the cover for robbery in Asia or Africa. Of all the nations +concerned not one had any wish to fight, and Belgium alone could fight +with clean hands. + +And this fact gave the war its meaning. The invasion of Belgium changed +the whole face of affairs. As by a lightning flash the issue was made +plain: the issue of the sacredness of law; the rule of the soldier or +the rule of the citizen; the rule of fear or the rule of law. Germany +stands for army rule. This was made clear when, a year ago, she passed +under the yoke at Zabern. However devious her diplomacy in the past, +Britain stands today for the rule of law. The British soldier is the +servant of the British people, not their master. + +The highest conception of human relations is embodied in the word law. +Law is the framework of civilization. Law is the condition of security, +happiness, and progress. War is the denial of all law. It makes scrap +paper of all the solemn agreements men and nations have established for +their mutual good. + +The rape of Belgium made scrap paper of international law. The sowing of +mines in the fairways of commerce made scrap paper of the rights of +neutral nations. The torture of the Belgian people made scrap paper of +the rights of non-combatants. + +War may be never righteous, but it is sometimes honorable. In honorable +war armies fight against armies, never against private citizens. If +armies give no needless provocation, they will receive none. The sacking +of Malines, Aerschot, Dinant--these are not acts of honorable war. The +wreck of Louvain, historic Louvain, the venerable centre for 500 years +of Catholic erudition, at the hands of blood-drunk soldiers was an act +of dishonorable war. It marks a stain on the record of Germany which the +ages will not efface. + +"A needed example," say the apologists for this crime. The Duke of Alva +gave the same "needed example" to these same people in his day. For +centuries the words "Spanish blood" struck terror into peoples' hearts +throughout the Netherlands. For centuries to come the word Prussian will +take its hated place. + +The good people of Germany do not burn universities. Neither do they +make war for war's sake. They are helpless in the hands of a monster of +their own creation. The affair at Zabern a year ago testifies to their +complete subjugation. All the virtues are left to them, save only the +love of freedom. This the mailed fist has taken away. + +The Germany of today is an anachronism. Her scientific ideals are of the +twentieth century. Her political ideals hark back to the sixteenth. Her +rulers have made her the most superb fighting machine in a world which +is soul-weary of fighting. For a nation in shining armor the civilized +World has no place. It will not worship them, it will not obey them. It +will not respect those who either worship or obey. It finds no people +good enough to rule other people against their will. + +A great nation which its own people do not control is a nation without a +Government. It is a derelict on the international sea. It is a danger to +its neighbors, a greater danger to itself. Of all the many issues, good +or bad, which may come from this war, none is more important than this, +that the German people should take possession of Germany. + +DAVID STARR JORDAN. + +Berkeley, Cal., Sept. 19, 1914. + + + + +Might or Right + +By John Grier Hibben. + + President of Princeton University; author of works on logic + and philosophy. + + +_The address printed below was delivered by President Hibben at the +opening of the Laymen's Efficiency Convention in New York City, Oct. 16, +1914._ + +We are all of us sadly conscious of our failure to realize in any +adequate measure the standards of right conduct which we set for +ourselves. Attainment falls far short of purpose and desire. Through +want of courage, or it may be of inclination, or of sheer inertia, we +fail to obey perfectly the law of duty which we recognize as +imperatively binding upon us. There is, however, a more subtle kind of +failure as regards our moral endeavor and achievement which is due to +the unconscious shifting of these standards of right and wrong +themselves. It is not merely that we fail to do that which we know to be +right, but at times the very idea of right itself is strangely altered. +The good insensibly assimilates to itself certain elements of evil which +we allow and accept without full realization of the significance of this +moral alchemy to which the most fundamental of our ideas are often times +subjected. The idea of right no longer stands in its integrity, but is +compromised and even neutralized by conflicting thoughts and sentiments. +The things which at one time held first place in our estimate of life +become secondary. Our attitude toward men, and manners, and affairs +experiences a radical change. This in most cases takes place +unconsciously, or if conscious of it, we refrain from confessing it even +to ourselves. + +There are some, however, who are both frank enough and bold enough to +announce their belief in the radical doctrine which demands a complete +transformation of essential values. For them, good is evil and evil +good, and they seem not ashamed to avow it. The conspicuous German +philosopher of later years, Nietzsche, with a naive simplicity insists +that the great need of our modern civilization is that which he +designates as "the transvaluation of all values." By this he means the +complete transformation of certain ideas of supreme value into their +direct opposites. He declares, for instance, that the central virtues of +Christianity, such as those of self-sacrifice, pity, mercy, indicate an +inherent weakness of the human race, and that the strong man dissipates +his energies through the offices of kindness and helpfulness. Thus the +law which commands us to bear one another's burdens must be regarded as +obsolete. Every man should be strong enough to bear his own burdens. If +not, he is a drag to the onward progress of humanity, and to assist him +is to do evil and not good. If you help the weak, you so far forth +assist in perpetuating an inferior type of manhood. + + +Nietzsche's "Moralic Acid." + +From this point of view, the definition of religion given in the Old +Testament should be revised, "Do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly +before thy God." In doing justice we must first be just to self; in +loving mercy it must not be at the expense of our own interests and +advantage, and we must not walk so humbly before our God as to give to +the world the appearance of weakness or lack of independence. As +Nietzsche insists, "The man who loves his neighbor as himself must have +an exceedingly poor opinion of himself." If the race is to be perfected, +everything and every person must be sacrificed in order to produce and +preserve the strong man at all hazards. There is a kind of "moralic +acid," as Nietzsche styles it, which is corroding the strength of +humanity in our modern day. We have discoursed too much of character, +too little of power; too much of self-sacrifice and too little of +self-assertion; too much of right, too little of might. Conscience not +only interferes with success, but also prevents the evolution of a +superior type of man, that superman who is not constrained by duty nor +limited by law, living his life "beyond good and evil." + +The serious question which presents itself to our minds at this time is +whether our modern world has not been unconsciously incorporating these +ideas into its living beliefs--that is, those beliefs which reveal +themselves in actual living and doing, in daily purpose, in the +adaptation of means to ends, in the deeds which the world honors, and in +the achievements which it crowns with glory. There are many persons who +would not have the frankness of Nietzsche to say that might makes right, +and that a moral sense is the great obstacle to progress, and that in +"vigorous eras noble civilizations see something contemptible in +sympathy, in brotherly love, in the lack of self-assertion and +self-reliance." Our modern world may not explicitly subscribe to such +doctrines in their extreme and exaggerated expression, but nevertheless +may be unconsciously influenced by them. Our real opinions, however, are +to be tested by our sense of values as revealed by the things which we +crave, which we set our hearts upon, which we strive early and late to +gain, and sacrifice all else in order to secure. Have we not offered our +prayers to the God of might rather than the God of righteousness, to the +God of power rather than the God of justice, the God of mercy and of +love? + +The time has come, in my opinion, for us to take account of the things +which we really believe, and of the God Whom we really worship. If we +have been following false gods, let us honestly endeavor to re-establish +fundamental and essential values, to discover anew what is of supreme +worth and set our faces resolutely toward its realization. The need of +our modern world today is the same as that of the ancient world at the +time of the coming of Christ. His message to the world as indicated by +His teaching, and His life was an arraignment of the ancient regime as +regards three crucial points. + + +The Brotherhood of Man. + +First, the religious and moral beliefs of that age had become purely +formal. There was the letter of conviction, but not the spirit of it. +The creed, the ritual, the ceremony were there, but the life had +departed. And so today our beliefs have lost vitality to a large extent +because we have been content to indulge in formulas oft repeated, which +have ceased to have significance for our thoughts or for our feelings. +We have allowed ourselves to be betrayed by words which are mere sounds +without substance. We have verbalized our beliefs, and have +depotentialed them of vital significance. Take, for instance, the +phrases, "The fatherhood of God" and "The brotherhood of man." They have +been so often upon our lips as to become trite; their real meaning has +disappeared. It is easy to repeat the words, and to be satisfied with +the repetition, and nevertheless remain wholly insensible to their +profound import, and under no compulsion whatsoever to obey their +sublime command. We assent to the formula: but it does not become a +determining factor in our purposes and plans. There is perhaps no age in +the history of the world which has so emphasized the idea of the +brotherhood of man as our own, and never in all history has there been +such a denial of this idea as by the present European war. If the +brotherhood of man had been the living, dominant idea of our +civilization, could this present tragedy of the nations have occurred? +If the world had believed profoundly in the idea of God, would we now be +daily reading of the ghastly scenes where human life is no longer +sacred, where love gives place to hate, where the constructive forces of +the world are superseded by the destructive, and all the passions of +man's brute inheritance are given full play and scope? + +Second--In the teachings of Christ there was a remarkable expansion of +the idea of God. Instead of the tribal God worshipped as the God of +Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, He substituted the idea of God, as the +God of all peoples and all races, the God of the Jew and Gentile, of the +Greek and barbarian, of the bond and the free. It was the great apostle +of the Gentiles who at the centre of Greek civilization announced this +fundamental conception of Christianity to the old world: + + God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on + all the face of the earth. + +This was the sublime idea of the God of a united humanity. The God of +the tribe had given place to the God of the whole world. That conception +was very foreign to the popular religious notions current at the time +of Christ, and it seems still further away from our ideas of the present +day. It is a very narrow and circumscribed view of God to regard Him as +concerned merely for our little insular affairs, to regard Him simply as +a God of the individual or of the home, or even one's nation. He +transcends all these limitations of particular interests and particular +needs. He is not merely our God but the God of all mankind. The children +of Israel called Him the God of battle, the God of hosts, that is, the +one who would give victory to them in their battles, and who would prove +the leader of their hosts. But Christ came to the world in God's name to +universalize this narrow tribal idea of God, proclaiming peace on earth +and good will to men. It was the dawn of a new era, the Christian era. +That light which shone upon the old world is darkened by the cloud +hanging low over Europe at the present time. We cannot think, however, +that it is permanently extinguished. To that light the nations of the +earth must again return. + + +The Area of Moral Obligation. + +Third--Christ gave to the world of His day an enlarged idea of the area +of moral obligation. He insisted most stoutly upon the expansion of the +scope of individual responsibility. This freeing of the idea of duty +from the limitations of race prejudice is a natural corollary to the +idea of the universality of God's relation to the world. Corresponding +to the tribal view of God there is always an accompanying idea of the +restricted obligation of the individual. To care for one's own family or +one's own clan or tribe and present a hostile front to the rest of +mankind has always been the characteristic feature of primitive +morality. It was peculiarly the teaching of Christ which brought to the +world the idea that the area of moral obligation is co-extensive with +the world itself. There are no racial or national lines which can limit +the extent of our responsibility. The world today needs to learn this +lesson anew, and it is evident that it must acquire this knowledge +through bitter and desperate experiences. We must interpret in this +large sense the great moral dictum of the German philosopher, Kant, that +every one in a particular circumstance should act as he would wish all +men to act if similarly circumstanced and conditioned. This is the +complete universalizing of our moral obligations--stripping our sense of +duty of everything that is particular and local and isolated. The +natural tendency of human nature is to particularize our relations to +God and bound our relations to our fellow-men; to narrow our relations +to God so as to embrace only our direst needs, and to circumscribe our +relations to man so as to include in the field of responsibility only +those who are our kin or our own kind. The time has certainly come for +us to take larger views of the world, of man, and of God. + +After the great calamity of this present war is passed there must +necessarily follow a period of reconstruction. It will not be merely the +reconstruction of national resources and international relations, but +it must be also a reconstruction of our fundamental conceptions of man +and of the relation of man to man the world over, and of the relation +also of man to God. We must ask anew the question, Who is our neighbor? +In this great moral enterprise you will naturally play a large and +significant part, for you belong to the class of men who are expected to +have strong and decided opinions in the face of a great world crisis, +and are capable of leading others toward the goal of a regenerated +humanity. To know the right and to maintain it, to fight against the +wrong, to impart courage to the timid, strength to the weak, and hope to +the faint-hearted; to forget self in the service of others and extend a +human sympathy to the ends of the earth, this is your vocation. It is +the call of the world, it is the voice of one calling to you out of a +distant past across the nineteen Christian centuries; it is the "spirit +of the years to come," summoning you to establish the Kingdom of God +upon earth. + + + + +JEANNE D'ARC--1914. + +By ALMA DURANT NICOLSON. + + + Rise from the buried ages, O thou Maid, + Rise from thy glorious ashes, unafraid, + And wheresoe'er thy Brothers need thee most, + Arise again, to lead thy tireless host. + France calls thee as she called in days gone by! + She calls thy spirit where her soldiers die; + She knows thy courage and thy sacrifice, + And wills today to pay the selfsame price, + All-confident that when the work is done, + She shall behold her Honor saved and Victory won. + + God calls thee, Maid, from out the Past-- + The Past of France where thy strange lot was cast-- + And bid'st thee fling about this fearful hour + Thy dauntless Faith, that was thy magic Power. + And Freedom calls, with all-impelling voice, + She calls the Sons of France, and leaves no choice, + No waver and no alternating will; + Where Freedom calls, all other calls are still, + All-confident that when her work is done + Ye shall behold your Country saved and Victory won. + + + + +The Kaiser and Belgium + +By John W. Burgess. + + Dean of the Faculties of Political Science, Philosophy, Pure + Science, and the fine Arts at Columbia University; Roosevelt + Professor of American History and Institutions at Friedrich + Wilhelms University, Berlin, 1906-7; Visiting American + Professor to Austrian Universities, 1914-15; Decorated, Order + of Prussian Crown by the German Emperor and Order of the + Albrechts by the King of Saxony. + + +FIRST ARTICLE. + +It is often said by historians that no truly great man is every really +understood by the generation, and in the age, for which he labors. Many +instances of the truth of this statement can be easily cited. Two of the +most flagrant have come within the range of my own personal experience. +The first was the character of Abraham Lincoln as depicted by the +British press of 1860-64 and as conceived by the British public opinion +of that era. Mr. Henry Adams, son and private secretary of Mr. Charles +Francis Adams, our Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain during that +critical era in our history, writes, in that fascinating book of his +entitled "The Education of Henry Adams," + + that "London was altogether beside itself on one point, in + especial; it created a nightmare of its own, and gave it the + shape of Abraham Lincoln. Behind this it placed another demon, + if possible more devilish, and called it Mr. Seward. In regard + to these two men English society seemed demented. Defense was + useless: explanation was vain. One could only let the passion + exhaust itself. One's best friends were as unreasonable as + enemies, for the belief in poor Mr. Lincoln's brutality and + Seward's ferocity became a dogma of popular faith." + +Adams relates further that the last time he saw Thackeray at Christmas +of 1863 they spoke of their mutual friend Mrs. Frank Hampton of South +Carolina, whom Thackeray had portrayed as Ethel Newcome, and who had +recently passed away from life. Thackeray had read in the British papers +that her parents had been prevented by the Federal soldiers from passing +through the lines to see her on her deathbed. Adams writes that + + in speaking of it Thackeray's voice trembled and his eyes + filled with tears. The coarse cruelty of Lincoln and his + hirelings was notorious. He never doubted that the Federals + made a business of harrowing the tenderest feelings of + women--particularly of women--in order to punish their + opponents. On quite insufficient evidence he burst into + reproach. Had he (Adams) carried in his pocket the proofs that + the reproach was unjust he would have gained nothing by + showing them. At that moment Thackeray, and all London society + with him, needed the nervous relief of expressing emotions; + for if Mr. Lincoln was not what they said he was, what were + they? + +Mr. Lincoln sent over our most skillful politician, Thurlow Weed, and +our most able constitutional lawyer, William M. Evarts, and later our +most brilliant orator, Henry Ward Beecher, followed, for the purpose of +bringing the British people to their senses and correcting British +opinion, but all to little purpose. Gettysburg and Vicksburg did far +more toward modifying that opinion than the persuasiveness of Weed, the +logic of Evarts, or the eloquence of Beecher, and it took Chattanooga, +the March to the Sea, and Appomattox to dispel the illusion entirely. + +Today we are laboring under a no less singular illusion than were the +English in 1862. The conception prevailing in England and in this +country concerning the physical, mental, and moral make-up of the German +Emperor is the monumental caricature of biographical literature. I have +had the privilege of his personal acquaintance now for nearly ten years. +I have been brought into contact with him in many different ways and +under many varying conditions, at Court and State functions, at +university ceremonies and celebrations, at his table, and by his +fireside surrounded by his family, when in the midst of his officials, +his men of science, and his personal friends, and, more instructive than +all, alone in the imperial home in Berlin and at Potsdam and in the +castle and forest at Wilhelmshoehe. With all this experience, with all +this opportunity for observation at close range, I am hardly able to +recognize a single characteristic usually attributed to him by the +British and American press of today. + +In the first place, the Emperor is an impressive man physically. He is +not a giant in stature, but a man of medium size, great strength and +endurance, and of agile and graceful movement. He looks every inch a +leader of men. His fine gray-blue eyes are peculiarly fascinating. I saw +him once seated beside his uncle, King Edward VII., and the contrast was +very striking, and greatly in his favor. + +In the second place, the Emperor is an exceedingly intelligent and +highly cultivated man. His mental processes are swift, but they go also +very deep. He is a searching inquirer, and questions and listens more +than he talks. His fund of knowledge is immense and sometimes +astonishing. He manifests interest in everything, even to the smallest +detail, which can have any bearing upon human improvement. I remember a +half hour's conversation with him once over a cupping glass, which he +had gotten from an excavation in the Roman ruin called the Saalburg, +near Homburg. He always appeared to me most deeply concerned with the +arts of peace. I have never heard him speak much of war, and then always +with abhorrence, nor much of military matters, but improved agriculture, +invention, and manufacture, and especially commerce and education in all +their ramifications, were the chief subjects of his thought and +conversation. I have had the privilege of association with many highly +intelligent and profoundly learned men, but I have never acquired as +much knowledge, in the same time, from any man whom I have ever met, as +from the German Emperor. And yet, with all this real superiority of mind +and education, his deference to the opinions of others is remarkable. +Arrogance is one of the qualities most often attributed to him, but he +is the only ruler I ever saw in whom there appeared to be absolutely no +arrogance. He meets you as man meets man and makes you feel that you are +required to yield to nothing but the better reason. + + +A Man of Warm Affections. + +In the third place, the Emperor impressed me as a man of heart, of warm +affections, and of great consideration for the feelings and well-being +of others. He can not, at least does not, conceal his reverence for, and +devotion to, the Empress, or his love for his children, or his +attachment to his friends. He always speaks of Queen Victoria and of the +Empress Friedrich with the greatest veneration, and once when speaking +to me of an old American friend who had turned upon him he said that it +was difficult for him to give up an old friend, right or wrong, and +impossible when he believed him to be in the right. His manifest respect +and affection for his old and tried officials, such as Lucanus and zu +Eulenburg and von Studt and Beseler and Althoff, give strong evidence of +the warmth and depth of his nature. His consideration for Americans, +especially, has always been remarkable. It was at his suggestion that +the exchange of educators between the universities of Germany and of the +United States was established, and it has been his custom to be present +at the opening lecture of each new incumbent of these positions at +the University of Berlin, and to greet him and welcome him to his work. +He is also the first to extend to these foreign educators hospitality +and social attention. To any one who has experienced his hearty welcome +to his land and his home the assertion that he is arrogant and +autocratic is so far away from truth as to be ludicrous. Again I must +say that I have never met a ruler, in monarchy or republic, in whom +genuine democratic geniality was a so predominant characteristic. + +[Illustration: FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS + +_(Photo by the Misses Selby.)_ + +_See Page 526_] + +[Illustration: RUDOLF EUCKEN + +_See Page 534_] + +But the characteristic of the Emperor which struck me most forcibly is +his profound sense of duty and his readiness for self-sacrifice for the +welfare of his country. This is a general German trait. It is the most +admirable side of German nature. And the Emperor is, in this respect +especially, their Princeps. I remember sitting beside him one day, when +one of the ladies of his household asked me if I were acquainted with a +certain wealthy ultra-fashionable New York social leader. I replied, by +name only. She pressed me to know why not more nearly, why not +personally. And to this, I replied that I was not of her class; that I +could not amuse her, and that I did not approve of the frivolous and +demoralizing example and influence of one so favorably circumstanced for +doing good. The Emperor had heard the conversation, and he promptly +said: "You know in Germany we do not rate and classify people by their +material possessions, but by the importance of the service they render +to country, culture, and civilization." One of his sons once told me +that from his earliest childhood his father had instilled into his mind +the lesson that devotion to duty and readiness for sacrifice were the +cardinal virtues of a German, especially of a Hohenzollern. His days are +periods of constant labor and severe discipline. He rises early, lives +abstemiously and works until far into the night. There is no day laborer +in his entire empire who gives so many hours per diem to his work. His +nature is manifestly deeply religious and, in every sentence he speaks, +evidence of his consciousness that the policeman's club cannot take the +place of religious and moral principle is revealed. His frequent appeal +for Divine aid in the discharge of his duties is prompted by the +conviction that the heavier the duty the more need there is of that aid. + + +His Passion for German Greatness. + +He undoubtedly has an intense desire, almost a passion, for the +prosperity and greatness of his country, but his conception of that +prosperity and greatness is more spiritual and cultural than material +and commercial. More than once have I heard him say that he desired to +see Germany a wealthy country, but only as the result of honest and +properly requited toil, and that wealth acquired by force or fraud was +more a curse than a blessing, and was destined to go as it had come. His +conception of the greatness of Germany is as a great intellectual and +moral power rather than anything else. Its physical power he values +chiefly as the creator and maintainer of the conditions necessary to the +production and influence of this higher power. I have often heard him +express this thought. + +And in spite of this terrible war, the responsibility for which is by so +many erroneously laid at his door, I firmly believe him to be a man of +peace. I am absolutely sure that he has entered upon this war only under +the firm conviction that Great Britain, France, and Russia have +conspired to destroy Germany as a world power, and that he is simply +defending, as he said in his memorable speech to the Reichstag, the +place which God had given the Germans to dwell on. For seven years I +myself have witnessed the growth of this conviction in his mind and that +of the whole German Nation as the evidences of it have multiplied from +year to year until at last the fatal hour at Serajevo struck. I firmly +believe that there is no soul in this wide world upon whom the burden +and grief of this great catastrophe so heavily rest as upon the German +Emperor. I have heard him declare with the greatest earnestness and +solemnity that he considered war a dire calamity; that Germany would +never during his reign wage an offensive war, and that he hoped God +would spare him from the necessity of ever having to conduct a defensive +war. For years he has been conscious that British diplomacy was seeking +to isolate and crush Germany by an alliance of Latin, Slav, and Mongol +under British direction, and he sought in every way to avert it. He +visited England himself frequently. He sent his Ministers of State over +to cultivate the acquaintance and friendship of the British Ministers, +but rarely would the British King go himself to Germany or send his +Ministers to return these visits. More than once have I heard him say +that he was most earnestly desirous of close friendship between Germany, +Great Britain, and the United States, and had done, was doing, and would +continue to do, all in his power to promote it; but that while the +Americans were cordially meeting Germany half way, the British were +cold, suspicious, and repellent. + +I know that the two things which are giving him the deepest pain in this +world catastrophe, excepting only the sufferings of his own kindred and +people, are the enmity of Great Britain and the misunderstanding of his +character, feelings, and purposes in America. To remedy the first we +here can do nothing, but to dispel the second is our bounden duty; and I +devoutly hope that other evidence may prove sufficient to do this to the +satisfaction of the minds of my countrymen than was necessary to +convince the British Nation that the great-hearted Abraham Lincoln was +not a brute nor the urbane William H. Seward a demon of ferocity. + + + + +Reply to Prof. Burgess + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +The Burgess Kaiser is a truly admirable person. Every right-minded man +will be only too glad to believe all that Prof. Burgess affirms of him. +To be sure, there is a lurking sense that the professor "doth protest +too much." But let that go. In the present topsy-turvy state of the +world it is refreshing to hear of a man who loves his wife and children +in the good, old way. But just now the world is not interested in the +private, personal, peculiarly German characteristics of the Kaiser. We +outsiders must take him as he is known to the international world. We of +course trust that he is an able, cultivated, attractive gentleman. There +are many such in the world. But this gentleman happens to be the head of +one of the great nations. Our interest in him centres in his relations +to his neighbor nations. + +An English friend of mine was appointed to duty in a tribe of savages in +Africa. I dislike to call them savages after the testimony of my friend. +But they were just plain, naked folk, living in primitive simplicity in +their native land. The chief of this little tribe was, as my friend +asserts, a superior man, and, in spite of his undress, a good deal of a +gentleman. In physique he was superb. A sculptor's heart would have +leaped for joy at sight of him. My friend said to see him teaching his +young son to throw a spear was a sort of physical music. He himself +could throw a spear to an incredible distance with the precision of a +rifle shot. He ruled his little kingdom with surprising wisdom and +fairness. He was welcomed everywhere among his people as the friend and +counselor. His family relations were unimpeachable. The same was true +throughout the tribe. He was devoutly pious. In short, he was a Burgess +Kaiser in the small. But he was the war lord of all that region. He was +fiercely jealous of all the neighboring tribes. He kept his own people +armed and drilled to the top of efficiency, ready for attack or +defense. He was noted for his hatred and contempt for his people except +his own. His forays were marked by savage cruelty. His military +necessities stopped at nothing. + +Need it be said that the surrounding tribes were in nowise interested in +this chief's physique or domestic virtues, or in his fidelity to his own +people? It is safe to affirm that the British Government did not ask +whether he had the body of a Michael Angelo's David or of a baboon from +the jungle. It did not ask whether he was good to his wife and children. +Most animals are. It did not care how devoted he was to his fetich. The +sole question was, What sort of public citizen is he? How does he stand +related to surrounding peoples? On what terms does he propose to live +with them? That precisely is what we want to know about the Kaiser. + +Fortunately, we do not have to ask Prof. Burgess, or any group of +savants, or the German people. The Kaiser's record is known and read of +all men. + +JAMES H. ECOB, + +American Institute of Social Service. + +New York, Oct. 21, 1914. + + + + +PROF. BURGESS'S SECOND ARTICLE. + +The Guarantee of Belgian Neutrality + + +So much has been said about Belgian neutrality, so much assumed, and it +has been such a stumbling block in the way of any real and comprehensive +understanding of the causes and purposes of the great European +catastrophe, that it may be well to examine the basis of it and endeavor +to get an exact idea of the scope and obligation. + +Of course, we are considering here the question of guaranteed +neutrality, not the ordinary neutrality enjoyed by all States not at +war, when some States are at war; the difference between ordinary +neutrality and guaranteed neutrality being that no State is under any +obligation to defend the ordinary neutrality of any other State against +infringement by a belligerent, and no belligerent is under any special +obligation to observe it. Guaranteed neutrality is, therefore, purely a +question of specific agreement between States. + +On the 19th day of April, 1839, Belgium and Holland, which from 1815 to +1830 had formed the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, signed a treaty +of separation from, and independence of, each other. It is in this +treaty that the original pledge of Belgian neutrality is to be found. +The clause of the treaty reads: "Belgium in the limits above described +shall form an independent neutral State and shall be bound to observe +the same neutrality toward all other States." On the same day and at the +same place, (London,) a treaty, known in the history of diplomacy as the +Quintuple Treaty, was signed by Great Britain, France, Prussia, Austria, +and Russia, approving and adopting the treaty between Belgium and +Holland. A little later, May 11, the German Confederation, of which both +Austria and Prussia were members, also ratified this treaty. + +In the year 1866 the German Confederation was dissolved by the war +between Austria and Prussia, occasioned by the Schleswig-Holstein +question. In 1867 the North German Union was formed, of which Prussia +was the leading State, while Austria and the German States south of the +River Main were left out of it altogether. Did these changes render the +guarantees of the Treaty of 1839 obsolete and thereby abrogate them, or +at least weaken them and make them an uncertain reliance? The test of +this came in the year 1870, at the beginning of hostilities between +France and the North German Union. Great Britain, the power most +interested in the maintenance of Belgian neutrality, seems to have had +considerable apprehension about it. Mr. Gladstone, then Prime Minister, +said in the House of Commons: "I am not able to subscribe to the +doctrine of those who have held in this House what plainly amounts to an +assertion that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is +binding on every party to it, irrespective altogether of the particular +position in which it may find itself when the occasion for acting on the +guarantee arises." + + +A One-Year Treaty. + +Proceeding upon this view, the British Government then sought and +procured from the French Government and from the Government of the North +German Union separate but identical treaties guaranteeing with the +British Government the neutrality of Belgium during the period of the +war between France and the North German Union, the so-called +Franco-Prussian war, which had just broken out, and for one year from +the date of its termination. In these treaties it is also to be remarked +that Great Britain limited the possible operation of her military force +in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium to the territory of the State +of Belgium. + +These treaties expired in the year 1872, and the present German Empire +has never signed any treaty guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. +Moreover, between 1872 and 1914 Belgium became what is now termed a +world power; that is, it reached a population of nearly 9,000,000 +people, it had a well-organized, well-equipped army of over 200,000 men +and powerful fortifications for its own defense; it had acquired and was +holding colonies covering 1,000,000 square miles of territory, inhabited +by 15,000,000 men, and it had active commerce, mediated by its own +marine, with many, if not all, parts of the world. Now, these things are +not at all compatible in principle with a specially guaranteed +neutrality of the State which possesses them. The State which possesses +them has grown out of its swaddling clothes, has arrived at the age and +condition of maturity and self-protection, and has passed the age when +specially guaranteed neutrality is natural. + +From all these considerations, I think it extremely doubtful whether, on +the first day of August, 1914, Belgium should have been considered as +possessing any other kind of neutrality than the ordinary neutrality +enjoyed by all States not at war, when some States are at war. In fact, +it remains to be seen whether Belgium itself had not forfeited the +privilege of this ordinary neutrality before a single German soldier had +placed foot on Belgian soil. A few days ago I received a letter from one +of the most prominent professors in the University of Berlin, who is +also in close contact with the Prussian Ministry of Education, a man in +whose veracity I place perfect confidence, having known him well for ten +years. He writes: "Our violation of the neutrality of Belgium was +prompted in part by the fact that we had convincing proof that there +were French soldiers already in Belgium and that Belgium had agreed to +allow the French Army to pass over its soil in case of a war between +France and us." Moreover, in the British "White Paper" itself, No. 122, +is to be found a dispatch from the British Ambassador in Berlin, Sir E. +Goschen, to Sir Edward Grey, containing these words: "It appears from +what he [the German Secretary of Foreign Affairs] said that the German +Government consider that certain hostile acts have already been +committed by Belgium. As an instance of this, he alleged that a +consignment of corn for Germany had been placed under an embargo +already." The date of this dispatch is July 31, days before the Germans +entered Belgium. + +But placing these two things entirely aside, as well as the new +evidence, said to have just been found in the archives at Brussels, that +Belgium had by her agreements with Great Britain forfeited every claim +to even ordinary neutrality in case of a war between Germany and Great +Britain, I find in the British "White Paper" itself, No. 123, not only +ample justification, but absolute necessity, from a military point of +view, for a German army advancing against France, not only to pass +through Belgium, but to occupy Belgium. This number of the "White Paper" +is a communication dated Aug. 1 from Sir Edward Grey to Sir E. Goschen, +British Ambassador in Berlin. In it Sir Edward Grey informed Sir E. +Goschen that the German Ambassador in London asked him "whether, if +Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgian neutrality, we, Great +Britain, would remain neutral," and that he [Grey] replied that he +"could not say that," that he did not think Great Britain "could give a +promise of neutrality on that condition alone"; further, Sir Edward Grey +says: "The Ambassador pressed me as to whether I could not formulate +conditions on which we would remain neutral. He even suggested that the +integrity of France and her colonies might be guaranteed. I said that I +felt obliged to refuse definitely any promise to remain neutral on +similar terms, and I could only say that we must keep our hands free." + + +The Necessary Invasions. + +After this Sir Edward Grey declared in Parliament, according to +newspaper reports, that Great Britain stood, as to Belgian neutrality, +on the same ground as in 1870. With all due respect, I cannot so +understand it. In 1870 Great Britain remained neutral in a war between +the North German Union and France, and, with the North German Union, +guaranteed Belgium against invasion by France, and, with France, +guaranteed Belgium against invasion by the North German Union. On Aug. +1, 1914, the German Empire asked Great Britain to do virtually the same +thing, and Great Britain refused. It is, therefore, Germany who stood in +1914 on the same ground, with regard to Belgium neutrality, as she did +in 1870, and it is Great Britain who shifted her position and virtually +gave notice that she herself would become a belligerent. It was this +notice served by Sir Edward Grey on the German Ambassador in London on +Aug. 1, 1914, which made the occupation of Belgium an absolute military +necessity to the safety of the German armies advancing against France. +Otherwise they would, so far as the wit of man could divine, have left +their right flank exposed to the advance of a British army through +Belgium, and there certainly was no German commander so absolutely +bereft of all military knowledge or instinct as to have committed so +patent an error. + +Belgium has Great Britain to thank for every drop of blood shed by her +people, and every franc of damage inflicted within her territory during +this war. With a million of German soldiers on her eastern border +demanding unhindered passage through one end of her territory, under the +pledge of guarding her independence and integrity and reimbursing every +franc of damage, and no British force nearer than Dover, across the +Channel, it was one of the most inconsiderate, reckless, and selfish +acts ever committed by a great power when Sir Edward Grey directed, as +is stated in No. 155 of the British "White Paper," the British Envoy in +Brussels to inform the "Belgian Government that if pressure is applied +to them by Germany to induce them to depart from neutrality, his +Majesty's Government expects that they will resist by any means in their +power." + +It is plain enough that Great Britain was not thinking so much of +protecting Belgium as of Belgium protecting her, until she could prepare +to attack Germany in concert with Russia and France. She was willing to +let Belgium, yea almost to command Belgium, to take the fearful risk of +complete destruction in order that she might gain a little time in +perfecting the co-operation of Russia and France with herself for the +crushing of Germany, and in order to hold the public opinion of neutral +powers, especially of the United States of America, in leash under the +chivalrous issue of protecting a weaker country, which she has done +little or nothing to protect, but which she could have effectively +protected by simply remaining neutral herself. + +We Americans have been greatly confused in mind in regard to the issues +of this war. We have confounded causes and occasions and purposes and +incidents until it has become almost impossible for any considerable +number of us to form a sound and correct judgment in regard to it. But +we shall emerge from that nebulous condition. We are beginning to see +more clearly now, and it would not surprise me greatly if the means used +for producing our confusion would some day come back, if not to plague +the consciences, at least to foil the purposes of their inventors. + + + + +Reply to Prof. Burgess + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Prof. Burgess's amazing communication on Belgian neutrality omits an +essential piece of evidence. Granting, for the sake of argument, that +the German Empire might repudiate all treaty obligations of the earlier +German confederations, (very odd law, this;) granting also the still +more novel plea that Belgium had outgrown the need, and the privilege of +neutralization, Germany had agreed to treat all neutral powers under the +following provisions of The Hague Conventions of 1907 concerning the +rights and duties of neutral powers: + + 1. The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. + + 2. Belligerents are forbidden to move troops or either + munitions of war or supplies across the territory of a neutral + power. + + * * * * * + + 5. A neutral power must not allow any of the acts referred to + in Articles 2 to 4 to occur on its territory. + +This pledge the German Empire had solemnly made only seven years ago. It +would seem that Prof. Burgess may accept the distinction ably made by +Prof. Muensterberg between "pledges of national honor" and mere "routine +agreements," placing Hague treaties in the latter category. + +The allegation that France and England secretly did unneutral acts in +Belgium is as yet without proof of any sort, and must be interpreted by +the commonsense consideration that a neutral Belgium was a defensive +bulwark for France and England. To have tampered with her neutrality +would have been motiveless folly. How much more decent and moral than +Prof. Burgess's meticulous weighing of national reincorporation as a +means of evading national obligations is Chancellor Hollweg's robust +plea of national necessity! Prof. Burgess's whole moral and mental +attitude in this case seems to be that of a corporation lawyer getting a +trust out of a hole under the Statute of Limitations or by some +reorganizing dodge. + +FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. + +Princeton, N.J., Nov. 4, 1914. + + + + +America's Peril in Judging Germany + +By William M. Sloane. + + Late Seth Low Professor of History at Columbia University; + ex-President National Institute of Arts and Letters and of the + American Historical Association; was secretary of George + Bancroft, the historian, in Berlin, 1873-5; author of works on + French History. + + +The American public has been carefully trained to avoid entanglement +with foreign affairs. This European war was so unexpected, so entirely +unforeseen, that we were at first bewildered, and then exasperated, by +our unreadiness to meet our own emergencies. + +In our effort to fix responsibility we then became partisan to the verge +of moral participation and had to be called to our senses by the wise +proclamation and warning of our Chief Magistrate. + +Western Europe is a nearer neighbor than either Central or Eastern, and +what stern censors permit us to know is nicely calculated to arouse our +prejudice on one side or the other. Believing that, owing to cable +cutting and neutrality restrictions of wireless, as yet the plain truth +is not available, we ask for a suspension of judgment on both sides in +order that our Government may enjoy the undivided support of all +American citizens in its desire to secure a minimum of disturbance to +the normal course of our commercial, industrial, and agricultural life +by convulsions that are not of our making. + +Fairness to ourselves means justice in the formation and expression of +opinion about not one or two but all the participants in a struggle for +European ascendency, with which we have nothing to do except as +overwhelming victory for either side might bring on a struggle for world +ascendency, with which, unhappily, we might have much to do. To +contemplate such a terrible event should sober us; the best preparation +for it is absolute neutrality in thought, speech, and conduct. + +Our own history since independence is an unbroken record of expansion +and imperialism. Our contiguous territories have been acquired by +compulsion, whether of war, of purchase, of occupation, or of exchange. +We have taken advantage of others' dire necessity in the case of Great +Britain, France, Spain, Russia, and Mexico. + +To rectify our frontier we compelled the Gladsden Purchase within the +writer's lifetime. As to our non-contiguous possessions, we hold them by +the right of conquest or revolution, salving our consciences with such +cash indemnity as we ourselves have chosen to pay, and even now we are +considering what we choose to pay, not what a disinterested court might +consider adequate, for the good-will of the United States of Colombia, a +good-will desired solely and entirely for an additional safeguard to the +Panama Canal and a prop to the policy or doctrine substituted by the +present Administration for the moribund Monroe Doctrine. + +In no single instance of virtual annexation or protectorate have we +consulted by popular vote either the desires of those inhabiting the +respective territories annexed or The Hague Tribunal. In every case we +have had one single plea and one only--self-interest. + +The entire American continent south of our frontier we have closed to +all European settlement, thereby maintaining for more than a century in +a magnificent territory an imperfect civilization which makes a sorry +use of natural resources which could vastly improve the condition of all +mankind if properly used. + +This is the light in which European nations see us; our identity in +this policy from the dawn of our national existence onward they consider +a proof of our national character. It differs in no respect from their +own policies except in one. + +But for them this exception is basic. We are a composite folk and they +are homogeneous, their blend being approximately complete. They have one +language, one tradition, one set of institutions and laws; a unity of +literature, habits, and method in life. Some European States are +composite, but each component part claims and cultivates its own style +and its own principles; each announces itself as a nationality with a +life to be maintained and a destiny to be wrought out somehow, either in +peace or in conflict. + +With perhaps a single exception, they have an overflow of population, +due to natural generation, for the comfort and happiness of which they +seek either an expansion of territory or an improvement in the +productivity of their home lands; for those who must emigrate they +passionately desire the perpetuation of their nationality, with all it +implies. + +In these respects they do not differ from us, except that perhaps we are +more determined and imperious. We cannot think politically in any other +terms than those of democratic government, either direct or +representative. + +At the present hour we are engaged in the very dubious experiment of +direct popular legislation and administration. We are trying to change +our Government radically, discarding its representative form for that of +delegation. The remotest cause of this is the desire to amalgamate all +our elements into homogeneity. So far this policy has resulted in a +demand, not for equality of political and civil rights, but for its +overthrow, substituting laws intended to create social and economic +equality by means of class legislation. + +These facts are not to the edification of other civilized States, and +subject us to harsh and contemptuous criticism. + +It is likewise very interesting that apparently the American people +believe in a monarchical democracy. One of our typical first citizens +has recently expressed his antipathy to the phrases "My monarchy," "My +loyal people," "My loyal subjects," used by one of the German monarchs +in summoning the nation to war, as implying a dynastic or personal +ownership of men. + + +Averse from Militarism. + +The American masses dislike the sound of supreme war lord, but gladly +admit their own Chief Magistrate to be Commander in Chief of the army +and navy. To our ears the three German words are offensive, and well +they may be, for in the treacherous literal translation they are willful +perversion; but the much stronger English words are a delight to our +democracy. + +The phrases of monarchy are constantly used in Great Britain by its King +and its Emperor, but give no offense to his "loyal subjects," even the +most radical, who delight in them, as apparently do our people of +British origin. Why do they give such deep offense when employed by the +German Government through its King and Emperor? The social +stratification of Germany is not as marked as that of Great Britain; its +aristocracy is far less powerful; and Edward VII. proved that an adroit +and willful English monarch could involve his "loyal people" deeper in +harmful, secret alliances than William II., whose alliances and policies +were and are unconcealed. + +One of our greatest historians has earned a brilliant reputation in the +conclusive proof that oceans are the world's highways, while its +continents are its barriers. To the term "militarism" we attach an +opprobrious meaning; militarism is the more infamous in exact proportion +to its efficiency. We have been at little pains to define it, and as to +certain of its aspects are curiously complacent. + +The basic principle of our own nationality has long been the very vague +Monroe Doctrine, by the assertion of which we have prevented the +establishment on our nearest and remotest frontiers of strong military +powers, which might in certain events compel us to maintain a powerful +and numerous standing army, or even introduce the compulsory military +service of all voters, (women, of course, excepted.) + +Yet we propose to fight if necessary in order to prevent fighting, and +to this end maintain the second strongest and, for its size, the most +efficient fleet in the world. This is our militarism; that of Great +Britain has been to maintain a fleet double our own or any other in +size, for it is her basic principle to maintain an unquestioned +supremacy on the highways of commerce. To this we have meekly assented, +while other nations absorb our carrying trade and our flag waves over a +fleet of perhaps a dozen respectable oceangoing trading and passenger +ships. It is under her rather patronizing protection that we fight our +foreign wars and by pressure from her that we manage the Panama Canal +with nice and honorable attention to her interpretation of a treaty +capable of quite a different one. Whether or not this be "militarism" of +the utmost efficiency by sea is not difficult to decide. But we have +never styled it infamous. + +While I am writing, Germans, whose basic principle is the most efficient +"militarism" by land, are publishing all abroad that the "militarism" of +France must be forever stamped out, so that they may dwell at peace in +the lands which are their home. + +Within a generation France has accumulated a colonial empire second only +to that of Great Britain, while she has incessantly demanded the +reintegration of German lands, and especially a German city which she +arbitrarily annexed and held by "militarism" for about five generations. +The "militarism" of a republic and a democracy which retains the +essential features of Napoleonic administration has been quite as +efficient as that of a monarchical democracy like Great Britain, and may +easily prove more efficient than that of a monarchy like Germany. + +Why should it be more infamous or barbarous in one case than the other? +And with what is this efficient military democracy allied in the +closest ties? + +With Russia, an Oriental despotism which by the aid of French money has +developed a "militarism" by land so portentous in numbers, dimension, +and efficiency that its movements are comparable to those of Attila's +Huns. Escaped Russians in Western lands are denouncing German +"militarism" as the incubus of the world. + +Which of the two should Americans regard as the greater danger? + + +Menaces to Our Neutrality. + +It has wrung our hearts to consider the violation of Belgian neutrality, +for which both France and eventually even Great Britain have long been +prepared, but the latter has with little or no protest arranged with the +"bear that walks like a man" to disregard contemptuously the neutrality +of Persia in arranging spheres of influence, exactly as Japan, another +ally, is contemptuously disregarding the neutrality of China, the new +"republic" we were in such haste to recognize that we had to use the +cable. And what about Korea? It is a Japanese province in contravention +of the most solemn guarantees of its integrity. + +Leaving aside for the moment certain considerations like these, and they +might easily be indefinitely amplified, which should compel Americans to +unbiased consideration for others and preclude a dangerous partiality, +let us ask ourselves how in the event of mediation we could be an +impartial pacificator, behaving as we have hitherto done. The attitude +of our Government has been strictly neutral, neutral to the verge of +utter self-abnegation; and, as some regard it, timidity. + +But rock-fast as any democratic magistrate may be, public opinion must +and does influence him. Rightly or wrongly his agents would be even more +completely dominated, and rightly or wrongly they would be suspect in +view of our terrific partisanship on both sides since the commencement +of hostilities. + +The efficiency of Government organs in "producing the goods," the +terrific power of organization on one side and mass on the other, have +been considered a menace to world equilibrium. + +Whichever way the decision falls, the scrutiny of Europe will be turned +to us. Unless observation and instinct be utterly at fault, we have for +more than a decade been, after Germany, the worst-hated nation of all +that are foremost. + +It is pre-eminently our affair to mind our own business, as others have +minded theirs. Without cessation of noise and fury in America this is +impossible. + +Indeed, our emotional storms have already furnished proof of how we are +incapacitated from either enforcing our rights as neutrals or seizing by +the forelock the opportunity afforded to us as neutrals and from +enjoying the unquestioned privileges of neutrality. + +It is not altogether edifying to think that the close of the European +struggle, be it long or short, will probably find our ocean commerce +substantially where it was at the beginning, and that conflicts which +were not of our making will have been fought out before we are able to +secure our share of the world markets. Apparently the leaders in +commerce, industry, and trade, like the lawmakers and administrators, +are paralyzed by the imperative necessity of aiding panicstricken +tourists and panicstricken stay-at-homes. Apparently, too, our people +are suffering more in purse and general comfort than the actual +combatant nations. + +Clamorous for American sympathy and cash, we have on our shores +embassies from the belligerents, pleading their respective virtues and +sorrows. + +Why, after all, should our chiefest concern be with them? Surely we may +be good Samaritans without a total disregard of our own interests and a +blindness to opportunity verging on impotency. There is no immorality in +the proper play of self-interest. It is the conflict of interests which +creates morality. But the spectators, even the maddest baseball "fans," +do not play the game nor train for it. It is high time we ceased wasting +our energies in emotions and vain babble. + +At this writing the first line of defense against the Oriental deluge is +endangered. The Slav individually and in his primitive culture is +altogether charming. He is a son of the soil, picturesque in life and +creative; he is minstrel and poet, seer. But so far he is the carrier of +a low civilization, the prophet, priest, and king of autocracy and +absolutism. Never has there been a time in history when the higher +civilization was not in a savage struggle for existence. It is almost +the first time in three centuries that the highest civilizations were in +alliance with the lowest; not since the pugnacious Western powers of +Europe sued for favor at the Sublime Porte. + + +In Peril of the Whirlwind. + +This ought to be a very sobering spectacle, but it seems to arouse the +delighted enthusiasm of an American majority. For such an aberration +there is but a single and efficient remedy: absorption in our own +affairs, the discriminating study of efficient methods to prevent our +being caught up by a whirlwind, even the outer edges of which may snatch +us into the vortex. + +To change the metaphor, we revel in the pleasant propulsion of the +maelstrom's rim, unaware that every instant brings us closer to dangers, +escape from which would demand herculean effort. Irresponsible emotions +are, like those of the novel and the stage, when intensified to excess +utterly incompatible with action. And just such a paralysis seems for +six long weeks to have lamed the highest powers of America. + +The proportionate increase in population among the European powers is +overwhelmingly in favor of the Slavs. Their rate of increase by natural +generation is nearly three times that of even the Germans, with the +result that by the introduction of enforced military service into +Eastern Europe, (excepting Hungary and perhaps Rumania,) the military +balance of power has been completely changed. + +The wars among the Balkan States, including Turkey, have put on foot +armies of a dimension hitherto undreamed of among the South Slavs, and +the army of Russia is probably two and a half times larger than it +could have been thirty-five years ago. + +The method by which Eastern Europe has succeeded in financing itself is +rather mysterious. We know, of course, that the original Franco-Russian +Alliance was based on reciprocal interests, and that large sums of +French money flowed into Russia, which partly developed the natural +resources of Russia and were partly in the shape of loans that in all +likelihood were used for war material. + + +Slavs in Germany. + +The conflict between the Slavs and the Teutons all along the line on +which they border has therefore been in two ways intensified. In the +first place, just in proportion as Germany has become an industrial +State, the field work has been intrusted to immigrant Slavs, some of +whom come only for the season and return, but a very large number of +them--estimated at the present moment at close to a million--have +substantially settled within the borders of the German Empire. That is +to say, there is a constant injection of 1-1/2 per cent. of Slavic blood +into the territories of the German Empire. + +Suppose now that Russia should succeed in establishing the protectorate +over all Slavs which she desires, and at the same time should press back +the Germans on that border line, something very closely approximating a +new migration of peoples in Europe will take place. + +As far as I know the German feeling, expressed both privately and +publicly, officially and unofficially, they have hoped to maintain their +complete consanguinity, if not homogeneity, within the lands they regard +as their home; and their preparations for war, their increase of their +military strength, have been made, professedly at least, solely in the +interest of defense. Americans can simply not realize--it is impossible +for them to realize--the difference in the degree of civilization and +culture on either side of a purely artificial boundary line. + +Very fortunately it has entered the minds of several people lately to +write to the newspapers about the unhappy confusion that comes from the +use of words in a meaning which at home they do not connote at all. +Take, for example, the whole question of militarism. As we see it, it is +a matter altogether of degree. For defense against what the German +considers the most terrible danger that he personally has to confront, +it has been necessary from time to time to change both the size and the +composition of his forces, whether offensive or defensive, and they +therefore have introduced compulsory military service, an idea which has +always been very offensive to Anglo-Saxons, but which in cases of dire +necessity they have been compelled to utilize themselves, as, for +example, during our own civil war, the abandonment of voluntary +enlistment and the introduction of the draft. + +Now, the compulsory military service of the German means that every man +is for a period of his life drafted and trained as a soldier. Forty +years ago there were a great many men who escaped by reason of one or +another provision of the law. That number was steadily diminished until +within eighteen months, when finally it was proclaimed that every German +who could endure the severity of that training must undergo it, and that +was due to the fact that the military balance of power of which I spoke +had been so completely changed by the re-armament of Russia and by the +formation of the South Slav armies in the Balkan Peninsula. + +As a parallel we might imagine, not one troublesome neighbor, but four. +We might imagine a tremendous military power developed in Canada, and we +might imagine a hostile military power on the Atlantic side and another +one on the Pacific side, in which case we would beyond a question have +to expand our inchoate militarism, just in proportion as we came to feel +the necessity for a strong physical defensive or offensive in the way of +a great standing army, and we probably would do it without any +hesitation. + +Now, Germany has not any really bitter foe on the north, although there +is no love lost between the Germans and the Scandinavians; but it has an +embittered foe on the east, and another one on the west, and what has +proved to be an embittered foe upon the water and a very lukewarm +neutral State on the south, a State which had joined in alliance with +her. + +Italy had joined what Italy considered a defensive alliance, but not an +offensive alliance, and chose to regard the outbreak of this war as an +offensive movement on the part of Germany, and for that reason has +refused to participate in the struggle. + +I say for that reason because, having been accustomed to reading, all my +life, long diplomatic documents, really having been trained, you might +say, almost in the school of Ranke, who was the inaugurator of an +entirely new school of historical writing based on the criticism of +historical papers, I have come to realize that the dispatches of trained +diplomats are for the most part purely formal, and that while these +respective publications of Great Britain and of Germany have a certain +value, yet nevertheless the most important plans are laid in the +embrasures of windows, where important men stand and talk so that no one +can hear, or they are arranged and often times amplified in private +correspondence which does not see the light until years afterward, and +that the most important historical documents are found in the archives +of families, members of which have been the guiding spirits of European +policy and politics. + +So that what the secret diplomacy of the last years may have been is as +yet utterly unknown, and certainly will not be known for the generation +yet to come and perhaps for several generations. The student in almost +any European capital is given complete access to everything on file in +the archives, including secret documents, only down to a certain date. +That date differs in various of these storehouses, but I think in no +case is it later than 1830. + +If you ask why, there are the sensibilities of families to be +considered, there is the question of hidden policies which they do not +care to reveal, and then there is the whole matter of who the examining +student is. For instance, certain very important papers were absolutely +denied to me, as an American, in Great Britain--or at least excuses were +made if they were not absolutely denied--which were opened to an +Englishman who was working upon the same subject at about the same time. + +The reason for such observations at the present hour is plain enough. +Public opinion is formed upon what the public is permitted to know, and +is not formed upon the actual facts which the public is not permitted to +know. And for that reason Americans, remote as we are from the sources +of information, and especially remote from that most delicate of all +indications, the pulse of public opinion in foreign countries, ought to +be extremely slow to commit themselves to anything. + + +Attack on Sir Edward Grey. + +Now, we have just had a very interesting incident. THE NEW YORK TIMES +printed recently what the British call their "White Paper," as well as +the German "White Paper." The editors of our most important journals +announced that they had read and studied those papers with care, and +that on the face of those papers, beyond any peradventure, Germany was +the aggressor. German militarism had flaunted itself as an insult in the +face of Europe. Germany had violated neutrality, Germany had committed +almost every sin known to international law, and therefore the whole +German procedure was to be reprobated. + +Within a very short time a Labor member of Parliament, J. Ramsay +Macdonald, rises in his place, able and fearless, and, on the basis of +the "White Paper," as published and put in the hands of the British +public, attacks Sir Edward Grey for having so committed Great Britain in +advance to both Russia and France that, in spite of the representations +of the German Ambassador, he dared not discuss the question of +neutrality. This member of Parliament manifestly belongs to the powerful +anti-war party of Great Britain, a party two of whose members, John +Burns and Lord Morley, resigned from the Cabinet rather than condone +iniquity; a party which before the outbreak of the war made itself +heard and felt, and protested against the participation of Great +Britain, desiring localization of the struggle. + +Mr. Macdonald says that in his opinion this talk about the violation of +Belgian neutrality, from the point of view of British statesmen, is +absurd, because as long ago as 1870 the plans for the use of Belgium, +both by France and by Germany--in other words, the violation of its +neutrality--were in the British War Office, and that Mr. Gladstone rose +in his place and said he was not one of those whose opinion was that a +formal guarantee should stand so far in thwarting the natural course of +events as to commit Great Britain to war; and that has been the +announced and avowed policy of Great Britain all the way down since +1870, and that therefore talk about the violation of Belgian neutrality +is a mere pretext. + +That is another instance of this secret agreement that goes on, which so +commits a man like Sir Edward Grey that in the pinch, when the German +Ambassador substantially proposed to yield everything to him and asked +him for his proposition, he cannot make any. + +These facts are in the "White Paper." As far as I know, no editor in the +United States who claims to have studied thoroughly that "White Paper" +has ever brought this out, and they had not been published in that paper +at the time when Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith made their respective +speeches and committed the British Nation to the war. + +Another unhappy use of language which has been noted in the public press +is due to the literal translation of words. Americans simply do not know +what the word Emperor means. To most of them it connotes the later Roman +Emperors, or the autocratic Czar of Russia, or the short-lived but +autocratic quality of Napoleon III., so that when we use the word +Emperor we are thinking of an absolutely non-existing personage, unless +it be the Czar of Russia. + +We like very much to make sport of phrases from languages unfamiliar to +us, and we enjoy the jokes of ludicrous translations, and so we take +the term "Oberster Kriegsherr" and we translate it "Supreme War Lord." +What conception the average American forms of that is manifest. Whereas, +as a matter of fact--and this has already been pointed out both in +conversation and in public prints--the term means nothing in the world +but Commander in Chief of the German Empire, has not any different +relation whatsoever in the substance of its meaning than that which +Presidents of the United States have been in time of supreme danger to +the country. Mr. Lincoln was just as much an "Oberster Kriegsherr" at +one period of his term as the German Emperor could ever be; in fact, +rather more. + + +Sherman's March to the Sea. + +In truth, the sense of outrage which Americans feel over the horrors of +war, while most creditable to them, is very often based upon an +ignorance of the rules and regulations of so-called civilized warfare, +and upon a sentimentality, which, though also very creditable, is +unfortunately not one of the factors in the world's work. It would not +hurt Americans occasionally to recall Sherman's march to the sea, during +which every known kind of devastation occurred, or to recall Gen. +Hunter's boast that he had made the Valley of Virginia such a desert +that a crow could not find sustenance enough in it to fly from one side +to the other, and yet at that time, in what we considered the supreme +danger to our country, the conduct of those men was approved, and they +themselves were almost deified for their actions. + +While parallels are dangerous and the existence of one wrong does not +make another action right, yet at the same time a very considerable +amount of open-mindedness must be exercised in a neutral country when +regarding the passionate devotions of combatant nations to their +culture, to their safety, to their interest; and it should be recalled +that in the heats and horrors of war it is extremely difficult, however +trained or disciplined troops may be, to prevent outrages, and that so +far as we have gone in accurate information the least that can be said +is that it is slowly dawning upon us that horror for horror and outrage +for outrage there has been no overwhelming balance on either side. + +The Allies (this interview was received Tuesday morning) firmly believe +that the struggle on the west is so indecisive up to this time that what +will count for them is the duration of the war. Lloyd George has just +said, not in the exact language, but virtually, what Disraeli said in +1878: "We don't want to fight; but, by jingo, if we do we have got the +ships, we have got the men, we have got the money, too." Those are the +words that brought into use the expression "jingoists." + +Now, Lloyd George said the other day that it was the money which in the +long run would count and that Great Britain had that; and the meetings +that are held to induce Englishmen to enlist are addressed by speakers +who meet with lots of applause when they say: "We may not be able to put +the same number of men into the field immediately that Germany was able +to put or Russia was able to put, but in the long run, considering the +attitude of all the different parts of our empire, we will be able to +put just as many men, and therefore time is on our side both as regards +force in the field and money to sustain it." (The London Times confesses +that enlistment in Ireland is a failure.) + +Lloyd George says that for a comparatively short time England's enemies +can finance themselves and be very efficient, but that as time passes +they unquestionably will exhaust not only their pecuniary means but +their resources of men as well. That is his position at this time. +Therefore, it does appear as if the long duration of the war was a thing +desired, at least in Great Britain, as being their hope of victory. Both +Great Britain and France are wealthy countries. Just how wealthy Germany +is I do not think they realize, nor do we know, nor what its ultimate +resources can be. + +Now, looking at the allied line as a whole, we will suppose that the +German forces were overwhelmingly triumphant in France, and suppose, +likewise, which is by no means as strong a hypothesis, that Russia is +overwhelmingly victorious against Austria and the Eastern German Army; +then, of course, you have the situation in which that one of the Allies +which is triumphant will assert its leadership in the terms of peace +that will be reached, and would have the hegemony, as we call it, of all +Europe. + + +Russia's Position. + +So that the defeat of the Allies in the west and their overwhelming +success in the east would compel the acceptance, in any peace that might +be made, of such terms as Russia chose to dictate. She would have to be +satisfied, otherwise there would only be one outcome of it; that is, of +course, if Great Britain and France could not accept those terms, there +would be a rupture, and stranger things have been seen than Germany, +France, and Great Britain fighting against Russia. + +Stranger things than that have been seen; such changes in the alliances +between States have occurred at intervals from the seventeenth century +onward in Europe, a phase of the subject that is too lengthy to discuss +here, but which every student of history knows all about. And it is +thinkable that they might occur again. + +Suppose, on the other hand, that the Germans should imitate Frederick +the Great, which is not so preposterous as appears on the face of it, +because of comparatively easy means of transportation, and should be +able to make successive victorious dashes, first in the east and then in +the west, backward and forward; leadership would be hers, and France +would be a minor power for years to come. + +Probably peace might come more quickly if neither side should be +absolutely victorious than otherwise. But for the moment I think that +the agreement among the Allies is a very portentous thing, as far as the +duration of the war is concerned. + +"Do you think that any secret agreement may exist; that France even now +may have made an agreement with Germany?" Mr. Sloane was asked. + +I cannot think so. I think it very evident there is no such secret +agreement. If one existed it would be much more likely to be between +Russia and Germany. You remember the development of Prussia, which is, +of course, the commanding State in the German Empire, occurred by its +careful conservation of the policy which was laid down in the political +will of Frederick the Great, that of keeping friends with Russia. + +The fact of the matter is, Prussia was saved in the Napoleonic wars by +the act of Gen. Yorck at Tauroggen, when he suddenly abandoned the +French and went over to the Prussians, and while Russia has within half +a generation become intensely bitter against Germany, yet it is true +that the Baltic Provinces, in which the gentry and the burghers are +Germans, have furnished most important administrators to the Russian +Empire, a fact that causes much of the jealousy in Russia on the part of +the native-born Russians against the Germans of the Baltic Provinces. +Nevertheless, self-interest is a very important thing, and if Russia +thought for a moment that France was going to abandon her I think she +would turn to Germany right away. + +As time has developed the nations of today, it has come to be understood +by hard-headed statesmen that those who conduct their respective affairs +can have no other guiding principle than the interest of their own +State, no other. + +There is a persistent feeling throughout the world that there is an +analogy between the individual man and organized society. There are +books written to show that States must and do pass through the various +stages through which an individual passes, namely, infancy, childhood, +youth, middle age, old age, decay. By a perfectly natural parallel the +majority of men apply the same morality to the State which they apply to +the individual, and they insist upon it that a State must be moral in +every respect; that it must have a conscience; that it must have virtue; +that it must practice self-denial; that it must not lay its hands on +what does not belong to it. In short, that it must as a State or as a +nation be "good," in exactly the same sense in which a person is "good." +In other words, they personify the State. + +I have never heard of any speaker or writer who would not approve of +that as an ideal, and who would not desire that the millennium should +come upon earth now, and that exactly the same virtues that are held up +for personal ideals should be held up for national ideals. + +I think we all believe that, but, as a matter of fact, in a world +constituted as ours is, the one test of a good Government, applied by +every individual, is the material prosperity of the people who live +under it, and for that reason if the people do not at first put in power +men who can give them material prosperity they will put such failures +out and try another set of rulers, and they will go on and on that way +until necessarily the policies of statesmen must be based upon the +interest of that State whose destinies are in their hands. So that the +only hope of relations between nations similar to those that exist +between good men and good women is that the individuals of that nation, +its population, its inhabitants, should consent to exercise the +self-denying virtues; and until that point is reached there can be no +good State in the sense in which there can be a good man. We ought all +to work for it, but it is not here now, and there are no signs on the +horizon of its approach. + +In a war, therefore, every statesman studies the resources of his +nation, and when the time comes that it is manifestly his duty to put an +end to warfare, it is only by the public approval that he dares do it, +by showing that it is to their advantage to give up the things for which +they went to war, in greater or less degree. + + +Armed Peace Not Disarmament. + +And the man of shrewd insight, who knows when that point is reached, is +the leader who saves the face, so to speak, of these nations and steps +in and says: + +"Now, the whole moral force of the civilized world must be brought to +bear upon you to make a peace, the terms of which, if possible, shall +not discredit any of you, but at the same time shall be as elastic and +as proportionate to your respective gains and losses as will insure at +least a considerable period of peace, not an armistice, not an armed +armistice, though it may be an armed peace." + +We see no signs anywhere in Europe that disarmament has any substantial +body of advocates in any nation. The basic principle hitherto of the +German people has been to have, not the largest, but the strongest army; +the basic principle of Great Britain, which sneers at militarism, has +been not only to have the most powerful fleet, but twice the most +powerful fleet. + +And what is the basic principle of the United States? The Monroe +Doctrine, to have no armed neighbor which shall compel us to violate by +its presence our dislike for compulsory military service or to expend +great sums for armament. + +These are basic principles in each of us. Now, we have been able to +maintain the Monroe Doctrine by simply showing our teeth, but whether we +could maintain it in the future without an armed force sufficient to +give it sanction I think is doubtful, and for that reason the Monroe +Doctrine has undergone quite a number of modifications which I do not +need to explain here. + +But this basic principle of ours that from Patagonia to the Mexican +frontier we will suffer no armed nation of Europe to make permanent +settlement and endanger our peace is exactly the same sort of principle +that the German holds when he says, "We must have the strongest army," +and the same which the Englishman holds when he says, "We must have the +strongest fleet." + +I want it distinctly understood that I am not a partisan. I am not pro +this or pro that or pro anything except pro-American, and the principal +impulse I have in trying to clarify my mind is my hope that there may be +an end to these hysterical exhibitions of partisanship, in which +(throughout this neutral nation) men indulge who still hold too +strongly, as I think, to the glory, honor, dignity, and traditions of +the lands of their origin. + + + + +An Answer by Prof. Ladd + + Emeritus Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy at Yale + University; Lecturer on Philosophy in India and Japan; has + received numerous decorations in Japan, where he was guest and + unofficial adviser of Prince Ito; ex-President of American + Psychological Association. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It seems strange to me that a student of history with the training and +acumen of Prof. Sloane should overlook or minimize the important +distinction that must hold the chief place in enabling us to understand +the issues and appreciate the merits of the war now raging in Europe. +This distinction is that between the German people and Germanic +civilization, on the one hand, and, on the other, the present +Constitution and cherished ambitions of the German Empire under the +dominance of Prussia. The German people, by genuine processes of +self-development, have worked out for themselves a veritable spiritual +unity which manifests itself in language, laws, customs, and a large +measure of substantial uniformity in moral and religious ideals. +Germanic civilization, with its love of order, its high estimate of +education, its notable additions to science, philosophy, and art, +constitutes one of the most noble and beneficent contributions to the +welfare of mankind. + +But the case is not at all the same with the German Empire as at present +constituted. It is not a historical development, a truly national +affair, as are the Empire of Great Britain, the Republics of France and +the United States, or the Empires of Russia and Japan. It is a modern +combination of politically divergent unities, forced by the ruthless but +infinitely shrewd policy of Bismarck and his coadjutors, misdirected and +perhaps driven to ruin by the man and his entourage, who, even if he is +King of Prussia "by the grace of God," is only Emperor of Germany "by +the will of the Princes." + +We are diligently given to understand that all these "Princes" and all +the German people have entered heart and soul into this war, and without +the slightest doubt as to its righteousness and as to the destiny of the +empire, this modern military autocracy, ultimately to be completely +victorious. This is hard to believe, although it must be admitted that +the cowardice of the Socialists and the obsession of the professors are +remarkable phenomena. As to the latter, however, we must remember their +dependence on the Government, not only for their information and their +"call" to speak, but also for their positions in the Government system +of education. + +As to the significance of the two names most prominently quoted in this +connection, I am not at all impressed, as so many of my colleagues +appear to be. An intimate friend of mine some twenty years ago was +several weeks en pension in the same house where Haeckel had his +apartment, and even then he was notorious for his hatred of foreigners +and of women. Those of us who have followed closely his career know how +often he has written with more than German professorial virulence +against those who differed from his theory of evolution, and that he is +at present scarcely more abusive of England than he has several times +been of his own Government and of the State Church because his system +was not made a matter of compulsory teaching. As to Eucken, the reasons +for his obsession are quite different. In his case the feeling and the +utterance are due to intellectual weakness rather than to virulence of +passion. + +After all, however, the temper of military and imperial Germany under +the dominance of Prussia has been essentially the same from the +beginning. In illustration of this, let me quote for your readers from a +poem of Heine, written as long ago as 1842. I do this the more readily +because I have recently seen, to my astonishment, Heine placed beside +Goethe as representing the better temper of the Germanic civilization as +opposed to the blinded judgment and immoral hatred of the modern German +Empire: + + Germany's still a little child, + But he's nursed by the sun, though tender; + He is not suckled on soothing milk, + But on flames of burning splendor. + + One grows apace on such a diet; + It fires the blood from languor; + Ye neighbor's children, have a care, + This urchin how ye anger! + + He is an awkward infant giant, + The oak by the roots uptearing; + He'll beat you till your backs are sore, + And crack your crowns for daring. + + He is like Siegfried, the noble child, + That song-and-saga wonder, + Who, when his fabled sword was forged, + His anvil cleft in sunder! + + To you, who will our Dragon slay, + Shall Siegfried's strength be given; + Hurrah! how joyfully your nurse + Will laugh on you from heaven! + + The Dragon's hoard of royal gems + You'll win, with none to share it; + Hurrah! how bright the golden crown + Will sparkle when you wear it! + +But it would not be stranger than many other things which have happened +in human history if the defeat of German military imperialism should +result in restoring to Europe and spreading more widely over the world +the beneficent influence of Germanic civilization. Certainly they are +not the same thing, and they do not stand or fall together. + +GEORGE TRUMBULL LADD. + +Yale University, Oct. 20, 1914. + + + + +Possible Profits From War + +INTERVIEW WITH FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS. + + Dr. Giddings is Professor of Sociology and the History of + Civilization at Columbia University; author of many works on + sociology and political economy; President of Institut + Internationale de Sociologie, 1913. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +No man in the United States is better entitled to estimate the probable +social and economic outcome of the present European debacle than Prof. +Franklin H. Giddings of Columbia, one of the most distinguished +sociologists and political economists in the United States. + +"Today all Europe fights," he said to me, "but, also, today all Europe +thinks." + +That is an impressive sentence, with which he concluded our long talk, +and with which I begin my record of it. + +He believes that this thinking of the men who crouch low in the drenched +trenches and of the women who tragically wait for news of them will +fashion a new Europe. + +He agrees with the remarkable opinions of President Butler, that that +new Europe will be marked by the rise of democracy. + +He sees the probability of broadened individual opportunity in it, +accompanied by the breaking down of international suspicions; and he +thinks that all these processes, which surely make for peace, will +surely bring a lasting peace. + +In the following interview, which Prof. Giddings has carefully reread, +will be found one of the most interesting speculative utterances born of +the war. + +"The immediate economic cause of the war," said Prof. Giddings, "lay in +the affairs of Servia and Austria. Servia had been shut in. She had been +able to get practically nothing from, and sell practically nothing to, +the outside world, save by Austria's permission, while Austria, with +Germany professing fear of Slavic development, for years had been taking +every care to prevent the Balkan peoples from having free access to the +Adriatic. + +"Some financial profit arose from this interning of the little States, +but it is probable that the desire for this was all along entirely +secondary to the fear of Balkan, especially Servian, political and +economic development. + +"In the larger economic question Germany felt especial interest. + +"In a comparatively few years she had made the greatest progress ever +made by any nation in an equal time, with the possible exception of that +made by the United States in a similar period after our civil war, and +it is probable that not even our own advance has equaled hers in +rapidity or extent, if all could be tabbed up. + +"She had worked out a great manufacturing scheme, she had developed an +immense internal commerce by means of her railroads and her Rhine and +other waterways, she had built up an enormous trade with Eastern Europe, +Western Asia, South America, and the United States. + +"She had highly specialized in and become somewhat dependent on the +production of articles like dyestuffs and the commodities of the +pharmacopoeia. + +"Her shipping had advanced until it closely crowded England's; her +finances, on the whole, were well handled and her credit was excellent, +while her wonderful system of co-operation between the Government and +manufacturing producers and commercial distributers of all kinds had +become the admiration of all nations. The extent to which her Government +facilitated foreign trade through obtaining and distributing costly +information might well be taken as the world's model. + +"Whatever claims be made or contested about her contributions to culture +and theoretical science, there can be no argument about her material +achievements." + + +German Achievements. + +"Along every line her social organization of co-operation between the +Government and the people successfully handled problems feared by all +the outside world. While, as a result of the development of humane +feeling, England and the United States have been saying that ignorance, +vagabondage, and misery ought to be abolished, Germany has said, 'They +shall be!' And, saying it, she had actually commenced to abolish them. + +"She had cut down enormous wastes of human energy and, for the first +time in the history of the world, had established an economic minimum +below which men and families were not permitted to sink. + +"The cost of this was large; for insurance, colonies for tramps and +vagabonds, employment agencies, and the like; but Germany made it pay in +the creation of a nation built of loyal and efficient people. Both their +loyalty and their efficiency have been proved and reproved in the course +of the present struggle. They had accomplished marvels, they were ready +for amazing sacrifices. + +"Now, one of the principal reasons why Germany was able to do these +things, although, she probably ignored it and possibly would deny it, is +to be found in the free-trade policy of England. + +"At any time during the past twenty years England could have checked +German progress effectively by the establishment of a protective tariff +system designed to encourage her own colonies and other nations with +whom she had long been on friendly and influential terms, to the utmost +development of exclusive trade privileges designed to shut out Germany. +Except for the long-established English policy of commercial freedom +Germany could not have accomplished for herself what she has. + +"Germany has been growing rapidly. Her birth rate has been high, but of +late it has been falling, and when the war began there were indications +that she soon would approach the low ratio of population increase +already characteristic of France, of New England and the Middle West in +the United States, and lately of England. But Germany's population was +still a growing one and, in a sense, a restive one. + +"The Malthusian theory has not worked out in the civilized world as +Malthus supposed it would, for the application of science to +manufacturing, agriculture, &c., has prevented increasing populations +from pressing upon the means of subsistence; but in all parts of the +Western World the standards of living have been raised, the ambitions of +the average man and woman have expanded. They have lived better than +their parents lived, and they have wished their children to live better +still. + +"However, we can place no limit upon the probable expansion of human +desires, and it is true that a population unchecked by the intelligent +action of the human will tends to increase at a rate more rapid than +that at which it is possible to raise the actual plane of human living. + +"The speed of the working of the two rules is different, perhaps, but +both are dynamic, and the population of Germany tended to grow more +rapidly than betterment of conditions could be provided, even under the +nation's splendid governmental and commercial efficiency. + +"The natural yearning of the nation, therefore, was toward colonial +expansion, and, although note that I make no charges against either the +German Government or German people, the nation probably has wished +sovereignty over Western Europe, through Belgium and Holland to the sea. +Its narrow outlet through Hamburg and Bremen was insufficient for its +needs. + +"Of course, its trade and economic advance has sometimes conflicted +with that of other nations. It is natural for Germany to suppose that +England tried to block it. However, I think that all the evidence which +Germany has brought forward in proof of this is weak and improbable, +because England's great source of revenue has been her foreign trade, +and, above all, her carrying trade, and I am not partisan but stating +the obvious when I say that England prospers when the rest of the world +prospers, and that she has profited mightily through Germany's +commercial advance. + +"These facts point to the conclusion that Germany really had everything +to gain by avoiding war and continuing her prosperous expansion along +commercial lines, increasing the strength of her grip in foreign +countries, as, for example, in South America." + + +Germany's Prosperous Commerce. + +"In South America we Americans were not really competing with her. She +had studied the market and adopted the methods necessary to its +satisfaction; we had not. England was relatively losing her hold there. +In another twenty years Germany surely would have been one of the +greatest commercial and manufacturing nations which the world has ever +known. So it was not economic necessity, nor pressure approaching +economic necessity, which precipitated this war. + +"I think the German people, as they professed to do, did become greatly +alarmed over a possibility, magnified into a probability, that Russia, +taking up the cause of the Balkan peoples, would obtain Constantinople, +that Servia would make her way to the Adriatic, and that all possibility +of the expansion of Germany to the southeast would be blocked, and +Germany probably became alarmed over England's intentions--there were +many indications of something close to panic in Germany after it was +generally understood that King Edward figured in the pact with France. + +"I, for one, do not believe that the German fears of England were well +grounded; I do not believe that in the excitement the German mind worked +discriminatingly or that it is working with discrimination today. I +think that Germany has presented an extraordinary example of nation-wide +mobmindedness in a situation which offered nothing but ruin through war +and boundless advantages if she sat tight and waited for some one else +to strike the first blow, which, then, probably never would have been +struck. + +"So, although I have outlined what I think may fairly be regarded as +some of the economic conditions contributing to the war, I do not think +that it is entirely to be explained by economic causes. + +"They fail to account for the actual precipitation of the conflict. I +think that there is no explanation of that, short of recognition of an +abnormal reaction of the German mind to a situation the nature of which +was mistaken, or, at least, exaggerated. + +"And, of course, there were other factors concerning which we shall not +know the truth for years, such as the personal influence of individual +minds in the German and other Governments. It will be long before the +complete history of the acts and negligence of diplomats and other +responsible Ministers will be written." + +I asked Prof. Giddings if, in his opinion, the struggle is likely to +result in any wide and profound change in the economic life of the +world. + +"Yes," he replied, "I think it is sure to. In the first place, for at +least half a generation, and perhaps longer, the producing capital of +the world will be much smaller than it was before the war. + +"But in this speculation we must be cautious, because, so far, the +costly war material which has been consumed, such as fortresses +destroyed, guns worn out, ammunition consumed, soldiers' clothing, and +in general food, were principally accumulated and paid for long ago. +They have come out of the world's past production, and their cost +already has been written off. + +"The real loss, the new waste, over and above the devastation of Belgium +and other lands, has been of labor, productive activity which would have +been carried on during the period of the war had the struggle been +avoided, the destruction of the lives of men in their economic prime, +the maiming of others to the depletion of their future usefulness and +the loss to European fatherhood. + +"But if the war lasts a long time, necessitating the general renewal of +ships, fortresses, weapons, and stores, the waste will be enormous, for +the actual money expenditure will then come out of funds newly +accumulated or charged against the future, and not out of those set +aside in the past for war purposes." + + +One Great Change Occurring. + +"Thus one great economic change already is occurring--the devastation +wrought, the destruction of hoarded funds and supplies and of useful +human life. + +"There are others which are probable, but also problematical, although I +think we fairly may take them into account. + +"Will the European nations, in settlement of their differences through +final terms of peace, simply endeavor to restore the old order, drawing +their lines of demarkation very strictly, enacting, for example, higher +tariffs, thinking that along that line will lie the easiest way of +re-establishing national finances? + +"If so, the old contentions will be perpetuated. It will be the old +order of things over again. + +"We shall again have the spirit of exclusiveness fostered and the old +suspicions bred. The old intense competition of nation with nation for +trade to the exclusion of other nations from the markets of the world +will return with its attendant inefficiency. + +"But, on the other hand, the world will be an immense gainer through the +war if it is followed by a broad and rational review of the whole +situation and an adjustment of the map of Europe with due regard to the +ambitions and legitimate economic opportunities and capabilities of the +various peoples. + +"This war may be the greatest good the world has ever known if it leaves +Europe in a mental state disposed to Broaden opportunity, to break down +suspicions, to eliminate barriers, and make commerce much freer than it +has been. + +"Then Europe's economic recovery will be rapid, animosities will die +quickly away, and every nation which is now involved will progress with +a new speed, seeing that opportunity is created only through superiority +in fair competition. + +"The next possibility, one far more nearly a probability, I think, than +the somewhat Utopian speculation in which I have just indulged, is that +after the war the world will have been deeply impressed by the +tremendous activity of Germany, whether she be victor or vanquished. + +"What is the secret of her efficiency as manifested in the mobilization +of her vast army, in her use of science in new military devices, in her +holding of the elements of her national life together during the +struggle, in her keeping her industries going in the face of +unprecedented difficulties--all to a degree never before dreamed of? +will be a general query. + +"Other nations will study the German plan, asking whether it is true, as +has been taught in America, that that Government is best which governs +least. + +"It may be that this war will result, entirely apart from the urgency of +the labor problem which it will magnify, and wholly on the grounds of +general efficiency, in a general inquiry as to whether or not the time +has come for quasi-socialistic national developments. + +"I think it unlikely that the war will give impetus to that proletarian +socialism which is founded on class consciousness and class struggle; +but it may urge forward a socialistic movement based upon the large and +fruitful idea that the best hope for the future is offered by the most +complete and highly organized co-operation of all elements, all +interests, all agencies which in their combination make up national +structures. + +"As a matter of fact, I am an optimist, and I believe that this is about +what will come after this war ends. + +"To put my theory in slightly different terms, I believe that the +conflict will greatly further the development of what perhaps may be +called 'public socialism,' and I mean by that the highest attainable +organization of whole peoples for the production of commodities, the +furtherance of enterprise, and the promotion of the general well-being. + +"I think that when the world sobers up it will ask: 'How did Germany do +it?' + +"Whether she wins or loses that must be the universal query, for whether +she wins or loses her achievement has been in many ways unprecedented. + +"There can be but one answer to this query: She did it by an +organization which brought together in efficient co-operation the +individual, the quasi-private corporation, the public corporation, and +the Government upon a scale never before seen. + +"The world is bound to take notice of this." + + +Will Fear Loss of Liberty. + +I asked Prof. Giddings to go beyond economics and to consider the war's +probable results in their broader sociological aspects. + +"If what I have predicted happens," he replied, "the democratic elements +of society in all nations will become apprehensive of the loss of +liberty. + +"They will fear that in the interests of efficiency the perfected social +order will impose minute and unwelcome regulations upon individual life +and effort, and that a degree of coercive control will be established +which will end by making individuals mere cogs in the machine, +diminishing their importance, curtailing their usefulness and initiative +far more than is done by the great industrial corporations against which +the working classes already are protesting so loudly. + +"And not only the working people but a large proportion of all other +classes will develop these fears, especially in those nations which, +during the last century, have built up popular sovereignty and +democratic freedom, as the terms are understood in England and America. + +"We shall hear the argument that the loss of individual initiative and +personal self-reliance is too great a price to pay even for supreme +efficiency and the maximum production of material comforts. + +"The problem which such a conflict of interests and opinions will +present may be speculatively defined as that of trying to find a way to +reconcile a maximum of efficiency organization with a maximum of +individual freedom. + +"So stating it, we have to recognize that this has been the biggest +problem, in fact the comprehensive problem, that man, has faced +throughout human history, and the one which, really, he has been trying +to solve by the trial and error method in all his social experiments. + +"It is the sociological as distinguished from the merely economic +problem. + +"Human society exists because early in his career man discovered that +mutual aid, or team work, is, on the whole, in the struggle for +existence and the pursuit of happiness, a more effective factor than +physical strength or individual cleverness. + +"Natural selection has acted not only upon individuals, but, in the +large sense, upon groups and aggregates of groups. The restrictions upon +individual life have developed in the interests of groups, or collective +efficiency. + +"On the other hand, collective efficiency has no meaning, it serves no +purpose apart from the amelioration of individual life and the +development of individual personality. + +"So long as groups fear one another and fight with one another the +restrictions upon individual liberty must be extreme in the interests of +the collective fighting efficiency of each group as a whole. + +"All the possibilities of personal development, of individual freedom, +are involved in the larger possibilities of friendly relations between +nation and nation. + +"Already the co-operative instinct has so grown that if war and the fear +of war could be eliminated, mankind would have relatively little +difficulty in working out ways and means of combining Governmental +action with individual initiative for purposes of economic production, +education, the promotion of the public health, and the administration +of justice. + +"All those principles and rules which we call Morality are, in fact, +mere rules of the game of life. We play the game or do not play it; we +are fair or unfair. + +"On the whole, most of us try to be fair because it has been found that +playing the game with a sense of fairness is the only way in which we +can succeed in working together for common ends without the necessity of +imposing upon ourselves coercive rules to hold our organization together +for possible mass attack upon the end in view. + +"Social life, in this sense of playing the game fairly, has made man the +superior of the brutes he sprang from. There is nothing mysterious or +recondite about it. + +"In order to work together men must understand one another. Therefore, +natural selection has picked out the intelligent for survival in the +social world; and in order to work together intelligent men must depend +on one another, abiding by their covenants. + +"Therefore, again, natural selection has picked out what we call +Morality for survival in the social world. The whole further progress of +mankind would seem to hang upon the possibility that we can find a way +to limit and, if possible, to terminate wars between nations, for only +in that contingency can we hope to develop a social system in which a +supreme efficiency with a maximum of individual liberty can be combined +upon a working basis." + + +Application of the Facts. + +"These are incontrovertible facts, and they find their application to +the existing European situation in various ways, the most important of +which will appear in the discovery that, valuable as conventions and +covenants of nation with nation may be, and intolerable as any violation +of them surely is, we cannot hope for general and unfailing observance +of them until the feeling of mankind and the whole attitude of the world +in respect to international as well as private conduct shall be that the +covenants and conventions shall become, in a degree, unnecessary. + +"Already it is apparent that the entire world, including the peoples of +the nations at war as well as the peoples of the nations remaining +happily at peace, have, begun to think these thoughts and reflect upon +their momentous importance. + +"Shocked and stunned as never before by a calamity for which we find no +measure in past human experience, mankind is bound to take at this +moment a more sober view, a broader and more rational view, of the +problems of responsibility and collective conduct than it hitherto has +been able even to attempt. + +"The world is sure to ask what things make for sobriety of judgment and +integrity of purpose. It is sure in future more carefully to weigh +relative values, and will be disposed to count as unimportant many +things for which hitherto the armed men of nations have rushed into war. + +"In a word, this war has made the whole world think as no one thing ever +has made it think before, and, after all, it is upon the habit of +thought that we must depend for all rational progress. + +"Other wars and other great events have fostered sentiment, much of +which has been hopeful and useful; they have accomplished far-reaching +economic changes, many of them necessary. + +"But the reactions of this war will surely go beyond all previous +experience. They already are and must be, in a far greater measure, +profoundly intellectual, and one of the consequences of this fact +inevitably will be the broadening and deepening of the democratic +current. + +"When peace returns it will be seen that democracy has received a +hitherto unimagined impetus. Then it will be understood that democracy, +in one of its most important aspects, is popular thinking, that it is +the widest possible extension of the sense of responsibility. + +"A democratic world will be, all in all, a peace-loving world. + +"We may confidently expect far-reaching changes in the internal +political organization of the nations now involved. In every nation of +Europe the people are asking: What, after all, is this conflict all +about? + +"They will ask this many times, and however they may answer it they +will, by consequence, follow the question with another: Shall we go on +fighting wars about the necessity, expedience, and righteousness of +which we have not been consulted? + +"And to this query they will find only one answer--an emphatic negative. + +"Sooner or later there will be a comprehensive political reorganization +of Europe, and when its day comes the rearrangement will be along the +lines of a republic rather than along the lines of any monarchy, however +liberal. + +"Then international agreements will be unnecessary and there will be no +treaties to be broken--no 'scraps of paper' to be disregarded. + +"Apparently Germany has been as successful in training her people to +think accurately along economic lines as she has been in training them +to work efficiently along such lines; and that accurate thought +undoubtedly is bearing startling fruit among the men today crouched in +the trenches on the firing lines." + + +Era of Individual Thought. + +"England, on the other hand, and France have encouraged the free and +spontaneous life of democratic peoples. France and England, like the +United States, have been training their peoples to think efficiently of +and to appreciate and use liberty and initiative. And the men of these +two nations are, in turn, exercising that ability as they crouch in +their trenches. + +"In other words, this war has precipitated an era of sober individual +thought about the individual's rights and responsibilities. It will +everywhere bring about a wider political organization of mankind, a +greater freedom of trade and opportunity, a more serious and thorough +education, a more earnest attention and devotion to the higher interests +of life, giving such thought preference above that overemphasis of +material comforts which has been so marked a feature of recent human +history. + +"All these things will make for peace; and another and potent influence +will be the exhaustion of the weakened nations which will follow the +conflict. Because of that very weakness Europe will turn its unanimous +attention to the things of peace rather than to the things of war. + +"The new Europe is being fashioned by those questioning men who now are +lying in the trenches. + +"They are searching in the universe for answers to such inquiries as +they never dreamed about before, and the women, worrying at home--they, +too, are busy with a search for answers to hitherto undreamed-of +questions. + +"They all are pondering great things for the first time. Their pondering +will be fruitful. + +"Today all Europe fights, but, also, today all Europe thinks. And, +thinking, perhaps it may devise a better order, so that it may not ever +fight again." + +[Illustration] + + + + +"To Americans Leaving Germany" + +A FAREWELL WORD. + + +AMERICANS! + +Citizens of the United States! + +In this earnest moment in which you are leaving the soil of Germany and +Berlin, take with you from German citizens, from representatives of +trade and industry, who are proud to entertain friendly commercial +relations with the United States, a hearty farewell coupled with the +desire of a speedy return. + +Together with this farewell we beg you to do us a favor. As our guests, +whom we have always honored and protected, we ask you to take this paper +with you as a memorial and to circulate the same among your authorities, +press, friends, and acquaintances. + +For, we are well aware that the enemies of Germany are at work to make +you the instruments to lower Germany's people and army in the face of +the whole world in order to deceive foreign nations as to Germany's +policy and economical power. We ask you, as free citizens face to face +with free citizens, to circulate the real truth about Germany among your +people as compared to the lies of our enemies. + +We beg you to take the following main points to heart: + + 1. The German Emperor and the German Nation wanted peace. The + cunning and breach of faith of our opponents have forced the + sword into the hands of Germany. + + 2. After war has been forced on us the German Nation, Emperor, + and Reichstag have granted everything in the most brilliant + unanimity for the war. No difference prevails in Germany any + longer, no difference between party, confession, rank or + position, but we are a united nation and army. + + 3. Our military organization and our mobilization has + proceeded with splendid precision. The mobilization was + accomplished during the course of a few days. In addition to + those who are compelled to serve, more than 1,200,000 + volunteers have offered their services. All civil + organizations, from the head of industry and finance to the + smallest man downward, vie with each other in works of + voluntary aid and welfare. + + 4. In the field German arms have had splendid successes in the + first days of mobilization. + +In the east the Russian enemy has been driven from the German frontier, +in numerous small fights by our troops in conjunction with those of the +Austro-Hungarian monarchy. By successful coup de mains our navy has been +successful in damaging and alarming our Russian opponent in her Baltic +naval ports. The Russian port of Libau has been burned down and in +Russian Poland revolution has already begun. Russian mobilization is a +long way from being accomplished, the troops are badly, poorly +nourished, and many deserters sell their weapons and horses. + +In the west the German Army has gained imposing victories over Belgium +and France. + +In Belgium, where the population unfortunately committed the most +barbarous atrocities against peaceful Germans before the war broke out, +comparatively weak German forces conquered the strong fortress of Liege +a few days after the mobilization, inflicting severe damage on the enemy +and opening up the way via Belgium to France. + +Valuable victories have been obtained over France on the Alsatian +frontier toward the strong French fortress of Belfort as well as in the +direction of the fortress Luneville. At Muelhausen one and a half French +Army divisions were overthrown and driven back over the frontier with +heavy losses. + +The strong and effective German fleet is on the watch against the +English fleet. + +England's risk is great in staking her reputation as the strongest +naval power on one throw against the German fleet. Further, England runs +the danger that her large colonies, such as India and Egypt, will seize +a moment that has been long desired to revolt. + +It is for the United States to utilize the present moment to frustrate +by powerful initiative England's endeavors to keep down all nations, +including America, in the trade and traffic of the world. + +Citizens of the United States! Take the conviction with you to your +homes that Germany will stake her last man and her last penny for +victory. Germany must conquer and will conquer. + +Remember! That after a successful victory Germany will make new +political and economical progress, and that America, as a shrewd +businesslike State and as a friend of Germany, will participate in such +progress. + +Today we beg you earnestly to convey to your fellow-citizens that the +German Nation, as the safe refuge of civilization and culture, has +always protected the loyal citizens of its enemies in every manner in +contrast to Russia, France, and Belgium. By circulating this short +memorial among your fellow-citizens you are likewise insuring that also +in the future the United States will learn the truth about Germany's +battles and victories. Your friends here will always do the best in +their power to supply you with genuine news. We wish you a happy voyage +toward your home, so appreciated by all Germans, and hope to see you +again in a victorious and prosperous Germany. + +REPRESENTATIVES OF GERMAN INDUSTRY. + +Berlin, Aug. 13, 1914. + + + + +German Declarations + +By Rudolf Eucken and Ernst Haeckel. + + Dr. Eucken is Privy Councilor and Professor of Philosophy in + the University of Jena; won the Nobel Prize for Literature in + 1908; has received many foreign honorary degrees and his + philosophy has been expounded in English. + + Ernst Haeckel is Privy Councilor and late Professor of Zoology + at the University of Jena; has written many works on evolution + which have been translated into English. + + +The whole German world of letters is today filled with deep indignation +and strong moral resentment at the present behavior of England. Both of +us, for many years bound to England by numerous scientific and personal +ties, believe ourselves prepared to give open expression to this inward +revulsion. In close co-operation with like-minded English investigators +we have zealously exerted ourselves to bring the two great peoples +closer together in spirit and to promote a mutual understanding. A +fruitful reciprocal interchange of English and German culture seemed to +us worth while, indeed necessary, for the spiritual advance of mankind, +which today confronts such great problems. Gratefully we recall in this +connection the friendly reception which our efforts received in England. +So great and noble were the traits of English character which revealed +themselves to us that we were permitted to hope that in their sure +growth they would come to be superior to the pitfalls and seamy sides of +this character. And now they have proved inferior, inferior to the old +evil of a brutal national egotism which recognizes no rights on the +part of others, which, unconcerned about morality or unmorality, pursues +only its own advantage. + +History furnishes in abundance examples of such an unscrupulous egotism; +we need recall here only the destruction of the Danish fleet (1807) and +the theft of the Dutch colonies in the Napoleonic wars. But what is +taking place today is the worst of all; it will be forever pointed at in +the annals of world history as England's indelible shame. England fights +in behalf of a Slavic, half-Asiatic power against Germanism; she fights +on the side not only of barbarism but also of moral injustice, for it is +indeed not forgotten that Russia began the war because she would permit +no radical reparation for a shameful murder. + +It is England whose fault has extended the present war into a world war, +and has thereby endangered our joint culture. And all this for what +reason? Because she was jealous of Germany's greatness, because she +wanted to hinder at any price a further growth of this greatness. For +there cannot be the least doubt on this point that England was +determined in advance to cast as many obstacles as possible in the way +of Germany's great struggle for national existence, and to hinder her as +much as possible in the full development of her powers. She (England) +was watching only for a favorable opportunity when she could break out +suddenly against Germany, and she therefore promptly seized on the +necessary German invasion of Belgium in order that she might cover with +a small cloak of decency her brutal national egotism. Or is there in the +whole wide world any one so simple as to believe that England would have +declared war on France also if the latter had invaded Belgium? In that +event she would have wept hypocritical tears over the unavoidable +violation of international law; but as for the rest she would have +laughed in her sleeve with great satisfaction. This hypocritical +Pharisaism is the most repugnant feature of the whole matter; it +deserves nothing but contempt. + +The history of the world shows that such sentiments lead the nations not +upward but downward. For the present, however, we trust firmly in our +just cause, in the superior strength and the unyielding victorious +spirit of the German people. Yet we must at the same time lament deeply +that the boundless egotism we have referred to has disturbed for an +immeasurable period of time the spiritual co-operation of the two +peoples which promised so much good for the development of mankind. But +they wished it so on their side--on England alone falls the monstrous +guilt and the historical responsibility. + +RUDOLF EUCKEN. + +ERNST HAECKEL. + +Jena, Aug. 18, 1914. + + + + +A Second Appeal + + +_To the Universities of America:_ + +In a time when half of the world falls upon Germany full of hatred and +envy, we Germans derive great benefit from the idea of our being sure of +the friendly feeling of the American universities. If from any quarter +in the world, it must be from them that we expect the right +comprehension of the present situation and present attitude of Germany. +Numerous American scholars who received their scientific training at our +universities have convinced themselves of the quality and the peaceful +tendency of German work, the exchange of scientists has proved of +deepening influence on the mutual understanding, the lasting intercourse +of scholarly research gives us the feeling of being members of one great +community. This is why we entertain the hope that the scientific +circles of America will not give credit to the libels our enemies +propagate against us. + +These libels, above all, accuse Germany of having brought about the +present war, she being responsible for the monstrous struggle which is +extending more and more over the whole world. The truth points to the +contrary. Our foes have disturbed us in our peaceful work, forcing the +war upon us very much against our desire. We are at a righteous war for +the preservation of our existence and at the same time of sacred goods +of humanity. The murder of Serajevo was not our work; it was the outcome +of a widely extending conspiracy pointing back to Servia, where for many +years already a passionate agitation against Austria had been carried +on, supported by Russia. It was Russia, therefore, that took the +assassins under her wings, and some weeks already before the war broke +out she promised her assistance to that blood-stained State. Nobody but +Russia has given the dangerous turn to the conflict; nobody but Russia +is to blame for the outbreak of the war. The German Emperor, who has +proved his love of peace by a peaceful reign of more than twenty-five +years, in face of the imminent danger, tried to intermediate between +Austria and Russia with the greatest zeal, but while he was negotiating +with the Czar Russia was busy with the mobilization of a large army +toward the German frontier. This necessitated an open and decisive +inquiry that led to the war. This only happened because Russia wanted it +so, because she wanted to raise the Muscovites against the Germans and +the Western Slavs and to lead Asia into the field against Europe. + +France, too, might have kept the peace, the decision resting solely with +her. The security of Germany demanded that she should inquire what +France would do in the impending war; the answer of France unmistakably +betrayed her intention to join in the war. As a matter of fact, it was +not Germany but France who commenced the war. + +England already before the war stood in close relations to France. From +the very beginning she has clearly shown that she by no means wanted to +keep absolutely neutral. From the very beginning she made endeavors to +protect France against Germany. Undoubtedly the German invasion in +Belgium served England as a welcome pretext to openly declare her +hostility. In reality, before the German invasion, already the +neutrality of Belgium had been given up in favor of the French. It has +been officially stated, e.g., that not only before but also after the +outbreak of the war French officers have been at Liege in order to +instruct the Belgian soldiers as to the fortification service. England's +complaints of the violation of international law, however, are the most +atrocious hypocrisy and the vilest Pharisaism. At all times English +politics have unscrupulously disregarded all forms of law as soon as +their own interest was touched. During the last few weeks the same +method has been quite sufficiently manifested in the unlawful capture of +the Turkish warships, and still more so in the instigation of the +Japanese to undertake the detestable raid upon the German territory in +China, which needs must end in strengthening the power of that Mongolian +nation at the costs of Europeans and Americans. + +How it is possible for a nation that in such a way has betrayed precious +interests of Western culture as soon as it seems to benefit them, how is +it possible for these accomplices of the Japanese robbery to put on the +air of being the guardians of morality? + +We Germans did not want this war, but as it has been forced upon us we +shall carry it on bravely and vigorously. In the face of all envy and +hatred, all brutality and hypocrisy, Germany feels unshakably conscious +of serving a righteous cause and of standing up for the preservation of +her national self as well as for sacred goods of humanity; indeed, for +the very progress of true culture. It is from this conviction that she +draws her unrelenting force and the absolute certainty that she will +beat back the assault of all her enemies. This conviction does not stand +in need of any encouragement from abroad; our country absolutely relies +upon itself and confides in the strength of its right. + +Nevertheless, the idea of our American friends' thoughts and sympathies +being with us gives us a strong feeling of comfort in this gigantic +struggle. We both of us feel especially justified in pronouncing this as +being the conviction of all German scientists, as so many scientific and +personal relations connect us both with the universities of America. +These universities know what German culture means to the world, so we +trust they will stand by Germany. + +RUDOLF EUCKEN. + +ERNST HAECKEL. + +Jena, Aug. 31, 1914. + + + + +The Eucken and Haeckel Charges + +By John Warbeke. + + Professor of Philosophy and Psychology at Mount Holyoke + College. + +_A Letter to the Springfield Republican._ + + +_To the Editor of The Springfield Republican:_ + +The approval of President Wilson for neutrality of language can hardly +be construed into complacency in the face of monstrous evil. If a +judicial attitude of mind be not jeopardized a discussion of the issues +raised by Profs. Eucken and Haeckel ought to help us in the attainment +of impartial judgment. A long acquaintance with both these men makes it +hard for the present writer to give expression to such negative +criticism as he is constrained to do. But his plea can be only this: Not +truth but only passion can separate, and truth is greater even than +friendship. + +The charge of "brutal national egoism" is laid at England's door. She is +declared to be the instigator of the present world war. "Upon her alone +falls the monstrous guilt and the judgment of history." Such language +from two benevolent philosophers, one of them a winner of the Nobel +Peace Prize for Idealistic Literature, seems to suggest a lack of +information among the German people, including its most enlightened +exponents, of not only their own published "White Paper" dispatches, but +also of the events of the last two months. It seems hardly possible that +in the case of these two gentlemen a deliberate campaign of vituperation +could have been inaugurated with determination to blind themselves to +facts clearly stated in the reports of both contending parties-- + +First--That Servia, in reply to ten urgent demands on the part of +Austria, acquiesced in nine and proposed to submit the tenth, as +concerning her national integrity, to The Hague Tribunal. Austria, +nevertheless, declared war, with Germany's self-confessed assurances of +support. + +Secondly--Germany was the second to declare war, the mobilization of +Russia being assigned as the reason for this step. The objection of +Germany's initial campaign, as shown by events, was not defense against +the confessedly slowly mobilizing Russians, however, but the humiliation +and subjugation of France. And the means employed to that end included +the treaty-breaking invasion, and more than invasion, of Belgium, who is +suffering because of this step "so necessary for Germany." + +Thirdly--England, as is repeatedly demonstrated by the official +documents, of both sides, strained every means to bring about a common +understanding. The appeals of Sir Edward Grey for more time in the +Servian ultimatum and for a council of Ambassadors were met by the +Austrian and German Governments respectively with evasion. And England +was the last of the great powers to enter the conflict, her plea being +the moral obligation of supporting treaties in which she guaranteed the +integrity of a weak neighbor and undertook to defend her ally, France, +when attacked. + + +The Case of England. + +We may justifiably ask, then, What basis is there for the charge that +England's "brutal, national egoism" provoked the world war? The answer +is a two-fold one. Historically, England has exhibited aggression in the +extension of her interests; morally, England supports the Russian +aggressor, who declined "to allow Austria the thoroughgoing punishment +of an ignominious murder," cloaking her real intentions behind the +mantle of a "contemptible sanctimoniousness" and "hypocrisy" concerning +treaty obligations. + +The first charge against England is unfortunately true. History records +instances of British aggression in the extension of her interests and +the cases cited (destruction of the Danish fleet and the taking of Dutch +colonies) are good examples. The implication, however, involved in the +statement is that such aggression is not to be found in the history of +Prussia. This is clearly an error. + +From the time of the Markgrafen even unto the Agadir incident it has +been characteristic of Prussia to extend her boundaries and interests +under the plea of military necessity. Aggression is the only word to +characterize Frederick's seizure of Silesia and part of Poland. South +and East Prussia were added by the same forcible means (1793-1795). In +the Napoleonic wars Swedish Pomerania fell as the booty of military +necessity. Schleswig-Holstein was filched from Denmark (1866) by the +same "extension of her greatness." Once more it was the plea in +Alsace-Lorraine--"so necessary for Germany." + +Nor are we here urging immunity of criticism for ourselves. It is sadly +true that the history of many nominally Christian States, including that +of the United States, and not excluding the Papacy, includes chapters of +aggression. But the point involved, namely, the charge of England's +aggression in the present instance, is clearly an a priori one, based on +a presupposition of monopoly which lacks material support. No evidence +is presented to justify the statement, nor do the facts seem to allow of +any such construction. + +The second argument, England's support of Russia's unwillingness to +permit the expiation of an ignominious murder, is a strange and +unfortunate commentary on how even in philosophic minds a preconceived +idea will distort the most unmistakable evidence. For Servia in her +reply to the Austrian demands agreed to have just punishment inflicted +upon the murderers, even going so far as to cause the arrest of those +perhaps unjustly suspected by the Austrian committee and to suggest an +international court. How, then, did Russia stand in the way of the +punishment? Austria declared war, with the self-confessed assurances of +German support, all too obviously for reasons other than the ones +mentioned in the ultimatum to which Servia acquiesced. The charge of +Russian mobilization in view of such a situation suggests the temper of +the man who, when caught in his own bear trap, tries to find his +neighbor at fault. Suppose Germany had remained on the defensive, would +war have been likely? Suppose Germany had not backed up the entirely +unjustifiable military movement of Austria, would the general war have +been probable? + + +Where Nietzsche Comes In. + +It seems more likely when one passes in review the extant data that at +least one and a crucial cause for the present situation is the +"overwhelming power and unbending will to victory in the German people" +when confronted with an opportunity for the "further expansion of their +greatness." That such phrases should be in the mouths of our apologists +for the war is significant. And that the invasion of Belgium "so +necessary for the Germans" is treated by the spokesmen of morality +solely and confessedly from the standpoint of military expediency seems +to indicate the permeation of the Nietzsche superman into the very +stronghold of idealistic philosophy. + +It would, of course, be as absurd to suppose Nietzsche a direct cause of +this war as it would be to regard the Serajevo murderers as the sole +cause. Nietzsche was and is an exponent of his time, as well as one +reciprocally fostering such movements as Bernhardi militarism and the +Crown Prince's war book. Perhaps it will not be inappropriate here to +cite from "War and the People of War," in "Also Sprach Zarathustra," +(Pages 67-68,) the magnum opus of Nietzsche: + + You should love peace as a means to new war and brief peace + more than a long one. Do you say, "It is a good cause by which + a war is hallowed"? I say unto you, It is a good war which + hallows every cause. War and courage have done greater things + than the love of one's neighbor. "What, then, is good?" you + ask. To be brave is good. Let young maidens say, "Good is to + be pretty and touching." But you are hateful? Well, so be it, + my brethren! Cast about you a mantle of the sublimely hateful. + And when your soul has become great it will become wanton; in + your greatness there will be malice, I know, and in malice the + proud heart will meet the weakling. + +This, we are told, is not to be taken literally--all is symbolism and +has a meaning other than the more direct one. But the fact remains, as +can be testified by the present writer from three years' residence as a +university student in Germany, that the rank and file as well as the +aristocracy--from laborers and small shopkeepers, petty officials, and +students to Judges of the Supreme Court and university professors who +have become "secret councilors" (Geheimrat)--not only in Berlin and Bonn +but in Munich and Heidelberg, all have become ominously full of the +doctrine of the survival of the fittest and the consequent expediency of +power, not only in intellectual rivalry but in Krupps and high +explosives. + +The Nietzsche fire may, perhaps, serve a purpose on the hearthstone of +our inmost life if it be to rescue us from complacency and secure +inanity, but in the form of electrically connected lyddite stores and +gasoline bombs it drives those who believe in a supernation to a +literal interpretation of the above widely popular philosophy. And, as +demonstrated at Louvain and Rheims, it goes far to obliterate the +memorials of a past which Nietzsche thought so contemptible a check upon +the prowess of the "blonde Bestie" as he progressed toward--toward the +superman. + +It was wide of the mark, therefore, to attribute that which bears the +stamp "made in Germany" to England. Bernhardi and the Crown Prince with +their thousands of officers and the multitudes in the ranks to whom +Nietzsche has become an inspiring motive are not to be construed as +English surely. Nor does the English "culture," so far as the present +writer is informed, contain a superman, unless it be Bernard Shaw! +English people have to import "beyond good and evil" philosophy, and as +historians of thought Profs. Eucken and Haeckel must know that it has +never had a foothold there. Had it been "brutal national egoism, knowing +no rights of others," which motivated Britain, she would not now have +gone to war--in order that she might profit finally by the inevitable +exhaustion of the Continent. And having taken the clear stand she has, +what but good-will and the consciousness of a just cause brought support +and sacrifice from the hands and lives of her grateful peoples all over +the earth? Would brutality have done it? The same question might be +asked concerning France's empire from which she derives chiefly the +consciousness of an extending civilization. + + +The Claims of German Culture. + +A word more should be added concerning the condescending tone generally +of the exponents of German culture and more specifically that of the +distinguished writers of the circular letter. They had up to the present +continued to hope for growth in English literary and scientific +development. Before this dismal egoism got the upper hand the English +people really and truly possessed some noble traits and so forth. As for +Russian culture, supposedly including its science and literature, music, +architecture and the rest, it is all effaced by a single "barbarism"! +The implication of such an attitude and such words is that the Kremlin +or Rheims, Shakespeare and Rembrandt, Michaelangelo, Darwin, Spinoza and +the treasures of Louvain might be easily paralleled or surpassed by +German cathedrals, German sculpture, German paintings, German literature +and so forth. It is not our present purpose to dispute the claim, but +only to remind the Teutons that in France and Belgium they have declared +war, not indeed upon supermen, but upon many gentlemen and some worthy +fruits of their spirits, and that they have destroyed much which +formerly enriched the life of the world. + +It is the claim of some objective German writers that a modicum of +modesty would prove the most substantial contribution to Teutonic +civilization. Defeat of German arms might, therefore, prove a blessing +to the self-lauded culture as well as call a halt to the brutal science +of Krupps. As instances of authors mentioned above, a passage from the +lamented Friedrich Paulsen's "System der Ethic" (Page 582) may, justly, +be cited: "Insolence still continues to impress the average German. The +spirit of English scientific intercourse forms a highly pleasing +contrast to the German habit. Take such writers as Mill and Darwin; they +speak to the reader as though he did them a favor by listening to them, +and whenever they enter upon a controversy, they do it in a manner +which expresses respect and a desire for mutual understanding. The +German scholar believes that it will detract from the respect due him if +he does not assume a tone of condescension or overbearing censure. +Examine the first scientific journal you may happen to pick up; even the +smallest anonymous announcement breathes the air of infinite +superiority." + +A second passage is quoted from the great work of Wilhelm Scherer, +"Geschichte der Deutschen Litteratur" (Pages 20-21): "Recklessness seems +to be the curse of our spiritual development ... obstinacy in good and +in evil. Beauty we have not often served, nor long at a time." These +are, of course, not the judgments of the present writer. + +Conviction does not flow from the argument concerning England's brutal +egoism and reckless immorality under the cloak of sanctimoniousness; nor +is there strength in the appeal for Teuton culture. All has the tone of +special pleading and makes doubly significant a sentence from Nietzsche +when he pleads for an overcoming of our ideals of veracity: "'I have +done this thing,' says my memory, 'I could not have done this thing,' +says my pride and remains inexorable. Finally memory yields." ("Beyond +Good and Evil," Page 94.) + +JOHN WARBEKE. + +Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Sept. 23, 1914. + +[Illustration: BRANDER MATTHEWS + +_(Photo by Brown Bros.)_ + +_See Page 541_] + +[Illustration: NEWELL DWIGHT HILL + +_See Page 573_] + + + + +Concerning German Culture + +By Brander Matthews. + + Professor of Dramatic Literature at Columbia University; + author of many works on literature and the development of the + drama. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +In the earnest and sincere appeals of various distinguished Germans, +Prof. Eucken, Prof. Haeckel, and the several authors of "The Truth About +Germany," we find frequent references to "German culture" as though it +was of a superior quality to the culture of every other nationality; and +we seem to perceive also a sustaining belief that Germany is not only +the defender of civilization, but its foremost exponent. We have no +right to question the good faith of scholars of the high character of +Eucken and Haeckel; and we cannot doubt their being honestly possessed +of the conviction that Germany is the supreme example of a highly +civilized State and the undisputed leader in the arts and sciences which +represent culture. It is plain that these German writers take this for +granted and that they would be indignantly surprised if it should be +questioned. + +To an American who feels himself a sharer of the noble heritage of +English literature, and who has sat for more than forty years at the +feet of the masters of French literature, this claim cannot but come as +a startling surprise. + +The most obvious characteristic of a highly civilized man is his +willingness to keep his word, at whatever cost to himself. For reasons +satisfactory to itself, Germany broke its pledge to respect the +neutrality of Luxemburg and of Belgium. It is another characteristic of +civilization to cherish the works of art which have been bequeathed to +us by the past. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany destroyed +Louvain, more or less completely. It is a final characteristic of +civilized man to be humane and to refrain from ill-treating the +blameless. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany dropped bombs in +the unbesieged City of Antwerp and caused the death of innocent women +and children. Here are three instances where German culture has been +tested and found wanting. + + +The Standard Bearer of Culture. + +But it may be urged that war has its own exigencies and that these three +instances of uncivilized conduct partook of the nature of military +necessities. Turning from the outrages of war to the triumphs of peace, +let us make a disinterested attempt to find out just what foundation +there may be for the implicit assertion that Germany is the standard +bearer of civilization. + +Perhaps it is too petty to point out that manners are the outward and +visible sign of civilization, and that in this respect the Germans have +not yet attained to the standard set by the French and the English. But +it is not insignificant to record that the Germans alone retain a +barbaric mediaeval alphabet, while the rest of Western Europe has +adopted the more legible and more graceful Roman letter; and it is not +unimportant to note that German press style is cumbrous and uncouth. +Taken collectively, these things seem to show German culture is a little +lacking in the social instinct, the desire to make things easy and +pleasant for others. It is this social instinct which is the dominating +influence in French civilization and which has given to French +civilization its incomparable urbanity and amenity. It is to the absence +of this social instinct, to the inability to understand the attitude of +other parties to a discussion, to the unwillingness to appreciate their +point of view, that we may ascribe the failure of German diplomacy, a +failure which has left her almost without a friend in her hour of need. +And success in diplomacy is one of the supreme tests of civilization. + +The claim asserted explicity or implicitly in behalf of German culture +seems to be based on the belief that the Germans are leaders in the arts +and in the sciences. So far as the art of war is concerned there is no +need today to dispute the German claim. It is to the preparation for war +that Prussia has devoted its utmost energy for half a century--in fact, +ever since Bismarck began to make ready for the seizing of unwilling +Schleswig-Holstein. And so far as the art of music is concerned there is +also no need to cavil. + +But what about the other and more purely intellectual arts? How many are +the contemporary painters and sculptors and architects of Germany who +have succeeded in winning the cosmopolitan reputation which has been the +reward of a score of the artists of France and of half a dozen of the +artists of America? + + +Since Goethe, Who? + +When we consider the art of letters we find a similar condition. Germany +has had philosophers and historians of high rank; but in pure +literature, in what used to be called "belles-lettres," from the death +of Goethe in 1832 to the advent of the younger generation of dramatists, +Sudermann and Hauptmann and the rest, in the final decade of the +nineteenth century--that is to say, for a period of nearly sixty +years--only one German author succeeded in winning a worldwide +celebrity--and Heine was a Hebrew, who died in Paris, out of favor with +his countrymen, perhaps because he had been unceasing in calling +attention to the deficiencies of German culture. There were in Germany +many writers who appealed strongly to their fellow-countrymen, but +except only the solitary Heine no German writer attained to the +international fame achieved by Cooper and by Poe, by Walt Whitman and by +Mark Twain. And it was during these threescore years of literary aridity +in Germany that there was a superb literary fecundity in Great Britain +and in France, and that each of these countries produced at least a +score of authors whose names are known throughout the world. Even +sparsely settled Scandinavia brought forth a triumvirate, Bjoernsen, +Ibsen, and Brandes, without compeers in Germany. And from Russia the +fame of Turgenef and of Tolstoy spread abroad a knowledge of the heart +and mind of a great people who are denounced by Germans as barbarous. + +It is probably in the field of science, pure and applied, that the +defenders of the supremacy of German culture would take their last +stand. That the German contribution to science has been important is +indisputable; yet it is equally indisputable that the two dominating +scientific leaders of the second half of the nineteenth century are +Darwin and Pasteur. It is in chemistry that the Germans have been +pioneers; yet the greatest of modern chemists is Mendeleef. It was Hertz +who made the discovery which is the foundation of Marconi's invention; +but although not a few valuable discoveries are to be credited to the +Germans, perhaps almost as many as to either the French or the British, +the German contribution in the field of invention, in the practical +application of scientific discovery, has been less than that of France, +less than that of Great Britain, and less than that of the United +States. The Germans contributed little or nothing to the development of +the railroad, the steamboat, the automobile, the aeroplane, the +telegraph, the telephone, the phonograph, the photograph, the moving +picture, the electric light, the sewing machine, and the reaper and +binder. Even those dread instruments of war, the revolver and the +machine gun, the turreted ship, the torpedo, and the submarine, are not +due to the military ardor of the Germans. It would seem as though the +Germans had been lacking in the inventiveness which is so marked a +feature of our modern civilization. + +In this inquiry there has been no desire to deny the value of the German +contributions to the arts and to the sciences. These contributions are +known to all; they speak for themselves; they redound to the honor of +German culture; and for them, whatever may be their number, the other +nations of the world are eternally indebted to Germany. But these German +contributions are neither important enough nor numerous enough to +justify the assumption that German culture is superior or that Germany +is entitled to think herself the supreme leader of the arts and of the +sciences. No one nation can claim this lofty position, although few +would be so bold as to deny the superior achievement of the French in +the fine arts and of the English in pure science. + +Nations are never accepted by other nations at their own valuation; and +the Germans need not be surprised that we are now astonished to find +them asserting their natural self-appreciation, with the apparent +expectation that it will pass unchallenged. The world owes a debt to +modern Germany beyond all question, but this is far less than the debt +owed to England and to France. It would be interesting if some German, +speaking with authority, should now be moved to explain to us Americans +the reasons which underlie the insistent assertion of the superiority of +German civilization. Within the past few weeks we have been forced to +gaze at certain of the less pleasant aspects of the German character; +and we have been made to see that the militarism of the Germans is in +absolute contradiction to the preaching and to the practice of the great +Goethe, to whom they proudly point as the ultimate representative of +German culture. + +BRANDER MATTHEWS. + +Columbia University in the City of New York, Sept. 18, 1914. + + + + +Culture vs. Kultur + +By Frank Jewett Mather, Jr. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Current discussion of the worth of German culture has been almost +hopelessly clouded by the fact that when a German speaks of Kultur he +means an entirely different thing from what a Latin or Briton means by +culture. Kultur means the organized efficiency of a nation in the +broadest sense--its successful achievement in civil and military +administration, industry, commerce, finance, and in a quite secondary +way in scholarship, letters, and art. Kultur applies to a nation as a +whole, implying an enlightened Government to which the individual is +strictly subordinated. Thus Kultur is an attribute not of +individuals--whose particular interests, on the contrary, must often be +sacrificed to it--but of nations. + +Culture, for which nearest German equivalent is Bildung, is the opposite +of all this. It is an attribute not of nations as a whole but of +accomplished individuals. It acquires national import only through the +approval and admiration of these individuals by the rest, who share but +slightly in the culture they applaud. The aim of culture is the +enlightened and humane individual, conversant with the best values of +the past and sensitive to the best values of the present. The +open-mindedness and imagination implied in culture are potentially +destructive to a highly organized national Kultur. A cultured leader is +generally too much alive to the point of view of his rival to be a +wholly convinced partisan. Hence he lacks the intensity, drive, and +narrowness that make for competitive success. He keeps his place in the +sun not by masterfully overriding others, but by a series of delicate +compromises which reconcile the apparently conflicting claims. Moreover, +he has too great a respect for the differences between men's gifts to +formulate any rigid plan which, requires for its execution a strictly +regimented humanity. He will sacrifice a little efficiency that life may +be more various, rich, and delightful. + +Hence nations with cultured leaders have generally been beaten by those +whose leaders had merely Kultur. The Spartans and Macedonians had +abundant Kultur; they generally beat the Athenians, who had merely very +high culture. The Romans had Kultur, and the Hellenistic world wore +their yoke. Germany unquestionably has admirable Kultur, and none of the +mere cultured nations who are leagued against her could hope to beat her +singly. + + +She Does Not Desire Culture. + +On the other hand, Germany has singularly little culture, has less than +she had a hundred years ago, does not apparently desire it. She has +willingly sacrificed the culture of a few leading individuals to the +Kultur of the empire as a whole. Thus it is not surprising that Germany, +as measured by the production of cultured individuals, takes a very low +place today. Not only France and England, Italy and Spain, but also +Russia and America, may fairly claim a higher degree of culture. Here +the fetich of German scholarship should not deceive us. Culture--a +balanced and humanized state of mind--is only remotely connected with +scholarship or even with education. A Spanish peasant or an Italian +waiter may have finer culture than a German university professor. And in +the field of scholarship, Germany is in the main chiefly laborious, +accurate, and small-minded. Her scholarship is related not to culture, +but is a minor expression of Kultur. Such scholarly men of letters as +Darwin, Huxley, Renan, Taine, Boissier, Gaston Paris, Menendez y Pelayo, +Francis J. Child, Germany used to produce in the days of the Grimms and +Schlegels. She rarely does so now. Her culture has been swallowed up in +her Kultur. + +The claim of Germany to realize her Kultur at the expense of her +neighbors is at first sight plausible. Her Kultur is unquestionably +higher than theirs. She has a sharply realized idea of the State, and +she has justified it largely in practice. In a certain patience, +thoroughness, and perfection of political organization her pre-eminence +is unquestionable. The tone of her apologists shows amazement and +indignation over the fact that the world, so far from welcoming the +extension of German Kultur, is actively hostile to that ambition. Yet, +even if it be conceded that Germany's Kultur is wholly good for +herself--surely a debatable proposition--it does not follow that it is +or would be a universal benefit. Nations may deliberately and +legitimately prefer their culture, with its admitted disadvantages, to +the Kultur which pleases Germany. England is often mocked for the way in +which she "muddles through" successive perils, yet she may feel that the +stereotyping of her people in a rigid administrative frame might be too +high a price to pay for constant preparedness. As for us Americans, we +have made a virtue, perhaps overdone it, of avoiding a mechanical +Kultur. We prefer the greatest freedom for the individual to the +perfectly regimented state. We will move toward culture and cheerfully +assume the necessary risks of the process. + + +Unlovely and Impressive. + +In a broader view, the war may be regarded as a contest between the +metallic, half-mechanical Kultur of Prussianized Germany and the more +flexible civilizations of States that have inherited culture or aspire +to it. Germany herself has rejected the humane and somewhat hazardous +ideal of culture, so she cannot wonder or complain when she sees that +the culture of the world is almost unanimously hostile to her. There is +no quarrel with German Kultur itself; merely a feeling that it has its +drawbacks, that it is, on the whole, as unlovely as it is impressive, +that there is quite enough of it in the world already, and that its +broad extension would be disastrous. + +Meanwhile the nations of culture have much to learn from Germany's +Kultur. Flexibility may mean weakness. The United States, for example, +could well have a standing army and an army reserve commensurate with +its history and prospects without incurring any danger of militarism. +There is, finally, some disadvantage in being merely a culture nation, +for such a nation can add a large measure of Kultur without belying +itself. On the contrary, so highly developed a Kultur nation as the +German Empire puts itself in a position where it is almost impossible to +acquire any considerable degree of culture. Culture is the enemy of such +a state--it must remain in the Spartan or Macedonian stage. Rome began +to decline as soon as Hellenistic culture got the ascendency over the +old Latin Kultur. Kultur, in short, galvanizes; culture liberates. A +survey of modern Germany hardly warrants a desire for her world +dominion. + +If any reader is still unclear about the distinction between culture and +Kultur, let him examine his most-gifted friends as to their sympathies +in the present war, choosing, of course, persons who have no racial +reasons for taking sides. Almost without exception he will find they +fall into two sharply defined classes. The mental characteristics of his +pro-German friends will pretty certainly illustrate Kultur quite +concretely, while he may read the meaning of culture in his more-gifted +friends who favor the Allies. + +FRANK JEWETT MATHER, Jr. + +Princeton, Nov. 6, 1914. + + + + +The Trespass in Belgium + +By John Grier Hibben. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Some time ago I received with many others an appeal "To the Civilized +World!" from certain distinguished representatives of German science and +art. I at once wrote to Prof. Eucken, whom I know, and who is one of the +signers of this document. I wished to draw his attention particularly to +the second statement of this appeal, which is as follows: + + It is not true that we trespassed in neutral Belgium. It has + been proved that France and England had resolved on such a + trespass, and it has likewise been proved that Belgium had + agreed to their doing so, + +and I stated to him that "It is naturally to be expected of a group of +scholars that where reference is made to proof, some citation should be +given both of the sources of the proof and of its nature. I am sure you +will agree with me that it is of the very essence of scholarly method in +the treatment of any subject whatsoever that one should cite his +authority as regards every important and significant statement that is +made. No one of the distinguished group of scholars signing their names +to this letter would think of writing an article in his own specialty +and not add in the text or in a footnote the complete list of +authorities for his several assertions. + +"In your appeal, however, the most important statement by far which you +make, and the one bearing most intimately upon the honor and integrity +of your nation, is left without even the attempt to support it, save the +bare assertion by you and your colleagues. In the interests of a fair +understanding of Germany's position, I feel that it is incumbent upon +you to give us who are under such a deep debt of gratitude to German +scholarship in our own lives the opportunity of a full knowledge of all +the facts which definitely bear upon this present situation." + +At the time of writing Prof. Eucken, I also wrote to a friend of mine, +Dr. A.E. Shipley, the Master of Christ's College, Cambridge, England, +asking him if he could get for me some authoritative statement from the +British Foreign Office concerning the assertion that "it has been proved +that France and England had resolved on such a trespass, and it has +likewise been proved that Belgium had agreed to their doing so." I have +just received a letter from Mr. Shipley, stating that Lord Haldane had +prepared a statement in answer to this question. Thinking that your +readers would be interested in seeing this, I am sending it to you. +Faithfully yours, + +JOHN GRIER HIBBEN. + +Princeton, N.J., Nov. 24, 1914. + + * * * * * + + _(Inclosure from Lord Haldane to the Master of Christ's + College, Cambridge.)_ + + 10 Downing St., Whitehall, S.W., Nov. 14. + + Dear Master of Christ's: The inclosed memoranda have been + specially prepared for me by the Foreign Office in answer to + your question. Yours truly, + + HALDANE. + + * * * * * + + (MEMORANDUM.) + + It is quite untrue that the British Government had ever + arranged with Belgium to trespass on her country in case of + war, or that Belgium had agreed to this. The strategic + dispositions of Germany, especially as regards railways, have + for some years given rise to the apprehension that Germany + would attack France through Belgium. Whatever military + discussions have taken place before this war have been limited + entirely to the suggestion of what could be done to defend + France if Germany attacked her through Belgium. + + The Germans have stated that we contemplated sending troops to + Belgium. We had never committed ourselves at all to the + sending of troops to the Continent, and we had never + contemplated the possibility of sending troops to Belgium to + attack Germany. + + The Germans have stated that British military stores had been + placed at Maubeuge, a French fortress near the Belgian + frontier, before the outbreak of the war, and that this is + evidence of an intention to attack Germany through Belgium. No + British soldiers and no British stores were landed on the + Continent till after Germany had invaded Belgium and Belgium + had appealed to France and England for assistance. It was only + after this appeal that British troops were sent to France; + and, if the Germans found British munitions of war in + Maubeuge, these munitions were sent with our expedition to + France after the outbreak of the war. The idea of violating + the neutrality of Belgium was never discussed or contemplated + by the British Government. + + The extract inclosed, which is taken from an official + publication of the Belgian Government, and the extract from an + official statement by the Belgian Minister of War, prove that + the Belgian Government had never connived, or been willing to + connive, at the breach of the treaty that made the maintenance + of Belgian neutrality an international obligation. The moment + that there appeared to be danger that this treaty might be + violated the British Government made an appeal for an + assurance from both France and Germany, as had been done in + 1870 by Mr. Gladstone, that neither of those countries would + violate the neutrality of Belgium if the other country + respected it. The French agreed, the Germans declined to + agree. The appeal made by the British Government is to be + found in our first "White Paper" after the outbreak of the + war. + + The reason why Germany would not agree was stated very frankly + by Herr von Jagow, the German Minister for Foreign Affairs, to + Sir Edward Goschen, our Ambassador in Berlin; and it is + recorded in the second "White Paper" that we published. The + attitude of the British Government throughout has been to + endeavor to preserve the neutrality of Belgium, and we never + thought of sending troops to Belgium until Germany had invaded + it and Belgium had appealed for assistance to maintain the + international treaty. + + We have known for some years past that in Holland, in Denmark, + and in Norway the Germans have inspired the apprehension that, + if England was at war with Germany, England would violate the + neutrality of those countries and seize some of their harbors. + This allegation is as baseless as the allegation about our + intention to violate the neutrality of Belgium, and events + have shown it to be so. But it seems to be a rule with Germany + to attribute to others the designs that she herself + entertains; as it is clear now that, for some long time past, + it has been a settled part of her strategic plans to attack + France through Belgium. A statement is inclosed, which was + issued by us on Oct. 14 last, dealing with this point. + + This memorandum and its inclosures should provide ample + material for a reply to the German statements. + + Foreign Office, Nov. 9, 1914. + + * * * * * + +Belgian Official Denials. + +Here is inclosed a copy of the note of Aug. 3 sent by M. Davignon, +Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Herr von Below Saleske, the +German Minister at Brussels, included in the Belgian "Gray Paper," and +printed in full in THE NEW YORK TIMES of Oct. 18 and reprinted in THE +TIMES'S pamphlet of the war's diplomatic papers. This is the note +expressing the "profound and painful surprise" caused to King Albert's +Government by the German invitation to it to abandon Belgian neutrality +and denying that France had, as alleged by Germany, manifested any such +intention. + +A second inclosure gives this clipping from The London Times of Sept. +30: + + OFFICIAL STATEMENT. + + The German press has been attempting to persuade the public + that if Germany herself had not violated Belgian neutrality, + France or Great Britain would have done so. It has declared + that French and British troops had marched into Belgium before + the outbreak of war. We have received from the Belgian + Minister of War an official statement which denies absolutely + these allegations. It declares, on the one hand, that "before + Aug. 3 not a single French soldier had set foot on Belgian + territory," and, again, "it is untrue that on Aug. 4 there was + a single English soldier in Belgium." It adds: + + "For long past Great Britain knew that the Belgian Army would + oppose by force a 'preventive' disembarkation of British + troops in Belgium. The Belgian Government did not hesitate at + the time of the Agadir crisis to warn foreign Ambassadors, in + terms which could not be misunderstood, of its formal + intention to compel respect for the neutrality of Belgium by + every means at its disposal, and against attempts upon it from + any and every quarter." + + +The "Agreement" of 1903. + +The third inclosure is this British official communique: + + 14 October, 1914. + + The story of an alleged Anglo-Belgian agreement of 1906 + published in the German press, and based on documents said to + have been found at Brussels, is only a fresh edition of a + story which has been reproduced in various forms and denied + on several occasions. No such agreement has ever existed. + + As the Germans well know, Gen. Grierson is dead and Col. (now + Gen.) Barnardiston is commanding the British forces before + Tsing-tau. In 1906 Gen. Grierson was on the General Staff at + the War Office, and Col. Barnardiston was Military Attache at + Brussels. In view of the solemn guarantee given by Great + Britain to protect the neutrality of Belgium against violation + from any side, some academic discussions may, through the + instrumentality of Col. Barnardiston, have taken place between + Gen. Grierson and the Belgian military authorities as to what + assistance the British Army might be able to afford to Belgium + should one of her neighbors violate that neutrality. Some + notes with reference to the subject may exist in the archives + at Brussels. + + It should be noted that the date mentioned, namely, 1906, was + the year following that in which Germany had, as in 1911, + adopted a threatening attitude toward France with regard to + Morocco, and, in view of the apprehensions existing of an + attack on France through Belgium, it was natural that possible + eventualities should be discussed. + + The impossibility of Belgium having been a party to any + agreement of the nature indicated or to any design for the + violation of Belgian neutrality is clearly shown by the + reiterated declarations that she has made for many years past + that she would resist to the utmost any violation of her + neutrality from whatever quarter and in whatever form such + violation might come. + + It is worthy of attention that these charges of aggressive + designs on the part of other powers are made by Germany, who, + since 1906, has established an elaborate network of + strategical railways leading from the Rhine to the Belgian + frontier through a barren, thinly populated tract, + deliberately constructed to permit of the sudden attack upon + Belgium, which was carried out two months ago. + + + + +Apportioning the Blame + +By Arthur v. Briesen. + + Of the law firm of Briesen & Knauth; Doctor of Laws, New York + University; philanthropist; has served the American public as + head of important civic bodies and Governmental commissions. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Having been requested by you to express my views with reference to the +war which is now lacerating Europe, I take pleasure to comply with your +desire. + +As an American citizen I am, of course, under obligations to be neutral +and to send no ammunition to either belligerent. At the same time the +German blood in my veins naturally causes me to sympathize with Germany +in this conflict. But even if we leave out of consideration any matter +of sympathy, if we look upon the situation in an entirely unbiased +spirit, the conclusion which I propose to lay before you appears to be +irresistible. + +The questions that seem to have agitated the American public mostly in +connection with this awful conflict have been: + + _First_--Who is to blame for bringing about this war, and, + + _Second_--Assuming that Germany was not to blame for beginning + the war, is she to blame for violating the neutrality of + Belgium? + +If we should find the fault regarding the first question to lie +primarily with England and secondarily with Russia, we should at once +clear the German people and their Government from the charge that has +heretofore been brought against them for having incited the war. And if +we should find that the neutrality of Belgium was not binding upon any +country whose existence or whose interests were threatened by other +countries, that fact would then absolve either country from a charge +which thus far seems to have been brought against one of them. + +_How was the war brought about?_ As far back as 1906 it is known, and +can be proved by the files of New York papers, to say nothing of +official correspondence now found in Brussels and elsewhere, that +measures were started by England to circumscribe or isolate the German +Empire, and treaties were entered between England, France, and Russia +(the Triple Entente) to insure joint action against Germany when +necessary. + +Germany herself has been peaceful, progressive, and anxious to retain +her position as a nation undisturbed by others, as a nation that should +advance in art, in science, in population, and in all things that make +happiness through peace. What was the situation in other countries? + +Since 1870 _France_ had cried for revenge (_revanche_). Its school +books, newspapers, public speakers, and political leaders were all +charged with the one great idea of seeking revenge against Germany for +having retaken Alsace and Lorraine in 1870, which France had wrongfully +occupied since the time of Louis XIV. Alsace and Lorraine had been +German for centuries before; they were wrested from Germany without even +a semblance of an excuse at the close of the seventeenth century, and +were largely German in language and in spirit in 1870. Goethe's studies +in Strassburg and his visits to Frederica von Sesenheim in the +eighteenth century show that he was living in a German country whenever +he was in Alsace. A _united_ Germany did not exist prior to 1870. +However, the cry for revenge was there, and France distinctly declared +it to be her policy to take her revenge as soon as opportunity offered. +France was, therefore, a pronounced enemy of Germany ever since 1870, +and when asked by the German Government on July 31, 1914, whether she +would remain neutral in a Russian-German war (Annex 25, German "White +Paper") she answered: "France would do that which might be required of +her _by her interests_." This answer was given on Aug. 1, 1914, (Annex +27, German "White Paper.") Today we may well ask France whether, since +Aug. 1, 1914, she has done that which was required by her interests. + +_Russia_ may next be looked at. How did Russia become involved in this +contest? The little kingdom of Servia, which had familiarized itself +with the fine art of disposing of crowned heads by throwing its King and +Queen, Alexandra and Draga, out of the window of their castle, caused +through its officials and its followers to have the heir to the Austrian +throne and his wife cruelly assassinated on June 28, 1914. This +assassination was an act of enmity toward Austria and a step toward the +enlargement of Servia. Deeming her existence threatened and her national +dignity offended, Austria sent a rather sharp demand under date of July +23, 1914, to Servia, requiring prompt and thorough satisfaction for the +gross attack made upon her and her reigning family through Servia's +official directions. + +Strange to say, however, the British "White Book" shows that three days +before, on July 20, 1914, Sir Edward Grey, (Paper 1, British "White +Book,") wrote to Sir E. Goschen, British Ambassador at Berlin, a letter +in which he states: + + In fact, the more Austria could keep her demand within + reasonable limits, and the stronger the justification she + could produce for making any demand, the more chance there + would be of smoothing things over. _I hated the idea of a war + between any of the great powers_, and that any of them should + be dragged into a war by Servia would be detestable. + +On July 24, 1914, the Austrian message to Servia became known to all +countries, and on the same day Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador +at St. Petersburg, wrote that he had been asked by Mr. Sazonof, Russian +Minister of Foreign Affairs, to meet him at the French Embassy to +discuss matters, as Austria's step clearly meant that war was imminent. +He wrote that Mr. Sazonof expressed himself as follows (British Paper +6): + + He hoped that his Majesty's Government would not fail to + _proclaim their solidarity with Russia and France_. The French + Ambassador gave me to understand that France would fulfill all + the obligations entailed by her alliance with Russia, if + necessity arose, besides supporting Russia strongly in any + diplomatic negotiations. + +Later, on July 29, 1914, Sir George Buchanan wrote to Sir Edward Grey +(Paper 72, English "White Book") as follows: + + I made it clear to his Excellency that, _Russia being + thoroughly in earnest, a general war could not be averted_ if + Servia were attacked by Austria. + +Sir George Buchanan would not have said that if he had not been +authorized to do so. He would not have said a "general war could not be +averted if Servia were attacked by Austria"; and by "general war" he +meant, and we all understand he meant, a war between England, France, +and Russia on one side and Germany and Austria on the other. + +Servia's reply to the demand of Austria, which was dated July 25, 1914, +not being deemed satisfactory, Austria proceeded to a punitive +expedition against Servia, and she repeatedly asserted and assured all +the other powers that the expedition was merely punitive and that +neither the independence nor the territorial integrity of Servia were at +all involved or in any danger. + +But all this had no effect upon Russia. In fact, when Russia was first +informed of the Austrian demand (Annex 4, German "White Book") Minister +of Foreign Affairs Sazonof made wild complaints on _July_ 24, 1914, +against Austria-Hungary. What he said most definitely was this: + + _That Russia could not possibly permit the Servian-Austrian + dispute to be confined to the parties concerned._ + +This was the keynote of the Russian situation and of the Russian +intention. Russia wanted, of course, to expand its realm as far +westward as possible, and it wanted to take advantage of the opportunity +offered by the necessary consequences of the dreadful insult and cruelty +practiced by Servia on Austria, not only to prevent the punishment of +Servia, but also to proceed against Germany, for, as Paper 4 says: +"Russia could not possibly permit the Servian-Austrian dispute to be +_confined_ to the parties concerned." + +Who, then, was to blame for not allowing the war to be confined, for not +permitting Austria to punish the murderers of her King, but utilizing +this opportunity for the purpose of bringing about the great war which +Russia and France had carefully prepared long ago? The great war which +should involve all the civilized nations in a conflict, and threaten to +extinguish Austria and to carry barbarism into the heart of Europe! She +_did_ not permit the Servian-Austrian dispute to be confined to the +parties concerned. + +Again, in Paper 56, (English "White Book,") we find the English +Ambassador to Austria writing to Sir Edward Grey on July 27, 1914, the +following: + + If actual war broke out with Servia it would be _impossible_ + to localize it, for _Russia_ was not prepared to give way + again. + +Again, in Paper 72, (English "White Book,") dated July 28, 1914, from +the English Ambassador in Russia to Sir Edward Grey: + + I made it clear to his Excellency (German Ambassador) that, + _Russia being thoroughly in earnest_, a general war could not + be averted if Servia were attacked by Austria. + +Paper 121, (English "White Book,") British Ambassador in Berlin to Sir +Edward Grey under date of July 31, 1914: + + He (the German Secretary of State) again assured me that both + the Emperor William, at the request of the Emperor of Russia, + and the German Foreign Office had even up till last night been + urging Austria to show willingness to continue + discussions--and telegraphic and telephonic communications + from Vienna had been of a promising nature--_but Russia's + mobilization had spoiled everything_. + +I could repeat, _ad infinitum_, quotations from these books to show +that Russia not only wanted this war if Austria wanted to punish Servia +for her misdeeds, but started it against the protest of Germany, and +started it, I sincerely believe, largely because encouraged by Great +Britain. + +_England_: The letter written by the Belgian Charge at St. Petersburg to +his Government on July 30, 1914, which letter was published in THE NEW +YORK TIMES on Oct. 7, 1914, and which letter, nearly a month before, had +been published abroad and never disavowed by the Belgian Government, +states distinctly on the part of Belgium: + + _What is incontestable is that Germany has striven here, as + well as at Vienna, to find some means of avoiding a general + conflict...._ M. Sazonof, Russian Foreign Minister, has + declared that it would be impossible for Russia not to hold + herself ready and to mobilize, but that these preparations + were not directed against Germany. This morning an official + communique to the newspapers announces that "the reserves have + been called under arms in a certain number of Governments." + Knowing the discreet nature of the official communique one can + without fear assert that _mobilization is going on + everywhere_. + + ... One can truly ask one's self whether the whole world does + not desire war and is trying merely to retard its declaration + a little in order to gain time. England began by allowing it + to be understood that she did not want to be drawn into a + conflict. Sir George Buchanan (British Ambassador) said that + openly. Today one is firmly convinced at St. Petersburg--one + has even the assurance of it--that England will support + France. This support is of enormous weight, and _has + contributed not a little to give the upper hand to the war + party_. + +The German Emperor during these times believed England to be really and +honestly striving to avoid the war; he went so far as to announce in one +of his letters published in the "White Book" that "he had shoulder to +shoulder with England tried to bring about a peaceful solution." It +certainly now appears that all this while England had made her +arrangements with France and with Russia, and had strengthened the war +party in Russia to such an extent that Russia's desire to set Europe +afire was rendered possible. + +_Belgian neutrality._ It is charged that Germany violated an alleged +treaty with Belgium, which treaty is supposed to have guaranteed the +integrity of Belgium. When Germany found her efforts to maintain peace +frustrated, Russian troops having crossed the German frontier on the +afternoon of Aug. 1, while France opened hostilities on Aug. 2, she +announced to Belgium on Aug. 2, 1914, that she found herself under +obligation, to prevent a French attack through Belgium, to pass through +Belgian territory; she expressed her readiness to guarantee the +integrity of the kingdom and its possessions and to pay any damage +caused if Belgium would, in a friendly way, permit such a passage of +troops through it. + +The English "White Book" contains, Paper 151, dated Aug. 3, 1914, which +paper we repeat in full: + +(British Minister to Belgium to Sir Edward Grey.) + + French Government have offered through their Military Attache + the support of five French Army corps to the Belgian + Government. Following reply has been received today: We are + sincerely grateful to the French Government for offering + eventual support. In the actual circumstances, however, _we do + not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers_. Belgian + Government will decide later on the action which they may + think it necessary to take. + +In short, Belgium says in the foregoing notice to France, that she does +not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the powers. + +Was Germany justified in disregarding any previous treaty which related +to Belgium if her interests required her so to do? + +_United States Supreme Court:_ In its unanimous opinion in the Chinese +exclusion cases, reported on Pages 581 to 611 of Vol. 130 of United +States Reports, the Supreme Court of the United States had this very +question before it. A treaty had been entered into by the United States +and China, allowing Chinese subjects the right to visit and reside in +the United States and to there enjoy the same privileges that are +enjoyed by citizens of the United States. After that treaty an act of +Congress was passed in violation of the treaty, providing it to be +unlawful thereafter for Chinese laborers to enter the United States. The +question was, whether we had the right to violate a treaty solemnly +entered into with another country? On this subject the court said (Page +600): + + The effect of legislation upon conflicting treaty stipulations + was elaborately considered in THE HEAD MONEY CASES, and it was + there adjudged: "that so far as a treaty made by the United + States with any foreign nation can become the subject of + judicial cognizance in the courts of this country, it is + subject to such acts as Congress may pass for its enforcement, + modification, or repeal," 112 U.S. 580, 599. This doctrine was + affirmed and followed in WHITNEY v. ROBERTSON, 124 U.S. 190, + 195. It will not be presumed that the legislative department + of the Government will lightly pass laws which are in conflict + with the treaties of the country; _but that circumstances may + arise which would not only justify the Government in + disregarding their stipulations, but demand in the interests + of the country that it should do so, there can be no question. + Unexpected events may call for a change in the policy of the + country._ + +In the same opinion the Supreme Court calls attention to an act passed +in 1798, declaring that the United States were freed and exonerated from +the stipulations of previous treaties with France. This subject was +fully considered by Justice Curtis, who held, as the Supreme Court says +(Page 602): "That whilst it would always be a matter of the utmost +gravity and delicacy to refuse to execute a treaty, the power to do so +was a prerogative of which no nation could be deprived without deeply +affecting its independence." + +We observe, therefore, that under our own ideas of international law the +United States claims the right to disregard its stipulations if the +interests of the country should require it. And the same right we should +concede to other nations. Particularly to Germany in the present +instance, when we find her battling for her very existence against +enemies that seek to destroy her, against enemies that surround her on +all sides, against enemies that do not hesitate to bring troops into the +conflict from the wilds of Africa and Asia, and who do not hesitate to +drag Japan into this war, causing her to disregard Chinese neutrality in +her effort to capture a small settlement, lawfully occupied in China by +a handful of German soldiers. + +In this connection I quote the British sentiment, as expressed by +Gladstone regarding Belgium neutrality in the year 1870: + + But I am not able to subscribe to the doctrine of those who + have held in this House, what plainly amounts to the assertion + that the simple fact of the existence of a guarantee is + binding to every party to it, irrespective altogether of the + particular position in which it may find itself at the time + when the occasion for _acting on the question arises_. + +This shows that England herself reserved the right, whenever her +interests required her to do so, to act in violation of the treaty with +Belgium. That, at least, is my understanding of Gladstone's language. +England did not respect Danish neutrality a hundred years ago, when she +destroyed the Danish fleet at Copenhagen because her interests required, +and England does not now, through its Asiatic ally, and directly, +respect Chinese neutrality, claiming the right primarily to consult her +own interests. Should this right, asserted by our own Supreme Court, and +actually assumed by England and Japan, be denied to Germany? Finally, I +understand that The Hague Conference of 1907 drafted a convention which +reads: + + The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. Belligerents + are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either munitions of + war or supplies across the territory of a neutral power. Great + Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy refused to sign + it and did not sign it. Russia was not represented. + +MILITARISM. There is one more subject which many people in this country +have failed to understand, and that is the matter of militarism. German +militarism is supposed to be something dreadful, and many good people +believe that it would be a great advance toward eternal peace if that +militarism could be wiped out. Well, now, let us see. + +If Germany did not require every one of her sons to spend a year, or at +most two years, in the army, and if she had not provided for all these +men sufficient arms and accoutrements for immediate use in case of war, +what would have happened when Russia entered her territory, or when +France came on a like errand? + +Any one who lives among enemies is expected to be sufficiently prepared +to defend himself should they attack him, be he ever so peaceful. + +At the time the United States of America was born there was no such +thing as Germany. Every country around it had a slice of it. Napoleon +took the larger western part of Germany as his property, England held +Hanover, the former Kingdom of Poland held Saxony, Austria held Silesia, +and so there was no Germany. The Teutonic races had no home in which +they could develop and live without interference by others. To prevent +such interference Germany of all nations needed an army; to prevent +similar interference at sea England of all nations needed a navy. That +great British Navy bears precisely the same relation to the protection +of Great Britain at sea which the German Army bears to the protection of +Germany on land. + +To sum up, what are the countries fighting for? Russia for her +enlargement; she has no grudge whatever against Germany except that it +exists. France for revenge; she has no grudge whatever against Germany +except that she wants revenge for 1870. What grudge has England against +Germany, except that Germany has grown commercially, financially, and +industrially to a position which threatens to crowd England into a +second rank? Jealousy appears to control the English attitude. + +The position apparently assumed by England is best expressed by the King +of England in his telegram to Prince Henry of Prussia, dated July 30, +1914: + + My Government is doing its utmost, suggesting to Russia and + France to _suspend further military preparations_ if Austria + will consent to be satisfied with occupation of Belgrade and + neighboring Servian territory as a hostage for satisfactory + settlement of her demands, other countries meanwhile + suspending their war preparations. Trust William will use his + great influence to induce Austria to accept this proposal, + thus proving that Germany and England are working together to + prevent what would be an international catastrophe. + +On July 31, the very next day, Sir Edward Grey wrote the telegram, No. +111, (English "White Book,") to the British Ambassador at Berlin, in +which we find the following: + + I would undertake to sound St. Petersburg, whether it would be + possible for the four disinterested powers to offer to Austria + that they would undertake to see that she obtained full + satisfaction of her demands on Servia, provided that they did + not impair Servian sovereignty and the integrity of Servian + territory. _As your Excellency is aware, Austria has already + declared her willingness to respect them._ (Established by + Paper 3, July 24, and Paper 5, July 26, German "White Book.") + +Hence, we find that all King George said he wanted had been granted, and +yet England entered into the war. Why? Probably because she thought, as +France had expressed it, that she acted in pursuance of her interests. + +And what is Germany fighting for? Does she want anything from anybody? +She wants to be left alone; she always wanted to be left alone; she +prospered while she was left alone; she grew while she was left alone. +Not being left alone she has to defend herself. Hence, I bespeak for +Germany and for her side fair play, just judgment on behalf of the +American people. + +ARTHUR v. BRIESEN. + +New York, Oct. 17, 1914. + + + + +PARTING. + +By LOUISE VON WETTER. + + + Sodger lad, O sodger lad, + The dawn will see ye marchin'-- + The nicht drag's on--its dark is out + Wi' searchlichts, shiftin', archin'. + + Sodger lad, O sodger lad, + D'ye mind our Summer meetin'? + And noo, ye'll gang. The heather's dead ... + I canna keep frae greetin'. + + Sodger lad, my sodger lad-- + D'ye mind, my time is nearin'? + Alone--alone--wi'out yer hand! + How shall I keep frae fearin'? + + Sodger lad, O sodger lad, + Far, far awa' ye're goin'-- + I'll not dare count the leagues an' days-- + _Gude God! The cocks are crowin'!_ + + Sodger lad, my luve, my dear, + Awake! The morn is grayin'! + E'en tho' my heart drags, sick wi' dread, + I wouldna have ye stayin'. + + + + +French Hate and English Jealousy + +By Kuno Francke. + + +It is easy to see why American public opinion should have condemned by +an overwhelming majority the diplomatic acts of Austria and Hungary +which have been the immediate occasion of the terrific explosion which +now shakes the foundations of the whole civilized world. Austria's break +with Servia and Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality--the one +leading to war between Russia and Germany, the other bringing England +into the fray--must appear to the uninitiated as reckless and +indefensible provocations and as wanton attacks upon the laws of +nations. + +The thoughtful observer, however, should look beyond the immediate +occasion of this world conflict and try to understand its underlying +causes. By doing so he will, I believe, come to the conclusion that +fundamental justice is to be found on the German side, and that Germany +has been forced to fight for her life. + +It is an unquestionable fact that the unification of Germany and the +establishment of a strong German Empire, half a century ago, were +brought about against the bitter opposition of France, and that the +defeat incurred by France in 1870, in her attempt to prevent German +unification, is at the bottom of the constant irritation that has +agitated Europe during the last forty-three years. Germany's policy +toward France during these forty-three years has been one of utmost +restraint and forbearance, and has been dictated by the one desire of +making her forget the loss of the two provinces, German until the +seventeenth century and inhabited by German stock, which were won back +from France in 1870. Whether the acquisition of these provinces was a +fortunate thing for Germany may be doubted. The possession of +Alsace-Lorraine has certainly robbed Germany of the undivided sympathy +of the world, which she otherwise would have had. But it is probably +true that from the military point of view Alsace-Lorraine was needed by +Germany as a bulwark against the repetition of the many wanton French +invasions from which Germany has had to suffer since the time of the +Thirty Years' War and the age of Louis XIV. + + +Sought to Heal the Breach. + +However this may be, Germany has done her best during the last four +decades to heal the wounds struck by her to French national pride. She +abetted French colonial expansion in Cochin-China, Madagascar, Tunis. +She yielded to France her own well-founded claims to political influence +in Morocco. In Alsace-Lorraine itself she introduced an amount of local +self-government and home rule such as England has not accorded even now +to Ireland. While Ireland still is waiting for a Parliament at Dublin, +Strassburg has been for years the seat of the Alsace-Lorraine Diet, a +provincial Parliament based on universal suffrage. And even in spite of +the incessant and inflammatory French propaganda which last year led to +such unhappy counter-strokes as the deplorable Zabern affair, there can +be no reasonable doubt that the people of Alsace-Lorraine have been +gradually settling down to willing co-operation with the German +administration--an administration which insures them order, justice, and +prosperity. Nothing is a clearer indication of the peaceable trend which +affairs have lately taken in Alsace-Lorraine than the fact that the +Nationalists, i.e., French party, in the Strassburg Diet has never been +able to rise above insignificance, and that, on the other hand, a +considerable number of responsible officers in the civil administration, +including the highest Governmental positions, have been occupied by +native Alsatians. + +While Germany has thus repeatedly shown her willingness and desire to +end the ancient feud, France has remained irreconcilable; and +particularly the intellectual class of France cannot escape the charge +that they have persistently and willfully kept alive the flame of +discord. + +It surely cannot be said that the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine is a +vital necessity to France. Without Alsace-Lorraine France has recovered +her prosperity and her prestige in a manner that has been the admiration +of the world. It is a mere illusion to think that the reconquest of +Alsace-Lorraine would add to her glory. It would have been a demand of +patriotism for the intellectual class to combat this illusion. Instead +of this, every French writer, every French scholar, every French orator, +except the Socialists, year in and year out, has been dinning into the +popular ear the one word revenge. + + +France to Blame. + +There can be little doubt that Prof. Gustave Lanson, the distinguished +literary historian, voiced the sentiments of the vast majority of his +countrymen when in a lecture, delivered some years ago at Harvard, he +stated that France could not and would not reorganize the peace of +Frankfurt as a final settlement, and that the one aim of the French +policy of the last forty years had been to force Germany to reopen the +Alsace-Lorraine question. + +If there were people in Germany inclined to overlook or to minimize this +constantly growing menace from France, their eyes must have been opened +when in 1912 the French Government, having previously abolished the +one-year volunteers, raised the duration of active military service for +every Frenchman from two years to three, and, in addition to this, +called out in the Autumn of 1913 the recruits not only of the year whose +turn had come, namely, the recruits born in 1892, but also those born +in 1893. This was a measure nearly identical with mobilization; it was a +measure which clearly showed that France would not delay much longer +striking the deadly blow. For no nation could possibly stand for any +length of time this terrific strain of holding under the colors its +entire male population from the twentieth to the twenty-fourth year. No +wonder that the Paris papers were speaking as long ago as the Summer of +1912 of the regiments stationed in the Eastern Departments as the +"vanguard of our glorious army," and were advocating double pay for +them, as being practically in contact with the enemy. + +The second foe now threatening the destruction of Germany is England. +Can it truly be said that England's hostility has been brought about by +German aggression? True, Germany has built a powerful navy; but so have +Japan, the United States, France, and even Italy. Has England felt any +menace from these? Why, then, is the German Navy singled out as a +specially sinister threat to England? Has German diplomacy during the +last generation been particularly menacing to England? Germany has +acquired some colonies in Africa and in the Far East. But what are +Kamerun and Dar-es-Salaam and Kiao-Chau compared with the colonial +possessions of the other great powers? Where has Germany pursued a +colonial aggressiveness that could in any way be compared with the +British subjugation of the South African republics or the Italian +conquest of Tripoli or the French expansion in Algiers, Tunis, and +Morocco, or the American acquisition of the Philippines? + + +Her Open-Door Policy. + +Wherever Germany has made her influence felt on the globe she has stood +for the principle of the open door. Wherever she has engaged in colonial +enterprises, she has been willing to make compromises with other nations +and to accept their co-operation, notably so in the Bagdad railway +undertaking. And yet, the colonial expansion of every other nation is +hailed by England as "beneficial to mankind," as "work for +civilization"; the slightest attempt of Germany to take part in this +expansion is denounced as "intolerable aggression," as evidence of the +"bullying tendencies of the War Lord." + +What is the reason for this singular unfairness of England toward +Germany, of this incessant attempt to check her and hem her in? Not so +much the existence of a large German Navy as the encroachment upon +English commerce by the rapidly growing commerce of Germany has made +Germany hateful to England. The navy has simply added to this hate of +Germany the dread of Germany. But if there had been no German Navy, and +consequently no dread of Germany, this hate of Germany might have come +to an explosion before now. For the history of the last 300 years proves +that England has habitually considered as her mortal enemy any nation +which dared to contest her commercial and industrial supremacy--first +Spain, then Holland, then France, and now Germany. As long as German +firms, by the manufacture of artificial indigo, keep on ruining the +English importation of indigo from India, and as long as the German +steamship lines keep on outstripping the prestige of the English boats, +there can be no real friendship between England and Germany. Although +England has repeatedly proposed to Germany naval agreements, these +agreements were avowedly meant to perpetuate the overwhelming +preponderance of England's fighting power, so that she would at any +moment be in a position to crush German commercial rivalry for all time. +She apparently thinks that this moment has now come. + +That Germany's third implacable enemy, Russia, is clearly the aggressor, +and not the defender of her own national existence, need hardly be +demonstrated. She poses as the guardian of the Balkan States. But is +there any case on record where Russia has really protected the +independence of smaller neighboring countries? Has she not crushed out +provincial and racial individuality wherever she has extended her power? +Is it not the sole aim of her national policy to Russianize forcibly +every nationality under her sway? + +In Finland she has gone back on her solemnly pledged word to maintain +the Finnish Constitution, and is ruthlessly reducing one of her most +highly developed provinces to the dead level of autocratic rule. In her +Baltic provinces she is trying to destroy, root and branch, whatever +there is left of German culture. Wherever the Russian Church holds +dominion intellectual blight is sure to follow. + +To think, therefore, that Russia would promote the free development of a +number of independent Balkan States under her protectorate is to shut +one's eyes to the whole history of Russian expansion. No, Russian +expansion in the Balkans means nothing less than the extinction of all +local independence and the establishment of Russian despotism from the +Black Sea to the Adriatic. + + +Why Germany Supports Austria. + +Not Russia, but Austria, is the natural protector of the equilibrium +between the existing States on the Balkan Peninsula and their natural +guardian against Russian domination. Austria is their nearest neighbor; +indeed, the possession of Bosnia and Herzegovina makes her a Balkan +State herself. + +Being herself more than half of Slavic stock, she has every reason for +living on good terms with the various Slav kingdoms south of her. Being +herself forced, through the conglomerateness of her population, to +constant compromises in her internal affairs between conflicting +nationalities within her borders, she could not possibly absorb a large +additional amount of foreign territory. She is bound to respect the +existing lines of political demarkation in the Balkans, and her sole +object can be through commercial treaties and tariff legislation to open +up what used to be European Turkey to her trade and her civilizing +influence. + +In this she must clearly be supported by Germany. For only if Austria is +left free to exercise her natural protectorate over the Balkan States +can the passage between Germany and the Near Orient, one of the most +important routes of German commerce, be kept open. + +Russia's unwillingness, then, to allow Austria a free hand in her +dealings with Servia was an open menace to Germany, a challenge which +had to be accepted unless Germany was prepared to abdicate all her +influence in the Near Orient and to allow Russia to override the +legitimate claims and aspirations of her only firm and faithful ally. + +This formidable coalition of the three greatest European powers, +threatening the very existence of Germany, has now been joined by Japan, +openly and boldly for the purpose of snatching from Germany her one +Asiatic possession. + +If any additional proof had been needed to make it clear that, if +Germany wanted to retain the slightest chance of extricating herself +from this worldwide conspiracy against her, she had to strike the first +blow, even at the risk of offending against international good manners, +this stab in the back by Japan would furnish such proof. + + + + +Dr. Sanderson Replies + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +Although I hate to enter into a controversy with Prof. Kuno Francke, who +was once my excellent friend, I cannot refrain from answering his +article which appeared in last Sunday's NEW YORK TIMES. + +How can any one say, in all fairness, that Germany's policy toward +France during the last forty-three years has been one of the utmost +restraint and forbearance, and has been dictated by the one desire to +make her forget the loss of the two provinces? What are the facts? We +know that not once, but again and again, since 1878, Germany has tried +to provoke France into war. We know that on one occasion Queen Victoria +herself threatened the Kaiser with Great Britain's intervention if he +did not desist from his intended attack on France. And to cite only the +two most recent instances, the Agadir affair and the enforced +resignation of the French Premier, Delcasse! Would Germany have +swallowed such insults? + +This may be the German conception of "utmost restraint and forbearance," +but it appeared to the French, as it did to the rest of the world, that +it required their utmost restraint and forbearance to remain calm under +the affronts. + +The fact that Alsace-Lorraine was German up to the seventeenth century, +and inhabited by German stock, cannot be brought forward today, after +more than 200 years, to justify the retaking of those provinces by the +Germans. The whole world would be in a state of continual warfare if +nations claimed provinces or States that belonged to them once upon a +time. Richelieu's idea was that the Rhine was the natural and +geographical frontier between France and Germany, and the war was +undertaken to carry out that plan. Since then the inhabitants have +become French, and the attempts to re-Germanize them have proved futile. +Prof. Francke may well doubt if the acquisition of these provinces was a +fortunate thing for Germany. It was undoubtedly the most unfortunate +thing not only for Germany but for France and the rest of Europe, for it +kept open a wound which might have been healed either by a return of the +lost provinces, with or without compensation, or by granting them +autonomy, or, better still, by leaving it to the inhabitants to choose +for themselves, as France did with Nice and Savoy. + +The ruthless methods of a Bismarck are no longer of this age. They are +too odious, and the human conscience revolts at them. What a +preposterous idea, in this twentieth century, to compel by force +millions of people to renounce their traditions and even their +language! If Great Britain had followed the same method in dealing with +the French Canadians, instead of loyal subjects she would have made +rebels of them all. + +It is neither right nor just nor truthful to say that Germany has done +her best during the last four decades to heal the wounds struck by her +to French national pride. On the contrary, Germany's attitude has been +all along one of studied provocation; and if the instances already +mentioned are not sufficient, many others could be added. + +Germany abetted French colonial expansion. Well, by what right should +she have opposed it? And if she yielded to France in Morocco, it was +only after France had given Germany part of her African possessions +rather than go to war with her. + +It will be news to the world to be informed that there can be no +reasonable doubt that the people of Alsace-Lorraine have been gradually +settling down to willing co-operation with the German administration. +Certainly such a statement is in violent contradiction with all we hear +and read and know of the state of mind, the feelings, and aspirations of +the inhabitants of those two provinces. + +To argue that the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine is not a vital +necessity to France; that without these provinces she has recovered her +prosperity and her prestige, and that it is mere illusion to think that +the reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine would add to her glory is pure +sophistry. It is just as if you said to a man whom you had robbed of +some valuable property: "What does it matter? You are just as well off +without it." Yes, Prof. Larson did voice the sentiment of the vast +majority of his countrymen when he stated that France could not and +would not recognize the treaty of Frankfurt. If I have an enemy who +takes me by surprise and with revolver leveled at my head compels me to +sign a paper by which I despoil myself to his advantage, what is the +validity of such a document? + +That is the way that all Frenchmen of all classes look upon the treaty +of Frankfurt, wrung from them under duress. + +The term "revanche" is a slogan. It simply typifies in one word the +reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine; but it does not carry with it the idea of +willfully laying waste the enemy's country, burning and pillaging, +shooting inoffensive non-combatants, and cleaning banks of all the gold +they contain. + +Another statement which is misleading in Prof. Francke's article is the +one which refers to the "growing menace from France," in which he speaks +of the increasing armament that has been going on in that country since +1912. But what is called in Germany "the menace from France" is called +in the latter country "the menace from Germany." Who started these +enormous armaments? Each time Germany increased her army France was +forced to do the same; and when France recently increased from two to +three years the duration of military service, it was her only way of +meeting Germany's increase of 500,000 men. + +The attempt to change the roles and present France to the world as the +aggressor, or even as premeditating an attack upon Germany, is futile. +It is a strange and yet not uncommon psychological fact that the hate of +the conqueror is often greater than that of the conquered; and it is +German, not French, hate which has forced Germany into this savage war. +France had recovered too rapidly from her disasters; she was too rich; +her colonies were too vast and too prosperous; she must be crushed. What +right had she to have large colonies when Germany, the superior nation, +had none worth mentioning? There you have the key to the Kaiser's +repeated provocations and to his final attack. + +In regard to England and Russia, the writer will simply confine himself +to the statement that if the German Imperial Government can produce as +clean a bill of health as the "White Paper" of the British Foreign +Office, just published, it will do more to convince American public +opinion of the justice of its cause than anything that has yet been +written in the press by Germans and their sympathizers. + +R.L. SANDERSON. + +Yale University, New Haven, Conn., Sept. 5, 1914. + + + + +In Defense of Austria + +By Baron L. Hengelmuller. + + Late Austro-Hungarian Ambassador to the United States. + + +_The following letter was written by Baron Hengelmuller to Col. Theodore +Roosevelt._ + +ABBAZIA, Sept. 25, 1914. + +My Dear Mr. Roosevelt: + +Our correspondence has suffered a long interruption. Your last letter +was from July of last year. I do not know whether you ever received my +answer, by which I thanked you for your preface to my book. You were in +Arizona when I wrote it, and soon after your return you started for +Brazil. At the occasion of your son's wedding I sent him a telegram to +Madrid, but I had no chance to write to you because I had no information +with regard to the length of your stay and your whereabouts in Europe. + +Now I write to you at the time of a most momentous crisis in the world's +history, and I do so impelled by the desire to talk with you about my +country's cause and to win your just and fair appreciation for the same. +I wish I could address my appeal to the American people, but having no +standing and no opportunity to do so, I address it to you as to one of +America's most illustrious citizens with whom it has been my privilege +to entertain during many years the most friendly relations. + +Since the outbreak of the war our communications with America are slow +and irregular. In the beginning they were nil. From the end of July to +the middle of August we received neither letters, telegrams, nor papers. +I suppose it was the same with you concerning direct news from us. Our +adversaries had the field all for themselves and they seem to have made +the most of it. To judge from what I have learned since and from what I +could glean in our papers, the New York press seem to have written about +us and Germany very much in the same tone and spirit as they did about +you during your last Presidential campaign. I have seen it stated that +The Outlook published an article in which Austro-Hungary was accused of +having brought about the war through her greed of conquest and the +overbearing arrogance of her behavior toward Servia. I do not know +whether I cite correctly, as I have not seen the article, and I am aware +that you have severed your connection with The Outlook after your return +from Brazil. I only mention the statement as an illustration of what I +have said above, for if a review of the standing of The Outlook opens +its columns to such a glaringly false accusation the daily papers have +certainly not lagged behind. + +It is natural that our adversaries should be anxious to win the +sympathies of the American people. So are we. But it is not for this +purpose that I now write to you. Sympathy is a sentiment and, as a rule, +not to be won by argument. What I want to discuss with you are the +causes of this war and the issues at stake. + + +The Cause of the War. + +Undoubtedly the war broke out over our conflict with Servia, but this +conflict was not of our seeking. We had no wish of aggrandizement or +extension of power at the expense of Servia, but Servia covets territory +which belongs to us, and for years has pursued her ends by the most +nefarious and criminal means. The assassination of our heir to the crown +and his consort was not an isolated fact, but only the most glaring +link in a long chain of plotting and agitating against us. This +attitude of Servia toward us dates back to the day when the gang of +officers who murdered their own King came to power, and when it became +their policy to keep a hold over their own people by exciting their +ambitions against us. This policy reached its first climax when we +declared the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which we had occupied +and developed for thirty years. You were in office then, and the events +of the time are familiar to you. The crisis ended then by Servia's +formal acknowledgment that our annexation violated none of her rights, +and by her promise to cultivate henceforth correct and friendly +relations with us. This promise was not kept. The plotting continued, +lies were disseminated about a pretended oppression of our South Slav +population, and associations were formed for the purpose of stirring +them to discontent and if possible to treason. + +Things came to a second climax with the murder of Archduke Francis +Ferdinand. The plot for this crime was hatched in Servia, the bombs and +revolvers for its execution were furnished there, and Servian officers +instructed the murder candidates in their use. At last we could stand it +no longer. What we wanted from Servia was the punishment of the plotters +and accomplices and a guarantee for normal relations in the future. This +was the object of our ultimatum. Servia made a show of complying with +some of our demands, but in reality her answer was evasive. + +These facts are exposed and authenticated in the note which we sent to +the powers after having presented our ultimatum in Belgrade and in the +memorandum which accompanied it. I do not know whether the American +papers published these documents at the time. Today they are outstripped +by greater events, but for the just appreciation of our proceedings in +regard to Servia they are indispensable. + +In reality, however, our conflict with Servia was not the cause of the +great war now raging, but only the spark which brought the overloaded +powder barrel to explosion. Who talks of Servia today, and who believes +that France, England, and Japan are making war on Germany and on us +because of Servia? The war broke out because Russia decided to shield +Servia against the consequences of her provocations and because, owing +to preconcerted arrangements, the situation in Europe was such that the +action of one great power was bound to bring all or nearly all the +others into the field. And again those preconcerted arrangements were +the outcome of a mass of pent-up passions, of hatred, envy, and +jealousy, the like of which--all Hague conferences and pacific unions +notwithstanding--the world has never seen before. + +We are fully aware of the danger which threatened us from Russia when we +formulated our demands in Belgrade. Russia's population is three times +as large as ours and it was not with a light heart that our Emperor-King +took his final resolution. But our national honor and our very existence +as a self-respecting power were at stake. We could not hesitate. Now we +are in a struggle for life or death and we mean to carry it through with +full confidence in the rightfulness of our cause and in the force of our +arms. In one respect events have already belied the calculations of our +enemies, who counted on internal dissensions within our own borders. I +am happy to say that Croatians, Slovenes, and a large majority of our +own Servians are fighting in our ranks with the same valor and +enthusiasm as Czechs, Rumanians, Poles, Magyars, and Germans. + +But why did Russia decide to assail us? During the whole nineteenth +century she has shown herself a very shifty and unreliable protectress +of Servia. She made use of the smaller country when it suited her own +aggressive purposes against others, and she dropped it whenever it +served her ends. It was so at the time of the Turkish war of 1877 and of +the Berlin Congress, and it remained so until with the advent of the +present dynasty Servia offered a sure prospect of becoming and remaining +a permanent tool in Russia's hands and a thorn in our flesh. + +Russia is an aggressive power. For 200 years she has extended her +dominions at the cost of Sweden first, of Poland and Turkey afterward. +Now she thinks our turn has come. Finding us to be in the way of her +ultimate aims in the Balkan Peninsula, she began to regard us as her +enemy. For years the propaganda for undermining the bases of our empire +has been carried on in the name of Pan-Slavism. It seems that she judged +that now the time had come to draw the consequences and to bring things +to a final issue. With what result remains to be seen. + + +Germany Bound to Aid Austria. + +By the terms of our treaty of alliance Germany was bound to come to our +assistance if we were attacked by Russia. There was no secrecy about +that treaty. Its text had been made public long ago and its purely +defensive character brought to the knowledge of the world. No more than +we did Germany entertain hostile intentions or nourish hostile feelings +against Russia. There were no clashing interests to excite the first, no +historical reminiscences to justify the second. If it is otherwise in +Russia, it is because her present leaders find German power in the way +of their conquering aspirations against us. Germany, true to her +obligations, hastened to our side when she saw us menaced, and when she +declared war she did it because she had positive information that in +spite of formal and solemn assurances to the contrary Russia +mobilization was proceeding. + +The terms of the Franco-Russian alliance have never been made public. +Whether it was concluded merely for defensive or also for offensive +purposes, and whether France was obliged by her treaty to draw the sword +in the present case, remains therefore a matter of surmise. But there is +no mystery about the feelings of France with regard to Germany, and no +doubt about the greed for revenge which during the last forty-four years +has swayed the overwhelming majority of her people and been the +dominant factor of her foreign policy. It was for this object that she +entered into her alliances and agreements, and it is for this cause that +she is fighting now. + +It is simple hypocrisy to talk about German aggressiveness against +France. France stood in no danger of being attacked by Germany if she +had chosen to remain neutral in the latter's war with Russia. Asked +whether she would do so, she replied that her actions would be guided by +her interests. The meaning of this reply was clear, and left Germany no +choice. The formal declaration of war became then a mere matter of +political and military convenience, and has no bearing on the moral +issue of the case. + +But why has England plunged into this war? Officially and to the world +at large she has explained her resolution by Germany's violation of +Belgian neutrality, and in the royal message to Parliament it was +solemnly declared that England could not stand by and passively tolerate +such a breach of international law and obligations. + +No Austrian can read this declaration otherwise than with a mournful +smile. Its futility has been exposed by the question which Englishmen of +standing and renown have put to their Government, viz., whether they +would equally have declared war on France if that violation of +neutrality had first come from her side. In face of this question having +remained unanswered, and in face of what has come to light since about +French preparations in Belgium, there is no need to expiate on this +subject. All that there is to be said about it has been said by the +German Chancellor in open session of the Reichstag, and all that may be +added is the remark that, considering England's history and what she did +before Copenhagen in 1807, she of all nations should be the last to put +on airs of moral indignation over the application of the principle that +in time of war "salus reipublicae suprema lex est." + +The existence of a convention binding England to France in case of war +has--as far as I know--never been admitted officially by England. As I +see now from manifestations of Englishmen disapproving of their +country's participation in the war, the belief exists nevertheless that +such a convention had been concluded. But whether England's declaration +of war was the consequence of previously entered obligations or the +outcome of present free initiative, the main fact remains that in the +last resort it sprang from jealousy of Germany's growing sea power and +commercial prosperity. This feeling was the dominant factor in English +foreign policy, just as greed for revenge was in France. It was the +propelling power for the agreements which England has made and for +others which she endeavored but did not succeed in bringing about. + +England claims the dominion over the seas as her native right, and, what +is more, she holds it. Her title is no better and no worse than that of +the Romans when they conquered the world, or of the Turkish Sultans in +the days of their power. Like them, she has succeeded in making good her +claim. For three centuries the nations of Continental Europe have been +hating, fighting, and devastating each other for the sake of strips of +frontier land and a shadowy balance of power. These centuries were +England's opportunity, and she has made the most of it. That she should +mean to keep what she has and hold to her maritime supremacy as to the +apple of her eye is natural. Whether it is for the benefit of mankind +that it should be so, and whether the world in general would not be +better off if there existed a balance of power on sea as well as on +land, does not enter into the present discussion. What is more to the +purpose is that in reality England's sea power stood in no danger at +all. To any thinking and fair-minded observer it must be clear that +Germany, hemmed in by hostile neighbors in the east and west, and +obliged, therefore, to keep up her armaments on land, would not have +been able to threaten England's maritime superiority for generations to +come. If the issue has been thrown into the balance, it has been done so +by England's own doing. + +But it is not only the nascent German Navy that excited the distrust +and envy of England. German colonies and every trading German vessel +seem equally to have become thorns in English eyes. The wish to sweep +those vessels from off the seas, to destroy all German ports, in one +word, to down Germany, has long been nourished and lately openly avowed +in England. Norman Angell's theories about the great illusion of the +profitability of modern warfare seem to have made mighty small +impression on his countrymen. + +Russian lust of conquest, French greed of revenge, and English envy were +the forces at work in the European powder magazine. The Servian spark +ignited it, but the explosion was bound to come sooner or later. What +alone could have stopped it would have been England's stepping out of +the conspiracy. That she did not do so, in fact became its really +directing power, will forever remain a blot on her history. + +About Japan's motives and methods I do not think it necessary to write. +American public opinion will hardly need any enlightenment on this +subject. America forced Japan out of the isolation in which she had +lived during centuries. I hope the day may not come when she will wish +that she had not done so. + +The issues of the war stand in relation to its causes and the same +attempts have been made to distort and falsify them in the eyes of the +American public. I have seen it stated in a New York paper that this war +is a fight between civilization and barbarism, and I have seen a member +of the present English Cabinet quoted as having said that the issue was +one between militarism and freedom, civilization and freedom standing, +of course, in both cases on the side of our enemies. + + +Not a War for Civilization. + +More idiotic rot--excuse the expression--I have never read in my life. +What has civilization to do with Servia's murderous plotting against +us? What with Russia's desire to shield her from the consequences +of her aggressions and to demonstrate to the world that we are of +no account in the Balkans and to establish her own--more or less +veiled--protectorate there? And if the case of civilization is advanced +by Japan's ousting Germany from Kiao-Chau, why should it not be equally +furthered if Japan did the same to England in Hongkong, Singapore, or, +if the opportunity offered, in India itself? And a person must be indeed +at his wits' end for arguments to proclaim Russia as a standard bearer +of freedom in her war against us. Compare her treatment of Poles, Finns, +Ukrainanians (small Russians) and Hebrews with the freedom which the +different nationalities enjoy in our empire! And England herself. Is it +for freedom's sake that she holds Gibraltar and that she subjugated the +Boers? + +No! Civilization and freedom have nothing to do with the issues at stake +now, least of all in the sense that our enemies have drawn the sword for +their cause. It is a war for conquest and supremacy stirred up by all +the hateful passions in human nature, fully as much as any war that has +ever been waged before. But we did not stir it up. We are fighting for +our existence, right and justice are on our side, and so we trust will +victory be. + +The causes of the war are clear. To make its issues still clearer, +imagine for a moment and merely for argument's sake the consequences of +our adversaries being successful. Russia, England, and Japan would +remain masters of the field. Is this a consummation any thinking +American can wish for? + +These are the considerations I wished to lay before you, and I ask your +assistance to bring them before the American people. I ask for no reply, +no manifestation of feelings or opinion from you. What I ask you is to +publish this letter as an open letter addressed by me to you, signed +with my full name. How to do this I leave entirely to you. It goes +without saying that your private reply, if you favor me with one, will +be treated as such. + +Hoping to meet you in better times, and sending our kindest regards to +Mrs. Roosevelt, believe me, yours most sincerely, + +BARON L. HENGELMULLER. + +Abbazia, Sept. 25, 1914. + + + + +Russian Atrocities + +By George Haven Putnam. + + Publisher, Director of the Knickerbocker Press, Secretary + American Copyright League; decorated with the Cross of the + Legion of Honor, France. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +It is possible that the letter presented herewith from a German neighbor +(who is a stranger to me) may be of interest to your readers as an +example of a curious confusion of thought into which have fallen Germans +on both sides of the Atlantic in regard to the issues of the present +struggle and the conduct and the actions of the German Army. I am +inclosing a copy of my reply to Mr. Thienes. + +GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM. + +New York, Nov. 4, 1914. + + +THE LETTER. + +NEW YORK, Oct. 28, 1914. + +Mr. George Haven Putnam. + +DEAR SIR: Now that you have shown your "true" spirit of neutrality +toward Germany, would you not be kind enough to give us a similar piece +of your wisdom and describe in detail the way the Russians acted in East +Prussia during their short stay there, and how they murdered, tortured, +and assaulted women and girls, and cut children and infants to pieces +without even the provocation of "sniping"? + +This, your new article in THE TIMES, I anticipate with the greatest +interest. + +RUDOLF F. THIENES. + + +THE REPLY. + +Rudolf F. Thienes, Esq. + +MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 28th inst., intended as a rejoinder to a +letter recently printed by me in THE TIMES, is written under a +misapprehension in regard to one important matter. + +The Americans, who are in a position to judge impartially in regard to +the issues of the war, have criticised the official acts which have +attended the devastation of Belgium, not because these acts were +committed by Germans, but because they were in themselves abominable and +contrary to precedents and to civilized standards. + +If the Russians had, under official order, burned Lemburg, including the +university and the library, and executed the Burgomaster, they would +have come under the same condemnation from Americans that has been given +to Germans for the burning of Louvain and Aerschot and the shooting of +the Aerschot Burgomaster. I am myself familiar with Germany. I am an +old-time German student, and I have German friends on both sides of the +Atlantic, and I am in a position to sympathize with legitimate +aspirations and ideals of these German friends. + +I am convinced, however, that no nation can secure in this twentieth +century its rightful development unless its national conduct is +regulated with a "decent respect to the opinions of mankind." The +references made in my TIMES letters were restricted to official actions; +things done under the direction of the military commanders acting in +accord with the instructions or the general policy of the Imperial +Government. + +The misdeeds of individual soldiers are difficult to verify. While these +are always exaggerated, it remains the sad truth that every big army +contains a certain percentage of ruffians, and that when these ruffians +are let loose in a community, with weapons and with military power +behind them, bad things are done. It is my own belief that the material +in the German Army (which is the best fighting machine that the world +has ever seen) will compare favorably with that of any army in the +world, and that the percentage of wrongful acts on the part of the +German soldiers has been small. Such misdeeds, sometimes to be +characterized as atrocities, are the inevitable result of war, and they +bring a grave responsibility upon a Government which (to accept as well +founded the frank utterances of the leaders of opinion in Germany) has +initiated this war for the purpose of "crushing France and of breaking +up the British Empire." + +You appear to think that it is in order for Germany to visit upon +unoffending Belgians reprisal for the misdeeds (as far as such misdeeds +may be in evidence) committed by Russians in East Prussia. I cannot see +that this contention is in accord with justice or with common sense. + +GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM. + +New York, Oct. 28, 1914. + + + + +"The United States of Europe" + +INTERVIEW WITH NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER. + + Dr. Butler is President of Columbia University; received + Republican electoral vote for Vice President of the United + States, 1913; President of American Branch of Conciliation + Internationale; President American Historical Association; + Trustee Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Commander + Order of the Red Eagle (with Star) of Prussia; Commandeur de + Legion d'Honneur of France. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +The United States of Europe. + +Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, firmly +believes that the organization of such a federation will be the outcome, +soon or late, of a situation built up through years of European failure +to adjust government to the growth of civilization. + +He thinks it possible that the ending of the present war may see the +rising of the new sun of democracy to light a day of freedom for our +transatlantic neighbors. + +He tells me that thinking men in all the contending nations are +beginning vividly to consider such a contingency, to argue for it or +against it; in other words, to regard it as an undoubted possibility. + +Dr. Butler's acquaintance among those thinking men of all shades of +political belief is probably wider than that of any other American, and +it is significant of the startling importance of what he says that by +far the greater number of his European friends, the men upon whose views +he has largely, directly or indirectly, based his conclusions, are not +of the socialistic or of any other revolutionary or semi-revolutionary +groups, but are among the most conservative and most important figures +in European political, literary, and educational fields. + +This being unquestionably true, it is by no means improbable that in the +interview which follows, fruit of two evenings in Dr. Butler's library, +may be found the most important speculative utterance yet to appear in +relation to the general European war. + +Dr. Butler's estimate of the place which the United States now holds +upon the stage of the theatre of world progress and his forecast of the +tremendously momentous role which she is destined to play there must +make every American's heart first swell with pride and then thrill with +a realization of responsibility. + +The United States of Europe, modeled after and instructed by the United +States of America! The thought is stimulating. + +Said Dr. Butler: + +"The European cataclysm puts the people of the United States in a unique +and tremendously important position. As neutrals we are able to observe +events and to learn the lesson that they teach. If we learn rightly we +shall gain for ourselves and be able to confer upon others benefits far +more important than any of the material advantages which may come to us +through a shrewd handling of the new possibilities in international +trade. + +"I hesitate to discuss any phase of the great conflict now raging in +Europe. By today's mail, for example, I received long, personal letters +from Lord Haldane, from Lord Morley, from Lord Weardale, and from Lord +Bryce. Another has just come from Prof. Schiemann of Berlin, perhaps the +Emperor's most intimate adviser; another from Prof. Lamasch of Austria, +who was the Presiding Judge of the British-American arbitration in +relation to the Newfoundland fisheries a few years ago, and is a member +of the Austrian House of Peers. Still others are from M. Ribot, Minister +of Finance in France, and M. d'Estournelles de Constant. These +confidential letters give a wealth of information as to the intellectual +and political forces that are behind the conflict. + +"You will understand, then, that without disloyalty to my many friends +in Europe, I could not discuss with freedom the causes or the progress +of the war, or speculate in detail about the future of the European +problem. My friends in Germany, France, and England all write to me with +the utmost freedom and not for the public eye; so you see that my great +difficulty, when you ask me to talk about the meaning of the struggle, +arises from the obligation that I am under to preserve a proper personal +reserve regarding the great figures behind the vast intellectual and +political changes which really are in the background of the war. + +"If such reserve is necessary in my case, it seems to me that it also is +necessary for the country as a whole. The attitude of the President has +been impeccable. That of the whole American press and people should be +the same. + +"Especially is it true that all Americans who hope to have influence, as +individuals, in shaping the events which will follow the war, must avoid +any expression which even might be tortured into an avowal of +partisanship or final judgment. + +"Even the free expression of views criticising particular details of the +war, which might, in fact, deserve criticism, might destroy one's chance +of future possible usefulness. A statement which might be unquestionably +true might also be remembered to the damage of some important cause +later on. + +"There are reasons why my position is, perhaps, more difficult than that +of some others. Talking is often a hazardous practice, and never more so +than now. + +"The World is at crossroads, and everything may depend upon the United +States, which has been thrust by events into a unique position of moral +leadership. Whether the march of the future is to be to the right or to +the left, uphill or down, after the war is over, may well depend upon +the course this nation shall then take, and upon the influence which it +shall exercise. + +"If we keep our heads clear there are two things that we can bring +insistently to the attention of Europe--each of vast import at such a +time as that which will follow the ending of this war. + +"The first of these is the fact that race antagonisms die away and +disappear under the influence of liberal and enlightened political +institutions. This has been proved in the United States. + +"We have huge Celtic, Latin, Teutonic and Slavic populations all living +here at peace and in harmony; and, as years pass, they tend to merge, +creating new and homogeneous types. The Old World antagonisms have +become memories. This proves that such antagonisms are not mysterious +attributes of geography or climate, but that they are the outgrowth +principally of social and political conditions. Here a man can do about +what he likes, so long as he does not violate the law; he may pray as he +pleases or not at all, and he may speak any language that he chooses. + +"The United States is itself proof that most of the contentions of +Europeans as to race antagonisms are ill-founded. We have demonstrated +that racial antagonisms need not necessarily become the basis of +permanent hatreds and an excuse for war." + + +Hyphens Are Going. + +"If human beings are given the chance they will make the most of +themselves, and, by living happily--which means by living at peace--they +will avoid conflict. The hyphen tends to disappear from American +terminology. The German-American, the Italio-American, the +Irish-American all become Americans. + +"So, by and large, our institutions have proved their capacity to +amalgamate and to set free every type of human being which thus far has +come under our flag. There is in this a lesson which may well be taken +seriously to heart by the leaders of opinion in Europe when this war +ends. + +"The second thing which we may press, with propriety, upon the attention +of the people of Europe after peace comes to them is the fact that we +are not only the great exponents but the great example of the success of +the principle of federation in its application to unity of political +life regardless of local, economic, and racial differences. + +"If our fathers had attempted to organize this country upon the basis of +a single, closely unified State, it would have gone to smash almost at +the outset, wrecked by clashing economic and personal interests. Indeed, +this nearly happened in the civil war, which was more economic than +political in its origin. + +"But, though we had our difficulties, we did find a way to make a +unified nation of a hundred million people and forty-eight +Commonwealths, all bound together in unity and in loyalty to a common +political ideal and a common political purpose. + +"Just as certainly as we sit here this must and will be the future of +Europe. There will be a federation into the United States of Europe. + +"When one nation sets out to assert itself by force against the will, or +even the wish, of its neighbors, disaster must inevitably come. Disaster +would have come here if, in 1789, New York had endeavored to assert +itself against New England or Pennsylvania. + +"As a matter of fact, certain inhabitants of Rhode Island and +Pennsylvania did try something of the sort after the Federal Government +had been formed, but, fortunately, their effort was a failure. + +"The leaders of our national life had established such a flexible and +admirable plan of government that it was soon apparent that each State +could retain its identity, forming its own ideals and shaping its own +progress, and still remain a loyal part of the whole; that each State +could make a place for itself in the new federated nation and not be +destroyed thereby. + +"There is no reason why each nation in Europe should not make a place +for itself in the sun of unity which I am sure is rising there behind +the war clouds. Europe's stupendous economic loss, which already has +been appalling and will soon be incalculable, will give us an +opportunity to press this argument home. + +"True internationalism is not the enemy of the nationalistic principle. + +"On the contrary, it helps true nationalism to thrive. The Vermonter is +more a Vermonter because he is an American, and there is no reason why +Hungary, for example, should not be more than ever before Hungarian +after she becomes a member of the United States of Europe. + +"Europe, of course, is not without examples of the successful +application of the principle of federation within itself. It so happens +that the federated State next greatest to our own is the German Empire. +It is only forty-three years old, but their federation has been notably +successful. So the idea of federation is familiar to German publicists. + +"It is familiar, also, to the English, and has lately been pressed there +as the probable final solution of the Irish question. + +"It has insistently suggested itself as the solution of the Balkan +problem. + +"In a lesser way it already is represented in the structure of +Austria-Hungary." + + +America's Great Work. + +"This principle of nation building, of international building through +federation, certainly has in it the seeds of the world's next great +development--and we Americans are in a position both to expand the +theory and to illustrate the practice. It seems to me that this is the +greatest work which America will have to do at the end of this war. + +"These are the things which I am writing to my European correspondents +in the several belligerent countries by every mail. + +"The cataclysm is so awful that it is quite within the bounds of truth +to say that on July 31 the curtain went down upon a world which never +will be seen again. + +"This conflict is the birth-throe of a new European order of things. The +man who attempts to judge the future by the old standards or to force +the future back to them will be found to be hopelessly out of date. The +world will have no use for him. The world has left behind forever the +international policies of Palmerston and of Beaconsfield and even those +of Bismarck, which were far more powerful. + +"When the war ends conditions will be such that a new kind of +imagination and a new kind of statesmanship will be required. This war +will prove to be the most effective education of 500,000,000 people +which possibly could have been thought of, although it is the most +costly and most terrible means which could have been chosen. The results +of this education will be shown, I think, in the process of general +reconstruction which will follow. + +"All the talk of which we hear so much about, the peril from the Slav or +from the Teuton or from the Celt, is unworthy of serious attention. It +would be quite as reasonable to discuss seriously the red-headed peril +or the six-footer peril. + +"There is no peril to the world in the Slav, the Teuton, the Celt, or +any other race, provided the people of that race have an opportunity to +develop as social and economic units, and are not bottled up so that an +explosion must come. + +"It is my firm belief that nowhere in the world, from this time on, will +any form of government be tolerated which does not set men free to +develop in this fashion." + +I asked Dr. Butler to make some prognostication of what the United +States of Europe, which he so confidently expects, will be. He answered: + + +Has Advanced Much. + +"I can say only this: The international organization of the world +already has progressed much further than is ordinarily understood. Ever +since the Franco-Prussian war and the Geneva Arbitration, both +landmarks in modern history, this has advanced inconspicuously, but by +leaps and bounds. + +"The postal service of the world has been internationalized in its +control for years. The several Postal Conventions have been evidences of +an international organization of the highest order. + +"Europe abounds in illustrations of the international administration of +large things. The very laws of war, which are at present the subject of +so much and such bitter discussion, are the result of international +organization. + +"They were not adopted by a Congress, a Parliament, or a Reichstag. They +were agreed to by many and divergent peoples, who sent representatives +to meet for their discussion and determination." + + +One of the Examples. + +"In the admiralty law we have a most striking example of uniformity of +practice in all parts of the world. If a ship is captured or harmed in +the Far East and taken into Yokohama or Nagasaki, damages will be +assessed and collected precisely as they would be in New York or +Liverpool. + +"The world is gradually developing a code for international legal +procedure. Special arbitral tribunals have tended to merge and grow into +the international court at The Hague, and that, in turn, will develop +until it becomes a real supreme judicial tribunal. + +"Of course the analogy with the federated State fails at some points, +but I believe the time will come when each nation will deposit in a +world federation some portion of its sovereignty. + +"When this occurs we shall be able to establish an international +executive and an international police, both devised for the especial +purpose of enforcing the decisions of the international court. + +"Here, again, we offer a perfect object lesson. Our Central Government +is one of limited and defined powers. Our history can show Europe how +such limitations and definitions can be established and interpreted, and +how they can be modified and amended when necessary to meet new +conditions. + +"My colleague, Prof. John Bassett Moore, is now preparing and publishing +a series of annotated reports of the international arbitration +tribunals, in order that the Governments and jurists of the world may +have at hand, as they have in the United States Supreme Court, reports, +a record of decided cases which, when the time comes, may be referred to +as precedents. + +"It will be through graded processes such as this that the great end +will be accomplished. Beginning with such annotated reports as a basis +for precedents, each new case tried before this tribunal will add a +further precedent, and presently a complete international code will be +in existence. It was in this way that the English common law was built, +and such has been the admirable history of the work done by our own +judicial system. + +"The study of such problems is at this time infinitely more important +than the consideration of how large a fine shall be inflicted by the +victors upon the vanquished." + + +The Chief Result. + +"There is the probability of some dislocation of territory and some +shiftings of sovereignty after the war ends, but these will be of +comparatively minor importance. The important result of this great war +will be the stimulation of international organization along some such +lines as I have suggested. + +"Dislocation of territory and the shifting of sovereigns as the result +of international disagreements are mediaeval practices. After this war +the world will want to solve its problems in terms of the future, not in +those of the outgrown past. + +"Conventional diplomacy and conventional statesmanship have very +evidently broken down in Europe. They have made a disastrous failure of +the work with which they were intrusted. They did not and could not +prevent the war because they knew and used only the old formulas. They +had no tools for a job like this. + +"A new type of international statesman is certain to arise, who will +have a grasp of new tendencies, a new outlook upon life. Bismarck used +to say that it would pay any nation to wear the clean linen of a +civilized State. The truth of this must be taught to those nations of +the world which are weakest in morale, and it can only be done, I +suppose, as similar work is accomplished with individuals. Courts, not +killings, have accomplished it with individuals. + +"One more point ought to be remembered. We sometimes hear it said that +nationalism, the desire for national expression by each individual +nation, makes the permanent peace and good order of the world +impossible. + +"To me it seems absurd to believe that this is any truer of nations than +it is of individuals. It is not each nation's desire for national +oppression which makes peace impossible; it is the fact that thus far in +the world's history such desire has been bound up with militarism. + +"The nation whose frontier bristles with bayonets and with forts is like +the individual with a magazine pistol in his pocket. Both make for +murder. Both in their hearts really mean murder. + +"The world will be better when the nations invite the judgment of their +neighbors and are influenced by it. + +"When John Hay said that the Golden Rule and the open door should guide +our new diplomacy he said something which should be applicable to the +new diplomacy of the whole world. The Golden Rule and a free chance are +all that any man ought to want or ought to have, and they are all that +any nation ought to want or ought to have. + +"One of the controlling principles of a democratic State is that its +military and naval establishments must be completely subservient to the +civil power. They should form the police, and not be the dominant factor +of any national life. + +"As soon as they go beyond this simple function in any nation, then that +nation is afflicted with militarism. + +"It is difficult to make predictions of the war's effect on us. As I see +it, our position will depend a good deal upon the outcome of the +conflict, and what that will be no one at present knows. + +"If a new map of Europe follows the war, its permanence will depend upon +whether or not the changes are such as will permit nationalities to +organize as nations. + +"The world should have learned through the lessons of the past that it +is impossible permanently and peacefully to submerge large bodies of +aliens if they are treated as aliens. That is the opposite of the mixing +process which is so successfully building a nation out of varied +nationalities in the United States. + +"The old Romans understood this. They permitted their outlying vassal +nations to speak any language they chose and to worship whatever god +they chose, so long as they recognized the sovereignty of Rome. When a +conquering nation goes beyond that, and begins to suppress religions, +languages, and customs, it begins at that very moment to sow the seeds +of insurrection and revolution. + +"My old teacher and colleague, Prof. Burgess, once defined a nation as +an ethnographic unit inhabiting a geographic unit. That is an +illuminating definition. If a nation is not an ethnographic unit, it +tries to become one by oppressing or amalgamating the weaker portions of +its people. If it is not a geographic unit, it tries to become one by +reaching out to a mountain chain or to the sea--to something which will +serve as a real dividing line between it and its next neighbors. + +"The accuracy of this definition can hardly be denied, and we all know +what the violations of this principle have been in Europe. It is +unnecessary for me to point them out. + +"Races rarely have been successfully mixed by conquest. The military +winner of a war is not always the real conqueror in the long run. The +Normans conquered Saxon England, but Saxon law and Saxon institutions +worked up through the new power and have dominated England's later +history. The Teutonic tribes conquered Rome, but Roman civilization, by +a sort of capillary attraction, went up into the mass above and +presently dominated the Teutons. + +"The persistency of a civilization may well be superior in tenacity to +mere military conquest and control. + +"The smallness of the number of instances in which conquering nations +have been able successfully to deal with alien peoples is extraordinary. +The Romans were unusually successful, and England has been successful +with all but the Irish, but perhaps no other peoples have been +successful in high degree in an effort to hold alien populations as +vassals and to make them really happy and comfortable as such. + +"One of the war's chief effects on us will be to change our point of +view. Europe will be more vivid to us from now on. There are many public +men who have never thought much about Europe, and who have been far from +a realization of its actual importance to us. It has been a place to +which to go for a Summer holiday. + +"But, suddenly, they find they cannot sell their cotton there or their +copper, that they cannot market their stocks and bonds there, that they +cannot send money to their families who are traveling there, because +there is a war. To such men the war must have made it apparent that +interdependence among nations is more than a mere phrase. + +"All our trade and all our economic and social policies must recognize +this. The world has discovered that cash without credit means little. +One cannot use cash if one cannot use one's credit to draw it whenever +and wherever needed. Credit is intangible and volatile, and may be +destroyed over night. + +"I saw this in Venice. + +"On July 31 I could have drawn every cent that my letter of credit +called for up to the time the banks closed. At 10 in the morning on the +1st of August I could not draw the value of a postage stamp. + +"Yet the banker in New York who issued my letter of credit had not +failed. His standing was as good as ever it had been. But the world's +system of international exchange of credit had suffered a stroke of +paralysis over night. + +"This realization of international interdependence, I hope, will +elevate and refine our patriotism by teaching men a wider sympathy and a +deeper understanding of other peoples, nations, and languages. I +sincerely hope it will educate us up to what I have called 'The +International Mind.' + +"When Joseph Chamberlain began his campaign after returning from South +Africa his keynote was, 'Learn to think imperially.' I think ours should +be, 'Learn to think internationally,' to see ourselves not in +competition with the other peoples of the world, but working with them +toward a common end, the advance of civilization." + + +A Note of Optimism. + +"There are hopeful signs, even in the midst of the gloom that hangs over +us. Think what it has meant for the great nations of Europe to have come +to us, as they have done, asking our favorable public opinion. We have +no army and navy worthy of their fears. They can have been induced by +nothing save their conviction that we are the possessors of sound +political ideals and a great moral force. + +"In other words, they do not want us to fight for them, but they do want +us to approve of them. They want us to pass judgment upon the humanity +and the legality of their acts, because they feel that our judgment +will be the judgment of history. There is a lesson in this. + +"If we had not repealed the Panama Canal Tolls Exemption act last June +they would not have come to us as they are doing now. Who would have +cared for our opinion in the matter of a treaty violation if, for mere +financial interest or from sheer vanity, we ourselves had violated a +solemn treaty? + +"When Congress repealed the Panama Canal Tolls Exemption act it marked +an epoch in the history of the United States. This did more than the +Spanish war, than the building of the Panama Canal, or than anything +else I think of, to make us a true world power. + +"As a nation we have kept our word when sorely tempted to break it. We +made Cuba independent, we have not exploited the Philippines, we have +stood by our word as to Panama Canal tolls. + +"In consequence we are the first moral power in the world today. Others +may be first with armies, still others first with navies. But we have +made good our right to be appealed to on questions of national and +international morality. That Europe is seeking our favor is the tribute +of the European nations to this fact." + + + + +A New World Map + +By Wilhelm Ostwald. + + Late Visiting Professor to Harvard and Columbia Universities + from the University of Leipsic. + + +_The following article is extracted from a letter written by Prof. +Ostwald to Edwin D. Mead, Director of the World Peace Foundation._ + +The war is the result of a deliberate onslaught upon Germany and Austria +by the powers of the Triple Entente--Russia, France, and England. Its +object is on the part of Russia an extension of Russian supremacy over +the Balkans, on the side of France revenge, and on the side of England +annihilation of the German Navy and German commerce. In England +especially it has been for several centuries a constant policy to +destroy upon favoring occasion every navy of every other country which +threatened to become equal to the English Navy. + +Germany has proved its love of peace for forty-four years under the most +trying circumstances. While all other States have expanded themselves +by conquest, Russia in Manchuria, England in the Transvaal, France in +Morocco, Italy in Tripoli, Austria in Bosnia, Japan in Korea, Germany +alone has contented itself with the borders fixed in 1871. It is purely +a war of defense which is now forced upon us. + +In the face of these attacks Germany has until now (the end of August) +proved its military superiority, which rests upon the fact that the +entire German military force is scientifically organized and honestly +administered. + +The violation of Belgian neutrality was an act of military necessity, +since it is now proved that Belgian neutrality was to be violated by +France and England. A proof of this is the accumulation of English +munitions in Maubeuge, aside from many other facts. + +According to the course of the war up to the present time, European +peace seems to me nearer than ever before. We pacificists must only +understand that unhappily the time was not yet sufficiently developed to +establish peace by the peaceful way. If Germany, as everything now seems +to make probable, is victorious in the struggle not only with Russia and +France but attains the further end of destroying the source from which +for two or three centuries all European strifes have been nourished and +intensified, namely, the English policy of world dominion, then will +Germany, fortified on one side by its military superiority, on the other +side by the eminently peaceful sentiment of the greatest part of its +people, and especially of the German Emperor, dictate peace to the rest +of Europe, I hope especially that the future treaty of peace will in +the first place provide effectually that a European war such as the +present can never again break out. + +I hope, moreover, that the Russian people, after the conquest of their +armies, will free themselves from Czarism through an internal movement +by which the present political Russia will be resolved into its natural +units, namely, Great Russia, the Caucasus, Little Russia, Poland, +Siberia, and Finland, to which probably the Baltic provinces would join +themselves. These, I trust, would unite themselves with Finland and +Sweden, and perhaps with Norway and Denmark, into a Baltic federation, +which in close connection with Germany would insure European peace, and +especially form a bulwark against any disposition to war which might +remain in Great Britain. + +For the other side of the earth I predict a similar development under +the leadership of the United States. I assume that the English dominion +will suffer a downfall similar to that which I have predicted for +Russia, and that under these circumstances Canada would join the United +States, the expanded republic assuming a certain leadership with +reference to the South American republics. + +The principle of the absolute sovereignty of the individual nations, +which in the present European tumult has proved itself so inadequate and +baneful, must be given up and replaced by a system conforming to the +world's actual conditions and especially to those political and economic +relations which determine industrial and cultural progress and the +common welfare. + +[Illustration: NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER + +_See Page 565_] + +[Illustration: ARTHUR VON BRIESEN + +_See Page 548_] + + + + +The Verdict of the American People + +By Newell Dwight Hillis. + + _Dr. Hillis, who occupies the pulpit of Plymouth Church, + Brooklyn, made famous by the pastorate of the late Henry Ward + Beecher, delivered the following remarkable sermon on the + European War on Sunday, Dec. 20, 1914, choosing as his text + the words: "From whence come wars? Come they not from your own + lusts?"_ + + +Nearly five months have now passed by since the German Army invaded +Belgium and France. These 140 days have been packed with thrilling and +momentous events. While from their safe vantage ground the American +people have surveyed the scene, an old regime has literally crumbled +under our very eyes. Europe is a loom on whose earthen framework +demiurgic forces like Frederick the Great, Bismarck, and Napoleon once +wove the texture of European civilization. Now the demon of war has, +with hot knife, shorn away the texture, and a modern Czar and Kaiser, +King and President, with Generals and Admirals, are weaving the warp and +woof of a new world. One hundred years ago the forces that bred wars +were political forces; today the collision between nations is born of +economic interests. The twentieth century influences are chiefly the +force of wealth and the force of public opinion. These are the giant +steeds, though the reins of the horses may be in the hands of Kings and +Kaisers. In Napoleon's day antagonism grew out of the natural hatred of +autocracy for democracy, of German imperialism for French radicalism. +Today Germany is not even interested in France's republican form of +Government, nor is France concerned with Germany's imperial autocrat. +But all Europe is intensely concerned with the question of economic +supremacy or financial subordination. + +Ever since Oliver Cromwell's day England has been the mistress of the +seas, and Germany is envious and believes that she has a right to +supplant England in this naval leadership. France has long been the +banker of Europe, and Germany covets financial leadership. From whence +come wars? Come they not from men's lusts? Now that long time has +passed, it is quite certain that neither Napoleon nor Bismarck nor +William II. understood the future. It is a proverb that yesterday is a +seed, today the stalk, and tomorrow is the full corn in the ear. +Napoleon was a practical man, but he could not see the shock in the +seed. When Napoleon said, "One hundred years from now Europe will be all +republican or all Cossack"--Napoleon was quite wrong. Forty years ago +Bismarck said that he had reduced France to the level of a fourth-class +nation, and that henceforth France did not count; while as for the +Balkan States, "the whole Eastern question is not worth the bones of a +Pomeranian grenadier"--Bismarck was quite wrong. The present Kaiser has +no imagination. A man of any prevision of the future might have foreseen +that any attack upon England would settle the Irish question; that any +treaty with Turkey would force Italy, as Turkey's enemy in the late +Italian-Turkish war, to break with Germany; any man with the least +instinct for diplomacy might have known that the twentieth century man +is so incensed by an enemy's trespass upon his property, that Belgium +would have resisted encroachment, and so cost Germany the best three +weeks of the entire war. If the history of great wars tells us anything, +it tells us that the first qualification of the statesman and diplomat +is an intuitive knowledge of a future that is the certain outcome of the +present. There has been no foresight on the part of the makers and +advisers of this war. Years ago, when the Austrian Emperor visited +Innsbruck, the Burgomaster ordered foresters to go up on the mountain +sides and cut certain swaths of brush. At the moment the man with his +axe did not know what he was doing, but when the night fell, and the +torch was lifted on the boughs, the people in the city below read these +words written in letters of fire, "Welcome to our Emperor." Today the +demon of war has been writing with blazing letters certain lessons upon +the hills and valleys of Europe, and fortunate is that youth who can +read the writing and interpret aright the lessons of the times. + +The people of the republic now realize for the first time what are the +inevitable fruits of imperialism and militarism. One of the perils of +America's distance from the scenes of autocracy is that our people have +come to think that the forms of government are of little importance. We +hear it said that climate determines government and that one nation +likes autocracy and another limited monarchy, that we like democracy +self-government, and that the people are about as happy under one form +of control as another. This misconception is based upon a failure to +understand foreign imperialism. Superficially, the fruits of autocracy +are efficiency, industrial wealth, and military power. But now, after +nearly five months of constant discussion, our people understand +thoroughly the other side of imperialism. The 6,000,000 of +German-Americans living in this country, with their high type of +character, millions who have left their native land to escape service in +the army, the burdens of taxation involved in militarism, and the law of +lese majeste, should have opened our eyes long ago. During the last five +years I have lectured in more than one hundred cities on the New Germany +and the lessons derived from her industrial efficiency, with the +application of science to the production of wealth, but I did not +appreciate fully the far-off harvest of militarism. And, lest an +American overstate the meaning of militarism, let me condense +Treitschke's view. He holds that the nation should be looked upon as a +vast military engine; that its ruler should be the commander of the +army; that his Cabinet should be under Generals; that the whole nation +should march with the force of an armed regiment; that the real "sin +against the Holy Ghost was the sin of military impotence; that such an +army should take all it wants and the territory it needs and explain +afterward." Manufacturers are essentially inventors of cannons and guns +and dreadnoughts, incidentally self-supporting men. Bankers are here to +finance the army and incidentally to make money. Physicians are here to +heal the wounded soldiers. Gymnasiums are founded to train soldiers. +Women are here to breed soldiers, and militarism is the path that will +bring Germany to her place in the sun. The youth is first of all to be a +soldier and incidentally to be a man. No one has indicted Germany's +militarism in stronger language than the distinguished German-American, +Carl Schurz. In words that burn the great statesman expressed his hatred +of the imperialism and militarism against which he helped to organize a +revolution that led to his flight to this country. Of late Americans +have been asking themselves certain questions. + + +The American Ideal vs. the German. + +What will be the result if Germany is allowed to seize any smaller State +whose territory and property she covets? Is all Europe to become an +armed camp? What is the meaning of this German professor's article in +The North American Review, written two or three years ago, in which he +says that once she is victorious the Monroe Doctrine will go and the +United States will receive the "thrashing she so richly deserves"? Must +we then go over to the military ideal? If Germany supports 8,000,000 +soldiers out of 66,000,000, must we withdraw from productive industry +12,000,000 men for at least two or three of the best years of their +young life? Must we start in on a programme of ten dreadnoughts a year +instead of building ten colleges and universities for the same sum of +money? Of late Americans who love their country have been searching +their own hearts. Merchants hitherto busied with commerce are asking +themselves whither this country is drifting. Is Germany to compel us to +become a vast military machine? This military question is a subject of +discussion on the street cars and in the stores, at the dining room +table. No articles in paper and magazine are so eagerly read and +analyzed. The American ideal is not a military machine, but a high +quality of manhood. To make men free, with the gift of self-expression; +to make men wise through the public school and the free press; to make +men self-sufficing and happy in their homes, through freedom of +industrial contracts; to make men sound in their manhood through +religious liberty for Jew and Gentile and Catholic and Protestant--these +are our national ideals. America stands at the other pole of the +universe from imperialism and militarism. So far from being willing to +desert the political faith of the fathers, this war has confirmed our +confidence in self-government. Liberty to grow, freedom to climb as high +as industry and ability will permit, liberty to analyze and discuss the +views of President, Congress, Governor--these are our rights. In a +military autocracy there can be no liberty of the printing press. If a +man criticises the Kaiser, he goes to jail; in this republic, if Horace +Greeley criticises Abraham Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln does not send the +great editor to jail, but writes the latter, "My paramount object is to +save the Union," and vindicates himself at the bar of the nation. An +American editor or citizen would choke to death in Germany. He could not +breathe because of the mephitic gases of imperialism and militarism. For +a long time some of us did not realize what was involved, but now we do +realize the difference between the fruits of democratic self-government +and the fruits of military imperialism. + +The last five months have brought a new realization to American citizens +as to the rights and liberties of small States. In the republic the sin +of trespass is one of the blackest of sins. Here we hold to the +sanctity of property. A man's home is his castle, a citadel that cannot +be invaded even by the power of the State. So deep is the American +hatred of trespass against property rights that imperialism finds it +impossible to understand this. Here the individual is a king of kings in +his native right, and takes out an injunction against the city that +wishes to trespass upon his property. This antagonism manifests itself +in the laws that safeguard the small shopkeeper against the big firm, +and the small manufacturer against any company with its billion dollars +of capital. This antagonism to the sin of trespass has lent a peculiar +sanctity to treaties between Canada and the United States. We have one +hundred millions of people, and Canada nine millions. We need many +things that Canada has, but it is intellectually unthinkable that "we +should take what we want and explain afterward," or that we should +violate our treaty guaranteeing neutrality to Canada. Our frontier line +is three thousand miles long. There is not a fort from Maine to +Victoria. If we adopted Germany's position we would have to build one +thousand forts, withdraw two million young men from the farm, factory, +store and bank, and load the working people with taxes to support them. +In a free land, and in God's world, there should be a place for the poor +man and for the small nation. In the olden time there was a king who had +herds and flocks, and a poor man who had one pet lamb. It came to pass +that a stranger claimed the right of hospitality at the rich man's +palace, and the king sent out and took the poor man's one lamb and gave +it for food to the stranger. And, soon or late, the time will come when +history will tell the story of Germany's taking little Belgium, and +conscience, like a prophet, will indict the militarism that seized the +one lamb that belonged to the poor man. This episode is not closed. The +German representative who says that Belgium is a part of Germany may be +right in terms of future government and war, but the incident has just +begun in the memory of the soldiers who never can forget that they first +broke their sacred treaty, and then, when the Belgian defended his home +as his castle, butchered the man, who died with a sacred treaty in his +hand. Why, all over this land, teachers, fathers, editors, authors, have +found it necessary to say to the young men and women of the republic, +"Do not sign your name to an obligation unless you intend to keep it." +Keep your faith. Remember that your word given should be as good as your +bond. "Swear to your own hurt, and change not." All this is inevitable, +as the result of Germany's trespass upon the property and the homes of +Belgium. In some European lands the State is everything and the +individual nothing. In this republic the individual is first, and the +State is here to safeguard his rights and see to it that no one +trespasses upon his property. The time will come when the nation that +breaks its treaties and sows to the wind shall of that wind reap the +whirlwind. It is an awful thing for a nation to make it inevitable that +hereafter when other people sign a treaty with that country, that our +representatives shall say: "Before we sign this treaty with you, we wish +to ask one question. Later, if it is to your interest to break this +treaty, is this document to be sneered at as a scrap of paper? Or does +this treaty mean the faith of a nation that will die rather than break +its word, given before the tribunal of civilized States?" + + +The Death of the Tribal God Idea. + +This great war and one or two of the leaders thereof have killed the old +tribal idea of God. In the twentieth century it seems almost ludicrous +to find that the conception of the ancient Hebrews is still held by some +rulers. Be the reasons what they may, of late there has been a strange +recrudescence of the tribal God idea. This is the twentieth century, not +the tenth! Think of a man sending his soldiers into Belgium, saying, +"Make yourselves as terrible as the Huns of Attila, and the Lord our God +will give you victory." Just as if God were not the God of the whole +earth, a disinterested God, a God who makes His sun to shine and His +rain to fall upon all His children, without regard to race or clime or +color. Why, it is as artless as the way the old Hebrew peasant called on +God to blast his enemy's field, and drown his children with floods, and +smite his herds with the plague. The tribal idea of God belongs with the +ox cart, the medicine man, the cave dweller. This is an era of science. +Whatever is true is universal, not racial. If the heart beats and the +blood circulates in a German soldier's veins, the blood flows in the +veins of the people of England and France. If the earth goes around the +sun in Berlin, the earth goes around the sun in Petrograd and Edinburgh. +If there are seven rays in the sunbeam, why, the discussion is closed, +and it is a universal fact. And if Jesus was right when He said, "God is +our Father, and all the races are our brothers, and the world has been +fitted up by God as an Eden garden for His children," then no man or +ruler should ever adopt the view of the peasant and the cave man, and +try to make the Eternal God a tribal God. The unconscious humor in the +statements of one or two men as to their tribal God idea has added to +the gayety of nations. But when any view is laughed at, it is doomed. +From the very moment that the doctrine of election, that made God love a +few aristocrats and pass the non-elect by, became a matter of joke in +the comic papers, that theory was dead. Not otherwise is it with this +idea of a tribal God. When Barry Paine begins to say, + + Led by William, as you tell, + God has done extremely well, + +the tribal idea has been relegated to the theological scrap-heap. The +peasant's view must go. In this age men must be citizens of all +countries and of the universe. God is a sun Who shines for the poor +man's hut as truly as for the rich man's palace. The Judge of all the +earth is also the Father of all the races, and He will do men good and +not evil. + +In view of the events of the last few months, all Americans now realize +as never before the futility of war as a means of settling disputes. +Indeed, it may be doubted whether any war has ever settled any question. +Defeat did not convince the South that they were wrong in their idea of +State rights or slavery. If the South has given up both ideas today it +is because time, events, and social progress have changed their view, +not because the sword convinced them. Bismarck's victory at Versailles +and von Moltke's at Sedan did not settle the dispute with France. To +keep one billion dollars of indemnity Germany must have spent five +billions on forts and armies in the government of Alsace and Lorraine. +Germany's apparent victory simply put Germany's trouble with France out +at compound interest, and left the next generation of Germans to pay +several billions of dollars of accrued debt through hatred. Plainly it +is folly not to reconstitute the map of Europe. The frontier lines of +the geographer should exactly coincide with the racial lines. The German +race, with their peculiar ideals, ought not to try to govern the French +race. It is an expensive experiment. It is an impossible experiment. The +plan is doomed to failure in advance. And when the day of payment comes +it is quite certain that the questions at issue will not have been +settled by regiments of soldiers. They must finally be settled by an +appeal to some court of arbitration that will do justice and love mercy; +that will insist upon the rights of the smaller States, and make it +impossible for the great ones of the earth to trespass upon the property +and the liberties of brave little peoples. + + +Imperialism Confuses Men's Judgments. + +Out of the smoke of battle another lesson is written for all who have +eyes to read. In view of the mistakes made by men who have absolute +power it is now certain that exemption from criticism is a bad thing for +any man, and that endless adoration destroys the ruler's power to think +in straight lines. There never lived a man who was not injured by +perpetual compliments. Strong men are willing to pay cash for criticism. +Flattery will conceal the weakness, and they know that pitiless +criticism will expose the danger and perhaps save them. No man is so +unfortunate as the man who is put on a throne lifted up beyond the +reach of plain truth telling. It is doubtful if so many blunders were +ever made by statesmen and diplomats as were made at the beginning of +this war. Just think of one Government being wrong in all these +particulars at the same time! Lincoln said, "You can't fool all of the +people all of the time." Yes, that may be true in a republic, but you +certainly can fool all the diplomats and Generals and do it all the +time--during July and August, in any event. Call the roll of the +diplomatic blunders, and the list is long. First, England will be +neutral and Ireland will keep her from going to war; second, Italy will +be our ally; third, Belgium will be neutral and allow us to trespass +upon her property and her homes; fourth, France is unprepared and Paris +will fall within three weeks; fifth, an alliance with Turkey, despite +her polygamy and butcheries in Armenia and the civilized world's hatred +for her cruelties, will help us; sixth, Japan will hold Russia in check; +seventh, the Czar will be attacked by Bulgaria, Italy, and China. It +seems incredible that any ruler and group of diplomats could be so +entirely wrong, all the time, on every question, for a whole Summer! Was +there no man as diplomat who had the wisdom to see that an attack upon +England would end the disputes in Ireland? And bind together Canada, +Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, India into a new United States of +Great Britain? Was there no statesman with enough prevision of the +future, and with courage to tell the people in Wilhelmstrasse that the +certain result would be the United States of Balkany, to stand +henceforth as a barrier between Germany and the Bosphorus? Was there no +one to remind Berlin that Italy had just completed a war with Turkey and +that any treaty with Turkey meant inevitably the breaking of friendship +with Italy? Alas! for the man who is elevated to a throne, in whose +presence men burn incense, pour forth flattery that he may breathe its +perfume, sing songs of praise that he may slumber! + +In concluding our survey of the nations and the stake of each country +in the war, there is one reflection that must be obvious to all thinking +men. This little fire of last August has become a world conflagration. +The nation that first sent out her armies was Germany. There is a +high-water mark of battle in every war, and after that, the invading +waves begin their retreat. The high-water mark of Napoleon's was +Austerlitz and the waves ebbed away at Waterloo. The high-water mark of +the civil war was Gettysburg, and the tide ebbed out at Appomattox. +Belgium's defense cost Germany the three most important weeks of the +war, and her high-water mark was when she was within twenty miles of +Paris. Occasional eddies and returns of the tide there may be, but +nothing is more certain than that there are ten nations and six hundred +millions of men that had rather die than have militarism imposed upon +themselves and their children. Americans who admire German efficiency, +the German people, and want to see German science preserved, and feel an +immeasurable debt to Martin Luther, do not want Germany destroyed. But +Germany will not listen to England, nor France, nor America. There is +only one voice that can reach Germany--it is the voice of the +German-Americans in this country. They are six million strong. They are +among the most honored and esteemed folk in American life. Their +achievements are beyond all praise. The Germans have built Milwaukee and +have done much for St. Louis. The Germans have been great forces in +Cincinnati and Chicago and New York. What wealth among their bankers! +What prosperity among German manufacturers! What solidity of manhood in +these German Lutherans! Was there ever a finer body of farming folk than +the German landowners of the Middle West? The republic owes the +German-American a great debt as to liberty through men like Carl Schurz. +Take Martin Luther and German liberty of thought out of the republic and +this land would suffer an immeasurable loss. Many of these +German-Americans own great estates and have investments in the +Fatherland. Today these six million German-Americans have the centre of +the world's stage. This war is a conflagration that will probably burn +itself out. But if the six million German-Americans organize themselves +and hold great meetings of protest in New York and Brooklyn and Chicago +and Milwaukee, in St. Louis and Cincinnati; if German-American editors +and bankers and business men united their voice, they would be heard. + + +German-American Man of the Hour. + +And do they not owe something to this republic? Having come to the +kingdom for such a crisis as this, should they not use their influence +with the Fatherland? Having escaped conscription and years of military +service, with heavy taxation and enjoyed the liberty of the press; +having become convinced that militarism does not promote the prosperity +and manhood of the people, why should they not as one man ask the +Fatherland now to present their cause to arbitrators? To no body of +American citizens has there ever come a more strategic opportunity, or a +responsibility so heavy. Some of the most thoughtful men in this land +believe that the destiny of Germany rests now largely with the leaders +of the 6,000,000 German-Americans in our country. But no matter what the +outcome, let no man think that God and justice are not fully equal to +this emergency. The great vine of Liberty was planted by Divine hands in +the Eden garden. Just now men are feeding the blossoms of the tree of +life to their war horses and splitting the boughs of that tree into +shafts for their spears. The storm roars through the branches, but the +storm will die out. Better days are coming. It may be that the +convulsion of war will do for Europe what the earthquake did for the +rude folk of Greece--cracked the solid rock and exposed the silver veins +that gave the wealth with which rude men built Athens, with its art, its +literature, its law and its liberty. Take no counsel of crouching fear, +God is abroad in the world. With Him a thousand years are as one day. +When a long time has passed let us believe that self-government will be +found to be the most stable form of government, and that these golden +words, Liberty, Opportunity, Intelligence, and Integrity, will be the +watch-words not only of the republic, but of all the nations of the +earth. + + + + +Interview With Dr. Hillis + +_From the Brooklyn Eagle._ + + +A frank declaration that he was opposed to Germany in the present great +war was the answer returned today [Dec. 21, 1914] by the Rev. Dr. Newell +Dwight Hillis to the protests against his sermon at Plymouth Church last +night, in which he scored militarism and the Kaiser. + +Not only did Dr. Hillis come out with the statement that he had said and +meant all to which exception was taken in his sermon, but, in an +interview today in his study, in the Arbuckle Institute, he asserted as +well that he had told but little of what he had come to believe about +Germany. This position, he said, was that America and all the world must +hope for German defeat, and must see that Germany was in the wrong. + +"I was for Germany five months ago," said Dr. Hillis. "I have been +lecturing for five years about the lessons we might learn from Germany. +Five months ago, it may be remembered, I gave an interview, in which I +praised Germany and in which I took the part of the German people in the +dreadful war that had come. + +"But I have changed my mind. I have seen that I was mistaken. Several +months ago I gave instructions to my lecture bureau to withdraw my +lecture, 'The New Germany,' from my list. That was about the middle of +September, and it was only then that I realized what a German success +would mean to the world--how there could be nothing else but a world of +armed camps, how we in this country, too, would have to adopt militarism +in order to live. + +"Just prior to that time, in the first of my Sunday evening sermons in +this course, I had praised the Kaiser. I believed in the German ideals, +I believed in German progress, German inventions, German principles. But +I was wrong. I have now become convinced of what I never imagined +before--that in the German viewpoint the only sin against the Holy Ghost +is military impotency, and, to use Treitschke's words again, the only +virtue is militarism." + +The pastor of Plymouth uttered this attack upon Germany with a +scornfulness which the printed word can hardly indicate. He was as +strongly against Germany--more strongly against Germany now than he had +before been in favor of Germany, he said. It was a position, he said, to +which everybody in the United States was turning, and it was inevitable +that Germany should find the world against her. + +In his frank avowal of his position regarding Germany and the Kaiser, +Dr. Hillis admitted, too, that his sermon last night had contained more +than appeared on the surface. When he stated in the sermon that no man +or ruler should ever adopt the view of the peasant and the cave man, and +try to make the Eternal God a tribal God, he had the Kaiser in mind, +said Dr. Hillis. The sermon is published in full in today's sermon pages +of The Eagle. + +In addition, Dr. Hillis said that while he believed that his sermon +could not be considered in any way a violation of President Wilson's +appeal for neutrality, yet, indirectly, the passages to which exception +had been taken could be rightly construed as an attack upon Germany and +the Kaiser. + +"You believe that it is right for a minister to use the pulpit to +express his own views upon a subject like this?" was asked. + +"I do not believe that it is right for a minister to air his peculiar +political views upon any subject--personal, social, or economic," +answered Dr. Hillis, emphatically. "The church is a conservatory where a +warm, genial atmosphere should be created. My conception of the work of +a minister is that he is to create an atmosphere in the church on Sunday +so that the Republican with the tariff, the Democrat who believes in +free trade, and the Single Taxer can all grow and express their judgment +during the week. + +"The sun and the Summer shine for all kinds of seeds and roots, and the +minister and the church should create an atmosphere in which all +temperaments and races and faiths can grow. It is quite true that there +were some of my German friends and members who rather protested against +my view last night. But they had the same right and liberty to protest +that I have. A German physician told me plainly that he thought that +within six months I would change my view, and with the new light go over +to the position of his native land, and even thought that I might +retract all my studies, that are apparently prejudiced in favor of the +republic and self-government and the liberty of the press. Well, if I do +change my views and am converted to his viewpoint, I certainly will +retract my statements. But I think this improbable. The task of +converting me should be let out as a Government contract--in piecemeal." + +Dr. Hillis was reminded here that a number of people were said to have +left the church last night in the course of his sermon as a sign of +protest against the expression of his views. Asked if it were true, Dr. +Hillis answered: + +"I did not see many leave," and then declared that it was impossible to +imagine that war should not be discussed in the churches as it was being +discussed everywhere else. He continued with the assertion that he +believed it was his duty as the minister of Plymouth Church to say what +he had, and then made this assertion with a vehemence that was almost +startling: + +"Whenever the time comes that I have to add God and the devil together +and divide by two in the name of neutrality, I'll withdraw. I'm not +going to sacrifice my manhood for what some people call neutrality." + +It was on this score that Dr. Hillis came out with his unequivocal +declaration that he was against Germany and against the Kaiser. He +asserted that the viewpoint of the German people would have to be +changed if they were to take the place in the world he had thought their +due, five months ago, and he stated there could be no doubt but that the +war was occasioned by Germany's lust for power--political, industrial, +economic. + +"I believe that the real issue of this war is largely industrial," +continued Dr. Hillis. "It is an industrial war and not a political war. +Some days ago I said that the real fight between Germany and the nations +opposed to her was a fight for the possession of the iron fields +recently discovered in Northern France. That statement regarding +Germany's iron deposits and the whole economic situation has been +challenged. + +"Instead of modifying my position, I wish to reaffirm it. This is an age +of steel. Without hematite iron deposits Germany cannot build her +steamships, her cannon, her railways, her factories. German engineers +have been saying for five years that another five years will exhaust her +present iron supply. On Page 221 of the volume 'Problems of Power,' the +author says that within a generation 20,000,000 of Germany's people will +have to leave their native land. The pressure of iron and the call of +steel led to Germany's development of the Morocco situation, where there +are valuable iron mines. A short time ago French engineers discovered +the largest and richest body of iron ore in Europe. Fullerton, in his +book on the subject, expresses the judgment that one province has enough +hematite iron ore to last Europe for the next 150 years. + +"This diplomat and author said plainly two years ago, in one of his +review articles, that Germany would go to war to obtain the iron +deposits in Northern France, and that if she loses the war, she will +fall behind in the manufacturing race, and that the French bankers and +French engineers will make France the great manufacturing force and the +richest people in Europe. The Napoleonic wars were wars between +political ideas. The collision was between autocracy and bureaucracy and +French democracy and radicalism. The new antagonism grows out of +economic conditions. Germany wants to supersede England upon the seas, +and Germany wants the iron mines of France, and this is the whole +situation in a nutshell. + +"No, I am not sinning against the law of neutrality. I am trying to +freshen the old American ideals of self-government for the young men and +women in Plymouth Church. If the whole-hearted support of America's free +institutions involves indirectly a dissent from imperialism and +militarism, I am not responsible. I admit there is a necessary +condemnation of autocracy involved in the mere publication of the +Declaration of Independence. Ours is a Government of laws and not of +men, and I have been discussing the principles of self-government and +not rulers who represent imperialism. + +"Neutrality does not mean the wiping out of conviction. There are some +men who think that neutrality means adding God and the devil together +and dividing by two. And there are some statesmen who seem to think that +neutrality means adding together autocracy and democracy, and halving +the result. I do not share that view. I believe it is the first duty of +the German-American and the native-born American to uphold the +fundamental principles of self-government, and of an industrial +civilization as opposed to a military machine, and if this means protest +and criticism, then that protest must be accepted." + + + + +TIPPERARY. + +By JOHN B. KENNEDY. + + + (At the other end of the long, long road.) + + Who is it stands at the full o' the door? + Mary O'Fay, Mother O'Fay. + An' what is she watching an' waiting for? + Och, none but her soul can say. + + There's a list in the Post Office long an' black, + With tidings bad, and woeful sad; + The names of the boys who'll ne'er come back, + An' one is her darling lad. + + We showed her the list; but she cannot read, + So we told her true, yes, we told her true. + Her old eyes stared till they'd almost bleed, + An' she swore that none of us knew. + + She's waiting now for Father O'Toole, + Till he goes her way at the noon of day. + She's simperin' white--the poor old fool, + For she knows what the priest'll say. + + * * * * * + + Who is it sprawls upon the sod + At the break o' day? It's Mickey O'Fay; + His eyes glare up to the walls of God, + And half of his head is blown away. + + What is he doing in that strange place, + Torn and shred, and murdered dead? + He's singin' the psalm of the fighting race + As his soul soars wide o'erhead. + + He killed three foemen before he fell + (Och, the toll he'd take and the skulls he'd break!) + And he shrieked like a soul escaped from Hell + As he died for the Sassenach's sake. + + Who shall we blame for the awful thing-- + For the blood that flows and the heart-wrung throes? + Kaiser or Czar; statesman or King? + Och, leave it to Him Who Knows! + + + + +As America Sees the War + +By Harold Begbie. + + +I. + + _In order to determine how American public opinion concerning + the war is running, The London Daily Chronicle sent Mr. Begbie + to this country. The two articles printed below appeared in + The Chronicle_. + +Every day of my sojourn in this country deepens the desire in my mind to +see an increasing unity of understanding between America and England. I +feel that the audacity of America, its passion for the Right Thing, and +its impatience with the spirit of muddling through are the finest +incentives for modern England, England at this dawn of her political +renascence. I feel, too, as Americans themselves most willingly +acknowledge, that Great Britain has something to give to America out of +the ancient treasury of her domestic experience. Finally, I like +Americans so heartily that I want to be the best of friends with them. + +But it was only last night in this old and mighty city of Philadelphia +that the greatest of reasons for an alliance was brought sharply home to +my mind. I had thought, loosely enough, that since we speak the same +language, share many of the same traditions, and equally desire peace +for the prosperity of our trade, surely some alliance between us was +natural, and with a little effort might be made inevitable. The deeper, +more political, and far grander reason for this comradeship between the +two nations had never definitely shaped itself to my consciousness. + +Enlightenment came to me in the course of conversation with two +thoughtful Philadelphians whose minds are centred on something which +transcends patriotism and who work with fine courage and remarkable +ability for the triumph of their idea. + +One of these men said to me: "You speak of an alliance between England +and America; do you mind telling us what you mean by that term +alliance?" + +I explained that I had no thought in my mind of treaties and tariffs; +that the word "alliance" meant nothing more to me than conscious +friendship, and that such a disposition between two nations thinking in +the same language, speaking and writing the same language, must result, +I thought, in an ever-multiplying volume of trade, to the great +advantage of both parties. + + +Thinks Little of Blood Ties. + +Out of this explanation came the following statement, made by the second +Philadelphian: "I am as desirous as you are for such an understanding. I +desire it so greatly that I venture to offer you a warning on the +subject. It would be a mistake on your part, I am convinced, to advocate +any such friendship, any such understanding, any such alliance, if you +prefer that word, on the score of blood ties or a common speech. Believe +me, the American, to speak generally, thinks very little of such +matters. When America was far more English in its population than it is +now scarcely any country was more unpopular with us than your country. + +"I can remember when hatred for England was a kind of gospel with +Americans. The Irish fanned that hatred. Your country had behaved badly +toward us, war had left its scar on our memories, we rejoiced that we +had thrown off a yoke which we felt to be definitely tyrannous. What, +then, has produced the change in America--America, whose population is +now made up from nearly all the nations of the earth? Have your people +thought why we are on their side in this present war? Have they asked +themselves that question? If so, and they have answered it with such a +phrase as 'blood is thicker than water,' I can assure you they give not +only a false answer but an answer which betrays amazing ignorance, if +you will forgive the word, of this country's population. Blood thicker +than water! Why, look at our names; our blood is world's blood. + +"We're a nation of all the nations. The English element is only one +element. Our ancestors were French, Dutch, German, Spanish, Norwegian, +Russian, Danish, Irish, Greek, and Italian. The modern American citizen +is no more English than the Boers of South Africa are English. And yet +in overwhelming figures the American population is on the side of the +Allies, and particularly on the side of England. Why?" + + +England Stands for Democracy. + +"It is," he continued, "because England of all the nations on the earth +stands for the democratic ideals which are the very breath of life to +America. Modern England is for us the greatest of democracies. You lead +the way to the rest of the world, if not in science and art, at any rate +here in the great business of humanity's social existence. We see that +the old England of privilege and obstinate prerogatives and bull-headed +conservatism is dead. All your best qualities, straight dealing, +honesty, fearless justice, and faith in the goodness of human nature are +devoted now to the only ideals which can save progress from rot and +decay. Your democracy is master. It has no overlords. And, from what we +can gather since this war broke out, it would seem that your aristocracy +is coming more and more into line with the democracy, making great +sacrifices, showing a deeper appreciation of the democracy and shedding +the worst of its prejudices in the common love of liberty and right. + +"We hope that your aristocracy may render as great a service to the +extravagant plutocracy of this country as your democracy has rendered to +our democracy. To make life better, that's the work of all intelligent +people. That's what our democracy is after, and, because your democracy +is after the same thing, that's why we are on your side in this war. +Under all the sentiment on the subject this is the bedrock fact. We're +for England because we're for the ideals of democracy. That we speak the +same language is only an accident. It's your spirit we desire to share, +the spirit which desires to make life kinder, sweeter, better, more +beautiful, and more righteous. America believes in civilization. It +doesn't want culture in bearskin and top boots. It wants civilization, +and civilization means a culture that takes in the whole of a man's +being--his body, his mind, his spirit. Well, we think you're after the +same ideal; we believe that you're as conscious of humanity as we are, +and we begin to realize pretty acutely that in a world rather barbarous +on the whole, come to think of it, we can't afford to lose England." + +The other man added: "Germany stands for nearly everything we Americans +are opposed to, tooth and nail. We just loathe militarism. +Conscription's a thing we abominate. And feudalism is more dead over +here than in any country in the world." + +"But bear in mind," said the first, "we have few people in America +better than the Germans. The Germans are almost the most efficient of +our immigrants. They've taught us a lot. We owe them a mighty big debt. +Before their coming we were prodigals. We used up our natural resources +with a ruthless disregard for the future. We leveled our forests for +timber, and just scratched the top soil of the land for corn. Now we're +learning to farm scientifically and to conserve our wealth. And this is +due in no small degree to the Germans. The German, emancipated from +feudalism and kaiserism, is a pretty good citizen. In fact, among the +men who have most helped modern America we reckon Germans and Irishmen." + +I told them this story: A man in New York was speaking the other day to +Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador. Count von Bernstorff was +endeavoring to prove to this important personage that England had forced +the war upon Germany out of jealousy of her trade competition. "Sir," +said the American, "you really must not tell me that, and I advise you +not to tell such a tale to other Americans. For we know very well that +we are greater trade rivals of England than you are, and that, in spite +of that fact, here on this continent of America we have got 3,000 miles +of British frontier without a fort or a gun." He then said to the +Ambassador: "No, Sir; your mistake all through has been in making an +enemy of England when your best interest was to make friends with her. +If you had made friends with England, you would have got all you +wanted." To this accusation, I understand, the Ambassador made answer +that Germany had endeavored to make friends with England, but had been +repulsed. We have a different record in England. The American quietly +reminded the Ambassador of the fact that England admits German goods +free of tariff charges. + + +Germany Represents Autocracy. + +The two Philadelphians perfectly agreed with the justice of this +accusation, and declared again that it was because Germany represented +all the perils and slavishness of autocracy, and because England +represented the freedom, the justice, and the passion for social welfare +which inspire all living democracies, that America was so absolutely on +the English side. + +They spoke of Ireland, and expressed the hope that the Conservative +Party would do nothing to hinder that great settlement which has done so +much to increase American respect for England. + +"We recognize over here," said one, "that the Liberal Party, in going to +the rescue of Belgium, sacrificed some of its greatest ideals on the +altar of national righteousness. War must have been a bitter draught for +Lloyd George. Your social programme will be checked for many years. But +if the Conservatives attempt to spoil the Irish settlement, that will be +worse than anything else. It will mean confusion for you at home and +loss of reputation abroad." + +I spoke of what I had heard on this subject from Irish-Americans, and +they confirmed everything recorded in my former article. The three great +things, outside of increasing opportunities for intercourse, which have +drawn modern America toward England, they told me, are the social +legislation of the Liberal Party, the triumph of home rule, and +England's keeping her word to Belgium. By these three things, I was +assured, the old animosities against England have been destroyed, and a +spirit of enthusiasm for English ideals has been born among Americans. + +I should like to say that, while many American women love England for +the beauty and repose of her social life, and most eloquently base their +affection on the assertion that blood is thicker than water, the men of +America are sometimes inclined, and not unnaturally, to disapprove of +this pleasing sentimentalism. I now begin to perceive that the men of +America are not jealous of England's social life, but anxious to put +their friendship on a more substantial foundation. + +Liberalism not only uplifts democracy; it establishes England in the +affection of all vital democracies. If the Conservatives, so liberal and +charming in their private lives, combine with the Liberals after this +hideous war to reconstruct our national life and to consolidate the +empire, how great will be the harvest reaped by our children! + +It is in the high and lofty name of civilization that the American +people are anxious to make friends with the people of Great Britain. We +have both got something to live for greater than patriotism and +imperialism, greater because it includes them both. + + +II. + +Irish-American Feeling + +Until I came to America I had not the least idea of the depth of hatred +which has existed among Irish-Americans toward England. Nothing that I +ever encountered in Ireland itself is comparable with this transatlantic +fury of unforgiving hate. + +An Irishman who had held very high office in America, a well-educated, a +kindly, and a judicious man, told me that when war with Germany was in +the air he could not prevent himself from hailing this opportunity for +declaring his hatred, his undying hatred, of England. His father had +suffered frightfully in the great famine; every story he ever heard at +his mother's knee was a story of English tyranny, English brutality, +English rapacity; England, for him, stood at the rack centre, the +lustful and bestial slave driver, the cruel and merciless extortioner. + +This man's good judgment, however, would not suffer him to approve of +German militarism, and as events moved forward he gave his support more +and more to the cause of the Allies. + +"But I want you to know," he told me, striking the table with his hand +and watching me carefully, "that I was dead against John Redmond for +saying that Ireland must go to the aid of England. Ireland's call was to +go to the aid of civilization. If Germany had stood for civilization, I +should have been on Germany's side and dead against England. + +"I tell you, at the beginning of this business I longed to see England +defeated, humiliated, broken to the dust. But civilization is of such +enormous consequence that I put my natural hatred of England on one +side. The violation of Belgium made me an anti-German. And with the vast +majority of Irishmen in America it was the same thing. The menace of +German militarism forced us into your camp. + +"I am perfectly certain that but for the violation of Belgium there +would have been in this country among Irish-Americans an open movement +publicly proclaimed in favor of Germany. That is my fixed opinion. And I +happen to know what I am talking about." + + +No Hatred of England. + +I gathered in the course of his conversation that Irish friendliness +toward England is a final manifestation of a change in the feeling of +all America toward England. It was not very long ago that President +Cleveland wanted war with England. Hatred of England was at one time as +fiercely handed down from generation to generation by Americans as by +Irish-Americans. We have to thank our English stars that America has +outgrown this historic hate and that Irish-Americans now show the new +and happier feeling of their compatriots. + +I asked this Irishman, no one better able throughout America to express +a just opinion on the subject, what difference had been made in the +feeling toward England by the passing of the Home Rule bill. + +"It was the passing of that bill," he replied, "which finished the work +begun by German militarism. Home rule has softened our feelings toward +England, particularly among the thousands of Irish-Americans who are +born over here and whose fathers have become too Americanized to +remember the sufferings of their ancestors. + +"There is still some hatred of England, but not very much. It is a +sentimental, a poetic hatred, not a political hatred. One finds it among +a few individuals. What agitation is now going on is secret and +underground, a sure proof that it is unrepresentative. We ignore it. It +means nothing. No; the passing of the Home Rule bill has given balance +to the Irish mind. + +"It has helped Irish-Americans to realize that the dreadful sins of +England are sins of a dead and gone England, and it has helped them to +see that the present England, so far as its democracy is concerned, +sincerely desires to make reparation for the past. In fact, the war and +the Home Rule bill together have produced such a transformation in the +Irish-American nature as I, for one, never expected and never hoped to +see." + +He then warned me that this great change might suffer a dangerous +reaction if England allows the religious bigotry of Ulster to split +Ireland into two camps. To the Irish-American Ireland is a country, a +home, and a shrine, one and indivisible. + +"Such a surrender," said my friend, "would not only be fatal to Ireland +but fatal to something even greater than Ireland, and that is the cause +of religion in an age of increasing paganism. For the world can only be +saved from the ruin of paganism, as we are beginning to see very clearly +in America, by a union of religious forces. + +"I am a Catholic, but I say that any man who says 'Only through my door +can you enter into heaven' is a bad Christian. There are many doors into +heaven. What we have all got to do, Catholics and non-Catholics, is to +insist together that there is a heaven, that there is a life after +death, that there is a God. The more doors the better. No one has a +monopoly of heaven. + +"And to Ireland is offered the opportunity, greater than politicians +appear to perceive, of presenting to the world an example of tolerance +and compromise in the supreme interests of religion which may have +incalculable results for the whole world. But what will happen if +England bows before the worst and the stupidest bigotry the modern world +can show? Not only will you strike a blow at Ireland and a blow at +Irish-American sympathy, but a blow at the vitals of religion. + +"For it is only by sinking religious differences and making a common +advance against this universal paganism that religion can save the soul +of civilization. If you do not see the truth of that fact in England I +think you must be blind. The fullness of civilization hangs upon +religious union; religious dissension is the enemy." + + +Change in Ulster. + +Another Irish-American who was present on this occasion, an accomplished +man of letters and a traveler, asked me what England felt about Ulster's +share in the responsibility for the present war. + +"I myself have seen two letters from Ulster," he said, "in which the +phrase occurs, 'Rather the Kaiser than the Pope.' These letters were +written before the war. Ulster, no doubt, has now changed her tune. But +it was that spirit, surely, and the reports sent to Berlin by German +officers who visited Ulster and inquired into the military character of +Carsonism which persuaded Germany that England would not fight." + +Irish-Americans are persuaded that Sir Edward Carson is in very great +measure responsible for all the ruin and death and bitter suffering of +the enormous catastrophe. He boasted that he would make civil war, and +such were his preparations that in any other country in the world civil +war would have been inevitable. + +Germany counted on that civil war. The British Army was said to be +completely under the influence of Carsonism. The real catastrophe for +the diplomacy of Berlin was not India's loyalty and the vigorous +uprising of the young dominions, but the dying down of Ulster mutiny. + +These Irish-Americans have hated the ruling classes in England, not only +for sins of the past but for the unworthy and most cruel opposition +offered by those ruling classes, in the name of religious intolerance, +to the ideals of the Irish Nation. + +When Unionist politicians sneer at the subscriptions sent by Irish +servant girls in America to help the cause of Ireland they should +reflect that not only do they fail to make a good joke, not only do they +exhibit a horribly bad taste, but they spread hatred of England through +the thousands and thousands of people. For it is the loyalty of the +poorest of these Irish-Americans, the sacrifices perpetually made by +the humblest of them, which should move us to see, as it has certainly +moved the American people to see, that the cause of Irish liberty is +noble and undying. + + +Religious Education. + +With all my heart I would beg Unionists in England to reflect +conscientiously upon this very significant state of affairs in America: + +A non-Catholic Bible used to be read in the public schools of America +down to the year 1888. A Catholic agitation against this Bible reading +was begun in 1885, and in 1888 the custom was finally abolished. From +that date to this there has been no religious instruction of any kind in +the public schools of America. + +Bigotry and intolerance won that victory. The Catholic Church, in its +folly, destroyed religious teaching in the schools of the country. +Catholics themselves are now looking back on that agitation with +religious repentance and political regret. + +The result of this abolition is that Catholics and non-Catholics who +believe in the importance of religious instruction, and who see the +pagan effect of purely secular instruction, do not send their children +to the public schools. + +"These schools, for which Christians are heavily taxed, are in the +possession of the Hebrews. If nothing is done to alter the existing +state of things Americans themselves assure me that in five-and-twenty +years America will be a pagan country. But a fight is to be made to +avert this disaster at the Constitutional Convention to be held next +month. + +"What we have to do," my Irish friend told me, "Catholics and +non-Catholics alike, is to appeal for schools representing Catholic and +non-Catholic teaching. Instead of the various churches fighting against +each other they must fight together, helping one another to get the +schools they demand. Only in this way can we save civilization." + +This is how the Irishman, breathing the free air of America, and in +America rising to positions of extraordinary power and responsibility, +views the foundational question of religion; while England allows +herself to be dragged at the heels of the frothing fanatic who has +actually dared to raise the unholy battle cry of "Rather the Kaiser than +the Pope." + +Let the Unionist Party hesitate before it seeks to revive this hideous, +utterly irrational and most unchristianlike spirit at the very heart of +the British Empire. The sower of hate is the reaper of death. + + + + +TO MELOS, POMEGRANATE ISLE. + +By GRACE HARRIET MACURDY. + + (Destroyed by Athens, 416 B.C., because of her refusal to + break neutrality.--Thucydides V., 84-116; Euripides, "Trojan + Women.") + + + O thou Pomegranate of the Sea, + Sweet Melian isle, across the years + Thy Belgian sister calls to thee + In anguished sweat of blood and tears. + + Her fate like thine--a ruthless band + Hath ravaged all her loveliness. + How Athens spoiled thy prosperous land + Athenian lips with shame confess. + + Thou, too, a land of lovely arts, + Of potter's and of sculptor's skill-- + Thy folk of high undaunted hearts + As those that throb in Belgium still. + + Within thy harbor's circling rim + The warships long, with banners bright, + Sailed bearing Athens' message grim-- + "God hates the weak. Respect our Might." + + The flame within thy fanes grew cold, + Stilled by the foeman's swarming hordes. + Thy sons were slain, thy daughters sold + To serve the lusts of stranger lords. + + For Attic might thou didst defy + Thy folk the foeman slew as sheep, + Across the years hear Belgium's cry-- + "O Sister, of the Wine-Dark Deep, + + "Whose cliffs gleam seaward roseate. + Not one of all my martyr roll + But keeps his faith inviolate, + Man kills our body, not our soul." + + + + +What America Can Do + +By Lord Channing of Wellingborough. + + Lord Channing, who makes the following suggestion to American + statesmen, was born in the United States of the well-known + Channings of Boston. His father was the Rev. W.H. Channing, + Chaplain of the House of Representatives during the civil war + and a close friend of President Lincoln. Lord Channing has + been for twenty-five years a member of the British Parliament, + and for the last three years a member of the House of Lords, + having been created first Baron of Wellingborough in 1912. He + is President of the British National Peace Congress. + + +To the Editor of The New York Times: + +As a member of the British Legislature for a generation, and a lifelong +Liberal, and having also the closest ties of blood with America, and a +proud reverence for her ideals, I would wish, with the utmost respect, +to offer some comments on one specific aspect of present affairs, as +they affect America, which does not seem to have been marked off with +the distinctness its importance calls for. + +This is the greatest crisis in the history of the world, and attention +concentrates itself on the attitude of the greatest neutral State. + +It is unthinkable that America can divest herself of responsibility for +the final outcome. This seems as clearly recognized in America as in +Europe. + +To us in England this war is a life or death struggle between two +principles--Pan-Germanism on the one side, with its avowed purpose to +impose its hegemony and its rigid system of ideas and organization on +the rest of the world, not by consent, but by irresistible military +force; on the other side the claim of the other nations, large and +small, to maintain inviolate their freedom and individuality, and to +think and work out for themselves their own political and economic +future in their own way. + +The one principle would seem the flat contradiction of all that America +stands for, the other principle would seem to be precisely the essential +idea of free self-government and democratic evolution, in which are +rooted the very life and being of America. + +For this reason there is instinctive and profound sympathy on the part +of the great majority of native Americans with the cause of England and +her allies. + +This sympathy is not merely the tie of blood or the unity of ideals. +Reason has convinced Americans that the supreme principles and highest +interests of America will be best safeguarded if the Allies win. + +They dread instinctively what might happen if Pan-Germanism absorbed the +smaller nationalities, crushed the great free countries like France and +England, and dominated the whole world with the "mailed fist," not only +Europe and the Far East, but South America and the Pacific. Perhaps the +hint of Count Bernstorff that Canada may be treated like Belgium, and +the Monroe Doctrine like other "scraps of paper," may also have thrown +some light for Americans on a "Germanized" future! And a cast-iron +system of commercial and industrial monopoly dictated by German needs +cannot attract. + + +America Can't Stand Apart. + +That is one side that American statesmen have to consider. There is, of +course, another. + +The United States visibly form the greatest force the world has yet seen +to bring together, to unite, to assimilate, in the development of their +vast territories, measureless resources, and complicated industries, all +that is best from all the other great nations, welding slowly but +surely, through free institutions, these new elements into instruments +for the fuller realization of the generous and noble ideals for which +America stands. Perhaps an eighteenth or even fifteenth part of the +population is of German origin, a percentage not far from equal to that +contributed by the United Kingdom and Canada. + +There is thus not only the broad question of avoiding war with Germany, +whose people have so large a share in the life of America, a war doubly +unwelcome at all times because of the innumerable links of science, +invention, professional training, of commerce, and of personal +friendship; but there is also the local question of peace and good-will +in the daily work of America as between huge sections of her population. +These visible facts not unnaturally give great weight to the argument +for neutrality. No wise man on this side of the Atlantic will try to +ignore them, or take exception to the dignity and correctness with which +the American Executive has dealt with the grave problem before it. + +Neutrality has, of course, its limits and conditions, logical and moral. +Those limits and conditions, the possibility of their infringement in +such a way as to make some change of policy imperative, are matters +solely for the United States. + +The point the present writer wishes to press is on a different plane, +and is precisely this: + +America does not and can not stand wholly apart from supreme European +decisions. + +America is as responsible as Europe for the great extensions, +definitions, the strengthening and modification of international law. +America stands forth as the apostle of arbitration, to widen the area +within which disputed points may be determined amicably. America stands +also as the chief signatory of the great world conventions which have +settled new rules for the conduct of war, to mitigate its horrors, +especially for non-combatants. + +America has taken a noble part in framing machinery for securing peace +and justice, and in moving forward the landmarks of civilization as +against savagery, and of human mercy as against cruel terrorism. + +Can America safely or wisely divest herself of the duty thus placed upon +her, logically and morally, by her participation in this, the noblest +work of our age? + +And is it wise or is it safe to indefinitely postpone the discharge of +this duty? + +By the events of the last three months the whole of this new charter of +humanity has been challenged and is at stake. + +Is it not sound policy as well as an imperative duty to take some step +here and now to "stop the rot" and to make good here and now as much as +we can of what we have won and wish to keep? + + +Belgium's Wrongs. + +Admittedly a "guiltless and unoffending nation,"[1] whose neutrality and +independence had been solemnly guaranteed by treaty, to which the powers +concerned in the war were parties, has had her treaty rights violated by +one of these powers on the cynical plea that there is no right or wrong +as against national interest, that necessity obeys no law, and treaties +are "scraps of paper." This is not matter for inquiry or judicial +decision at some later date. It has been frankly avowed by the German +Government from the outset of this war. + +[Footnote 1: Theodore Roosevelt.] + +Again, this admitted wrong is not the sudden and unavoidable outcome of +events unforeseen and uncontrollable. It has been deliberately planned +years ahead, with elaborate preparation of railway and other facilities, +and with every invention and contrivance, to rush in irresistible +forces; to subvert and destroy the independent State that Germany was +herself pledged to defend. + +Thirdly, this policy of absolute annihilation of Belgium, of its right +to live its own life, its right even to preserve those monuments of its +noble and beautiful history which had become treasured heirlooms of the +whole world, has been carried out with a ruthless barbarity to the +people, and especially the non-combatants, for which it is hard to find +a parallel in the worst incidents of the Thirty Years' War or of the +devastation of the Palatinate. To bring the actual guilt home to those +who actually did or ordered these deeds to be done in individual cases +is one thing. The broad fact that these barbarous deeds were done stands +manifest and insistent, and demands such instant action as can be taken +by a great and responsible people. + +And, lastly, there is the undisguised adoption of the policy of +terrorizing non-combatants to submission by such acts as forcing women +and children to walk before the advancing enemy, the wholesale burning +of houses, shooting of hostages and other non-combatants, and the +dropping of bombs from aeroplanes not on forts or troops, but on places +where women and children can be killed or injured. + +And all this tragic sweeping away of such good things as had been won +with worldwide consent, at the instance of the Czar in initiating The +Hague policy, has gone on, so far as it could go on, with equal horror, +throughout Northern France. Rheims and Senlis have suffered the fate of +Louvain and Termonde and Malines, and Paris has had her quota of women +and children wantonly slain by bombs, exactly like Antwerp. + + +The Threat to England. + +And America knows, as we here in England know, from the open menace of +the German press, writing of England as the _one supreme enemy_, that it +is the full intention of Germans, if they can, to carry through England, +too, even more ruthlessly, the same policy. + +We are fighting here, and are confident that we shall fight with +success, not only to protect our English homes and to guard the historic +buildings of this land but to make an end of this Prussian terrorism of +the world; to secure no national aggrandizement, but to secure a +permanent and solid peace, based on guaranteed liberties, and a rational +settlement of the question of armaments. + +These questions touch us all the more because many of us have been the +most persistent friends of international peace and have specially +labored to promote happy and friendly relations with the German people. +The present writer, who was honored by election as President of this +year's National Peace Congress, has been associated with the work of men +like Lord Brassey, Sir John Lubbock, (later Lord Avebury,) as a member +of the Anglo-German Friendship League, and has repeatedly in Parliament +argued against any hostile or provocative attitude toward Germany. This +war is our answer and our reward! + + +America in the Settlement. + +So far as can be judged from authoritative words of President Wilson and +ex-President Roosevelt, America does and will claim a right to share in +the final settlement of the terms of a permanent and stable peace. + +If that claim is sound, if the efforts of America to create better +machinery for securing peace and for generously and humanely vindicating +the liberties and happiness of nations and of the individuals who make +them up do entitle America to a voice, and a potent voice, in the work +of mending and remaking the world after this terrific catastrophe, then +I would submit with all respect that it is really idle to wait till all +the recognized principles of what has been held to be right or wrong as +between nations, and what has been held to be right or wrong in the +methods of conducting war have gone overboard, without one word of +protest; we must save the world first, if we are to have a real chance +of remaking it on lines which are worth having. + +Nothing but good could come from immediate action by the American +Executive to assert as they, best of all nations, could assert, now and +at once in terms uncompromising, unanswerable, that the ground taken up +by international consent in the past generation must be held now and +hereafter, and accepted as an essential basis of the final settlement. + +Such a pronouncement now by America would make a landmark in +history--would render a measureless service to the whole world in +emancipation from the persistent degradation of the twin doctrines that +might makes right, and that necessity knows no law, and would bring to +America herself imperishable honor and glory in the fearless assertion +and eternal consecration of her own noblest ideals. + +I would submit further that such a national declaration by America +involves no violation of neutrality, and is in no sense inconsistent +with the spirit of official utterances already made. + +To take the latter first--we have had notable utterances from the +President and from the ex-President. + +President Wilson seems to have given a sympathetic hearing to the +mission which laid the case of Belgium before him, both as to the +violation of Belgium's neutrality and as to the cruel treatment of the +non-combatant population and the wanton destruction of towns and +villages and of precious historical monuments. He is understood to have +promised an investigation, and it is gathered from the Independance +Belge this week that this investigation has been, and is being, carried +out by American Military Attaches in Belgium, and also at the London +Embassy of the United States. + +Again, President Wilson's recent letter to the Kaiser, while confirming +neutrality in precise terms, went on to intimate that there must be a +"day of settlement" and that "where injustices have found a place +results are sure to follow, and all those who have been found at fault +will have to answer for them." If the "general settlement" does not +sufficiently determine this, there is the ultimate sanction of "the +opinion of mankind" which will "in such cases interfere." He would +apparently reserve judgment until the end of the war, but in no way +disclaims or surrenders American responsibility. + +Mr. Roosevelt is not tied by official responsibility, and can speak with +less restraint and more freedom. In The Outlook he has substantially +accepted and indorsed all that is material in the Belgian case. + +America should help in securing a peace which will not mean the +"crushing the liberty and life of just and inoffending peoples or +consecrate the rule of militarism," but which "will, by international +agreement, minimize the chances of the recurrence of such worldwide +disaster," and "will, in the interests of civilization, create +conditions which will make such action" as the violation of Belgian +treaty rights "impossible in the future." + +Like President Wilson, he seems to think that the time for judicial +pronouncement on acts presumably guilty and wrongful will come at the +conclusion of the war. At the same time he surrenders no part of +America's responsibility, but reaffirms it with all the force of his +trenchant style. + +But elsewhere, and later, he has insisted on the "helplessness"--the +"humiliating impotence created by the fact that our neutrality can only +be preserved by failure to help to right what is wrong." + + +Mr. Roosevelt's Remedy. + +And he has gone on to adumbrate his practical remedy--"a world league" +with "an amplified Hague Court," made strong by joint agreement of the +powers, to secure "peace and righteousness," and to vindicate the just +decisions of such a court by "a union of forces to enforce the decree." +He adds that this might help to obtain a "limitation of armaments that +would be real and effective." + +That so happy a plan may be capable of realization would be the hope of +all wise men. + +But where I take exception with Col. Roosevelt is as to America's +present "impotence"--that nothing effectual can be done by America +without breaking her own neutrality. + +That view I wholly traverse. It might conceivably be felt by America, +under certain grave eventualities, that neutrality must be broken. + +But it is clear that the articles of The Hague Convention of 1907 amply +provide for the type of action here and now by the United States which +I have ventured to lay before American statesmen in this paper. And, in +my opinion, it is conceivable that more good might be achieved by +America taking that action, while maintaining her neutrality. + +It goes without saying, it really needs no demonstration, that nearly +every international agreement embodied in The Hague Convention has been +broken, wholly or in part, in the letter and in the spirit, in the +proceedings of this unhappy year. + +The violation of the territory of a neutral State by the transit of +belligerent troops and other acts of war is forbidden, (Articles 1, 2, +3, 4, &c.) It is the duty of the neutral State not to tolerate, (Article +5,) but to resist such acts, and her forcible resistance is not to be +regarded as an act of war, (Article 10.) + + +Interference with Neutrals. + +That, of course, covers the case of Belgium completely and establishes +absolutely that there is, and need be, no breach of neutrality in +resistance thus legally sanctioned to illegal interference with neutral +rights. + +It is hardly necessary to recapitulate the articles that have been torn +up. To refer to the most striking, there is the repeated bombardment of +undefended towns, pillage incessant throughout Belgium and Northern +France, (Articles 28 and 47;) the levying of illegal contributions, +(Articles 49 and 52;) the seizure of cash and securities belonging to +private persons, banks, and local authorities, (Articles 52 and 56;) +collective penalties for individual acts for which the community as a +whole are not responsible, (Article 50.) Articles 50 and 43 should have +made impossible the punitive destruction of Vise, Aerschot, Dinant, and +Louvain, and numberless villages; Article 56 should have preserved from +destruction institutions and buildings dedicated to religion, education, +charity, hospitals, &c. All these wrongful acts, committed everywhere, +have been prohibited by these articles. + +The gradual introduction of the policy of terrorism has been ably traced +by perhaps the highest French authority on international law, Prof. +Edouard Clunet, formerly President of the Institute of International +Law, in a recent address. + +"Bombardment par intimidation" was adopted by the Germans in 1870 and +used at Strassburg, Paris, Peronne, &c., shells being directed and +conflagrations spread in the inhabited parts of towns apart from the +fortifications. Germany herself assented to serious mitigations of this +practice at the Conference of Brussels in 1874 and at The Hague in 1907. + +The worst evolution of the policy of terrorism has been in the throwing +from aeroplanes of bombs, explosive or incendiary. M. Clunet lays down +that, by the most recent decision of the institute, bomb throwing from +aeroplanes must follow the rules of bombardment by artillery. This would +prohibit such bombs without formal notice. But in Antwerp bombs were +dropped without notice over the Royal Palace, to the peril of the Queen +and her young children, and the number of peaceable inhabitants killed +or injured was thirty-eight, three children being mutilated in their +beds. In Paris, besides the bombs dropped on Notre Dame, bombs were +deliberately dropped in the public streets and a number of peaceable +victims killed or wounded. The dropping of bombs as an act of war on +fortresses, ammunition depots, Zeppelin sheds, &c., is, of course, +legal. But the bomb dropping adopted in Belgium and France, and +threatened in England, if the opportunity arises, is undisguised +terrorism, and not war. + +It is important to note also that at Brussels in 1874 Antwerp addressed +a petition to the conference praying that any bombardment should be +limited to fortifications only. The commission of the conference, which +included three well-known German Generals and two professors, recognized +the justice of this plea and recommended Generals to conform to it. + +But the one point that should appeal most strongly to the patriotism as +well as the idealism of America is the fact that the instructions of +1863 for armies in campaign, drawn up by the United States Government +in the height of the civil war, first codified the laws for the conduct +of war, and have been the source and starting point of all these later +international agreements. + +And it should be remembered that both Germany and America signed the +Fourth Convention of The Hague with its annexed regulations as to sieges +and bombardments (Articles 22 to 28) and the further provision which may +even yet be applied punitively to the proceedings of the present war. +"The belligerent who shall have violated the provisions of the said +regulation shall be held liable for an indemnity." + +And if it be thought that America can render no help in such a position +as the present without violating her neutrality, the answer is that by +Article 3 of Convention 1 of The Hague, 1907, neutral powers have the +right to offer their suggestions (bons offices) or their mediation, even +during the course of hostilities. And further: "The exercise of this +right must never be considered by one or the other of the parties to +the conflict as an unfriendly act." + +With all submission, I earnestly urge on the leaders of American thought +to support this attempted interpretation of the supreme duty and the +noble opportunity the present position places before their country. + +One more word. I referred to the possible benefit of neutrality being +maintained while this protest against wrong and appeal for right is at +the same time advanced. + +Is it not more than probable that there is an immense section of +moderate though patriotic opinion in the great German people which at +heart deprecates the extreme doctrines of conquest and world supremacy +in pursuit of which the great, the wonderful achievements of the German +race in science, in industry, in the extension of commerce, are being +rashly risked? + +CHANNING OF WELLINGBOROUGH. + +40 Eaton Place, London S.W., Oct. 29, 1914. + + + + +TO A COUSIN GERMAN. + +By Adeline Adams. + + + My Hans, you say, with self-applausive jest, + "When Albert gave his Belgians Caesar's name-- + 'Bravest of all the Gauls'--surely 'twere shame + The King, unthorough man, forgot the rest: + + "'Bravest because most far from all the best + Provincial culture.'"[2] Friend, if now your aim + Be that fine thoroughness your people claim, + Read on: "Such culture's wares, it stands confest, + + "Oft weaken minds." And Caesar's word was just. + If men, bedeviled under culture's star, + Have left Louvain a void where flames still hiss, + Speared babes, and stamped the world's own Rose to dust, + God grant that Belgium's soul may dwell afar + Forever, from a culture such as this! + +[Footnote 2: "Propterea quod a cultu atque humanitute provinciae +longissime absunt."] + + + + +What the Economic Effects May Be + +By Irving Fisher. + + Professor of Political Economy at Yale University; member of + many scientific societies. + + +When the future historian chronicles the facts of the present great +world struggle and attempts to analyze its causes and effects the +economic losses, gains, shiftings, and dislocations will form an +important part of the story. It is, of course, quite impossible at this +time to know, in any detail, what all the economic results will be. Much +will depend on how long the war lasts, how many people and how much +property are destroyed, what financial devices are resorted to in order +to finance it, and which side is finally victorious. + +The most palpable and the most fundamental effects will be a partial +stoppage of earnings in the nations directly concerned, i.e., a +reduction in the "real income," which consists of enjoyable goods. All +the other important results follow from this. + +The cost, however reckoned, is sure to be stupendous. Prof. Richet is +quoted as reckoning it at $50,000,000 a day. This is probably more than +half the total income of all the inhabitants of the warring countries. +The highest estimates of the total income of the United Kingdom, France, +and Germany, estimates of Bowley, Laverge, and Buchel, respectively, +total up less than $70,000,000 a day. Russia and Austria are poor +countries per capita, and would scarcely bring the grand total to +$100,000,000 a day. Moreover, the loss of real income to Europe is, I +imagine, in reality much greater than Richet's estimate, chiefly because +he takes little account of the indirect costs, which may well be the +greatest of all. The cost to the fiscal departments of Government is +probably only a small part of the total cost which the people will have +to bear. The killing and disabling of the men engaged will cut off the +financial support of European families to the tune of hundreds of +millions of dollars per year. The physical destruction of capital +through the devastation of crops, the burning and demolishing of +merchant ships and buildings, the crippling of industry through the +sudden withdrawal of labor and raw materials, the introduction of new +trade risks, and the cutting off of transportation, both internal and +foreign, make up a sum of items which cannot be measured, but which may +exceed those which can. Last, but not least, is the impairment of that +subtle but vital basis of business, commercial credit. + +In short, the central effect is a vast impairment of Europe's current +income and of the capital from which her future income will flow. It +means a veritable impoverishment of vast populations. The great burden +will bear heaviest, of course, on the poor. It will impinge very +unequally and will cause a great redistribution of wealth. As always +happens, some people, mostly lucky speculators, will come out of the +melee wealthier than before. This fact will not serve to lessen the +discontent of the masses, which their impoverishment is sure to create. +Food prices will be high, the earnings of labor will be low, and after +the war unemployment will be great, due to the impossibility of quick +absorption into the industrial system of returned soldiers, as well as +other maladjustments which the war is sure to bring. + +The victor may secure indemnity for part of the loss, but not for all; +he will, in spite of himself, be a net loser. Taxes will be a crushing +burden, merely to secure funds with which to pay high interest on vast +new war debts, to say nothing of funds with which to purchase new +armaments--if again the nations are forced, by lack of international +control, to resume the stupendous folly of racing each other in military +equipments. + + +Bankruptcy and Revolution. + +It may well be that among the economic consequences of the war there +will be some national bankruptcies, and that among the political +consequences will be revolutions. High prices, high taxes, low wages, +and unemployment make an ominous combination. We may be sure that +discontent will be profound and widespread. This discontent is pretty +sure to lead, especially in the defeated nations where there is no +compensating "glory," to strong revolutionary movements just as was the +case in Russia after her defeat by Japan. Whether or to what extent +these movements, in which "Socialism" in the various meanings of that +word is sure to play a part, will succeed, depends on the relative +strength of opposing tendencies which cannot yet be measured. One +possible if not probable result may be, as I suggested in THE TIMES two +weeks ago, some international device to secure disarmament and to +safeguard peace. + +Though part of the losses to Europe will be permanent, her chief loss +will be coterminous with the war. She will, therefore, seek ways and +means to fill in this immediate hole in her income in order to "get by." +To do this she must borrow; that is, she must secure her present bread +and butter from us and other nations and arrange to repay later out of +the fruits of peace. She can stint herself, but not enough to meet the +situation. She must borrow. And in one way and another she will satisfy +this necessity by borrowing in the United States. + +Most of the strange and unprecedented phenomena which we have witnessed +in the last month, in rapid succession, are due to this pressing +necessity of the belligerent peoples to cash in now and trust to good +fortune to pay later. As soon as the war became even probable Europe +tried to cash in on our securities. The pressure for our gold pushed it +toward Europe faster than it could move. Exchange jumped to the +gold-shipping point of $4.89 per pound sterling, and did not stop. In +some cases it reached $7. This was partly due to the desire to get our +gold and bolster up a credit structure, tottering before the deadly blow +of war; but it was also partly due to the need of ready money for +supplies of all kinds. This need applies not only to the Governments, +but to the individual people. To obtain this ready money they threw back +on us the securities they had purchased of us in former years. They +wanted us to take back these titles to future income and give them +instead titles to present income. Had they secured our gold their next +step would have been to spend part of it for supplies, and this would +have caused any foreign dealers to whom they applied to place orders +with us. The gold then might have turned the exchanges and have been +brought back to us in return for our wheat and other products. + +This double transaction is in essence one--a barter of present income in +the form of our wheat to Europe for future income in the form of +investment securities. It was interfered with by the refusal of the +insurance companies to insure the gold and by the closing of Stock +Exchanges against the inundating flood of securities. The first +difficulty, as to transporting gold, has been largely removed by +arranging for drafts against stocks of it kept on both sides of the +Atlantic. This will save the need of sending it on risky voyages back +and forth, and any final net balances can be liquidated after the war. +The second obstacle, the closure of the Stock Exchanges, is more +formidable, but cannot completely or permanently prevent the +transactions which so many people on both sides are anxious to +consummate. Curb markets and limited cash sales on the Exchanges +themselves are doing some of this business, and, sooner or later, much +more will be done, whether the Exchanges are open or not. Europe needs +our wheat and cannot pay for it except with securities, partly because +her own industry is paralyzed, partly because ocean transportation is +difficult. + + +What Dumping Securities Means. + +Few people seem to realize that the dumping of securities on our shores +and the efforts of foreign Governments, such as France and Switzerland, +to borrow money in our markets are at the bottom very much the same +thing. They are simply two forms of securing present supplies from +America in return for future supplies, the dividends and interest on +securities from Europe. + +It does not much matter whether we buy Government bonds or other +securities. If we buy of French capitalists their holdings in American +railway securities we simply provide them with the wherewithal to take +the French Government loans themselves. They virtually become, without +our knowledge, the go-between through which we lend, as it were, to the +French Government, in spite of ourselves. It is doubtless well, as a +matter of policy, to refuse to loan directly to France, but we must not +for a moment conclude that France or any other nation will have to +finance the war without our aid. We shall not be consciously helping any +particular nation, but we shall be actually helping any nation which can +trade with us. Evidently England will get more of our help than any +other nation because her shores are more accessible. Germany is more +isolated. Unless she possesses a larger food stock than commercial +statistics indicate she will be pressing for our food supplies, which +may reach her indirectly, we selling to Holland and Holland to Germany; +also reversely, via Holland or via Austria and Italy, Germany may sell a +stream of securities the other end of which we receive. Whether directly +or by devious routes there will inevitably be, so far as I can see, a +vast exchange of commodities passing to Europe for securities coming +from Europe. In this interchange will be found the dominant economic +effect of the war on the United States. + +Foreign nations will get their much-needed loans on better terms, even +if less promptly, by the circuitous process mentioned than if they +could borrow directly in our markets; for their own citizens will pay +higher prices than we would, even if, to get the money, they have to +sell their other investment securities to us at a considerable +sacrifice. England has sold Treasury bills for seventy-five millions of +dollars on as low a "basis" as 3-3/4 per cent. + +In this virtual trade of this year's crops for titles to future years' +crops we shall get a high price for the former and pay a low price (in +present valuation) for the latter. Investment securities are, and will +be, a drug on the market. In other words, the rate of return to the +investor will be high; the rate of interest on long-time loans will be +high and stay high, that on short-time loans may fluctuate greatly. The +rise in the rate of interest on long-time investments is one of the most +vital and far-reaching effects of the war. At bottom, interest always +arises from the exchange of present and future goods. The rate of +interest, as I have tried to show in my book of that title, is simply +the crystallization, in a market rate, of the impatience of the human +race for its bread and butter. War has now produced such impatience in +populations of hundreds of millions. It is this impatience which dumps +the securities upon us, sends down their price, and sends up the rate of +interest. As Byron W. Holt has said, there is no moratorium for hunger. +The fall of securities in Europe produces the like fall in this and +other countries. + +One of the consequences to America of being forced to play the role of +money lender and one of the consequences of the rise in the rate of +interest here, or what amounts to the same thing, the fall in the prices +of bonds, will be an increased difficulty of financing our own +enterprises. Only the most promising enterprises will be able to sell +their securities. This means that we shall be neglecting, to some +extent, our own enterprises, to finance the European war instead. + +This general depreciation of investment securities will doubtless lead +to many bankruptcies, if not to a genuine crisis. It will also give +tempting opportunities to investors. The likelihood of a genuine panic +is lessened by the fact that every one recognizes the real cause of the +disturbance and that insolvency is not suspected. According to the best +commercial observers, the previous liquidation had been fairly well +completed. Unless they are mistaken, disaster will not be likely to +follow. + +We repeat that since the necessities of Europe have forced her to buy +our food in return for her investments, it is evident that during the +war food prices will be high and security prices, especially bonds, will +be low. These are the two facts of greatest economic significance to us. +To the country as a whole they defer some of our pleasures till after +the war. Uncle Sam will cut down for the present on his eating and +drinking, his clothes, shelter, and amusements in order to share his +rations with Europe. Instead of the pleasures foregone he will +invest--not in new enterprises at home, but in old ones--American and +possibly European also--purchased of Europe. We can never have our cake +and eat it too. In this case we shall let Europe eat some of it on +condition that she in turn shares hers with us after the war. Moreover, +we shall trade off a relatively small piece of our present cake for a +relatively large piece of Europe's future cake. In other words, Europe +will fill up the great breach in her income now impending by inducing us +to make a small breach in ours. The result will be that the course of +our real income, that is, economic satisfaction or enjoyable +consumption, will imitate in some degree that of Europe. This is, +reduced to its lowest terms, the chief economic result of the war. + +But to many the question is, do we gain or lose, as compared with what +might have been the case if there had been no war? I do not think any +one can answer that question with certainty. Europe is willing to +mortgage its future to us on terms very advantageous to us; but when the +future comes, the purchasing power of money will probably be so much +lessened as to have absorbed all our advantage. Probably we shall lose +slightly on the whole. But it is not economically impossible that there +will be a net gain. In either case the net effect will, I believe, be +small. + +Of more importance will be the various effects on various classes. +Certain people will be greatly benefited by the rise in food prices and +the fall in security prices. The farming classes will profit by the +former; the investing classes by the latter. Those who have the good +fortune to belong to both classes will grow rich. The farmer who is in a +position to save money will both make more money to save and be able to +invest it more advantageously after he has saved it. If he lends to his +neighbors he will find the market rate of interest high. Even if he buys +more land the purchase price will be restrained from the great rise we +might expect from the prosperity of farming by the fact that the "number +of years purchase," as the phrase is in England, will be small, or, in +other words, that the interest basis, which enters into every land +price, will be high. + + +Labor Will Not Suffer Much. + +On the other hand the general consumer of farm products will suffer from +another advance in that part of his cost of living, while the debtor +classes will suffer from the fall in bonds or rise in interest. Many +speculators on the Stock Exchange, those who have speculated for a rise, +are in effect undoubtedly ruined already, and many borrowers at banks on +collateral security will feel the pinch from the depreciation of their +property and the hard terms of renewing their loans. + +And the laboring man, who forms the majority, what of him? It seems +improbable that he will be greatly affected, that is, on the average. He +will have to pay more for his food, and food constitutes more than a +third of his budget. But some articles he buys will probably fall and he +may secure higher wages because of the withdrawal of competing laborers. +Some labor may rise, especially in the industries benefited by the war, +such as, for instance, farming and other food industries, canning, flour +mills, sugar, &c., the automobile industry and perhaps ammunition and +steel. In other industries thrown out of gear for lack of foreign +markets or for lack of foreign raw material, the wage earner may lose in +wages and employment. In other words, labor will be dislocated in spots, +like the other parts of our industrial machinery. + +Important dislocations will be felt in the fields of shipping and +banking. One consequence is that American enterprise has now the golden +opportunity to capture a good share of each. The outbreak of the war and +the simultaneous opening of the Panama Canal will tend to divert the +course of trade from Europe to South America. Probably our merchant +marine can be developed more successfully for this South American trade +than it could for the European trade. New York can largely take the +place of London as the world's exchange centre for Pan-American trade. +This opportunity is increased by the possibilities in the new Banking +act for the establishment of branch banks abroad. + +With these opportunities and the rise of interest in Europe, the United +States will change to a great degree from a debtor to a creditor nation. + +One of the dislocations of the war in the United States will be the +cutting off of imports of a large part of our dutiable commodities, and +therefore the loss of national revenue. There is an urgent need to +compensate for this loss by some other form of tax. + +But it is well not to lose perspective, to remember that dislocations +are not necessarily losses, that, however loudly they are proclaimed in +news columns, they are small in extent, when considered in relation to +our whole trade, that this country of ours is a vast one, and that the +rank and file of Americans will be but slightly affected by the +war--especially by contrast with our friends, now fighting each other, +across the sea. + +We are too nearly self-supporting to be prostrated. Our foreign trade is +and always has been a trifling matter compared with our internal +commerce. The internal commerce paid for by money and checks annually +in the United States amounts to nearly five hundred billions of dollars, +which is more than a hundred times as much as our combined exports and +imports. + +Almost all of what has been said so far had grown out of the prospect +that the prices of foods and other materials needed in Europe will be +high, while the prices of securities which Europe does not need and +cannot afford will be low. Other prices will rise or fall according to +special circumstances. Like a bomb-shell, the effect of the war will be +to disperse or scatter prices at all angles of rises and falls. The +prices of luxuries will be lowered. The prices of chemicals will be +raised. The same article will fall in price in one country and rise in +another if the transportation from the former to the latter is +interfered with. This is true today of cotton. + +There has already been a speculative movement to anticipate these +changes and arbitrarily to mark some prices up and some prices down. But +as this is guesswork, and will be subject to frequent revision, one of +the striking phenomena will doubtless be an increase in the variability +of prices. The general level of prices will tend to rise. The rise will +probably be greatest in little countries like Belgium, which are in the +war zone and largely dependent on foreign trade. The rise will be less +in England and in the United States than on the Continent. In fact, it +is conceivable that in England the hoarding of money and the shock to +credit, which is as predominant there as it is here, may actually lower +the general level of prices during the war, especially if we could +include in the index number the prices of securities, luxuries, and +articles of English internal trade. If any nation tries the old +experiment of paying its bills in irredeemable paper money, that +desperate expedient will have the same result that it did with us during +the civil war. Inflation of the currency will expel gold from that +country and raise its price level higher than elsewhere. + +After the war is over prices will probably not retreat, but will move +upward even faster than before. There may then come the familiar "boom" +period, which may culminate in a commercial crisis in a few years after +the close of the war, as was true after the Crimean war, the American +civil war, and the Franco-Prussian war. The rebound will probably be +fastest in England. Statistical price curves of many nations usually +show an upward turn when war begins and another when it ends. The war +will thus aggravate a rise of prices already in prospect. + +It would take considerable space to give, completely, the reasons for +these prognostications, but I have tried to justify them in a brief +addendum to a book to be issued this week on "Why Is the Dollar +Shrinking?" + +The sudden lightning bolt of war produced as one of its first economic +effects a general dislocation of credit machinery in Europe and to some +extent in this country. We heard at once that letters of credit of +travelers in Europe were uncashable. Gold was hoarded everywhere. It is +estimated that about $30,000,000 in gold was hoarded in New York in the +first week in August. Runs on banks were frequent. Bank reserves were +depleted. + +The moratorium was resorted to to avoid a general cataclysm of +bankruptcies which might have occurred--not from actual insolvency but +from mere insufficiency of cash. + +To me one of the most striking phenomena was the promptness and +effectiveness of the co-operative actions by which, so far, any business +cataclysm has been avoided. The closure of Stock Exchanges perhaps saved +us from general financial panic. Most striking of all is the manner in +which the Governments of the world have come to the rescue of business. +Those of us who were brought up in the old laissez-faire school have to +rub our eyes. Had the world been guided by laissez-faire ideas, in this +emergency we should in all probability have witnessed by this time the +greatest collapse of credit the world has ever seen. Almost all the +large and effective measures to meet the many emergencies arising were +taken by Governments. The moratorium must be counted among the +Governmental acts which, so far at least, have saved the day for +business credits. In England the Government permitted suspension of the +Bank act, (not of the Bank, as many Americans seem to imagine.) + + +Improvised Accounting Methods. + +The Bank of England has been enabled to rediscount a great mass of +acceptances by the guarantee of the British Government against loss in +so doing. These in the end will amount to several hundred millions of +dollars. Emergency notes were issued by Governmental authority on both +sides of the Atlantic, and in the arrangements made for special gold +funds in Canada and in France the Governments of England and France +played the important parts. Thus have been improvised methods of +international accounting by which the transportation of gold balances +may be deferred and largely dispensed with. Our own Government has +co-operated in the currency exchange and credit situation in many ways. +It made provision for sending gold to Europe for our stranded +countrymen. It promptly revised the banking and shipping laws. + +Whether further instability will be found to need such bolstering we +cannot be sure. The present outlook is that business conditions are +fairly sound and stable. In which direction across the Atlantic the +title to gold will tend to change cannot as yet be foreseen. It will +depend largely on how much Europe wants our products and how large a +sacrifice she is willing to make in selling us her securities. It will +also depend on possible issues of paper money. Fortunately, we are the +happy possessors of over $1,500,000,000 in gold, and it is inconceivable +that any large part of this should flow out--unless we should be so +insensate as to inflate the currency. + +If we keep our heads, we shall at the end of the war be in the proud +position of being the only great nation whose economic resources have +not even been strained. + + + + +Effects of War on America + +By Roland G. Usher. + + Head of Department of History at Washington University; author + of "Pan-Germanism," "The Rise of the American People," &c. + + _From The Boston Transcript, Sept. 2, 1914._ + + +The events of the last few days of July, 1914, showed the Americans the +far-reaching effects of a state of war. There are now few who would say, +as used to be so common, that a European war would make no difference to +us. The closing of the New York Stock Exchange, the great shipments of +gold and its consequent scarcity in the United States, the closing of +the New England cotton mills, the cessation of export to Europe and of +transatlantic communication with the Continent were instantaneous +effects of a war 3,000 miles away obvious even to the apathetic and the +heedless. With these we have not here to do; such are already past +history. There is, however, a legitimate field for speculation as to the +probable effects on the United States of the continuation of the state +of war in Europe for months or years. The permanent results of a war +naturally cannot be predicted in advance, but in the light of the +history of the past, certain changes and developments in the United +States appear so probable if the war continues as to reach almost the +realm of certainty. + +Needless to say, the European war will not involve the United States in +actual hostilities. It is highly improbable that either our army or our +navy will see service. We are too distant from the seat of war; too +entirely devoid of interests the combatants might seriously injure which +a resort to war could remedy; too completely incapable of aiding or +abetting one or the other in arms to cause them to assail us. Even were +we not as a nation of a peaceable disposition, even had we not a +President blessed with a singularly clear head and able to keep his +temper, we should still stand little chance of going to war. One +eventuality alone might affect us--Japan might attempt some measures of +aggression in the Far East which would interest us as possessors of the +Philippines, but that is practically foreclosed by her official +announcement that she will side with England. The effects of the war +upon the United States will be indirect effects; they will be economic +in character, though far-reaching and significant for every man, woman, +and child in the country. + +The economic structure of the United States rests today upon the +assumption of the interdependence of international trade, upon an +international division of labor, where England makes some things, +Germany others, and we still more, all of which are exchanged. In a +sense each country manufactures and produces for the whole world, and in +turn expects the rest of the world to buy its products and to +manufacture and produce things for its consumption. While something of +this sort has always been true in international trade, the process +reached during the nineteenth century an unprecedented development which +actually made countries interdependent, or, if you will, actually +dependent for the necessities of life upon each other's prosperity and +continued activity. Hand in hand went the expansion of the international +credit structure, based upon public confidence in the mutual honesty of +merchants, until finally personal checks have begun to be exchanged +(between the United States and England at least) at par and without +investigation or previous indorsement by the banks on which they were +drawn. + +With the outbreak of war a striking and artificial change, a totally +uneconomic and unnatural factor, came to transform the situation and +leave the United States for all practical purposes in contact with only +two of her really large customers. We have no merchant marine and cannot +therefore avail ourselves of our neutral status to trade with the +belligerents. We shall be compelled (for a time at least) to ship in +English bottoms to such ports as English ships can make--which will +practically be limited to England, France, Portugal, Spain, and the +Mediterranean ports. The ordinary commercial roads to Russia through the +Baltic are automatically closed by the location of the German fleet, and +probably England and France, deprived of other outlets for their own +trade, will nearly monopolize the trade with Russia through the +Mediterranean and the Black Sea. + +On the other hand, the mobilization of armies and fleets in Europe will +draw millions of men from the field and factories where they have been +accustomed to make what we have usually bought. The war will vastly +diminish and in many cases stop altogether the stream of imports to the +United States. These millions of men in the field and on the sea will +not possess most of the economic wants they had in time of peace and +will become conscious of many which they usually did not feel. The war +will diminish and in many cases entirely stop the stream of ordinary +American exports to Europe. Because of the stoppage of the European +supply of things we have usually bought of them, and the cessation of a +European demand for things we have usually sold to them, the conditions +of the home market, both in regard to what we must buy in it, and to +what we must sell in it, will be vitally changed. When our present +supplies of European importations are exhausted, we shall be obliged to +make for each other and buy from each other the things which we happen +to be no longer able to import or export. A great readjustment of the +economic fabric in the United States will take place if the war lasts +longer than a comparatively short time. + +How long a time that must be will depend entirely upon the sharpness of +the break in the economic life of Europe, and the amount of supplies +they have on hand, which, as they will not now need them at home, they +will be anxious to sell in the United States. Indeed, it would not be +surprising if there was for a short time a glut of English and French +manufactured goods in the United States market. + + +Europe May Depend On Us. + +Of late years the commercial relationship between the United States and +Europe has changed very greatly. For centuries we were a debtor +community, buying largely from Europe, possessed only of crude staple +products for export, and scarcely able by a series of expedients and +exchanges to pay for what we bought. Tobacco for many decades, then +cotton, were the only commodities of which much was exported direct to +Europe. Then came, during the European famines of 1846, 1861, and 1862, +an enormous demand for American grain. Yet only during the last few +decades have we been able to export largely manufactured products or +been able to deal with Europe on an equality of terms. We are no longer +a debtor nation; we are no longer dependent upon Europe; the United +States is an integral and essential part of the interdependent +international economic fabric. Indeed, if the war continues ten years, +Europe may be dependent upon us. + +In a sense we are not ready to meet the crisis. During the last ten or +fifteen years the exports of foodstuffs have fallen off greatly, and the +supply in this country has actually declined in proportion to +population. There has been also a most marked increase in the exports of +manufactured goods and a decided increase in the importation of raw +materials, including foodstuffs. Now will come an enormous demand from +Europe for the very things of which we have not produced so much and +exported little or nothing--bacon, eggs, butter, beef. The demand will +also be greatly increased for woolen cloth, raw leather, shoes, steel +in all its forms, railroad equipment of all sorts, automobiles and +machinery, and, in particular, coal and gasoline. To supply this demand +old industries will be expanded and new ones created, and a shift of +capital and labor will inevitably take place to the industries for which +a demand becomes clear in Europe, as soon as it seems reasonably certain +that the war will last, beyond the present year. + + +An American Merchant Marine. + +Above all, an American merchant marine is likely to be seen again upon +the seas. There will be German ships in plenty for sale, in all +probability, unless Germany wins an immediate victory on the sea, and +the advantage of an unquestioned neutral status, easily obtained by a +bona-fide purchase, will be so great that American capital will probably +invest largely in freight steamers and ocean liners. It seems entirely +unlikely that England, while she remains mistress of the seas, should +recognize as valid the registration in the United States of vessels +actually owned by belligerents or regard as anything more than +masquerading their appearance under the American flag. England has never +recognized any one's "right" to do anything at sea in time of war which +did not accrue directly to her own benefit. It is scarcely necessary to +say that she will not allow trade with Germany or Austria while she can +prevent it. The only refuge will be the sale of the ship by the foreign +owner to Americans who will trade with England, her allies, and strictly +neutral nations. As always in time of war, privateering and smuggling +will be profitable, and trade with Germany, unless she is immediately +victorious at sea, will offer to the adventurous plenty of risk and the +certainty of huge profits. During the Napoleonic wars the flats and bars +of the German coast along the North Sea offered light vessels a great +opportunity and the pursuing warships great obstacles. A modern +motor-driven light craft will now have an enormous advantage over +destroyers or cruisers. Here, as a century ago, many an American will +find an opportunity to make a fortune. + +The preoccupation of Europe with the war and the opening of the Panama +Canal will afford the United States an unrivaled opportunity to develop +trade with Canada, South America, Australia, New Zealand, India, China, +and the Far East in general. We have never bulked large in the eyes of +these countries and there has been much speculation as to the reasons +why the German succeeded so well in South America and why the Englishman +did so much business in China. Whether from sentiment or from a national +habit that prefers English goods, the English colonies have bought more +largely of the mother country than they have of us. But now that the war +has closed the German factories, called German commercial agents home, +and sent German ships racing to neutral harbors; now that the Panama +Canal brings us some thousands of miles nearer to Australia and New +Zealand than they are to London via Suez; now that England will be busy +manufacturing for Europe and will have less to sell her colonies, these +particular parts of the world will probably be compelled to look for +their manufactured goods to the United States. Indeed, if one were not +afraid of being accused of gross exaggeration, he might take heart and +proclaim his conviction that a long and really inclusive European war +would give the United States a practical monopoly of the South American +and Pacific trade, provided always that the United States acquire by +purchase a merchant marine and that the Panama Canal becomes feasible in +January for large ships. + + +Foreigners Leaving America + +One other effect of the war has already begun to reveal itself in the +emigration from America of thousands of Servians, Austrians, Russians, +Germans, Frenchmen, going home to take their places in the ranks. While +many of these men are brave and honorable citizens, the fact that they +respond to such a call proves them not yet Americans. The war will tend +to remove a goodly part of the distinctly foreign element in the +country, the part not yet amalgamated, and therefore the part most alien +to our institutions and the most difficult to place in our social +structure. If the war continues, Europe will draw every able-bodied man +who can be influenced to go. Far more important, immigration will +probably become negligible not only during the war, but for some time +after it. Usually the reason for leaving home lies in the crowded +population of European States and the lack of opportunity for +advancement, plus the glib tongue of some agent of a contractor or of a +steamship company. In recent years those who have come have not been +desirable additions to our population because they came from nations +alien in blood, language, religion and institutions, and were not +therefore easily knit into our national structure and absorbed. There +will be little, if any, further immigration. The men are wanted for the +army and will not be allowed to leave during the war. After peace is +restored, they will be imperatively needed in the fields and factories +and every effort will be made to retain them. In fact, it does not take +any wild stretch of the imagination for one acquainted with the results +of the Thirty Years' War and of the Napoleonic wars to conceive that, +from the view of economic opportunity and rewards, Europe might become a +more favorable scene for the truly capable and ambitious than America is +today. The tendency of a war is to absorb the best of a nation and to +leave the dregs. For the power of organization and the fire of +initiative Europe will at no distant date be ready to pay well. + + +The Effect of Economic Readjustment. + +Unquestionably the economic readjustment which the war will force upon +the United States will have an immediate and serious effect on +individuals. Some will profit largely and promptly. All who at present +possess large stocks of food, leather, oil, woolen cloth will be able to +dispose of them at enormous profits. From the greater volume of freight +the railroads will benefit directly. But while the farmers and +cattle-men, the steel and oil kings are rejoicing in the opportunity, +all industries which depend chiefly upon exportation or which +manufacture an amount beyond the normal American demand, will be closing +the factories or curtailing the output. For a time certain individuals, +perhaps a relatively large number of individuals, will suffer +inconvenience, loss, anxiety, and even privation. But the vast demand +for labor in other industries, and the almost certain extensive demand +for relatively unskilled labor ought not to make the period of +transition long or the amount of suffering considerable. After all, the +vast majority of the people of the United States are connected with +farming, with the manufacture or production of the very things for which +there will most likely be a great demand, or with the transportation and +distribution of both imports and exports to the rest of the community. +In certain industries, like the manufacture of cotton cloth, which is +localized in New England to such an extent that whole districts are +dependent upon it for a livelihood, the distress will be great, for the +factories closed upon the declaration of war and the workers are a long +distance from the Western fields, where laborers are only too scarce. +The cheapening of transportation, the rapidity of communication, the +superior mobility of the population today over ten years ago, make it +probable that these people will soon find new places. + +Concomitant with the war came a rise of prices. Foodstuffs especially +advanced sharply and will certainly continue to rise until some material +increase of the supply is assured beyond a peradventure. The tendency in +England and above all on the Continent for the cities to buy great +supplies to guard against possible want will increase this tendency. +But, without question, should the war last, a rise in the whole level of +prices of everything, including labor, will take place in the United +States. It will affect some individuals adversely, but for most will be +in the long run almost negligible. For those who actually produce or +handle goods which advance in price the result will be a profit, because +the price of the commodity they have to sell will almost certainly +advance sooner and faster than the prices of the commodities they +themselves are compelled to buy. In time the two will equalize and they +will be precisely where they were before the war; they will pay out with +one hand what they take in with the other. In nearly all cases where the +individual produces or shares in the production of an actual commodity a +general rise in prices, even to the extent which this war threatens to +produce, will be to him only a temporary advantage or disadvantage. +True, wages and salaries in industrial pursuits will not quite keep pace +with the rise in foodstuffs, and factory workers and clerks will not +benefit to the same extent nor as soon as the farmers will. People whose +incomes are derived from stocks in the businesses which prosper will +probably receive much more than they pay by reason of the increased +prices of other commodities, and certainly cannot be worse off than +before. + + +America's Real Sufferers. + +The real sufferers in America will be those who hold stock in the +enterprises which fail or cease to operate, and that far larger class +who are dependent on a fixed salary. Professors and teachers of all +sorts and grades; people living on annuities or small incomes derived +from bonds or real estate; those dependent on the rent derived from +leases for a term of years of dwelling houses, office buildings and the +like, these will lose a material amount, exactly in proportion to the +rise in prices. To that extent, the purchasing power of the stated +number of dollars they receive will depreciate and that much they will +lose beyond a peradventure. In time, some relief will be afforded by a +tardy rise in salaries, by the expiration of leases and the payment of +bonds, but the actual losses of the intervening years have never been in +any way refunded in like cases in the past. + +For some individuals, then, the European war will spell strict economy; +for a comparatively few, let us hope, ruin. For the country as a whole, +considered as a social and economic unit, a long war will introduce an +era of astounding prosperity. Never before has the country had, and +certainly it will never again have, almost a monopoly of the world's +trade thrust into its hands. The United States will have only one real +competitor, England, and, should the English Navy prove itself less +capable than is expected, or should England and her colonies be forced +to order a general mobilization of their armies, the United States might +conceivably remain the only great mercantile community to which the +world could look for supplies. No such eventuality need be predicated to +prove that the continuation of this war or a series of wars will create +a demand for manufactured goods such as our merchants have never dreamed +of. And they will command war prices. It means employment with rich +reward for capital and labor alike--a vastly increased foreign market, a +much greater domestic market, high prices, and a steadily voracious +demand for the entire output. The result will be the rapid +diversification of industry in the United States, the creation of +industries never before possible because of European competition, the +invention of machines to meet new needs. The normal economic development +will be accelerated decades. + +After the close of the European war, when manufacturing and production +are resumed, America will find herself overproducing and face to face +with another economic readjustment necessary to meet the new situation. +Then will ensue a commercial crisis with all its attendant suffering and +trouble such as the United States has probably never seen and which will +be violent and serious in proportion to the length of the war. + + + + +Germany of the Future + +AN INTERVIEW WITH M. DE LAPREDELLE. + +Exchange Professor from the University of Paris at Columbia University. + +By Edward Marshall. + + +In the American press French views of the great war's significance have +been less common than British views and far less frequent than German +views. Therefore, this talk with M. de Lapredelle, Exchange Professor +from the University of Paris at Columbia, will have especial interest. + +This very distinguished Frenchman, although but 43 years old, has won +high eminence in his native land, especially in the domain of +international law, which is his branch at the University of Paris. Also +he is Directeur de Recuel des Arbitrages Internacioneaux, he is the +editor of The International Law Review in Paris, he is a member of the +Committee on International Law for the French Department of Justice, he +is a member of the French Committee on Aerial Navigation, he is General +Secretary of the French Society of International Law, and he occupies +other important posts and bears other important scholastic honors. + +He is a cautious conversationist, as might be expected of one who has so +deeply delved into the most cautious of all professions, but in the mind +of the thoughtful reader this should add to the value of his utterances, +which, as expressed in the following columns, were carefully revised by +him before going into type. + +I asked M. de Lapredelle to estimate the great war's probable effect +upon education. + +"Of course it is too early to guess intelligently," he replied, "for the +effect of the war will be dependent entirely upon the results of the +war, and, while we of the Allies have no doubt of our ultimate victory, +it is the fact that victory has not been won as yet by either side. + +"In talking with you my impulse is to assume what I feel in my +heart--the certainty of German defeat, but I must not do that, although +all the letters which I get from the front and from Paris express a +growing confidence in the victory of the Allies. + +"But it is too early to attempt intelligent detailed prophecy as to the +effect of the great struggle upon the world's philosophy, or upon any +other phase of its intellectual development. + +"Almost certainly, however, a reaction against certain Germanic +influences will be apparent after the war ends, for the world will not +want ever to risk repetition of the horrors of this struggle, and it +will be plain that they were the inevitable fruit of Germany's attempt +at intellectual domination. + +"This German assumption was due, largely, to their victory in 1870, but +it went far beyond the bounds of reason, far beyond the fields in which +German achievement really had established legitimate supremacy. + +"The momentum of victory often has led humanity into excess. It led +Germany into excessive claims of social superiority and into an +excessive assumption of intellectual supremacy. Even in the eyes of +others it gave Germany an unwarranted intellectual prestige. + +"Really, the German is not a big thinker; he is an immensely careful +thinker. + +"Above everything, the German is an observer--a very diligent +observer--and his mental eyes are likely to be so close to the wall +that he sees only a single brick in it, wholly failing to get a +comprehensive view of the whole structure. + +"Germans are very careful students. They attach a vast importance to +detail. I think it is not unfair to say that, with the German, the +smaller, the more minute the detail, the more it interests him. The +German loves to write a big book on a small subject, and, loving it, he +does it well. + +"But there are more exalted tasks, as, for example, the writing of big +books upon big subjects, giving the world fresh visions of new and +far-flung vistas. The German loves to catalogue and catalogues almost +with genius; he loves to deliver long lectures upon microcosms. + +"Cataloguing and the near-sightedness which may arise from intense study +of the atom, to the exclusion of the collective organism, whether that +collective organism be the human individual or the social mass, may +render immense service to the world, but it never will be the only +service necessary, and, if pursued to the exclusion of all other +investigations, such study is likely to produce an aggravated narrowness +of vision. Narrow vision is certain to eventuate in selfishness. + +"The Germans became selfish after this fashion. The present struggle is +the war of selfishness against world advance. + +"Innumerable, or at least many, individuals have furnished smaller +parallels to the course which Germany has taken as a nation. The +individual with the truly and exclusively scientific mind is likely to +go too far into abstractions, built from a possible misinterpretation of +minutiae. + +"The ideal national intellectual development will combine both fact and +theory, will join rationalism to idealism, and will be far more like +that of certain nations which I shall not name than it will be like that +of Germany. These nations which I shall not name have both. + +"In other words, it seems to be the fixed idea of the German that the +German civilization is the only civilization; but it is not the thought +of France or England that their civilizations are the only ones. + +"This very lack of what may be defined as national egotism in France and +England enables these nations to work, as Germany does not, for world +science and world development--the growth of civilization as a whole. + +"Germany's scientific work is for German science, she thinks +of civilization only as German civilization. The world's other +great nations--and may I say the world's great Latin nations +especially?--internationalize their science and their civilization." + + +Why the Philosopher Is Important. + +"One must be struck by the fact that Germany's critical philosophy +formed the basis of her educational system and, therefore, the basis of +her social system, and that it had in it the basis of the war. + +"It cannot be denied, I think, that her education, as well as her +politics and militarism, directly pointed to this great conflict. +Indeed, the industrialism, the politics, the philosophy of Germany all +find their logical expression in present events. + +"Hegel was the first, in the beginning of the last century, to insist +upon the ideas which, already being paramount in him, quickly became +paramount in his followers, serving as the basis for the development of +Prussia. To him this represented all and everything; to him divinity on +earth was incarcerated in the State, and, therefore, the development of +the State, not justice, was, in his mind, the object of all law. + +"Since this beginning that has been the consistent German viewpoint, and +increasingly so. The glorification of the State has included, of +necessity, the sacrifice of the individual, and this has been conducted +ruthlessly in Germany itself. + +"Of course the State which considers it right to sacrifice the +individuals of its own citizenship will be sure to consider it right to +sacrifice the individuals of other nations' citizenships. + +"That explains why international law never has been considered binding +by the German; it explains why international law was not considered +binding when Belgium stood in the path of Germany's march toward Paris. + +"International law never has bound the German; it never will bind him +until he changes his national psychology. + +"Ihering, one of Germany's greatest theoretical jurists and a scholar in +the matter of Roman law, declared, 'Right is the child of might.' He did +not say exactly that right is might, but he defined it as 'the child of +might.' + +"That may be taken as the German keynote, for this man is of such great +influence in Germany that his utterances must have an enormous effect. + +"Treitschke, the historian, in his teaching in Berlin, naturally drew +some of his inspiration from these two men. For him the State need +consider no law save that which will promote its own expansion. + +"Moral law, he holds, need not and must not stand in the way of the +prosperity and growth of States, as it frequently must obstruct the +prosperity and growth of individuals. + +"Under this theory the State has two functions--these are, inside the +country, to make law; outside the country, to make war. Germany denies +the right of an extraneous law to decide upon the details of right and +wrong within a country, and that is why Germany defies and even denies +international law. + +"If it happens that a treaty which the State has entered into later +proves to be obstructive to some expansion which is thought to be a +necessity of the State's destiny, that treaty may be disregarded with +the full approval of Germany's national morality, although similar +conduct on the part of an individual in Germany would be considered +highly reprehensible. + +"The State may bind itself to secure advantage, but, also, it may unbind +itself to secure advantage, and this without consultation with, or the +approval of, the other party or parties to the contract. + +"This theory becomes confusing to the student reared in other nations +under different educational influences. It indicates beyond +contradiction that Germany feels no sense of duty toward other nations, +but only an obligation to further her own interests. + +"Germany has immense patriotism but no humanitarianism. Her only duty is +to herself. Her national egotism can be characterized by no other word +than selfishness. + +"It is a curious phenomenon that at a time when humanitarianism in its +broadest sense has become the keynote of all other of the great nations +it has not become at all the keynote of German civilization." + + +Teutonic Superexcitation. + +"It is impossible that such pride, such a sense of arrogant national +superiority as that which marks Germany, should maintain among a +democratic people; it is possible only to a very aristocratic country. +What has happened is its logical outgrowth in the country which it has +infected. + +"In Germany this sense of national pride, of intolerance of others, even +of contempt for others, has been developed until it amounts to +superexcitation. It not only affects Germany's relations to other +peoples, but it affects the relations of Germans to one another. + +"Different classes of the German population continually exhibit it in +their dealings with one another. + +"It is continually illustrated in those events which have been the +wonder of visiting foreigners--episodes of the contemptuous +ill-treatment of subordinate German soldiers by their superiors. It goes +beyond that, manifesting itself in the treatment of all civilians by the +lowest soldier, and, further still, in the attitude even of the lowest +civilian to all foreigners, even the highest. + +"The German individual may not consider himself superior to all +individuals of other nationalities, but he will be sure to consider his +nation so far superior to every other that there can be no comparison +between it and them. His is a peculiar arrogance. It is not at all +personal; it is purely national; but none the less it is arrogance, and +all arrogance is dangerous. + +"A hierarchy always exists in aristocratic countries; the hierarchical +idea has been developed further in Germany than elsewhere. + +"This has given Germany an unfortunate impulse. If to this impulse we +add that other born of all her various victories since 1866, especially +those which were won while Germany was realizing Bismarck's dream of +triumph 'through fire and blood'--her industrial victories, her +scientific advance, her social progress--and consider the Germanic +tendency toward egotism, we do not find ourselves surprised when we +find, examine, and appraise exactly what we have today in Germany. + +"The perversion of national sentiment into national arrogance has been +the definite, although, perhaps, unrealized and unintended, aim of every +educational influence which has been at work in Germany since 1870. It +has amounted to an unparalleled perversion of a nation's sentiment +toward all the outside world. + +"This war marks the crisis of this German pride. + +"Germany's course throughout has borne all the earmarks of a national +ego-mania. The whole German people, as a nation, not always, perhaps, as +individuals, have fallen victim to the most colossal attack of ego-mania +which the world ever has known. + +"Combine this ego-mania with another delusion--the entirely unjustified +conclusion that Germany was the object of a worldwide persecution--and +it is unnecessary to search further for the causes of the war, just as +it is unnecessary to search further for reasons for the combination of +practically all other Europe against Germany. + +"What would German victory mean to the world, if German victory came, +save the worldwide dominance of German egotism, imposed at the expense +of every other people? France would not escape, England would not +escape, and, I assure you, you, America, would not escape. German +victory would be far more than a European disaster--it would be a world +disaster. + +"Of all the nations in the world perhaps the United States and France +have stood most notably for the ideas of international justice. This +really makes your interest in the outcome of the present war indirectly +as great as ours. + +"I cannot see how the people of the United States can feel otherwise +than that not only their hearts but their reason demands victory for the +Allies, not because of any wish for the destruction of Germany, but +because of the wish for the preservation of the world. + +"Indeed, it is inconceivable that victory for the Allies can mean +destruction for Germany. It can mean only the destruction of German +militarism, which has brought about the perversion of the German mind. + +"No abler mind exists. Its release from the thralldom which has fettered +it would be a vast world service, would, indeed, be a vast benefit to +Germany herself. It is curious, but true, that I believe Germany's own +salvation depends upon her absolute defeat in this great war. + +"A few weeks before the war began Prof. Schucking expressed regret that +Germany--that is, the German Government--should be so antagonistic to +international spirit. The fact that he made this expression shows that, +in spite of and beyond military Germany, the intellectual elite, the +cream of the elite in Germany, has remained faithful to the traditions +of the great philosopher, Kant. + +"The intellectual elite--the cream of the elite--therefore may be +absolved from all responsibility. Loyalty to the teachings of Kant will +make it possible for the friends of humanity in all nations to join with +Germany for human advancement on the basis of universal justice. + +"After the victory of the Allies a new Germany will appear; it will be a +liberal Germany, willing to renounce the narrow Prussian ideals, finding +again the old German ideal in its disinterested form, a Germany which +will be able to join hands with other nations, to help them in taking up +again the works of international civilization, which Prussian Germany +herself brutally brought to an end, with insolent scorn of right--an act +for which she is now paying and must pay the penalty." + + + + +Germany the Aggressor + +By Albert Sauveur. + +Professor of Metallurgy at Harvard University. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Times:_ + +German professors and editors and other German sympathizers in the +present struggle of nations have attempted the difficult task of +convincing the American public, first, that Germany was not the +aggressor, and, second, that she is conducting a war of civilization +directed primarily against Russia, that Europe may not fall under +Muscovite domination. The German Chancellor has made similar claims, +while in the German "White Paper," published in full in THE NEW YORK +TIMES of Aug. 24, it is likewise attempted to fasten the responsibility +for this war on Germany's opponents. + +A close and impartial study of both the English and German "White +Papers" must suffice to convince the reader that Germany clearly was the +aggressor and that England made every possible effort first to prevent a +war between Austria and Servia and later to localize the conflict. +Germany, on the contrary, by insisting from the start that there should +be no intervention in the settlement of the dispute between Servia and +her ally, Austria, made a European war inevitable. The sophistry, +inaccuracies, and unwarranted conclusions of the German professors and +editors have not helped their cause. The irrefutable facts remain, +first, that Austria with the knowledge and approval of Germany presented +to Servia an ultimatum so worded that she knew that the conditions +imposed could not be complied with by any nation retaining a spark of +self-respect; second, that after Servia had accepted Austria's ultimatum +with the single exception of the most offensive clause, which she +proposed to submit to arbitration, Austria, with Germany's consent, +proclaimed herself unsatisfied and immediately declared war on Servia; +third, that Germany and Austria knew that a war with Servia meant a war +with Russia, and that a war with Russia meant a general European +conflagration; fourth, that Germany declared war on Russia, started the +invasion of France before declaring war, and, by refusing to respect the +neutrality of Belgium, to which she was solemnly pledged, forced both +Belgium and England into the war. In the face of so flagrant a violation +of all sentiments making for peace no sophistry will avail in attempting +to protect Germany from the odium of being responsible for the greatest +calamity the civilized world has ever seen. + +We are told that Germany is conducting this war in the interest of +civilization, that her chief purpose is to protect Europe from the +domination of the Slav. And to ward off this Muscovite danger Germany is +at present making desperate efforts to crush England and France, the +standard bearers of democracy in Europe! In her war for civilization she +is employing the methods of barbarian tribes, methods condemned by +civilized nations and which have already horrified the world. It is +hardly conceivable that Russia, which the German Chancellor describes as +a semi-Asiatic, slightly cultured barbaric nation, could have committed +in Belgium the atrocities imputed to the Germans had she conquered that +country in similar circumstances. + +It is manifest that Germany's supreme desire is to fasten Teutonic rule +on Europe, to crush Russia, to be sure, but also to crush France and +French civilization and to reduce England to the rank of a second-class +nation. It is obvious that this is a struggle between militarism and its +evils as represented by the Hohenzollern dynasty and democracy as +represented by England and France. + +ALBERT SAUVEUR. + +Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., Sept. 5, 1914. + + + + +Militarism and Christianity + +By Lyman Abbott. + +_A Letter to The New York Sun._ + + Editor in Chief of The Outlook; author of numerous works on + theology, religion, and democracy. + + +_To the Editor of The New York Sun:_ + +In answer to your request for a statement of the causes and meaning of +the European war I write with necessary brevity, both because of the +limits on my time and the limits on your crowded columns. + +What is the cause of the explosion of a powder magazine? The gases +stored in the powder. The lighted match is the occasion, not the cause +of the explosion. The cause of the European war is the spirit of envy, +jealousy, selfishness and suspicion in the so-called Christian nations. +The assassination by a Servian of the Crown Prince of Austria was only +the lighted match which set the European combustibles in flame. + +In the United States we recognize the truth that the interests of each +State are identical with the interests of the Union, and that no State +can permanently prosper by reason of the misfortune of its neighbor. In +the German Empire since its unification each principality similarly +recognizes that the interests of the German Empire and the interests of +the several principalities are essentially identical. But there is no +such recognition of the common interest binding the warring nations of +Europe together. + +Each nation looks with envy on the prosperity of its neighbor and acts +upon the assumption that its neighbor is a rival, and that its own +commerce and wealth can be built up only at the expense of its rival. +New York is quite willing that the harbor of Boston should be improved. +Bremen is quite willing that the harbor of Hamburg should be improved. +The west coast of England does not object to harbor facilities on the +east coast of England. But Germany envies England's harbor facilities, +and England and Germany are both resolved to prevent if possible Russia +from getting harbor facilities on the Mediterranean Sea. Not every +individual German, Austrian, Frenchman, and Englishman holds this +opinion, but the policies of these nations are governed by this spirit +of international rivalry. + +A striking illustration of this spirit, perhaps the most striking +illustration in modern international life, is furnished by the military +party in Prussia. Gen. Bernhardi, in a volume entitled "Germany and the +Next War," has given what may be regarded as a semi-official +interpretation of German militarism. He holds that life is a struggle +for existence, with a survival of the fittest, and the strongest is the +fittest; that a military organization constitutes the true strength of a +nation; that there is no higher power in human life, certainly none in +international life, than the power of physical force; that only the +strong nation has a right to exist, and he objects to international +arbitration because it recognizes the right to life of a small nation. +In this volume he calls on Germany to establish a "world sovereignty" by +force of arms, and he indicates what should be the twofold purpose of +Germany in the next war, namely, to crush France and to establish such +world sovereignty of Germany. + + +Militarism to Blame. + +It was this spirit which led Germany into the present war; this spirit +which denied that Belgium had any rights which Germany was bound to +respect; this spirit which inspired the military party in Germany to +regard its treaty with France and England guaranteeing the neutrality of +Belgium as only a "scrap of paper," and this spirit which could not and +apparently still does not comprehend why Belgium should be bound in +honor to defend her neutrality, or why England, with no very direct and +immediate interests to protect, should feel herself bound to come to the +defense of her weaker neighbor. + +The delay of the German Army, which is likely to prove disastrous to her +designs, has demonstrated in her own chosen field that there is a force +in national honor and national conscience which can put up a very +efficient resistance to Krupp guns. + +It is a great mistake to suppose that all Germany is actuated by this +spirit of militarism. Frederick William Wile, for over seven years the +chief German correspondent of The London Daily Mail, in an article in +The Outlook recently said: "There are 66,000,000 Germans; 65,000,000 of +them did not want war; the other million are the war party." But he adds +that now Germany is absolutely united and that the Germans will not +stack arms "till the last among them capable of shouldering a rifle is +incapacitated, till the last copper pfennig capable of purchasing +ammunition of war has vanished from their impoverished grasp." + +There is in this nothing extraordinary. Whoever is responsible for +bringing on the war, the interests, the welfare, and in some sense the +honor of Germany are apparently involved in it. And yet it may be true, +and I believe it is true, that the defeat of Germany will be its +salvation, for it will be the overthrow of the spirit of militarism +inherited from Frederick the Great, and this has been the bane of the +German Empire. + +In our civil war there was at first only a minority in most of the +Southern States in favor of secession, but when the national troops +invaded Virginia the South was as united for State independence as the +North was for national union, and yet today it will be difficult to find +anywhere in the South an intelligent man who does not recognize the +truth that the defeat of secession and the emancipation of the slave +have been of inestimable benefit to the Southern States. + +I make no attempt here to apportion the responsibility for this war +between the several powers engaged in it. However this responsibility +must be shared among them I can see but one meaning in the awful +campaign. The victory of Germany would mean the victory of Prussian +militarism. The defeat of Germany will mean the defeat of Prussian +militarism, the rehabilitation of Germany as a great industrial and +educational power in the world, and probably the practical overthrow of +military autocracy in all Western Europe. + + +Divine Right of Kings Obsolete. + +The campaigns of Napoleon ended for Western Europe the Divine right of +Kings. The campaigns of the Allies will end for Western Europe the +Divine right of the armed man. The Russo-Japanese war gave to Russia its +first representative assembly, the Duma. It is not unreasonable to hope +that the present European war will result in greatly enlarging the +powers of the Duma and establishing true constitutional government in +Germany, a government in which the Ministry will be responsible not to +the Emperor but to the Reichstag; and the power both of the purse and +the sword will not be in the hands of an aristocratic oligarchy but in +the hands of the common people. + +It is not strange that men should point to this, perhaps the greatest +war of history, as an evidence that Christianity is a failure. If +Christianity professed to be able by a miracle to transform human nature +at once, such a war would be fatal to its claim. But no such claim can +be made for Christianity. It is a great human movement, a phase of the +gradual evolution of man, governed by conscience and reason, out of the +brute, governed by appetite and passion. + +Man as he is seen in the world to day is an unfinished product. He is in +the making. The best that can be said of a Christian is that he is +further along toward the goal of humanity than the barbarian. +Theological doctrines such as the Trinity, the Atonement, and the like +are not the essential doctrines of Christianity. The essential doctrine +is that life is a struggle for others as well as for self; that in this +struggle every one owes a duty to his neighbor, and the stronger he is +and the greater the need of his neighbor the more imperative is his +duty; that as the father and the mother care for, educate and govern +their child until he grows able to care for, educate and govern himself, +so always the strong men and women owe the duty of protection, +education, and, in some measure, government to the weaker of the human +race until they have outgrown the need for it. + +In so far as autocracy is the rule of the few for the benefit of the few +it is paganism. In so far as democracy is the rule of the many for the +benefit of the many it is Christianity. He who believes this will +perhaps believe with me that in a true sense this is a religious war, +the war of conscience, honor, the moral sense against the rule of the +bayonet and the bullet. + +The cynic who thinks this war demonstrates the failure of Christianity +should not forget such facts as the heroic struggle of Belgium to +maintain her neutrality, the resolve of England at every cost to +maintain her pledges to Belgium, the Red Cross following the armies in +the field and ministering to the sick, the wounded and the suffering, +regardless of their nationality, the general kind treatment to +prisoners, accentuated by some very horrible exceptions, and all this +contrasted with the enslaving, torturing, the crucifying, the flaying +alive of prisoners captured in war by barbaric nations before the dawn +of Christianity. + +LYMAN ABBOTT. + +Cornwall-on-Hudson, Sept. 17, 1914. + + + + +VIGIL + +By HORTENSE FLEXNER. + + +I have waited with my mothers down the dim, uncertain ages, +I have waited in the cave and hut and tower, + From the first dawn's nameless fear + To the death-list posted here +I have slain my soul in waiting, hour by hour. + +Under pelt of beast, trap-taken, or the leaves by chance winds blow, +Under tunic, peasant hemp, or cloth of gold, + By the fire, in low flame burning, + I have crouched in silence, yearning, +And as now, my helpless heart has waited cold. + +Ancient is the part I play--like a cloak of heavy mourning, +I take it, bending, from a million women's hands. + They have worn it, they have torn it, + Agonizing, they have borne it, +And its folds are dark with heart-break of all lands. + +Oh, the woman figure standing, with the face toward the horizon, +Oh, the hand above the eyes to ease the strain! + Gaunt and barren, stricken, lonely, + With the empty memories only, +We have stood, the dry-eyed sentries of our pain. + +Nothing we can do to stop them, nothing we can say to hold them; +Taking sunlight, laughter, youth, they swing away, + And the things they leave grow strange, + House and street and voices change, +But the women and the burdened hours stay. + +I have waited with my mothers down the dim, uncertain ages, +While my children die, I pray the centuries through, + And I wonder in my fear + At the death-list posted here +If God has left the women waiting, too! + + + + +Nietzsche and German Culture + +By Abraham Solomon. + +_A Letter to The New York Evening Post._ + + +Sir: Those who trace the German militaristic doctrines to Nietzsche's +influence commit Pastor Mander's sin when he told Mrs. Alving to bar +from her library a book which he had never read. Nietzsche was an +inveterate enemy of efficiency, astigmatic with regard to practical +life, and he never worked out a philosophy in the accepted sense of the +term. He was a lyric poet who wrote psychology when he failed to sustain +the poetic mood. In the Engadine and at Sils-Maria, brooding in a rocky +void wherein he touched the sharp edge of infinity, he sang a Dionysian +hymn to life against the melancholy products of German learning and +against those Nihilistic snares which he thought lurked in Christian +doctrine. There he worked out the mystic idea of "Eternal Recurrence" +and his song of Zarathustra with the bell strokes of noon. + +What he knew of history he used for an analysis of values, and not for +State polity. He shrank from the irritations of reality, and he had +little patience with the national mania cultivated after Sedan, warning +his country that their victory was not one of a superior culture, that +Germany had no style but a barbaric mixture of many styles; and he +pointed out the essential difference between culture and erudition. + +His unfinished work, "The Will to Power," was an attempt to house his +lyric passions in an architectural frame. The facade of the structure, +as posthumously revealed to us, is an indication that he was really +engaged in building a Tower of Babel. Power, Affirmation, Yea-Saying he +considered the attributes of life, and he found in them recompense for +his weakness and his lack of capacity for happiness. He was a master of +the exquisite nuances of vision, but since he touched real life at the +circumference, and not at the centre, his philosophical valuations are +bizarre, and have only a literary value. + +It is superficial to make Treitschke and Bernhardi his disciples, as +some American writers have made Roosevelt his disciple. Treitschke is a +heavy-footed historian who raised the axiom of self-preservation into a +philosophy of force. Von Bernhardi's book, though extreme in its +expression, is based on the fundamental truth that if Germany desired a +just proportion of oversea territories (a proportion denied her by +England) she would have to gain it by force of arms. In the development +of this idea he makes many generalizations calculated to dazzle the +multitude and to imbue it with the courage to expansion. Treitschke +would have rested in obscurity but for the war; Bernhardi does not +pretend to talents as a philosopher. + +The real origin of Germany's policy in the last forty years may be +derived from the eminently practical and direct mind of Bismarck. From +reading of history he learned that chicane and force had been utilized +as the roads to power, of which fact he found ample demonstration in the +histories of England and Russia. He proved himself a true adept by using +chicane and force to achieve German unity, after the theorists had +failed. + +Those who glibly condemn a lyric philosopher in order to make out a case +against Germany reveal the weakness of their position. It is strange +that these lantern-eyed critics haven't cited Heine as an enemy of +democracy because he adored Napoleon. Was it because Heine lived for +years in Paris on the adulation of advanced feminines? + +ABRAHAM SOLOMON. + +New York, Oct. 13, 1914. + + + + +Belgium's Bitter Need + +By Sir Gilbert Parker. + + +_Sir Gilbert Parker, M.P., went to Holland at the request of the +American Committee for the Relief of Belgium a week ago to inquire into +the work of the committee and the needs of the Belgians._ + +_Sir Gilbert visited frontier towns and the camps of the refugees for +the purpose of making a personal investigation into the conditions. That +he is deeply impressed by the desperate need of the Belgians may be +gathered from the following graphic statement and appeal, dated Dec. 5, +1914, to the American people:_ + +Since the beginning of the war the hearts of all humane people have been +tortured by the sufferings of Belgium. For myself the martyrdom of +Belgium had been a nightmare since the fall of Liege. Whoever or +whatever country is to blame for this war, Belgium is innocent. Her +hands are free from stain. She has kept the faith. She saw it with the +eyes of duty and honor. Her Government is carried on in another land. +Her King is in the trenches. Her army is decimated, but the last +decimals fight on. + +Her people wander in foreign lands, the highest and lowest looking for +work and bread; they cannot look for homes. Those left behind huddle +near the ruins of their shattered villages or take refuge in towns which +cannot feed their own citizens. + + +Abyss of Want and Woe. + +Many cities and towns have been completely destroyed; others, reduced or +shattered, struggle in vain to feed their poor and broken populations. +Stones and ashes mark the places where small communities lived their +peaceful lives before the invasion. The Belgian people live now in the +abyss of want and woe. + +All this I knew in England, but knew it from the reports of others. I +did not, could not, know what the destitution, the desolation of Belgium +was, what were the imperative needs of this people, until I got to +Holland and to the borders of Belgian territory. Inside that territory I +could not pass because I was a Britisher, but there I could see German +soldiers, the Landwehr, keeping guard over what they call their new +German province. Belgium a German province! + +There at Maastricht I saw fugitives crossing the frontier into Holland +with all their worldly goods on their shoulders or in their hands, or +with nothing at all, seeking hospitality of a little land which itself +feels, though it is neutral, the painful stress and cost of the war. +There, on the frontier, I was standing between Dutch soldiers and German +soldiers, so near the Germans that I could almost have touched them, so +near three German officers that their conversation as they saluted me +reached my ears. + +I begin to understand what the sufferings and needs of Belgium are. They +are such that the horror of it almost paralyzes expression. I met at +Maastricht Belgians, representatives of municipalities, who said that +they had food for only a fortnight longer. And what was the food they +had? No meat, no vegetables, but only one-third of a soldier's rations +of bread for each person per day. At Liege, as I write, there is food +for only three days. + +What is it the people of Belgium ask for? They ask for bread and salt, +no more, and it is not forthcoming. They do not ask for meat; they +cannot get it. They have no fires for cooking, and they do not beg for +petrol. Money is of little use to them, because there is no food to be +bought with money. + +Belgium under ordinary circumstances imports five-sixths of the food she +eats. The ordinary channels of sale and purchase are closed. They +cannot buy and sell if they would. Representatives of Belgian +communities told me at Maastricht yesterday that the crops were taken +from their fields--the wheat and potatoes--and were sent into Germany. + + +No Work, but Taxes Continue. + +There is no work. The factories are closed because they have not raw +material, coal, or petrol, because they have no markets. + +And yet war taxes are falling with hideous pressure upon a people whose +hands are empty, whose workshops are closed, whose fields are idle, +whose cattle have been taken, or compulsorily purchased without value +received. + +In Belgium itself the misery of the populace is greater than the misery +of the Belgian fugitives in other countries, such as Holland, where +there have come since the fall of Liege one and a half million of +fugitives. To gauge what that misery in Belgium is, think of what even +the fugitives suffer. I have seen in a room without fire, the walls +damp, the floor without covering, not even straw, a family of nine women +and eight children, one on an improvised bunk seriously ill. Their home +in Belgium was leveled with the ground, the father killed in battle. + +Their food is coffee and bread for breakfast, potatoes for dinner, with +salt--and in having the salt they were lucky--bread and coffee for +supper. Insufficiently clothed, there by the North Sea, they watched the +bleak hours pass, with nothing to do except cling together in a vain +attempt to keep warm. + +Multiply this case by hundreds of thousands and you will have some hint +of the people's sufferings. + +In a lighter on the River Maas at Rotterdam, without windows, without +doors, with only an open hatchway from which a ladder descends, several +hundred fugitives spend their nights and the best parts of their days in +the iron hold, forever covered with moisture, leaky when rain comes, +with the floor never dry, and pervasive with a perpetual smell like the +smell of a cave which never gets the light of day. Here men, women, and +children were huddled together in a promiscuous communion of misery, +made infinitely more pathetic and heartrending because none complained. + +At Rosendaal, at Scheveningen, Eysden, and Flushing, at a dozen other +places, these ghastly things are repeated in one form or another. +Holland has sheltered hundreds of thousands, but she could not in a +moment organize even adequate shelter, much less comforts. + +In Bergen-op-Zoom, where I write these words, there have come since the +fall of Antwerp 300,000 hungry marchers, with no resources except what +they carry with them. This little town of 15,000 people did its best to +meet the terrible pressure, and its citizens went without bread +themselves to feed the refugees. How can a small municipality suddenly +deal with so vast a catastrophe? Yet slowly some sort of order was +organized out of chaos, and when the Government was able to establish +refugee camps through the military the worst conditions were moderated, +and now, in tents and in vans on a fortunately situated piece of land, +over 3,000 people live, so far as comforts are concerned, like Kaffirs +in Karoo or aborigines in a camp in the back blocks of Australia. The +tents are crammed with people, and life is reduced to its barest +elements. Straw, boards, and a few blankets and dishes for rations--that +constitutes the menage. + +Children are born in the hugger mugger of such conditions, but the good +Holland citizens see that the children are cared for and that the babies +have milk. Devoted priests teach the children, and the value of military +organization illuminates the whole panoply of misery. Yet the best of +the refugee camps would seem to American citizens like the dark and +dreadful life of an underworld, in which is neither work, purpose, nor +opportunity. It is a sight repugnant to civilization. + +The saddest, most heartrending thing I have ever seen has been the +patience of every Belgian, whatever his state, I have met. Among the +thousands of refugees I have seen in Holland, in the long stream that +crossed the frontier at Maastricht and besieged the doors of the +Belgian Consul while I was there, no man, no woman railed or declaimed +against the horror of their situation. The pathos of lonely, staring, +apathetic endurance is tragic beyond words. So grateful, so simply +grateful, are they, every one, for whatever is done for them. + + +None of the Refugees Begs. + +None begs, none asks for money, and yet on the faces of these frontier +refugees I saw stark hunger, the weakness come of long weeks of famine. +One man, one fortunate man from Verviers, told me he could purchase as +much as 2s. 8d. worth of food for himself, his wife, and child for a +week. + +Think of it, American citizens! Sixty-six cents' worth of food for a +man, his wife, and child for a whole week, if he were permitted to +purchase that much! Sixty-six cents! That is what an average American +citizen pays for his dinner in his own home. He cannot get breakfast, he +can only get half a breakfast, for that at the Waldorf or the Plaza in +New York. + +This man was only allowed to purchase that much food if he could, +because if he purchased more he would be taking from some one else, and +they were living on rations for the week which would represent the food +of an ordinary man for a day. A rich man can have no more than a poor +man. It is a democracy of famine. + +There is enough food wasted in the average American household in one day +to keep a Belgian for a fortnight in health and strength. They want in +Belgium 300,000 tons of food a month. That is their normal requirement. +The American Relief Committee is asking for 8,000 tons a month, +one-quarter of the normal requirements, one-half of a soldier's rations +for each Belgian. The American Committee needs $5,000,000 a month until +next harvest. It is a huge sum, but it must be forthcoming. + +Of all the great powers of the world the United States is the only one +not at war or in peril of war. Of all the foremost nations of the world +the United States is the only one that can save Belgium from starvation +if she will. She was the only nation that Germany would allow a foothold +for humanity's and for Christ's sake in Belgium. Such an opportunity, +such responsibility, no nation ever had before in the history of the +world. Spain and Italy join with her, but the initiative and resources +and organization are hers. + +Around Belgium is a ring of steel. Within that ring of steel are a +disappearing and for ever disappearing population. Towns like +Dendermonde, that were of 10,000 people, have now 4,000, and in +Dendermonde 1,200 houses have fallen under the iron and fire of war. +Into that vast graveyard and camp of the desolate only the United States +enters with an adequate and responsible organization upon the mission of +humanity. + +No such opportunity was ever given to a people, no such test ever came +to a Christian people in all the records of time. Will the American +Nation rise to the chance given to it to prove that its civilization is +a real thing and that its acts measure up with its inherent and +professed Christianity? + +I am a profound believer in the great-heartedness of the United States, +and there is not an American of German origin who ought not gladly and +freely give to the relief of people who, unless the world feeds them, +must be the remnant of a nation; and the world in this case is the +United States. She can give most. + +The price of one good meal a week for a family in an American home will +keep a Belgian alive for a fortnight. + +Probably the United States has 18,000,000 homes. How many of them will +deny themselves a meal for martyred Belgium? The mass of the American +people do not need to deny themselves anything to give to Belgium. The +whole standard of living on the American Continent, in the United States +and Canada, is so much higher than the European standard that if they +lowered the scale by one-tenth just for one six months the Belgium +problem would be solved. + +I say to the American people that they cannot conceive what this strain +upon the populations of Europe is at this moment, and, in the cruel +grip of Winter, hundreds of thousands will agonize till death or relief +comes. In Australia in drought times vast flocks of sheep go traveling +with shepherds looking for food and water, and no flock ever comes back +as it went forth. Not in flocks guided by shepherds, but lonely, +hopeless units, the Belgian people take flight, looking for food and +shelter, or remain paralyzed by the tragedy fallen upon them in their +own land. + +Their sufferings are majestic in simple heroism and uncomplaining +endurance. So majestic in proportion ought the relief to be. The Belgian +people are wards of the world. In the circumstances the Belgian people +are special wards of the one great country that is secure in its peace +and that by its natural instincts of human sympathy and love of freedom +is best suited to do the work that should be done for Belgium. If every +millionaire would give a thousand, if every man with $100 a month would +give $10, the American Committee for the Relief of Belgium, with its +splendid organization, its unrivaled efficiency, through which flows a +tide of human sympathy, would be able to report at the end of the war +that a small nation in misfortune had been saved from famine and despair +by a great people far away, who had responded to the call, "Come over +and help us!" + +GILBERT PARKER. + + + + +A CORRECTION. + + +Under the head of "Russia's 'Little Brother,'" on Page 364 of this +magazine history, in its issue of Dec. 26, 1914, appeared a statement +taken from The New York Sun of Oct. 12, 1914, and attributed to George +Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador at Washington. Our attention has been +called to the following editorial paragraph printed by The Sun on Oct. +14, embodying the Russian Ambassador's denial of its authenticity: + + The Sun on Monday printed in good faith what it believed to be + an authorized statement of the views and sentiments of Mr. + George Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador to the United States. + Ambassador Bakhmeteff telegraphs to us from Washington as + follows: + + "I most emphatically deny having spoken one single word to the + reporter who published an interview with me in your paper. I + have not even seen one, and must insist on your publishing + this very categorical and direct statement." + + Of course, we publish the Ambassador's denial not less in + justice to our readers and to ourselves than to him, at the + same time expressing our extreme regret that The Sun should + have been led to believe that it was presenting the Russian + case as viewed by Mr. Bakhmeteff with his full acquiescence. + +We add our cordial regret to that of The Sun that this repudiated +statement should have gained further circulation.--Editor. + + + + +[English Cartoon] + +Certainly Not! + + +[Illustration: _--From The Sketch, London._ + +TURKEY, THE OFFICE BOY (to his master): Please, Sir, can I have a day +off?] + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY +OF THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL. 1, JANUARY 9, 1915*** + + +******* This file should be named 16702.txt or 16702.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/6/7/0/16702 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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